hath proved Concluded as the Spaniards are great Waiters upon Time ground their Plots deep upon two Points The one to profess an extraordinary Patronage Defence of the Roman Religion making account thereby to have Factions in both Kingdoms In England a Faction directly against the State In France a Faction that did consent indeed in Religion with the King and therefore at first shew should seem unproper to make a Party for a Forreiner But he foresaw well enough that the King of France should be forced to the end to retain Peace and Obedience to yeeld in some things to those of the Religion which would undoubtedly alienate the Fiery and more violent sort of Papists Which Preparation in the People added to the Ambition of the Family of Guise which he nourished â—or an Instrument would in the end make a Party for him against the State as since it proved and mought well have done long before As may well appear by the Mention of League and Associations which is above 25. years old in France The other Point he concluded upon was That his Low-Countries was the aptest place both for Ports and Shipping in respect of England And for Sciâ—uation in respect of France having goodly Frontier Townes upon that Realm And joyning also upon Germany whereby they might receive in at Peasure any Forces of Almaines To annoy and offend either Kingdom The Impediment was the Inclination of the People which receiving a wonderfull Commodity of Trades out of both Realmes especially of England And having been in ancient League and Confederacy with our Nation And having been also Homagers unto â—rance He knew would be in no wise disposed to either War Whereupon he resolved to reduce them to a Martiall Government Like unto that which he had established in Naples and Millain upon which suppression of their Liberties ensued the Defection of those Provinces And about the same time the Reformed Religion found entâ—ance in the same Countries So as the King enflamed with the Resistance he found in the first Part of his Plots And also because he mought not dispense with his other Principle in yielding to any Toleration of Religion And withall expecting a shorter work of it then he found Became passionatly bent to Reconquer those Countries Wherein he hath consumed infinite Treasure and Forces And this is the true Cause if a Man will look into it that hath made the King of Spain so good a Neigbbour Namely that he was so entangled with the Wars of the Low-Countries as he could not intend any other Enterprise Besides in Enterprizing upon Italy he doubted first the Displeasure of the See of Rome with whom he meant to run a Course of strait Conjunction Also he doubted it might invite the Turk to return And for Germany he had a fresh Example of his Father who when he had annexed unto the Dominions which he now possesseth the Empire of Almaign neverthelesse sunck in that Enterprize whereby he perceived that the Nation was of too strong a Composition for him to deal withall Though not long since by practise he could have been contented to snatch up in the East the Countrey of Emden For Portugal first the Kings thereof were good Sons to the See of Rome Next he had no Colour of Quarrel or pretence Thirdly they were Officious unto him yet iâ— you will believe the Genuese who otherwise writeth much to the Honour and Advantage of the Kings of Spain It seemeth he had a good mind to make himself a way into that Kingdom seeing that for that purpose as he reporteth he did artificially nourish the yong King Sâ—bastian in the Voyage of Affrick expecting that overthrow which followed As for his Intention to warr upon the Inâ—idels and Turks it maketh me think what Francis Guicciardiue a wise writer of History speaketh of his great Grandâ— Father Making a Judgement of him as Historiographers use That he did alwayes mask and vail his Appetites with a Demonstration of a Devout and Holy Intention to the Advancement of the Church and the Publick Good His Father also when he received Advertisement of the taking of the French King prohibited all Ringings and Bonfires and other Tokens of Joy and said Those were to be reserved for Victories upon Infidels On whom he meant never to warre Many a Cruzada hath the Bishop of Rome granted to him and his Predecessours upon that Colour Which all have been spent upon the Effusion of Christian Bloud And now this year the Levies of Germans which should have been made under hand for France were coloured with the pretence of Warr upon the Turk Which the Princes of Germany descrying not onely brake the Levies but threatned the Commissioners to hang the next that should offer the like Abuse So that this Form of Dissembling is Familiar and as it were Hereditary to the King of Spain And as for his Succours given to the French King against the Protestants he could not chuse but accompany the Pernicious Counsels which still he gave to the French Kings of breaking their Edicts and admitting of no Pacification but pursuing their Subjects with Mortall Warre with some Offer of Aides which having promised he could not but in some small Degree perform whereby also the Subject of France namely the violent Papist was enured to depend upon Spain And so much for the King of Spaines proceedings towards other States Now for ours And first touching the Point wherein he charâ—â—th us to be the Authours of Troubles in Scotland and France It will appear to any that have been well enformed of the Memoâ—iâ—s of these Affaires That the Troubles of those Kingdomes were indeed chiefly kindled by one and the same Family of the Guise A Family as was partly touched before as particularly dâ—voted now for many years together to Spain as the Order of the Iâ—suiâ—es is This House of Guise â—aving of late years extraordinarily flourished in the eminent Verâ—ue of a few Persons whose Ambition neverthelesse was nothing inferiour to their vertue But being of a House notwithstanding which the Princes of the Bloud of France reckoned but as strangers Aspired to a Greatness more then Civill and proportionable to their Cause wheresoever they had Authority And accordingly under Colour of Consanguinity and Religion they brought into Scotland in the year 1559 and in the Absence of the King and Queen French Forces in great numbers whereupon the Ancient Nobility of that Realm seeing the imminent danger of Reducing that Kingdome under the Tyranny of Strangers did pray according to the good Intelligence between the two Crowns hâ—r Majesties Neigh â—ourly â—orces And so it is true that the Action being very Just Honourable her Majesty undertook it expelled the Strangers and restored the Nobility to their Degrees and the State to Peace After when Certain Noble-Men of Scotland of the same Faction of â—uâ—se had during the Minority of the King possessed themselves of his Person to the end to abuse his Authority
thereupon takes Pen in hand and in stead of excusing himself sets down and contriveth a seditious and libellouâ— Accusation against the King and State which your Lordships shall now hear And sends it to the Majour And witâ—all because the Feather of his Quill might fly abroad he gives authority to the Majour to impart it to the Iustices if he so thought good And now my Lords because I will not mistake or mis-repeat you shall hear the Seditious Libell in the proper termes and words thereof Here the Papers were read MY Lords I know this Paper offends your Ears much and the Eares of any good Subject And sorry I am that the Times should produce Offences of this nature But since they do I would be more sorry they should be passed without severe punishment Non tradite factum as the Verse sayes altered a little Aut si tradatis Facti quoque tradite poenam If any man have a mind to discourse of the Fact let him likewise discourse of the punishment of the Fact In this Writing my Lords there appears a Monster with four Heads Of the progeny of him that is the Father of Lies and takes his Name from Slander The first is a wicked and seditious Slander Or if I shall use the Scripture phrase a Blasphemingâ— of the King himself Setting him forth for a Prince perjured in the great and solemne Oath of his Coronation which is as it were the Knot of the Diademe A Prince that should be a Violatour and Infringer of the Liberties Lawes and Customes of the Kingdome A mark for an H. the 4th A Match for a R. the 2d. The Second is a Slander and Falsification and wresting of the Law of the Land grosse and palpable It is truly said by a Civilian Tortura Legum pessima The Torture of Lawes is worse then the Torture of Men. The Third is a slander and false charge of the Parliament That they had denied to give to the King A Point of notorious untruth And the last is a Slander and Taunting of an infinite Number of the Kings loving Subjects that have given towards this Benevolence and free Contribution Charging them as Accessary and Coadjutours to the Kings Perjury Nay you leave us not there But you take upon you a Pontificall Habite And couple your Slander with a Curse But thanks be to God we have learned sufficiently out of the Scripture That as the Bird flies away so the causelesse Curse shall not come For the first of these which concerns the King I have taken to my self the opening and Aggravation thereof The other three I have distributed to my Fellows My Lords â— cannot but enter into this part with some Wonder and Astonishment How it should come into the Heart of a Subject of England to vapour forth such a wicked and venemous slander against the King whose Goodness Grace is comparable if not incomparable unto any the Kings his Progenitors This therefore gives me a Just necessary occasion to do two things The one to make some Representation of his Majesty Such as truly he is found to be in his Government which Mr. I. S. chargeth with Violation of Lawes and Liberties The other to search and open the Depth of Mr. I.S. his Offence Both which I will do briefly Because the one I cannot expresse sufficiently And the other I will not presse too far My Lords I mean to make no Panegyrick or Laudative The Kings delights not in it neither am I fit for it But if it were but a Councellor or Noble-man whose Name had suffered and were to receive some kind of Reparation in this High Court I would do him that Duty as not to pass his Merits and just Attributes especially such as are limitted with the present Case in silence For it is fit to burn Incense where evill Odours have been cast and raised Is it so that King Iames shall be said to be a Violater of the Liberties Lawes and Customes of his Kingdomes Or is he not rather a noble and Constant Protector and Conservator of them all I conceive this consisteth in maintaining Religion and the true Church In maintaining the Lawes of the Kingdom which is the Subjects Birth-right In temperate use of the Prerogative In due and free Administration of Iustice And Conservation of the Peace of the Land For Religion we must ever acknowledge in first place that we have a King that is the Principall Conservator of true Relâ—gion through the Christian World He hath maintained it not only with Scepter and Sword But likewise by his Pen wherein also he is Potent He hath Awaked and Reauthorized the whole Party of the Reformed Religion throughout Europe which through the Insolency and diverse Artifices and Inchantments of the advers part was grown a little Dull and Dejected He hath summoned the Fraternity of Kings to infranchise Themselves from the Usurpation of the see of Rome He hath made himself a Mark of Contradiction for it Neither can I omit when I speak of Religion to remember that excellent Act of his Majesty which though it were done in a Forraign Country yet the Church of God is one And the Contagion of these things will soon pass Seas and Lands I mean in his constant and holy proceeding against the Heretick Vorstius whom being ready to enter into the Chair and there to have authorized one of the most pestilent and Heathenish Heresies that ever was begun His Majesty by his constant opposition dismounted and pulled down And I am perswaded there sits in this Court one whom God doth the rather blesse for being his Majesties Instrument in that Service I cannot remember Religion and the Church but I must think of the seed-plots of the same which are the Vniversities His Majesty as for Learning amongst Kings he is incomparable in his Person So likewise hath he been in his Government a benigâ— or benevolent planet towards Learning By whose influence those Nurseries and Gardens of Learning the Vniversities were never morâ— in Flower nor Fruit. For the Maintaining of the Lawes which is the Hedge and Fence about the Liberty of the Subject I may truly affirm it was never in better repair He doth concur with the Votes of the Nobles Nolumus Leges Angliae mutare He is an Enemy of Innovation Neither doth the Universality of his own Knowledge carry him to neglect or pass over the very Formes of the Lawes of the Land Neither was there ever King I am perswaded that did consult so oft with his Iudges As my Lords that sit here know well The Iudges are a kind of Councell of the Kings by Oath and ancient Institution But he useth them so indeed He confers regularly with them upon their Retâ—rnes from their Visitations and Circuits He gives them Liberty both to enform him and to debate matters with him And in the Fall and Conclusion commonly relyeth on their Opinions As for the use of the Prerogative it runs within the ancient Channels
greatly advance her Glory That both by her timely Succours her Nâ—ighbour Kings were settled in their Rightâ—ull Thrones and the Suppliant People who by the ill Advisednesse of their Kings were abandoned and given over to the Cruelâ—y of their Ministers And to the Fury of the Multitude and to all manner of Butchery and Desolation were relieved by Her By reason whereof they subsist unto this Day Neither was She a Princesse lesse Benigne and Fortunate in the Influence of her Counsells then of her Succours As being One that had oftentimes interceded to the King of Spain to mitigate his wrath against his Subjects in the Netherlands and to reduce them to his Obedience upon some tolerable Conditions And further as being one that did perpetually and upon all occasions represent to the French Kings the Observation of their own Edicts so often declaring and promising peace to their Subjects I cannot deny but that these good Counsells of hers wanted the Effect In the former I verily believe for the Univeâ—sall good of Europe Least happily the Ambition of Spain being unloosed from his Fetters should have poured it self as things then stood upon the other Kingdoms and States of Christendom And for the latter the Blood of so many Innocents with their Wives and Children Slain within their own Harbours and Nests by the Scumme of the People who like so many Mastifes were let loose and heartened and even set upon them by the State would not suffer it which did continually cry unto God for Vengeance that so Blood-sucking a Kingdom might have her fill thereof in the intestine Slaughters and Consumption of a Civill War Howsoever she persisted to perform the part of a wise and loving Confederate There is another Cause also for which we may justly admire this Peace so constantly pursued and maintained by the Queen And that is that it did not proceed from any Bent or Inclination of those Times But from the Prudency of her Government and discreet Carriage of Things For whereas she her self was not without manifest Danger from an ill affected Party at home for the Cause of Religion And that the Strength and Forces of this Kingdom were in the Place of a Bulwark to all Europe against the then dreadfull and overflowing Ambition and Power of the King of Spain She might have apprehended just Cause of a War But as she was still ready with her Councell so she was not behind hand with her Forces And this we are taught by an Event the most Memorable of any in our time if we look upon the Felicity thereof For when as the Spanish Navy set forth with such wonderfull Preparations in all kinds the Terrour and Amazement of all Europe Carried on with almost Assurance of victory came braving upon our Seas It took not so much as one poor Cock-boat of ours nor fired any one Village nor landed one Man upon English Ground But was utterly defeated and after a shamefull Flight and many shipwracks quite dispersed So as the Peace of this Kingdome was never more Firm and Solid Neither was her Felicity lesse in Escaping Treacherous Attempts at home then in subduing and Defeating forrain Invasions For not a few Treasons plotted against her Life were most fortunately discovered and disappointed And this was no cause to make her lead a more fearfull or diffident life then before No new Encrease of her Guard No Immuring her self within her own Walls or Forbearing to be seen abroad But as one assured and confident And that was more mindfull of her Escape from Danger then of the Danger it self she was constant to her former Customes and Fashions Furthermore it is worth our labour to consider the Nature of the Times in which she Raigned For there are some Times so Barbarous and Ignorant that it is no greater matter to govern People then to govern a Flock of Sheep But this Queen fell upon Times of singular Learning and Sufficiency In which it was not possible to be eminent without admirable Endowments of wit and a Rare Temper of Vertue Again the Raignes of Women are For the most part obscured by their Husbands Upon whom all their Praises and worthy Acts do reâ—lect As for those that continue unmarried it is they that impropriate the whole glory and meriâ— to themselves And this was the peculiar Glory of this Princesse That she had no Props or Supports of her Government but those that were of her own making She had no Brother the Son of her Mother No Vnckle None other of the Royall Bloud and Linage that might be Partner in her Cares and an Vpholder of the Regall Dignity And as for those whom she raised to Honour she carried such a discreet Hand over them and so enterchanged her Favourâ— as they all strived in Emulation and Desire to please her best and she her self remained in all Things an Absolute Princesse Childlesse she was and left no Issue behind Her which was the Case of many of the most fortunate Princes Alexander the â—reat Iulius Caesar Trajan and others And this is a Case that hath been often controverted and argued on both â—ides Whilest some hold the want of Children to be a Diminution of our Happinesse As if it should be an Estate more then Human to be happy both in our own Persons and in our Descendants But others do account the want of Children as an Addition to â—arthly Happinesse In as much as that Happinesse may be said to be compleat over which Fortâ—ne hath no Power when we are gone Which if we leave Children cannot be She had also many Outward Gifts of Nature A tall Staâ—ure A comely and strait Making An extraordinary Majesty of Aspect â—oyned with a Sweetnesse A most Happy and Constant Healthfulnesse of Body Unto which I may add that in the full Possession both of her Limms and Spirits untill her last Sicknesse Having received no Blow from Fortuneâ— Nor Decay from Old Age she obtained that which Augustus Caesar so importunately prayed for An easie and undistempered passage out of this VVorld Which also is reported of Antoninus Pius that Excellent Emperour Whose Deaâ—h had the Resemblance of some soft and pleasing Slumber So in Queen Elizabeths Disease there was no ghastly or fearfull Accident No Idlenesse of Brain Nothing unaccustomed to Man in generall She was not transported either with desire of Life or Tediousnesse of Sicknesse or extremity of Pain She had no grievous or uncomely Symptomes But all things were of that kind as did rather shew the Frailty of Nature then a Deordination or Reproach of it For some few Dayes before her Death being much pined with the extream Drought of her Body and those Cares that accompany a Crown And not wonted to refresh her Self with VVine or any Liberall Dieâ— she was strook with a Torpour and Frigidity in her Nerves Notwithstanding which is rare in such Diseases she retained both her Speech and Memory and Motion though but flow and weak even to the
within the Kingdome to do her Hurt if no Forraign Enemy joyned with them But then about the three and twentieth year of her Raign there followed a Mighty Change And this Distinction of the Times is not any Device of mine but it is expressed in the publick Acts of that Time and as it were cut in Brasse For before that year was there never any Capitall or severe Punishment inflicted upon any of her Subjects as they had Relation to the Romish Religion by the Lawes formerly made But just then began that proud and vast Intention of Spain to conquer this Kingdome by little and little to shew it Self Of this the principall Part was to stir up by all means a Party within the Kingdome of such as were ill affected to the State and desirous of Innovation that might adhere to the Forrainer at his Landing For this they had no other Hopes then the Difference in Religion Wherefore they set it down to pursue this Course with all their power And the Seminaries at that time budding Priests were sent into England to plant and disperse a Love to the Romish Religion To teach and inculcate the power of the Popes Excommunication in freeing Subjects from their Allegeance And to awaken and prepare the minds of Men to an Expectation of a Change About the same time Ireland also was attempted by an Invasion And the Queens Name and Government traduced by sundry and scandalous Libells To be short there was an unusuall Swelling in the State the Forerunner of greater Troubles Yet I will not affirm that every Priest which was sent over was made of the Counsell or Privy to the Enterprise But that some of them became the wicked Instruments onely of other Mens Mallice Notwithstanding this is true and witnessed by the Conâ—â—ssions of many that almost all the Priests which were sent into this Kingdome from that aforenamed year unto the Thirtieth year of Queen Elizabeths Raign At what time that Design of the Pope and Spain was put into execution by those memorable Preparations of the Navy and Land-Forces Had in their Instructions besides other Parts of their Function to distill and insinuate iâ—to the People these Particulars It was impossibleâ— Things should continue at this stay They should see ere long a great change in this State That the Pope and Catholick Princes were carefull for the English if they would not be wanting to themselves Again sundry of â—he Priests did manifestly interpose themselves into those Consultations and Plots which tended to the undermining and Ruining of this Kingdome And which especially moved her Letters were intercepted out of divers parts that discovered the true Face of the Plot In which was written that they doubted not to go beyond the vigilancy of the Queen and State in the Matter of Catholicks For the Queen would onely have an eye least there should arise any Fit Head in the Person of some Lord or other Eminent Gentleman of quality under whom the Catholicks might unite But they had thought upon another course As namely by private Men and those but of mean Rank that should not confer nor scarce know of each others employment to prepare and mature the Businesse by the Secrecy of Confession And these were their Engines then which as hath appeared since in a case not much unlike are usuall and familiar to that Ordâ—r of Men. In this great Deluge of Danger there was a Necessity imposed upon Queen Elizabeth to restrain by some sharper Bands of Lawes that part of her Subjects which were alienated from her and had drunk too deep a Draught of this Poyson ever to recover And further which by their retired Living and Exemption from publick Offices were grown very Rich And moreover the Mischief daily growing when as the Cause thereof was ascribed to none other then the Seminary Priests Who had been nourished in Forrain Parts and received Exhibition from the Bounty and Almes of Forrain Princes professed Enemies to this State And who had conversed in such places where the Name of Queen Elizabeth was never heard but as of an Heretick and Excommunicate and Accursed Person And who though themselves sometimes had no hand in Treason yet they were known to be the intimate Friends of them that had And lastly who by their Arts and Poysons had infected and soured the Masse and Lump of the Catholicks which before was more Sweet and Harmlesse with a new kind of Leven and desperate Maliciousnesse There could no other Remedy be devised but by forbidding such Persons to enter into this Kingdome upon pain of their Lives Which at last in the 27 th year of her Raign was done accordingly Nay and when the event it self had confirmed this to be true I mean immediatly after that the dreadfull Tempest arose from Spain threatning no lesse then utter desolation yet did it nothing mollifie or turn the edge of these Mens Mallice and Fury but rather whetted it As if they had cast off all Naturall Affectionâ— to their Country As for the Times succeding I mean after the Thirtieth year of her Raign though indeed our Fear of Spain which had been the Spur to this Rigour had fairely breathed out or was well abated yet considering the Memory of Times past had made so deep Impression in Mens Hearts and Cogitations And that it would have seemed either Inconstancy to repeal those former Lawes or Sloath to neglect them The very Constitution of Things did suggest to the Queen that it was not safe to reduce them unto that State wherein they had continued untill the three twentieth year of her Raign Hereunto may be added the Industry of some Persons in improving the Revenues of the Exchequer And the Zeal of some other Ministers of Iustice which did never think their Country safe unlesse the Lawes were rigorously executed All which did importune and presse the Execution of the Lawes Notwithstanding the Queen for a manifest Token of her Royall Nature did so dull the edge of the Lawes that but a very few Priests in respect of their Number did suffer death Now all this which I have said is not by way of Defence For the Matter needes it not For neither could this Kingdom have been safe without it Neither were the Proceedings any way comparable or of kinn to those bloody and unchristianly Massacres in the Catholick Countries Which proceeded meerely from Rancour and Pride and not from any necessity of State Howsoever I hope I have made my first Assertion good That she was Moderate in the Point of Religion And that the Change which happened was not in her Nature but upon the Necessity of the Times Now for the Constancy of Queen Elizabeth in Religion and the observance thereof I know no better Argument then this That although she found the Romish Religion confirmed in her Sisters dayes by Act of Parliament And established by all strong and potent Meanes that could be devised And to have taken deep Root in this Kingdom And
Stiles Esquire of the Inner Temple 120. The Saints Comfort in Evil times 120. Gods Revenge against Murther in thirty Tragical Histories by I. Reynolds in Fol. the third Edition Whereunto is newly added the Sculptures Pictures of the Chief Persons â—entioned in every Histoâ—y graven in Copper-plates and fixed before each History With a Satisfactory Epistle of the Stationer Sylva Sylvarum or a Natural History in ten Centuries Whereunto is newly added The History of Life and Death or the Prolongation of Life Both written by the Right Honorable Francis Lord Verulam In Foâ—io 1651. The Magnetique cure of Wounds The Nativity of Tartar in Wine The Image of God in Man Also another Treatise of the Errors oâ— Physicians concerning Defluxions both published in Englishâ— 40. 1650. With The Darkness of Aâ—heism dispelled by the light of Nature All published by Dr. Charleton Physician to the late King 40. 165â— A Discourse conceâ—ning the King of Spâ—ins surprizing of the Valtoline Translated by the Renowned Sir Thomas Râ—e many times Embassador in Forein parts 40 The Roman Foot and Denaries from whence as from two principles the measure and weights may be deduced by Iohn Greaves of Oxford â—0 1647. A Treatise of the Court Written in French by that great Counâ—ellour De Refuges many times Embassador for the two laâ—t French Kings Englished by Iohn Râ—â—â—â—ld â—0 The Hebrew Commonwealth Translated out of Petrus Cunâ—us in 120. 1653. Hugo Grotius his two Treatises Of God and his Providence and Of Christ and his Miracles together with the said Authors judgement of sundry Points controverted in 120. Both Translated by Clem. Barksdal Certamen Relâ—giosum or a Conference between the late King of England and the late Lord Marquess of Worcester concerning Religion 40â— 1652. The Battel of Agencourt fought by Henry the 5th The Miseries of Queen Margareâ— with other Poems by Mic. Drayton Esq 80. The Odes of Horace Selected and Translated by Sir Thomas Hawkins in 120. The Spanish Gallant instructing men in their Carriage to be beloved of the People Youths Behaviour or Decency in Conversation amongst men with new Additions of a Discourse of Powdring of Hair of black Patches and naked Breasts 80. 1651. The Tillage of Light A Treatise of The Philosophers Stone 80. The Right of Peace and Warr in 3. Books written in Latine by the Illustrious Hugo Grotius together with the Life of the said Author in English 80. large 1654. A Sermon of the Nature of Faith by Barten Holyday Doctor of Divinity 1654. The Innocent Lady or the Illustrious Innocent written Originally in French by the learned Father de Ceriziers of the Company of Jesus rendred into English by Sir William Lower Knight 1654. A Disputation at Winchcomb in Glocestershire wherein much satisfaction given in many Fundamental Points of Religion in the presence of many Eminent Persons 1654. A brief Discourse of changing Ministers Tithes into Stipends or into another thing 1654. Plutarch's Lives in English with a New Addition of Twenty Lives never before published in English in Fol. 1657. FINIS 1. Part. 2. Part. 3. Part. 4. Part. 1 Contiâ—uance 2 Health 3 Peace 4 Plenâ—y and Wealth 5 Increase oâ— People 6 Reformation in Religion The speciall 〈◊〉 esâ—â—â—lished among uâ— by â—he puâ—ity of Religion Finenesse oâ— Money The Might oâ— the Navâ— Compaâ—ison of the state of England with the stateâ— abroad Afflicted in France Low-Countries Portugall Prosperouâ— as Scotland Poland Sweden Denmark Italy Germany Savoy Spâ—iâ— Câ—â—câ—rning the Conâ—ro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in our Church Concerning the Forrain Enemies of this State Concerning the State of the Nobility Concerning the State oâ— the Common subâ—ect Statutes concerning Scotland and the Scotish Nation Lawes Customes Commissions Offiâ—ersâ— of the Borders or Marches Further Union besides the Removing of Inconvenient and dissenting Lawes and Usages Points wherein the Nations stand already united Soveraignty Line Royall Suâ—jection Obedience Alien Naturalization Religion Church-Government Continent Borders Language Diâ—lect Leagues Confederacies Treaties Externall points of the Separation and Union The Ceremoniall or Mateâ—iall Crowns The Stiles and Names The Seales The Standards and Stamps Moneys Internall Points of Union 1 Parliament 2 Cousellâ— oâ— Estate 3 Offâ—cers of the Crown 4 Nobilities 5 Lawâ—â— 6 Courts of Justice and Administration of Lawes 7 Receits Finances and Patrimonies of the Crown 8 Admiralty Navy and Merchandizing 9 Freedomes and Liberties 〈…〉 These that follow are but indisgested Notes This Constitution of Reporters I obtained of the King after I was Chancellour and there are two appointed with a 100. l. a year a peece sâ—ipend * Thuanus These Letters following I find not in his Lordships Register-Book of Letters But I am enduced by the Stile and other Characters to own them to be his VVritten by Mr. Bacon for my Lord of Essex
protest That in Case this Realm should be invaded with a Forrain Army by the Popes Authority for the Catholick Cause as they term it they would take part with her Majesty and not adhere to her enemies And whereas he saith no Priest dealt in matter of State Ballard onely excepted it appeareth by the Records of the Confession of the said Ballard and sundry other Priests That all Priests at that time generally were made acquainted with the Invasion then intended and afterwards put in Act And had received Instructions not onely to move an Expectation in the People of a Change But also to take their Vows and Promises in Shrift to adhere to the Forrainer Insomuch that one of their Principall Heads vaunted himself in a Letter of the Devise sayingâ— That it was a Point the Counsell of England would never dream of Who would imagine that they should practise with some Noble-Man to make him Head of their Faction whereas they took a Course onely to deal with the People And them so severally as any One apprehended should be able to appeal no more then Himself except the Priests who he knew would reveal nothing that was uâ—tered in Confession So Innocent was this Princely Priestly Function which thiâ— Man taketh to be but a matter of Conscience and thinketh it Reason it should have free Exercise throughout the Land 4. Of the Disturbance of the Quiet of Christendom And to what Causes it may be justly assigned IT is indeed a Question which those that look into Matters of State do well know to fall out very often though this Libeller seemeth to be more ignorant thereof whether the Ambition of the more Mighty State or the Iealousie of the Lesse Mighty State be to be charged with Breach of Amity Hereof as there be many Examples so there is one so proper unto the present Matter As though it were many years since yet it seemeth to be a Parable of these Times and namely of the Proceedings of Spain and England The States Then which answered to these two Now were Macedon and Athens Consider therefore the Resemblance between the two Philips of Macedon and Spain He of Macedon aspired to the Monarchy of Greece as He of Spain doth of Europe But more apparently then the First Because that Design was discovered in his Father Charles the fifth and so left him by Descent whereas Philip of Macedon was the first of the Kings of that Nation which fixed so great Conceits in his Breast The Course which this King of Macedon held was not so much by great Armies and Invasions Though these wanted not when the Case required But by Practise By sowing of Factions in States and by Obliging sundry particular persons of Greatnesse The State of Opposition against his Ambitious procedings was onely the State of Athens as now is the State of England against Spain For Lacedemon and Thebes were both low as France is now And the rest of the States of Greece were in Power and Territories far inferiour The People of Athens were exceedingly affected to Peace And weary of Expence But the Point which I chiefly make the Compaâ—ison was that of the Oratours which were as Counsellours to a Popular State Such as were sharpest fighted and looked deepest into the Projects and and spreading of the Macedonians doubting still that the Fire after it licked up the Neighbour States and made it self Opportunity to passe would at last take hold of the Dominions of Athâ—ns with so great Advantages as they should not be able to remedy it were ever charged both by the Declarations of the King of Macedon and by the Imputation of such Athenians as were corrupted to be of his Faction as the Kindlers of Troubles and Disturbers of the Peace and Leagues But as that Party was in Athenâ— too Mighty so as it discountenaâ—ced the true Counsels of the Oratours And so bred the Ruine of that Stâ—te And accomplishedâ— the Ends of that Philip So it is to be hoped that iâ— a Monarâ—hy where there are commonly better Intelligences and Resolutions then in a popular State those Plots as they are dâ—tected already So they will be resisted and made Frustrate But to follow the Libeller in his own Câ—urse the Sum of that which he delivereth concerning the Imputation As well of the Interruption of the Amity between the Crowns of England and of Spain As the Disturbance of the generall Peace of Christendome Unto the English Proceedings and not to the Ambitiâ—us Appetites of Spain may be reduced into Three Points 1. Touching the Pâ—oceeding of Spain and England towards their Neighbour States 2. Touching the Proceeding of Spain and England beâ—wâ—en themselves 3. Touching the Articles and Conditions which it pleaseth him as it were in the behalf of England to Pen and propose for the treating and Concluding oâ— an Vniversall Peace In the First he discovereth how the King of Spain nâ—â—er offered Molestation Neither unto the States of Italy upon which he confineth by Naples and Millaine Neither unto the States of â—ermany unto whom â—e confineth by a part of â—urgundy and the Low-Countries Nor unto Portugall till it was devolved to him in Title upon which he confineâ—h by Spain But contrariwise as one that had in precious regaâ—d the Peace of Christendom he designed from the beginning to turn his whole Forces upon the Turk Oâ—ely he confesseth that agreeable to his Devotion which apprehended as well the purging of Christendom from Heresies as the Enlarging thereof upon the Infidels He was ever ready to give Succours unto the French Kingâ— agâ—inst the Huguonotts especially being their own Subjects Whereas on the other side England as he affirmeth hath not only sowed Tâ—oubles and Dissentions in France and Scotland The one their Neighbour upon the Continent The other divided onely by the Narrow Seas But also hath actually invaded both Kingdomes For as for the Matters of the Low-Countries they belong to the Dealings which have passed by Spain In Answer whereof it is worthy the Consideration how it pleased God in thâ—t King to cross one Passion by another And namely that Passion which mought have proved dangerous unto all â—urope which was his Ambition by another which was only hurtfull to himself and his own Which was Wrath and Indignation towards his Subjects the Netherlands For after that he was setled in his Kingdom and freed from some Fear of the Turk Revolving his Fathers design in aspiring to a Monarchy of â—urope casting his Eye principally upon the two Potent Kingdomes of France and England And remembring how his Father had once promised unto himself the Conquest of the one And how himself by Marriage had lately had some Possession of the other And seeing that Diversity of Religion was entered into both these Realmes And that France was fallen unto Princes weak and in Minority And England unto the Government of a Lady In whom he did not expect that Pollicy of Government Magnanimity Felicity which since he
all that he said Reducing him to the Times and places of the said Conferences he confessed the Matter As by his Confession in writing signed with his own Hand appeareth But then he fell to that slender Evasion as his last Refuge That he meant onely to cousen the King of Spain of the Money And in that he continued at his Arraignment when notwithstanding at the first he did retract his own Confession And yet being asked whither he was drawn either by Mean of Torture or promise of Life to make the same Confession he did openly testifie that no such Means was used towards him But the Falshood of this Excuse being an Allegation that any Traytour may use and provide for himself is convicted by three notable Proofes The first That he never opened this Matter neither unto her Majesty unto whom he had ordinary Accesse Nor to any Counseller of State to have permission to toll on and inveagle these Parties with whom he did treat if it had been thought so convenient Wherein percase he had opportunity to have done some good service for the further Discovery of their secret Machinations against her Majesties Life The second that he came too late to this shift Having first bewrayed his guilty Conscience in denying those Treaties and Conferences till they were evidently and manifestly proved to his Face The third that in conferring with Ferrera about the manner of his assurance he thought it better to have the Money in the Hands of such Merchants as he should name in Antwerp then to have brought it into England Declaring his purpose to be after the Fact done speedily to fly to Antwerp And there to tarry some time and so to convey himself to Constantinople where it is affirmed that Don Salomon a Jew in good credit is Lopez his near Kinsman And that he is greatly favoured by the said Don Salomon whereby it is evident that Lopez had cast his Reckonings upon the supposition of the Fact done Thus may appear both how justly this Lopez is condemned for the Highest Treason that can be imagined And how by Gods marvellous Goodness her Majesty hath been preserved And surely if a Man do truly consider it is hard to say Whither God hath done greater things By her Majesty or For Her If you obâ—erve on the one side how God hâ—th ordained her Government to break and crosse the unjust Ambition of the Two Mighty Potentates the King of Spain and the Bishop of Rome never so straitly between themselves combined And on the other side how mightily God hath protected her both against forrain Invasion and Inward Troubles And singularly against the many secret Conspiracies that have been made against her Life Therby declaring to the world that he will indeed preserve that Instrument which he hath magnified But the Corruptions of these Times are wonderfull when that Warrs which are the highest Trialls of Right between Princes that acknowledge no superiour Jurisdiction And ought to be prosecuted with all Honour shall be stained and infamed with such Foul and Inhumane Practises Wherein if so great a King hath been named the Rule of the Civill Law which is a Rule of Common Reason Must be remembred Frustra Legis auxilium implorat qui in Legem Committit He that hath sought to violate the Majesty Royall in the Highest Degree cannoâ— claim the preheminence thereof to be exempted from just Imputation AN ADVERTISEMENT TOUCHING THE CONTROVERSIES OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND IT is but Ignorance if any Man find it strange that the State of Religion especially in the Dayes of Peace should be exercised and troubled with Controversies For as it is the Condition of the Church Militant to be ever under Trials So it commeth to passe that when the Fiery Triall of Persecution ceaseth there succeedeth another Triall which as it were by contrary Blasts of Doctrine doth sift and winnowe Mens Faith And proveth whether they Know God aright Even as that other of Afflictions discovereth whether they Love him better then the World Accordingly was it foretold by Christ saying That in the latter times it should be said Lo here loe there is Christ Which is to be understood not as if the very Person of Christ should be assumed and counterfeitted But this Authority and preheminence which is to be Truth it self should be challenged and pretended Thus have we read and seen to be fulfilled that which followeth Ecce in Deserto Ecce in Penetralibus While some have sought the Truth in the Conventicles and Conciliables of Hereticks and Sectaries others in the Externe Face and Representation of the Chuâ—ch And both Sorts have been seduced Were it then that the Controversies of the Church of England were such as they did Divide the Vnity of the Spirit And not onely such as do unswaâ—h her of her Bands the Bands of Peace yet could it be no Occasion for any pretended Catholick to judge us or for any Irreligious Person to despise us Or if it be it shall but happen to us all as it hath used to do To them to be Hardned and to us to Endure the good pleasure of God But now that our Contentions are such as we need not so much that generall Canon and Sentence of Christ propounded against Hereticks Erratis nescientes Scripturas potestatem Dei. You do Err not Knowing the Scripture the Power of God As we need the Admonition of S. Iames Let every Man be swift to hear slow to speak slow to wrath And that the Wound is no way dangerous except we poyson it with our Remedies As the Former Sort of Men have lesse Reason to make themselves Musick in our Discord So I have good hope that Nothing shall displease our Selves which shall be sincerely modestly propounded for the appeasing of these Dissentions For it any shall be offended at this voyce Vos estis fratres ye are brethren why strive Ye He shall give a great presumption against himself that he is the Party that doth his Brethren wrong The Controversies themselves I will not enter into As judging that the Disease requireth rather Rest then any other Cure Thus much we all know and confess that they be not of the Highest Nature For they are not touching the high Mysteries oâ— Faiâ—h such as detained the Churches for many yeares after their first Peace what time the Hereticks moved curious Questions and made strange Anatomies of the Natures and person of Christ And the Catholick Fathers were compelled to follow them with all Subtilty of Decisions and Determinations to exclude them from their Evasions and to take them in their Labyrinths So as it is rightly said Illis temporibus ingeniosa Res fuit esse Christianum In those dayes it was an ingenious and subtill thing to be a Christian. Neither are they concerning the great parts of the Worship of God Of which it is true that Non servatur unitas in Credendo nisi eadem sit in Colendo There will be kept
end And in this Case she continued but a few dayes So as it cannot be called the Last Act of her Life but the First step to her Death For as it is a Miserable Condition to see the Facultieâ— of our Body buried before us And to survive long after them So it is a Faire and Naturall Conclusion of our Life when the Senses are by little and little layd asleep that the Dissolution of the whole should immediatly follow I will adde one Thing more to make up the full Measure of her Felicity which is that she was not only most Happy in her own Person but in the Abilities and vertues of her Servants and Ministers For she was served by such Persons as I suppose this Island never brought forth the like before her Times Now when God beareth a love to Kings no doubt he raiseth up the Spirits of Wise Servants as a concurrent Blessing There are two faire Issues of her Happinesse born to her since her Death I conceive not lesse Glorious and Eminent then those she enjoyed a live The one of her Successour The other of her Memory For she hath gotten such a Successour who although for his Masculine Vertues and Blessing of Posterity and Addition of Territories he may be said to exceed her Greatnesse and somewhat to obscure it Notwithstanding he is most zealous of her Name and Glory And doth even give a Perpetuity to her Acts Considering both in the Choice of the Persons and in the Orders Institutions of the Kingdome he hath departed so little from her So as a Son could hardly succeed a Father with lesse Noise or Innovation As for her Memory it hath gotten such Life in the Mouths and Hearts of Men as that Envy being put out by her Death and her Fame lighted I cannot say whether the Felicity of her Life or the Felicity of her Memory be the greater For if perhaps there fly abroad any factious Fames of Her raised either by Discontented Persons or such as are averse in Religion which notwithstanding dare now scarce shew their Faces and are every where cryed down The same are neither true neither can they be long liv'd And for this cause especially have I made this Collection such as it is touching her Felicity and the Marks of Gods Favour towards Her That no malicious Person should dare to interpose a Curse where God hath given a Blessing Now if any Man shall alledge that against me which was once said to Caesar We see what we may admire but we would fain see what we can commend Certainly for my part I hold true Admiration to be the highest Degree of Commendation And besides such Felicities as we have recounted could not befall any Princesse but such an one as was extraordinarily supported and cherished by Gods Favour And had much in her own Person Rare Vertues to create and work out unto her self such a Fortune Notwithstanding I have thought good to insert something now concerning her Morall Part Yet only in those things which have ministred occasion to some Mallicious Tongues to traduce her This Queen as touching her Religion was Pious Moderate Constant and an Enemy to Novelty First for her Piety Though the same were most conspicuous in her Acts and the Form of her Government yet it was Pourtrayed also in the common Course of her Life and her daily Comportment Seldome would she be absent from Hearing Divine Service and other Duties of Religion either in her Chappell or in her Privy Closet In the reading of the Scriptures and the writings of the Fathers especially of Saint Augustine she was very Frequent She composed certain Prayers her self upon emergent occasions Whensoever she named God though it were in common discourse she would for the most part adde The Title of Maker saying God my Maker And compose both her Eyes and Countenance to a Submisnesse and Reverence This I have often my self observed being in her presence Now whereas some have divulged her unmindfulnesse of Mortality in that she would never endure any Mention either of her Age or Death it is most false For she would often and that many years before her Death with a great deal of Meeknesse professe that she found her self grown an old Woman And she would sometimes open her self what she liked best for an Inscription upon her Tombe Saying That she loved no pompous or vain-glorious Titles but would onely have a Line or two for her Memory wherein her Name and her Virginity and the years of her Raign and her Establishing of Religion and her Maintaining of Peace should be in the fewest words comprehended It is true that whilest she was in her vigorous years and able to bear Children if at any time she were moved to declare her Successour she would make Answer That she would never endure to see her winding sheet before her Eyes And yet notwithstanding some few years before her death one day when she was in a deep Meditation and as it may be ghessed in that of her Mortality One that might be bold said unto her Madam there are divers Offices and great places in the state which you keep too long void She arose up in some displeasure and said I am sure my Office will not be long void As for her Moderateness in Religion I shall seem to be at a stand in regard of the Severe Lawes made against her Subjects of the Romish Religion Notwithstanding that which I shall say is no more then what I know for certain and diligently observed Most certain it is that it was the Firm Resolution of this Princesse not to offer any violence to Consciences But then on the other Side not to suffer the State of her Kingdome to be ruined under pretence of Conscience and Religion Out of this Fountain she concluded First That to allow Freedome and Toleration of two Religions by publick Authority in a Nation Fierce and Warlike And that would easily fall from Dissention of Minds to Siding and Blowes would bring inevitable Ruin to this Kingdome Again in the Newnesse of her Raign when there was a generall distrust she singled out some of the Bishops of the most Turbulent and Factious Spirits and commiâ—ted them to free Custody And this not without the warrant of Former Lawes As for the Rest either of the Cleargy or Laity she did not ransack their Consciences by any Sevâ—re Inquâ—sition but rather secured them by a gracious Connivency And this was the State of Things at the first Neither did she depart from this Clemency when the Excommunication of Pius Quinâ—us came Thundâ—ing against her which might both justly have provoked her and have ministred occasion to new Courses But howsoever she followed her Royall Nature still For as a wise Lady and of a high Courage she was not a whit terrified at the Roaring of a Bull Being well assured of her Peoples Love and Fidelity towards her As also of the Disability of the Popish Faction
Merchants should pay Strangers Custome in England that resteth upon the Point of Naturalization which I touched before Thus have I made your Majesty a brief and naked Memoriall of the Articles and Points of this great Cause which may serve onely to excite and stir up your Majesties Royall Iudgement and the Iudgement of Wiser Men whom you will be pleased to call to it Wherein I will not presume to perswade or disswade any thing Nor to interpose mine own Opinion But do expect light from your Majesties Royall Directions Unto the which I shall ever submit my Iudgement and apply my Travailes And I most humbly pray your Majesty in this which is done to pardon my Errours and to cover them with my good Intention and Meaning and Desire I have to do your Majesty Service And to acquiâ—e the Trust that was reposed in me And chiefly in your Majesties benign and gracious Acceptation FINIS THE BEGINNING OF THE HISTORY OF GREAT BRITAIN BY the Decease of Elizabeth Queen of England the Issues of King Henry the 8th failed Being spent in one Generation and three Successions For that King though he were one of the goodliest Persons of his time yet he left onely by his Six Wives three Children who Raigning successively and Dying Childelesse made place to the Line of Margaret his eldest Sister Married to Iames the 4th King of Scotland There succeeded therefore to the Kingdome of England Iames the 6th then King of Scotland descended of the same Margaret both by Father and Mother So that by a rare Event in the Pedegrees of Kings it seemed as if the Divine Providence to extinguish and take away all Note of a Stranger had doubledâ— upon his Person within the Circle of one Age the Royall Bloud of England by both Parents This sucâ—ession drew towards it the Eyes of all Men Being one of the most memorable Accidents that had hapned a long time in the Christian World For the Kingdome of France having been re-united in the Age before in all the Provinces thereof formerly dismembred And the Kingdome of Spain being of more fresh memory united and made entire by the Annexing of Portugall in the Person of Philip the second There remained but this Third and last Vnion for the counterpoizing of the Power of these three great Monarchies And the disposing of the Affaires of Europe thereby to a more assured and universall Peace and Concord And this Event did hold Mens Observations and Discourses the more Because the Island of Great Britain divided from the Rest of the World was never before united in it self under one King Notwithstanding the People be of one Language and not separate by Mountains or great Waters And notwithstanding also that the uniting of them had been in former times industriously attempted both by Warre and Treaty Therefore it seemed a manifest work of Providence and Case of Reservation for these times Insomuch as the vulgar conceived that now there was an End given and a Consummation to superstitious Prophecies The Belief of Fooles but the Talk sometimes of Wise Men And to an ancient tacite Expectation which had by Tradition been infused and inveterated into Mens Minds But as the best Divinations and Predictions are the Politick and probable Foresight and Conjectures of wise Men So in this Matter the Providence of King Hen. the 7th was in all Mens Mouths Who being one of the Deepest and most prudent Princes of the World upon the Deliberation concerning the Marriage of his Eldest Daughter into Scotland had by some Speech uttered by him shewed himself sensible and almost Prescient of this Event Neither did there want a Concurrence of divers Rare externall Circumstances besides the Vertues and Conditions of the Person which gave great Reputation to this Succession Aâ— King in the strength of his years supported with great Alliances abroad established with Royall Issue at home at Peace with all the World practised in the Regiment of such a Kingdome as mought rather enable a King by variety of Accidents then corrupt him with Affluence or vain glory And One that besides his universall Capacity and Judgement was notably exercised and practised in Matters of Religion and the Church Which in these times by the confused use of both Swords are become so intermixed with Considerations of Estate as most of the Counsailes of Soveraign Princes or Republiques depend upon them But nothing did more fill Forraign Nations with Admiration and Expectation of his Succession then the wonderfull and by them unexpected Consent of all Estates and Subjects of England for the receiving of the King without the least scruple Pause or Question For it had been generally dispersed by the Fugitives beyond the Seas who partly to apply themselves to the Ambition of Forreiners And partly to give Estimation and value to their own Employments used to represent the state of England in a false light That after Queen Elizabeths Decease there must follow in England nothing but Confusions Interregâ—s and perturbations of Estate likely for to exceed the Ancient Calamities of the Civill Wars between the Houses of Lancaster and York By how much more the Dissentions were like to be more Mortall and Bloudy when Forraign Competition should be added to Domesticall And Divisions for Religion to Matter of â—itle to the Crown And in speciall Parsons the Iesuite under a disguised Name had not long before published an expresse Treatise Wherein whether his Malice made hâ—m believe his own Fancies Or whether he thought it the fittest way to move Sedition Like evill Spirits which seem to foretell the Tempest they mean to move He laboured to display and give colour to all the vain Pretences and Dreams of Succession which he could imagine And thereby had possessed Many abroad that knew not the Affaires here with those his Vanities Neither wanted there here within this Realm divers Persons both Wise and well affected who though they doubted not of the undoubted Right yet setting befoâ—e themselves the waves of peoples Hearts Guided no lesse by suddain and temporary Winds then by the naturall Course and Motion of the Waters Were not without fear what mought be the Event For Queen Elizabeth being a Prince of extream Caution and yet One that loved Admiration above Safety And knowing The Declaration of a Successour mought in point of Safety be disputable But in point of Admiration and Respect assuredly to her Disadvantage Had from the beginning set it down for a Maxime of Estate to impose a Silence touching Succession Neither was it onely Reserved as a Secret of Estate but Restrained by severe Lawes That no Man should presume to give Opinion or maintain Argument touching the same So though the Evidence of Right drew all the Subjects of the Land to think one Thing yet the Fear of Danger of Law made no Man privy to others Thought And therefore it rejoyced all Men to see so fair a Morning of a Kingdome and to be throughly secured of former Apprehensions As
Affection and Intention For I hold it for a Rule that there belongeth to great Monarchs from Faithâ—ull Servants not onely the Tribute of Duty but the Oblations of cheerfulnesse of Heart And so I pray the Almighty to blesse this great Action with your Majesties Care And your Care with Happy Successe ADVICE TO THE KING TOUCHING Mr. SUTTONS ESTATE May it please Your MAIESTY I Find it a Positive Precept of the Old Law That there should be nâ— Sacrifice without Salt The Morall whereof besides the Ceremony may be That God is not pleased with the Body of a good Intention Except it be seasoned with that Spirituall Wisedome and Iudgement as it be not easily Subject to be corrupted and perverted For Salt in the Scripture is a Figure both of Wisedome and Lasting This commeth into my Mind upon this Act of Mr. Sutton Which seemeth to me as a Sacrifice without Salt Having the Materials of a Good Intention but not powdred with any such Ordinances and Institutions as may preserve the same from turning Corrupt Or at least from becomming Vnsavoury and of little Vse For though the Choice of the Feoffees be of the best yet neither can they alwayes live And the very Nature of the Work it self in the vast and unfâ—â— Proportions thereof being apt to provoke a Mis-imployment It is no Diligence of theirs except there be a Digression from that Modell that can excuse it from running the same way that Gifts of like Condition have heretofore done For to desigâ— the Charter-house a Building fit for a Princes Habitaâ—ion for an Hospitall Is all one as if one should give in Almes a Rich Embroydeâ—ed â—loak to a Beggar And certainly a Man may see Tanquam quae Oculâ—s Cernuntur that if such an Edifice with Six Thousand pounds Revenue be erected into one Hospitall It will in small time degenerate to be made a preferment of some great Person to be Master and he to take all the sweet and the Poor to be stinted and take but the Crums As it comes to passe in divers Hospitals of this Realm Which have but the Names of Hospitalls and are but wealthy Beneficeâ— in respect of the Mastership But the Poor which is the Propter quid little relieved And the like hath been the Fortune of much of the Almes of the Roman Religion in the Great Foundations which being begun in Vain-Glory and Ostentationâ— have had their Judgement upon them to end in Corruption and Abuse This Meditation hath made me presume to write these few Lines to your Majesty Being no better â—hen good Wishes which your Majesties great Wisedom may make some thing or Nothing of Wherein I desire to be thus understood That if this Foundation such as it is be perfect and Good in Law Then I am too well acquainted with your Majesties Disposition to advise any Course of power or Profit that is not grounded upon a Right Nay further if the Defects be such as a Court of Equiâ—y may Remedy and Cure Then I wish that as Saint Peterâ— shadow did cure Diseases So the very shadow of a Good Intention may cure Defects of that Nature But if there be a Right and Birth-right planted in the Heir And not Remediable by Courts of â—quity And that Right be submitted to your Majesty Whereby it is both in your power and Grace what to do Then I do wish that this rude Masse and Chaosâ— of a Good Deed were directed rather to a Solide Merit and Durable Charity then to a Blaze of Glory that will but crackle a little in Talk and quickly extinguish And this may be done observing the Species of Mr. Suttons Intent though varying in Individuo For it appeares that he had in Notion a Triple Good An Hospitall And a Schoole And Maintaining of a Preacher Which Individualls refer to these Three Generall Heads Relief of Poore Advancement of Learning And Propagation of Religion Now then if I shall set before your Majesty in every of these Three Kindes what it is that is most wanting in your Kingdome And what is like to be the most Fruitfull Effectuall use of such a Beneficence and least like to be perverted That I think shall be no ill Scope of my Labour how meanly soever performed For out of Variety represented Election may be best grounded Concerning the Relief of the Poore I hold some Number of Hospitalls with Competent Endowments will do far more good then one Hospitall of an Exorbitant Greatnesse For though the one Course will be the more Seene yet the other will be the more Felt. For if your Majesty erect many besides the observing the Ordinary Maxime Bonum quo communius eo melius choice may be made of those Townes and Places where there is most Need And so the Remedy may be Distributed as the Disease is Dispersed Again Greatnesse of Reliefe accumulate in one place doth rather invite a Swarm and Surcharge of Poore then relieve those that are naturally bred in that place Like to ill tempred Medicines that draw more Humour to the Part then they Evacuate from it But chiefly I rely upon the Reason that I touched in the Beginning That in these Great Hospitalls the Revenues will draw the Vse and not the Vse the Revenues And so through the Masse of the Wealth they will swiftly tumble down to a Misemployment And if any Man say that in the Two Hospitalls in London there is a President of Greatnesse concurring with Good Employment Let him consider that those Hospitalls have Annuall Governers That they are under the Superiour Care and Policy of such a state as the City of London And chiefly that their Revenues consist not upon Certainties but upon Casualties and Free Gifts Which Gifts would be with-held if they appeared once to be perverted So as it keepeth them in a continuall Good Behaviour and Awe to employ them aright None of which Points do match with the present Case The next ConsideratioÌ„ may be whether this intended Hospital as it hath a more ample Endowment then other Hospitals have should not likewise work upon a better Subject then other Poore As that it should be converted to the Relief of Maimed Souldiers Decayed Merchants Householders Aged and Destitute Church-men and the like Whose Condition being of a better sorâ— then loose People Begâ—gars deserveth both a more Liberal Stipend Allowance and some proper place of Relief not intermingled or coupled with the Basest Sort of Poore Which Project though Specious yet in my Judgement will not answer the Designment in the Event in these our Times For certainly few Men in any Vocation which have been some Body and beare a Mind somewhat according to the Conscience and Remembrance of that they have been will ever descend to that Condition as to professe to live upon Almes and to become a Corporation of Declared Beggars But rather will choose to live Obscurely and as it were to hide themselves with some private Friends So that the End of
her Majesties Design be ex Professo to Reduce Rebells to Obedience it makes weaknesse turn Christianity and Conditions Graces And so hath a Finenesse in Turning Utility upon Point of Honour which is agreeable to the Humor of these Times And besides if her Majesty shall suddainly abaâ—e the Lists of their Forces and shall doe nothing to countervail it in point of Reputation of a Politick Proceeding I doubt Things may too soon fall back into the state they were in Next to this Adding Reputation to the Cause by Imprinting an Opinion of her Mâ—jesties Care anâ— Intention upon this Action is the Taking away of Reputation from the Contrary side by Cutting off the Opinion and Reputation of Forein Succours To which purpose this Enterprise of Algiers if it hold according to the Advertisement and if it be not wrapped up in the Period of this Summer seemeth to be an Opportunity coelitùs dimissa And to the same purpose nothing can be more fit than a Treaty or a Shadow of a Treaty of a Peace with Spain which methinks should be in our Power to fasten at least Rumore tenus to the Deluding of as wise People as the Irish. Lastly for this point That which the Auncients called Potestas facta redeundi ad Sanitatem And which is but a Mockery when the Enemy is strong or proud but Effectual in his Declination That is A liberal Proclamation of Grace and Pardon to such as shall submit and come in within a time prefixed And of some other Reward to such as shall bring others in That one 's Swordâ— may be sharpned by anothers Is a Matter of good Experience and now I think will come in time And percaseâ— though I wish the Exclusions of such a pardon exceeding few yet it will not be safe to continue some of them in their Strength But to translate them and their Generations into England And give them Recompence and Satisfaction here for their Possessions there As the King of Spain did by divers Families of Portugal To the Effecting of all the points aforesaid And likewise those which fall within the Divisions following nothing can be in priority either of Time or Matter better than the sending of some Commission of Countenance Ad Res inspiciendas componendas For it will be a very significant Demonstration of her Majesties Care of that Kingdom A Credence to any that shall come in and submit A Bridle to any that shall have their Fortunes there and shall apply their Propositions to private Ends And an Evidence that her Majesty after Arms laid down speedily pursueth a Politick Course without Neglect or Respiration And it hath been the Wisdom of the best Examples of Government Towards the Recovery of the Hearts of the People there be but 3. things in Naturâ Rerum 1. Religion 2. Iustice and Protection 3. Obligation and Reward For Religion to speak first of Piety and then of Policy all Divines doe agree That if Consciences be to be enforced at all wherein yet they differ two Things must precede their Inforcement The one Means of Instruction The other Time of Operation Neither of which they have yet had Besides till they be more like Reasonable Men than they are their Society were rather Scandalous to the true Religion than otherwise As Pearls cast before Swine For till they be clensed from their Bloud Incontinency and Theft which are now not the Lapses of particular Persons but the very Lawes of the Nation they are Incompatible with Religion Reformed For Policy there is no doubt but to wrestle with them now is directly opposite to their Reclaiming and cannot but continue their Alienation of Minde from this Goverment Besides one of the principal Pretences whereby the Heads of the Rebellion have prevailed both with the People and with the Forreiner hath been the Defence of the Catholick Religion And it is that likewise hath made the Forreiner reciprocally more plausible with the Rebell Therefore a Toleration of Religion for a Time not definite except it be in some Principal Townes and Precincts After the manner of some French Edicts seemeth to me to be a Matter warrantable by Religion and in Policy of absolute Necessity And the Hesitation in this point I think hath been a great Casting back of the Affairs there Neither if any English Papiâ—t or Recusant shall for Liberty of his Conscience transferre his Person Family and Fortunes thither doe I hold it a Matter of Danger but expedient to draw on Undertaking and to further Population Neither if Rome will cozen it Self by Conceiving it may be some Degree to the like Toleration in England doe I hold it a matter of any Moment But rather a good Mean to take off the Fiercenesse and Eagernesse of the Humour of Rome And to stay further Excommunications or Interdictions for Ireland But there would goe hand in hand with this some Course of Advancing Religion indeed where the People is capable thereof As the sending over some good Preachers especially of that Sort which are vehement and zealous Perswaders and not Scholastical To be resident in principal Towns Endowing them with some Stipends out of her Majesties Revenues As her Majesty hath most religiously and graciously done in Lancashire And the Recontinuing and Replenishing the College begun at Dublin The placing of good Men to be Bishops there And the Taking Care of the Versions of Bibles Catechisms and other Books of Instruction into the Irish Language And the like Religious Courses Both for the Honour of God and for the Avoiding of Scandal and Insatisfaction here by the shew of a Toleration of Religion in some parts there For Iustice the Barbarism and Desolation of the Country considered it is not possible they should find any Sweetnessâ— at all of Justice If it shall be which hath been the Errour of Times past Formal and fetched far off from the State Because it will require running up and down for Process And give Occasion for Polling and Exactions by Fees And many other Delayes and Charges And therefore there must be an Interim in which the Iustice must be onely Summary the rather because it is fit and safe for a time the Country do participate of Martial Government And therefore I could wish in every principal Town or Place of Habitation there were a Captain or Governer And a Iudge such as Recorders and Learned Stewards are here in Corporations who may have a Prerogative Commission to hear and determine Secundum sanam Discretionem And as near as may be to the Laws and Customes of England And that by Bill or Pleint without Original Writ Reserving from their Sentence matter of Freehold and Inheritance to be determined by a superiour Iudge Itinerant And both Sentences as well of the Bayliffwick Iudge as Itinerant to be reversed if Cause be before the Counsel of the Province to be established there with fit Instructions For Obligation and Reward It is true no doubt which was aunciently said That a State