it hath been much worse with us for in stead of reforming we were deforming and in stead of renouncing returning to Rome apace But all this while England wanted not its honour in the eyes of God and good men For God favoured it with men eminent in learning able and earnest assertors of the Doctrine of the Gospel against the Champions of Rome Bellarmine and his Fellowes such were Whitaker Reynolds Iewel Fulke Perkings c. with more practicall Preachers and Writers and a greater measure of the Power of Godlines then other reformed Churches Thus we see Non omnis fert omnia tellus Scotland had its advantages and so had England that neither they without us nor wee without them might be made perfect but that we might contribute to the reformation of each other and both to our neighbours You will pardon this digression I returne After King Iames had outgrown his tutors hankered after Spaine and was come into England He went about to pull downe what was built in Scotland for matter of discipline and interrupted the Liberty of the Assemblies as at Perth more especially though his nature was to accomplish his designes rather by artifice then by violence King Charles succeeds him in his Crowne and intention but drives more furiously then his Father and ventures the overturning all and so am I come to the late troubles of Scotland about the yeare 1638. At which time both Kingdomes had Bishops but Scotland first cast them off to which they had these advantages First their naturall Antipathy against Episcopacy which is generally remarkable in that Nation Secondly the absence of the King who was not there to countenance them with his presence and support them with his interest and authority as here It is no small advantage to have an absent King A King prevents the Factions of an Aristocracy His absence takes away the Enormities of a Court and the advantages to Tyranny And as they had more advantage so had they more reason to begin They had a Service-book put upon them against Law more corrupt then ours which was established by a Law then in force Their worke was but to assert their Rights against innovation ours to inlarge our Reformation and adde something de novo which is a much harder and a more questionable worke But however it was very happie for them and us that they had such an opportunitie hearts to use it as they did in standing in the breach like to be made upon the Religion and Liberties of both Kingdomes To come yet nearer This dispute betwixt the King and his Party on the one side the Lords and Ministers of Scotland on the other growes to blowes and Armies are prepared on each hand How stood the affection of the Commonaltie of England in this Cause How backward were they to raise men to pay money the Souldiers that were raised in many places fell to pulling downe Altars breaking Images as a worke which pleased them better then to goe against Scotland in that Cause And whilst some were preparing to fight against them many were actually stirring and wrastling with God for them in prayers Such was the affection they bore to that Cause and Kingdome And when the Parliament was called to which God made the Scottish broyles an advantage though the affaires of England could not long have stood in that temper they were in how tender were they of contributing any thing to the warre against them and chose rather to adventure their own dissolution then a breach with them And when they were the second time conveened even to this present Parliament how readily did they gratifie their brethren with a competent sum called brotherly assistance to be paid by this Kingdome for the injuries done by a Faction in it And this carriage of the Parliament is acknowledged to be worthy and obliging by the Convention of the Estates of Scotland in their Declaration premitted at their Entrance So that hitherto wee were not behind-hand with them It remaines then that this great obligation must arise from the present conjunction But if we consider the grounds the termes and issue it may appeare not to be extraordinary As for the grounds if this Author in his 28. Pag. already mentioned be not authenticke let me alledge those that are sc. the Convention in the short Declaration premitted at their comming into this Kingdome in Ianuary 1643. Where beside and before the Law of Love requiring us to beare each others burthen you may finde a Law of Nature mentioned injoyning them to preserve themselves by preventing their neighbours ruine It is indeed a kindnesse for a man to helpe to quench a fire in his neighbours house though his own be next but if his house had not been so neare it may be the man had been further off So that it was not a sole respect to us that brought them for that is no Fiction though it be Poetry Tua res agitur paries cum proximus ardet So much for the Ground The termes were as betwixt Strangers and Mercenaries though we love and embrace the title of brethren as appeares by the Treaty wherein it is required and agreed that England be at the whole charge of paying this Army the termes upon which they serve France and Holland and expected that this Kingdome be responsable for incident charges and losses What could be further asked And looke to the issue if God grant it when this Kingdome will be found to have afforded all the charge and most of the force for the preservation of England and Ireland directly and Scotland as really though by consequence for prius and posterius makes no great difference which was the case as this Author acknowledgeth Pag. 28. And thus have I given accompt of the true state as neare as I could learne it of the Obligations betwixt these two Kingdomes which afford this Result That wee should love one another As for the particular words which occasioned this discourse which are three times repeated in the Manifest sc. that the Scots were the cause of calling continuing preserving from ruine this present Parliament let me say thus much to them As for the calling it they were the occasion but not the cause As for the continuance of it this is the account Wee feeling the smart of broken Parliaments as also our debts and necessities calling for money it could not be borrowed but upon publique Faith this was not to be given but in Parliament whereupon a noble Gentleman Mr Pierrepont by name who was not then much acquainted with the Scots moved upon those grounds for an act of continuance of this Parliament and it passed As for the preservation of it from ruine this Clause following immediately upon the Authors discourse of the Scots refusing the Kings offers which he made them of the foure Northerne Counties c. if they would lend their hand to the Parliaments ruine induceth me to beleeve he meanes that not destruction for
Manifest Truth OR AN INVERSION OF Truths Manifest Containing a NARRATION of the Proceedings of the Scottish Army and a Vindication of the Parliament and Kingdome of England from the false and injurious aspersions cast on them by the Author of the said Manifest PROV. 18. 17. He that is first in his own cause seemeth just but his neighbour commeth and searcheth him Published by Authoritie LONDON Printed by M. S. for Henry Overton in Popes-head-Alley and Giles Calvert at the Spread Eagle at West end of Pauls 1646. THE PREFACE THough all possible care shall be taken that this ensuing Discourse may need no Apology yet the misconstruction it is lyable to in this quarrelsome age may require a Preface in which I shall not as the Author of Truths Manifest goe about to quicken the appetite of my Reader by a self-commendation but if I regarded the praise of men should much rather choose to be commended by another in the end of my worke then by my selfe in the beginning But out of a great and just tendernesse of doing or being thought to doe any thing which might tend to any alienation betwixt these happily united Kingdomes I thought fit to declare as followeth First that a hearty union betwixt the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland as it is most agreeable to Religion and the solemne Covenant so it is eminently requisite to their mutuall preservation both from the illegall intrenchments of their owne King and from the attempts of forreigne Princes or States for by such an inviolate conjunction they shall be kept from being instrumentall to each others ruine which hath lately been designed upon both successively by their owne King that he might become absolute Lord of them both to the prejudice if not ruine of Religion and Liberty As also Strangers especially the French shall be prevented in their wonted designe which hath been to raise and foment differences betwixt these Kingdomes and have been forward to assist Scotland against England not for love to Scotland but hatred or feare of England which they have looked upon as a dangerous Neighbour And let me adde further that the continuation and confirmation of this Union will not prove onely an Ornament to the Protestant Religion but a great advantage to the propagating of it and will also make us more capable of righting our selves Confederates and Allyes against any injuries or usurpations that are or shall be offered And I hope these apprehensions shall over-awe my pen that it walke very circumspectly in the ensuing discourse Secondly give me leave to say that this Union doth not necessarily inferre a confusion or mixture but may as well and it may be better stand with a full reservation to each of their peculiar Lawes Priviledges Governments and possessions It is hard if not impossible to find two persons that shall concurre to an universall compliance in their friendship but are glad to find a correspondence in some things and content to yield a mutuall forbearance in others This is more difficult to be found in States who have besides their diversities of Lawes and Government more differences of generall and particular Interests then private persōs are capable of And though through Gods mercy these two Kingdomes are more happy then other Confederates who like bodies exactly sphericall touch but in a point as they have occasion by their Ambassadours yet the nature of affaires and men permits not they should meet as two bodies exactly plaine in every point For though their Interests be the same sc the conservation of their Liberties against Tyranny and Religion the choycest fruite of their Liberty against any thing destructive to it yet the customes and constitutions of the Kingdoms and the dispositions of the people may be so different besides other incident disadvantages that an universall close is rather to be desired then expected and something must be left to time and more to him who alone challenges the Prerogative of fashioning mens hearts alike And it may be added that such an union is not onely not possible but not necessary for Conjunction being but a meanes to some further end is no further requisite then it conduces to that end of mutuall preservation There is indeed beside the benefit a native beauty in unity but to be violent in pressing of it is to scratch the face that it may be beautifull and when accomplishd as it is thought it will be found rather to be a paint then a naturall complexion I shall onely take Liberty to adde further that the pressing an exact uniformity in Church or a union of mixture in State the nature of persons and things not admitting it may hinder a union of conjunction in those things which are possible and necessary And I pray God it be not the Designe of some under the pretence of union in things presently impossible to promote a difference in that which is necessary Thirdly as this discourse springs not from any principle of disaffection to the Scottish Nation so I hope none will force any such conclusions from it beyond my meaning though without my guilt For my part I freely professe that I think it may in its owne nature as well as its intent tend more to the preservation of union then the occasioning of distraction Upon this ground we have patiently received and read two Manifests to which the Questionist from St. Andrewes hath added something not a little reflecting upon the Parliament and Kingdome of England the first untouch'd produced a second this second may bring forth and in the close of it intimates a third and possibly a worse till under pretence of justification of our brethren the charges against our selves may grow intolerable and occasion greater inconveniences Fourthly I hope the distance of time intervening betwixt the booke and the Answer cannot afford an objection against it First I staid to see if somebody that was more able or more concerned would undertake it Secondly it is a businesse of great tendernesse and importance and occasioned many thoughts of heart which did long delay it but could not prevaile against it For I am able truly to say with the Author of Truths Manifest that not so much the love and honour of my own Nation which yet I hope shall be alwayes deare to me as Covenant and conscience and consideration of the good of both Kingdomes have put me upon this worke and carried me through it for it is found that unequall complyances especially with natures not so good doe but make way for greater disadvantages which cannot alwayes be borne And though it be alwayes better to suffer wrong then doe it and sometimes better to receive wrong then require right yet the most beaten path to peace and justice which I thinke now it becomes me and others to walk in is neither to doe wrong nor to suffer it For though a man may part with his owne Right for publick advantage yet I know no Rule of parting with other mens
preservation But doe not the Publicanes so Could they doe lesse then forbeare the attempt of ruining that Parliament which had been so carefull to hinder all means of furthering the wrong or ruine of Scotland I know not what kindnesse it was not to doe it I am sure it had been barbarous cruelty and injustice to have done it but if the Gentleman meane they were the cause of our preservation positively by affording their seasonable helpe it is acknowledged upon the Grounds and Termes already mentioned sc. their own preservation as well as ours and full satisfaction The Manifest proceeds in declaring the readinesse of the Scots for the helpe of Ireland I will by no meanes extenuate the courtesie but that also is easily reducible to their own interest which they had reason to regard their labour being bestowed in Ulster which lay neare to Scotland and would have been a very ill Neighbour in the Rebels hands As also it may be considered that they had divers Scottish Plantations in those parts which it concerned them to doe their best to preserve for their love to their Countrymen and to keep off the burthen of their comming over to themselves But I deny not but they have suffered something from Ireland and done something for it and nodoubt with respect to Religion and the common good of these Kingdomes But I being not so well acquainted with those affaires forbeare to speake more of them Let the Brittish in Ulster speake After the narration of the Scots interposing with the King by Commissioners sent to Oxford and their resolution upon the successe of it already mentioned he proceeds to the Parliaments sending into Scotland for assistance and to aggravate the kindnesse of their comming he reflects upon the Parliament for not sending till their affaires were almost in despaire adding the danger of not calling for helpe till things were too low This low condition is described by him in the same page viz. The overrunning of the North the beating Sir William Waller at the Devizes surrendring Bristoll and Banbury Castle basely as he calls it Toward the clearing of the truth in this the Author affords us some helpe which I shall endeavour to make out as farre as truth will suffer His words that I shall make use of are these For the Parliament to try if they could do the businesse themselves without troubling the Scots was wisdome for what need you call for ayde and trouble your Neighbours when you can do your businesse alone Certainly the hopes of compassing our businesse without the helpe of an Army thence was the ground of their being no sooner called though this Author alledgeth other mysticall grounds pag. 30. But wee staid too long Not so long as the Gentleman mentions neither were our affaires so low as he expresses Wee have good reason to remember the time of our sending thither which was in Iuly 1643. But whereas it is said that Sir William Waller was ruined at the Vies and Bristoll taken before our sending The latter is absolutely denied for our Commissioners had not newes of the losse of Bristoll till they were in Scotland As for Sir William Wallers Defeate it is true he was scattered before the Commissioners went from London but the Commissioners were named and the Instructions preparing and the journey fully resolved on before that Defeate even when Sir William Waller had utterly spoyled Hopto's Army with continuall fighting And as for the subjection of the North to the Earle of Newcastle except Hull it is not strictly true for Wraisell-Castle likewise held out and was never taken by the Kings Forces But I acknowledge that added not much to the state of our affaires I seek not advantages I have too many given me Pag. 31. as also pag. 56. Upon mention of the Covenant for setling of the Church according to the Word of God and conforme to the best reformed Churches he addes and by name to the Church of Scotland This I take to be a falsification of the Covenant which when I tooke I understood to have no more reference to one reformed Church then to another no more to Scotland then New-England though I beleeve Old England uncapable of that Government is in New All that is particularized with respect to Church-Government on the behalfe of Scotland is that wee joyno in preservation of it against the common Enemy supposed by all to be Pupists and Prelates the plaine intent of which to me seemes to be an endeavour to preserve Scotland from any relapse to the corruptions they had escaped and not to preclude it from any further reformation if need should be I can hardly forbeare urging you with that of Iob cap. 13. ver. 7. Let us alledge faire and argue accordingly especially since your Title is Truths Manifest and mine Manifest Truths As for the Relation of their passing Northumberland with so little opposition yet so much want you are referred partly to the Narrative which is true as for the want spoken of it was not so great as is pretended neither was the Countie of Northumberland so much then wasted for it hath indured very much since but that it afforded many sheep which were killed by the Scots the first or second night of their Entrance If their want had been greater the fault had been partly their own who undertook to bring in fortie dayes provision which if it had been done would have given libertie for getting Provisions before-hand Pag. 35. 36. He gives a Relation of the raising the Siege at Yorke and the Battell at Marston Moore where the fault is laid wholly upon the Yorkeshire Horse which was not so but I referre to the Narrative Onely I must take notice of his extolling the service of the Major Generall of the Scotch Horse who is certainly a very able Commander But I must differ in that point with Truths Manifest For the Scotch Horse which he commanded on the left Wing were none of them drawne up in the Front that day nor yet the next Reserve as I am informed but as a Reserve to the Reserve and being weaker Horse then my Lord Manchesters were designed rather to the Chace if God should so blesse us then to the Charge What whole bodies they charged I know not but have made the best inquirie I can As for the provocation which the Author had to magnifie the fore-named Gentleman by the unseemly appellation of the Saviour of the three Kingdomes for so I beleeve he meanes though it be printed the Savour given to Lieutenant Generall Cromwell for ought I heare it was attributed to him by a Scottishman Major Generall Craford by name which he could not help and I hope and thinke I may say that he is angry at the expression his modesty and piety in that respect hath been answerable to his valour and successe and upon a strict examination you will find that he was in the field to the last though his service might be a little hindred
settle a Reformation among them God forbid that I should be one of those ingrate children mentioned and cryed out on by this Author It is farre from my thought or purpose to deny or to diminish the kindnesse of our brethren whose help was desired and was seasonable but let us understand our selves and how the matter stands betwixt these two Kingdomes We are indebted to Scotland I wish an even reckning and long friendship but I am not yet of opinion we owe our selves to them and if the Author of the Manifest be consulted you shall find an intimation of some other Obligations then meere kindnesse unto us As for instance pag. 24. It is said that the Scots when they began to interesse themselves in this businesse they could not in Conscience and honesty sit quiet any longer and neither say nor doe but I take no advantage of this we are beholding to men for doing what in conscience and honesty they are bound though they should hurt themselves more in violating Conscience and honour then in suffering us to be violated To this you shall find a more externall ground added pag. 28. viz. Now the State of Scotland seeing the common Enemy come to that height that nothing will satisfie him but totall subversion of Church and State inthese Dominions onely they perhaps might be kept for the last though in intention they had been the first judge it not enough for their interest in the common cause to keepe an Army in Ireland but to bee upon their Guard at home and to help their Brethren in England with the Sword since all other meanes so often tryed were disappointed by the malice of the Enemies And this resolution is said to have been taken before Commissioners were sent from England to desire their assistance Pag. 30. So that you may observe the Enemy was a common Enemy the Cause a common Cause the danger to these Dominions the Scots like to suffer as deep though not so soone if they had sate still But give me leave paulo altius repetere and to consider the ancient mutuall tyes and later friendships betwixt these Kingdomes which may be a good meanes to continue and confirme their present correspondence So long as these Kingdomes were under divers especially popish Princes their condition was like that of Israel 2. Chron. 15. 3. when it was without a true God without a teaching Priest and without Law At which time there was no peace to him that went out nor to him that came in but great vexations were upon all the Inhabitants of the Countries and Nation was destroyed of Nation and City of City The mutuall spoyles and losses of these neighbour Kingdomes being well considered by that wise Prince Henry the seventh he layes a probable foundation of conjunction in giving his eldest Daughter to the King of Scots whose posterity upon the failing of the issue of his Sonne Henry the eight might inherit both Kingdomes which hath since come to passe In the time of Edward the sixt it was thought fit by that Prince whose wisdome and vertue was beyond his yeares and his Councell to make the conjunction more sure and therefore agreed with the Kingdom of Scotland for a Match betwixt this young King and the Daughter of Iames the fifth afterward Queen of France and Scotland But the Polititians of those times in Scotland chose rather to marry their young Princesse to France then England it may be forecasting upon the faile of issue in Henry the eights children that it would be more for their advantage to have a Scottish-man or a French-man King of England then an English-man of Scotland though if I may speake it without offence I think they might have had more comfort in that young Prince Edward 6. had God continued his life and reigne then England hath had of the two Kings they have had from Scotland of whom Truths Manifest sayes That there hath been more Christian bloud shed in these latter yeares under the end of King Iames his and King Charles his Reignes by their Commissions Approbations Connivences and not forbidding what at home and what abroad all which upon the matter they might have stopped if it had been their pleasure then were in the time of the ten Romane Persecutions But although the English had received some dis-ingagement by the non-performance of that Match which was aggravated on both parts by a Fight at Musselborough field yet when the Scots were sore troubled and their Religion Liberty indangered by the said Queene returned from France into Scotland who called the French in to her assistance against her native Subjects the renowned Queene Elizabeth and her prudent Councell though this Kingdome had continuall warre with Spaine yet feared not to provoke the French by affording seasonable helpe to her distressed Neighbours sending to their reliefe 6000 men which were maintained at the charge of the Kingdome of England Which was then thankfully and justly called to minde by the Kingdome of Scotland when this last treaty was to be made So that if we breake off here the kindnesse rests not on our part But I shall as gladly proceed to repeate the good turnes done to this Kingdome as by it and rejoyce in the mutuall obligation And that I may not breake in too suddenly upon the late affaires of these Kingdomes give me leave as a manuduction thereto to give a briefe touch of the Method of Reformation in this Island and but a word for the body of the Story may be had elswhere It pleased God at the bringing of this Island out of Popery to honour Scotland with a more full departure from Romish Idolatry and Superstition for though England wholly renounced their Doctrine yet some dregges of discipline and superstitious Ceremonies remained The Scots had indeed some advantages that wee had not Their Queene was obnoxious their young King in his nonage they had some Nobles and Ministers zealous and well affected so that through Gods blessing they obtained a Reformation in that point though not with so little difficulty as should give them ground to expect it should be done here on a suddaine But as for England in Queene Elizabeths time shee had so much trouble for Holland with Spaine and in Ireland that her Councell thought not fit to adventure upon the trouble of an alteration in this point which they foresaw and wee finde to be great And besides many of our Reformers being Bishops could not so well understand the convenience of their own abolishment In King Iames his time though wee might have expected to have been better in regard he came from a reformed Kingdome yet it was far worse with us for he came with an innate bitternesse against Puritanes which was fomented by our English Bishops so that he became a great Persecutor of unconformity And according to the Proverb Seldome comes a better since the Reigne of this King especially since the preferment of the late Archbishop of Canterbury
discourse Pag. 67 68 69. occasioned by a Speech uttered publiquely by one to this purpose That the maine quarrell the Parliament stood for at first and thereafter did take up armes for was not Religion nor the reformation of the Church but the freedome and libertie of the Subject Which saying he pleads to be injurious but handles it injuriously for he makes the sense of that speech to be this The Parliament did not from the beginning intend a true reformation of Religion wch it affords not the Parliament may intend reformation and yet not fight for it And without prejudice to the Parliament let me declare my opinion The Parliament I doubt not did looke at Religion as the foundation and perfection of the Kingdomes happinesse and had it chiefly in their eye Some indeed have thought them more intent to Liberty upoÌ„ a mistake they could not be earnest for Religion unlesse they were for Liberty which is the fence and preservative of the practise of it But yet if I were asked the ground of the Parliaments taking up armes de facto I should not answer the reformation of Religion for I make some question whether Religion especially the reformation of it be so proper a quarrell for the sword but that seeing the King instead of suffering Justice to be executed upon offenders prepared violence against the Parliament and in it against our liberty with all the fruits of it of which the enjoyment of Religion was the choicest they raised an Army to defend us and themselves that they might sit with freedome and liberty to performe their trust for the preservation and reformation of the Kingdome which they have attended as much as the difficulties and distractions of the times would permit And to that end called an Assembly of Divines that they might from them receive some light to direct them in the execution of their power in matters of Religion He spends some further time in discussing that Position Whether Liberty were the maine quarrell I answer They looked at Libertie primò but not primarioÌ„ Religion as the furthest end but Liberty as the next meanes The infringement of libertie gives advantage to corruption in Religion as our Adversaries well know when they with equall pace brought on slavery and superstition Here the Author takes a needlesse ground to tell the people that which is not true That they are in a worse case in respect of Liberty then formerly by paralleling Committees with the Star-Chamber and Taxes with Ship-money This sounds more like sedition then truth For howsoever Committees may be guilty of partialities and miscarriages yet their maine intent is our preservation not our burthen as the other Courts were And we have now a better appeale from a Committee to the Parliament then we had from the Star-chamber to the King Injury may be done now as well as then but not so professedly or with so little remedy And as for taxes heavier then Shipmoney I wonder either at your face or at your judgement In the beginning of the 70 pag. you make a plaister of the necessitie of taxes but it is not so wide as the wound The wiser of the people see and discover your fallacious dealing and see a great deale of difference betwixt the Kings destroying their right in Ship money and the Parliaments preserving their right notwithstanding taxes which I hope will not last long I passe to the second exception against the new Modell pag. 72. 74. which is led up by a story of the Kings courting the Scottish Officers and his successe which I meddle not with The exception is that at the making of the New Modell were cashiered of the Scots in one day above two hundred brave fellowes I answer the Parliament were entring upon a way of good husbandry in reducing their Armies and it may be they thought these brave fellowes would be too chargeable But in earnest you say two hundred of the Scots were cashiered you should have used a milder terme and said reduced Cashiering implyes a fault Reduction none As two hundred Scots so soure hundred English were at that time put out of employment and brave fellowes too for ought I know It 's strange to mee that the Parliament of England should not without exception forme an Army as seemes best to them for their own defence and the Kingdomes Especially when the Scots had so great an Army in England and another in Ireland where employment was to be had But the Parliament to shew they had no nationall respect named foure Colonels of the new Modell and some Captaines besides a Lievtenant Colonel who is adjutant Generall of their foot a place of great trust who all except the last refused to serve The grounds of their laying downe are said to be three First because the rest of their Countrymen were not employed There was no use of them if we had men of our own Nation they were in reason to be preferred â—eteris paribus and it is not without its exception that they will not serve unlesse so many together Secondly They were nominated to inferiour employments that is a question they were but Major Generalls to Major Generalls and Commanders of parties but I stand not upon that Let the Earle of Manchester Sir William Waller be Generalls yet those Gentlemen knew that in the places they came from beyond Sea if they returned they must accept of such employments as these or lower and I hope we shall not have a perpetuall warre in England Sudden risings from a Lieutenant Colonell to a Lieutenant Generall must have fudden falls Thirdly Men unacquainted with warre and averse to the Covenant should have been employed with them from whom they could not expect true sellowship or obedience to Orders The men have confuted your Exception for Military vertue by their diligence and valour And though there be in the Army men that have taken the Covenant and make conscience of it yet if there be any that have not there is no discord but all unanimously prosecute the ends in the Covenant so farre as they are matter of Warre As for your question Whether the Parliament in leaving out some or the Officers not left out in laying downe their Commissions were more in the Wrong It 's answered neither of them in the Wrong Me thinkes he that considers how faithfull and how succesfull the Army under Sir Thomas Fairfax hath been and reckons up Naseby Leicester Langport Bridgewater Sherborne Bristoll Basing Winchester Barkley and other Honour which God hath put upon that Army should be well content with the New Modell But an Objection followes But God hath blessed the honesty and piety of some men extraordinarily in the new Army so that great things are done by it This is a sad objection but you answer'd it by acknowledging the good done but no thanks to the profession of Holinesse of this or that man they will joyne with you and say in the Apostles language Acts 3.
Bristoll with receiving Mr. Fiennes especially the retaking of the Towne affording an Argument à majore ad minùs What is the quarrell the Gentleman had before surrendred it for which he was sentenced by a Councell of Warre As for the Councell of Warre I beleeve they were guided by honour and Conscience in what they did And by vertue of the Article obliging the Governour of a Towne to hold out to extremity condemned the Gentleman The Generall remitting the summum jus concurred not for execution of the sentence the gentleman lives and does well may he long do so he hath left the Camp he followes the Counsell a worke sutable to his parts acknowledged by this Author to be fit for a Senate You complaine of his friends for putting him upon an imployment of which you say he was not capable but are you free from blame to deny him an imployment for which you acknowledge him so well fitted he never was engaged neither in Counsell nor in Armes against this Cause as some who are to be found in other Counsells or Armies but parciùs ista I adde but this the Gentleman hath received some wrong by this charge but the Parliament more it being an injust reflection upon their Wisdome and Priviledge that they should be taxed for dealing with their owne Members as they thinke best for the publick good of the Kingdome As for that passage of Souldiers bawling in the fields Coblers pratling in Tubs in stead of preaching Ne saevi magne Saeerdos Quam scit uterque libens censebo exerceat artem Pag. 122. He proceeds to exagitation of a piece of a Letter written from Lieutenant Generall Cromwell upon the taking of Bristoll First he wonders the latter part of the Letter now published by him was suppressed by that Authority that printed the other part It is no wonder that the Parliament intending to recommend to the people matter of thanksgiving should not with-hold that part of the Letter wherein there were some passages tending rather to doubtfull disputation then undoubted gratulation which I conceive was the reason of it It is a greater wonder to me that this Author should so confidently print it when the Parliament had forbid it As for the expressions of the Letter recited and animadverted I hold not my selfe obliged to say any thing I am no mans Champion but an Advocate to the truth and a servant not as I am like to be taxed a Parazite to the Parlialiament but if I were minded to call the Letter and the Annotations upon it to a review it were easie to find as may irregularities in the notes as the Author of the Manifest doth in the Text From hence the Manifest finds an easie passage to the Independents aggravating their ill Pag. 127. extenuating their good service Pag. 128. I am loath to leave so ill a relish in the minds or mouthes of the Readers as to repeate the imputations but take them as they are Men that serue themselves into imployment engage the Pamphleteers to set forth lyes and tales for them causers of disturbances blasphemies heresies violation of the Covenant underminers factious guilty of a malicious plot bringers of confusion into the Church and consequently Anarchy into the State men that doe all for by-ends that joyne with others as the Papists with Malignants for their own Interests Tantaene animis coelestibus irae To this I answer in the words of the Apostle Iames My beloved brethren let every man be swift to heare slow to speake slow to wrath for the wrath of man worketh not the righteousnesse of God I cannot conceive how they that are singly Independents that is men dissenting from other Governments in the constitution and ordering of a Congregation should deserve so much bitternesse First they desire a liberty of collecting their members from severall Parishes and would have an union of hearts rather then a neighbourhood of houses to make up a Congregation It cannot be denied but that this would produce many inconveniences which no doubt will be remonstrated but me thinkes if it be not tolerable for its consequents it should be pardonable for its grounds arising from a desire of all possible puritie in an Assembly Wee shall all be in this point Independent in our desires and endeavours and must be constrained to set up a Congregation within a Parish when wee debarre one halfe from the Sacrament and admit the other which is like to be the case in many places Secondly they defire a liberty to ordaine their own Officers This is the practice of Presbyterians also for all Officers but Pastors To their admission also the reasonable consent of the people is allowed and the approbation which gives life to the Ordination Thirdly they desire a freedome from the Presbyteries and Synods An association of Churches me thinks they should not deny a necessitie of Synods they allow the difference is whether the acts of such meetings should be by way of advice or authority whether the meetings should be setled or occasionall for reconciling these let us consider the one would have State-meetings the other upon emergencies both agree they should be as ost as necessity is and no oftner in case it be oftner it is as nothing to that Congregation which hath no reference thither As for that of advice and authoritie I have read a position in Voetius the Professor of Theology at Utretcht a very learned man and a Presbyterian to this purpose Potestas Ecclesiae est directiva non jurisdictiva It is to be found in a disputation de unione regimine Ecclesiarum wherein are many things that sound to moderation but this difference I beleeve will finde more dispute in notion then opposition in action I should wave both the debates of jus divinum in Presbyteries and the authority of Assemblies and remit things to the practice If the dictates or rather directions of a Presbytery or Synod be agreeable to the Word of God and publique Peace and edification I should embrace them were the Authority of a Synod never so little were they repugnant to these rules and ends either in themselves or my apprehension which yet I should strive to get informed with all diligence and humility I must be spared were their authority never so great The next and indeed the last thing of moment is the London-Petition which this Author approves and prints and contests with the Parliament about the receiving Petitions in generall and this in particular But this Gentleman and I are of so different tempers that I shall not take so much liberty to dispute on the behalfe of the Parliaments Priviledge and practice in this particular as he doth against it They best know their own Priviledges and how to maintaine them This I know that there is no better way to preserve the peoples liberty then by keeping inviolate the Parliaments Priviledge If there be a necessity of Rulers for the conservation of Liberty as there is there is an equall necessitie of preserving the authority of those Rulers especially employing their endeavours for publique good as the Parliament doth The Petition was well framed for the substance of it and is granted for the maine if the Parliament thought it too binding and particular and judged better to grant the thing then receive the Petition who need find fault when they that Petition are gainers and they that grant are no losers As for the Citie of London their deserts are such of this Cause and Kingdome that I am confident no reasonable thing much lesse religious will be denied them and I am as confident they will aske no other They understand the need and use the Parliament have had and have of them and they also apprehend the neare relation and dependance they have upon the Parliament and may easily foresee the fractions would arise in so great a multitude did not the countenance and Authoritie of Parliament restraine Their mutuall advantage depends upon their agreement which whosoever goes about to interrupt let them be divided in Iacob and scattered in Israel For a close let me take that passage of the Manifest concerning the endeavour of the enemy to divide the Nations and his own hopes to which I adde mine that they shall not prevaile Certainly our endeavour should be to prevent the fulfilling of theirs especially in a thing so important to Religion and the good of these Kingdomes The scrupulous thoughts of offence made me sometimes to forbeare this answer which yet I have endeavoured so to order as not to give any offence if it be taken I shall be sorry yet glad that it is not given It may possibly breed me some disquiet but why should I purchase my own peace with the losse of truth If I have incurred one trouble I am sure I have avoided another which was to me a great one sc. to see the obligations of this Kingdome aggravated their ingratitude recorded the Parliament affronted the Commissioners abused the people deceived these are things I have endeavoured to right forgive me this wrong I will trouble you no more unlesse this Author continue in a resolution of a fuller discourse as he intimates in the end of his Manifest which I desire might be forborne For if there be no remedy we shall also find a Reserve FINIS Postscript WHereas it may be said that this labour might have bin spared in regard of the Censure adjudged by Parliament to Truths Manifest I answer that there is as much difference betwixt a Censure and an Answer as betwixt the offence in writing the Booke and the hurt done by spreading it The Parliament have taken just notice of the fault but have not thereby prevented the mischiefe for since the Author was call'd in question the book hath been studiously dispersed and as I beleeve reprinted and hath found some Readers so confident as to say that the book was censured because it could not be answered the contrary of which doth now appeare Pag. 23. Pag. 29. Rom. 15. 20. Jam. 1. 19 20.