the other denying any God were not tolerated in Grece But at Rome I find a law out of the twelve tables Separatim nemo habessit deos neve novos sed nec advenas nisi publicè adscitos privatim colunto Let none have any particular Gods to himself nor let any worship privately either new or forreign Gods but upon a publique reception of them But notwithstanding this law a great latitude of religions was allowed at Rome as History tells us But the religion of these times consisted rather in outward ceremonies then inward opinions about God more then that he was and that he was a rewarder of well or ill-doers according to their demerits which too was in part denyed by Epicurus who had a numerous company of followers in Greece and Rome The Jews had a toleration every where amongst the Heathen as Mr. Selden observes yet were they not idle but endeavoured to imbue others with their principles and to draw them over to the law of Moses terming such proselitos justitiae This others and Rutilius in his Itinerary takes notice of wishing Jury had never bin subdued so many did they convert to their religion Atque utinam nunquam Judaea victa fuisset Pompeii bellis imperióque Titi. Latiùs excisae pestes contagia Serpunt Victorésque suos ratio victa premit From whence we may observe that it was the sense of Nations that is nature it self Humani juris naturalis potesea t is est unicuique quod putaverit colere nec alii obest aut prodest alterius religio Sed nec religionis ese cogere religionem quae sponte suscipi debet non vi Tertullian ad Scapul how the civil Magistrate had nothing to do in matters of Religion in those dayes and whatever their laws were upon some occasions in an uncontrolled practise they did allow of this principle It is true there are recorded in Sacred Writ examples of Kings amongst the Jews and other Nations that did entermeddle in religious worship which I shall a little instance in because if what was of old written was written for our instruction certainly those transactions seem registred that we might not be ignorant of the deplorable and detestable effects of an Absolute Monarchy I would faine know of Mr. Wren whether these Monarchs did proceed so deliberately as he imagines they must in all reason do Monarch assert p. 11. and whether a thousand such like cappuches may not be instanced in out of absolute Monarchyes which may show that a single person doth not put on that excellent temper and frame of spirit in enacting laws which he talks of One day Darius makes a Law and establisheth a royall statute that for thirty dayes none should make any request or prayer except to the King upon penalty of being cast into the Lyons den and in complyance with this Law of the supream judge of true and false religion Daniel is cast into the Lions den he being not devoured his accusers with their innocent wifes and children are cast in to be devoured then is a decree made unto all people Nations and Languages that dwelled in all the Earth that they fear the God of Daniel Dan. 6. The same Daniel had not only felt but seen before the capricios of an Absolute Monarch in Nebuchadnessor who made a Golden Image and ordained that all people should at the sound of Musique fall down and worship it or be burned in the fiery furnace Shadrach Meshach and Abednego regarded not him nor served his Gods nor worshipped the Image But they being miraculously delivered out of the fire then he blessed the God of Shadrach Meshach and Abednego and makes a decree that every Nation People and Language which spake any thing amiss against their God should be cut in peeces and their houses be made a dung-hill because no other God could deliver in that sort Dan. 3. These are inconveniences of this Arbitrary Magistrate visible not onely amongst the Gentiles but people of God who chose a King to judge them like all the Nations Jeroboam made Israel to sin by an irrevocable idolatry Manasseh ensnared High-places Asa left the latter and removed only the former So did Jehohash in the time of Jehojada he did what was right in the sight of the Lord but the High-places were not taken away the people stil sacrificed did burn incense thereon In the Roman Empire Caligula no sooner â—nacted that himself should be worshiped as God but as Philo tells us All the world 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all adored him except the Jews How things stood during Christian Kings and Emperours I shall give some account anon give me leave now to tell you that I will not dispute here what power was of old attributed to Kings nor of their absolute exemption either from Law or Punishment nor will I enlarge upon the power they exercised in matters religious nor debate whither they could conferre rationally such a power as made their Elect Emperour possessour of more then their Enemies would take from them I shall limit my discourse to the present posture of our affairs and omitting what might serve for ostentation I shall enquire into what is of particular concern to the good people of our Nation I have shewed how all power now is from the people as it 's efficient I have shewed that the general end men aim at in the erecting Magistracy is the preserving Society and that Magistrates are constituted for their good and not they for the advantages of Magistrates Whether they may give absolutely themselves up to his Will upon their own accord as in Tartary or upon some contract as the Egyptians did to Pharaoh for Victuals I shall not at present handle Where there is no such peremptory resignation there the People are Supream the Trust is fiduciary and limited so as where the Magistrate hath no authority to command if the circumstances correspond it is no sin to disobey Which saying I think will be valid amongst our Northern men until a generation arise that shall say it is just and prudential that those whom God hath made men should render themselves brutes that God did ill to endow us with reason which ought to have no further use in us than that we quit it in its principal exercise and only practise it in purchasing Rattles and Hobby-Horses I am not now to speak of people qualified with resembling endowments nor whose Religion is only Nature without the Accessional of extraordinary Revelation who having not the Law were a Law unto themselves and not to be judged by that Light in which we walk I come now to speak of Jacob unto whom God hath shewed his word and of Israel to whom he hath declared his statutes and his judgments He hath not dealt so with any Nation of those I have instanced in We are now as it were come out of Egypt disfranchised from the yoke of Pharaoh delivered from a Government established upon no
invests them with whether they can diminish it what we say now is their duty will be but an Act of grace and all our rights will be changed into priviledges It is then clear that the People are the Efficient cause of Magistracy and that all true power is derived from them Who those People are I must referr you for brevity sake to a consideration of the Erection of the Common-wealth in Israel There is no Government now but hath its originall from the consent of some people which people if they were before ligued with any other number besides themselves are tyed by their mutuall promises and compacts to them and their common Magistrate so as not to erect any new one in opposition to him unlesse there be a violation of fundamentall agreements and all satisfaction for what is past together with reall security for the future be denyed or to be despayred of If the Magistrate alone injure them they may with the common or in case that cannot be had thorough the circumstances of affayres which is the default of the Governors not governed with an interpretative Consent call him to an accompt If the others dissent and defend him then are they free from all precedent obligations not onely towards their Magistrate but one another Since in conditionall pacts if the one party faile the other is at liberty If their quondam Magistrate with his partisans invade them then are they free to defend themselves or prevent such dangers as are threatned any way from him or them yea and so to manage their own safety which is the onely cause of a just war and the End of Government in general that they may at Length totally subdue and subject them To all that are by conquest thus subjected the new erected Magistrate of the conquering people is not properly a Magistrate but a provinciall Governour And if they gave just cause of fear to the conquerours at first their Conquest is just if otherwise then not And so long their subjecting is legitimate whilest that security is gained which the conquerours designed in the beginning and expect as the product of war This Magistrate hath no absolute power over the conquered but such as is derived from them in whose strength and for whose safety he doth act and to them he is accomptable for such his demeanour as is not founded upon the Rule of Self-preservation As in the Common-wealth of Israel when they were to choose a King that King was obliged to have a booke of the fundamental laws written in his own hand and to read herein all the days of his life that he might observe the said statutes and do them that so his heart might not be lifted up above his brethren and that he should not turne from the commandement to the right hand or to the left Deut. 17. v. 18.20 So it behoves such a people as impowers any for Magistracy upon severall cases to make them recognise their Authority from whom they have it and for whose sake it is that they rule not only over them but over new accquests they ought also to be very cautious of mixing their government with that of the provincials and such as do not close with them in their originall Constitutions of their Magistrate for their proper interest may be eaten out and their Magistrate become established upon the base of such articles as the conquered will assent unto for the bettering of their present condition no lesse then ruine of their conquerours Severall Kingdomes in Spain having permitted their Kings by marryage to unite different Kingdoms retaining different loves and qualified with discrepant principles of Government have now lost their priviledges and fundamentall rights each contributing to the others overthrow by the subtill counsells of their Magistrate If the People Are the Authors of Magistracy and he their creature Then it will follow that He is erected and established for the compassing of their good and that this is the End for which he was set up For since man in his actings is supposed to act voluntarily and the object of his will is some good either reall or apparently so it must likewise be supposed that in the constituting of Magistracy all did aime at something that might be an universall good it being not imagined how all should conspire for the procuring of any good of a particular man or number of men to their own detriment and disadvantage self-love is not onely the dictate of Nature but recommended by our Saviour as the rule and measure of such love as we are to bear towards our neighbour The Ends of Nations in the erecting severall fabricks of Government are as different as they themselves there being no thing universally good or universally approved of And as their intendments are discrepant so they disagree in the ways for attaining their purposes which variety arises from the various prejudices and capacityes they are born and educated to in different climates with difference of naturall tempers difference of dyet and customs c. The most obvious and universall end is the upholding society and entercourse by securing each in their property and manage of commerce betwixt one another for mutuall supply of things necessary After that the World grew populous and that men began to straiten in their plantations they formed severall petit Governments each Town being a principality upon the end specified That they did not erect them for nor impower them to determine of the word or worship of God seems manifest from Scripture Before Enos there were Cityes and communityes for Cain built one Gen. 4. v. 17. yet the Text saith positively after Enos was born unto Seth Then began men to call upon the name of the Lord. Gen. 4. v. 26. After that when Abraham travailed up and down into Egypt the land of Gerar c. he erected an altar at Bethell and worshipped his God who was not the acknowledged God of the nations amongst which he sojourned without a plea for toleration in summe the whole story of the Saints under the old Testament seems to evidence this truth that their Magistrates were purely civill and that though they might have a Nationall religion as in Egypt and possibly Salem yet did they not entermeddle with the particular religion of their subjects or them that sojourned amongst them It was Haman's counsell to King Ahasuerus to destroy the Jews for that their laws were different from all people neither kept they the Kings laws viz. concerning Religion for if they had been otherwise criminall they could not have escaped unpunished Esther 3. v. 8. It is the Opinion of Bellarmine in his booke de Laicis that the Heathens did grant an universall liberty in the worship of God which assertion is for the most part true for though they had peculiar Gods for their nations yet privately and publiquely they which worshipped a God whosoever or whatsoever it was were permitted though Diagoras and Protagoras the one doubting of
AN ESSAY In Defence of the GOOD OLD CAUSE OR A Discourse concerning the Rise and Extent of the power of the Civil Magistrate in reference to Spiritual Affairs WITH A PRAEFACE Concerning The Name of the Good old Cause An Equal Common-wealth A Co-ordinate Synod The Holy Common-wealth published lately by Mr. Richard Baxter AND A VINDICATION OF The Honourable Sir HENRY VANE from the false aspersions of Mr. BAXTER By HENRY STUBBE of Ch. Ch. in Oxon. Vincat Veritas London Printed in the Year 1659. A premonition to the Reader BEing unexpectedly called to this worke by the good providence of God in our late changes I must begge thy pardon of what judgment soever thou art for severall imperfections that may have happend in the attempt If thou art a friend to the Good old cause I be 〈◊〉 thee to excuse the defects of a person whose reall inclinations thou canst not question without wronging the greatest innocence in the World I have hast'ned the work that so my forwardness might recompense all other miscarryages what is now but an Essay may hereafter grow up to a just defence If thou art one who dissentest any way from me I must further acquaint thee that excepting the preface I never saw three of these sheets together they were never transcribed and in the writing as new passages did occurre to my memory so I pasted them on sometimes not where they should have come in but where I could conveniently place the labells so that if there be any lapses of Memory small incoherences transpositions or other errours as are the products of unusuall haste I must either entreat thy pardon or submit to what severity thou canst make use of after this acknowledgment in any part which is but as it were the fringe of the ensuing discourse I assure thee I have not imposed upon thee any citation but for the Truth of them thou must have recourse to their originals and not to versions which may deceive my adversary but have not me That Mallela whom I quote is a Greeke manuscript in Oxford library I think I have deserved moderation from all men unlesse Mr. Baxter quarrell with me whom I have dealt more roughly with then other wise I should because he seemed and I am informed was instigated by the Courtiers to revile in so opprobrous a manner the abettours of a Common-wealth if I am too confident against him and some others whom I name not I throw my self at the feet of the more learned and judicious Episcoparians if they convince me I shall lay my hand upon my mouth and willingly become a proselyte to Truth It is upon this account that as I professe my self to publish my own opinions without interesting any other in the debate so I have chosen no dedicitour being loath to engage any into the patronage of what upon a sober refutation I my self shall retract as solemnly as I do now dâ—vulge it I aime at nothing but Truth nor do I write to serve any party or designes of any men If any shall think me worthy of being their convert they shall not need to print against me I shall do them as much justice who being loath to write against a book with this Title may advise me by Letter as any who shall appear in print and I onely further adde that I desire they would calmly argue and not disquiet me 〈◊〉 â—â—opular harangues and preachâ—â— such as conclude nothing and 〈◊〉 â—nall reflections since I know 〈…〉 it is for men to say that he 〈…〉 a Toleration of all opinions is himself 〈◊〉 I do declare that there is no necessity of that and my history of Toleration will evince it and moreover I owne entirely Perkin's doctrine in the chaine of Salvation and if I differ from Beza about punishing hereticks I know not how I am bound up to call any man Master I must also desire the errata of the printer may be excused for I have not had any opportunity to revise any proofes From my Study in Ch. Ch. Oxon. July 4. 1659. Henry Stubbe The Preface I Am not ignorant with how much hazard any man writes in these days of ours but to write now and for THE GOOD OLD CAUSE which especially where I live is often mentioned with detestation reproach and scorne is to contend with all the discouragements that might terrifie one from becoming an Authour Some there are who like to Alexander the Copper-smith at Ephesus decrye the Goodnesse of what their interest leads them to condemne others question the Antiquity and doubt whither this Sumpsimus be more old then their Mumpsimus To the former I endeavoured a reply in the Treatise ensuing Of the latter sort of men I desire they would consider That it is not denyed but at the beginning and in the carrying on of the late Civill warres there were sundry causes that engaged severall parties into that Quarrell against the King particular Animosiities Scandalls sense of future Emoluments great or lesse Defence of Liberties and Religion under different garbs and apprehensions These besides what the publick declarations of Parliament held forth whilest neither the priviledges of Parliament nor the Liberties of the people on the one hand nor the Corruptions of a King of whom I may say as of Lewis the Eleventh of France All his evill councill did ride upon one horse were suffic ently discovered and the meanes for establishing the â—â—rst and redressing such inconveniences aâ— the last might create us unthought on or at least such as might not be proposed to a Nation half-prejudiced for an inveterate Monarchy These were the incentives which prevailed with men to contribute to the effecting of such changes as we are witnesses of in England Yet had there been tenne thousand other motives I should not count it a Soleâ—sâ—e but Truth to say That LIBERTY civill and spiritual were the GOOD old cause And however some may say that it was none of The Old cause to assert any proper Sovereignty in the people yet I must tell them that the vindications of the Parliament against the papers of the King then in being shew us that such a Sovereignety was presupposed and if it were not the old cause it was the foundation thereof and avowed for such those rights and liberties of the people the maintenance of which occasioned the warre had not been the voluntary concessions of Kings but either of Usurpers or enforced from such as did not usurpe in person though in deed their whole succession was but a continued usurpation If the Soveraignty were elsewhere stated it was onely the executive part which is but an improper Soveraignty the Legislative paramount Authourity and concernes of the people had been long before avowed by Lawyers and Divines of the chiefest rank If it was none of the cause of our warre to change the Constitution of the Common-wealth into any other forme then we found it in I answer that that needed not to be since the forme
ad Dei culturam accedere aliquos oportere sed rationabili consideratione magis rogare ut Christianorum numero applicentur ab iis qui huic sacratissimae legi deserviunt Justum enim verumque conspicimus ut sicut petentibus culpa est si negetur ita non petentibus si tradatur iniquum Sed nec hoc aliqui metuant quod a nostrâ gratiâ divellantur si Christiani esse noluer in t Nostra enim clementia talis est ut a bono opere non mutetur The sum of which is That Christianity is not to be enforced that God requires the heart and sincere affection not outside worship And that he should favour the Christians but yet not any way disrespect them who should be â—otherwise minded Baron annal Eccles ad annum 324. § 81. In fine the Roman Cardinal concludes that it is evident how they are deceived who think Constantine did shut up the heathenish Temples Eunapius in the life of Edesius saith that when Constantine turned Christian and built them Churches one Sopator a Philosopher went to him to reclaime him from those proceedings and did so farr gain upon that Emperour that he seated him at his right hand openly in places of solemn appearance which was incredible for to be 〈◊〉 or related 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eunap in vita Edesii p. 3â— 36. and prohibited their rites or made use of force in the propagation of Christianity id ibid § 91 92. And if any allegations to the contrary of what hath been avowed can be produced and find credit in an age so convinced of the many forgeries in cases of antiquity which have so great a subserviency to the ambition and interest of a sort of men in our days I must either say it was done upon a secular and politique account for preservation of the civil peace when men began to opiniate it and promote faction instead of religion as the Jesuits in England now suffer for sedition in owning a forreign power paramount to what is amongst us and able lawfully to dispose of our dominions and lands for dissenting from him and not for their Religion Or if it can be cleared that either the Heathens or Heretiques which are in the same condition and from whom God expects equally a willing heart and unfeigned services did suffer banishment as four or five together with Arius did or death or confiscations upon any other score I think Constantine did not onely swerve from his protestations in the East and West but from the truth as farr as the East is different from the West However if Constantine did banish Arius and a few others which yet is controverted the same man did exile Athanasius nor need we doubt that the Arians and Novatians had a toleration under him since under his Son they over-ran the whole Empire and it is credibly reported how they perverted him too before his Death It is very observable which Sozomen relates l. 2. c. 30. That before Constantines reign whilest Christianity was under persecution though there were a multitude of Sects and Heresyes yet did men of all professions as they suffered under one common name so did they entertain a joynt communion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It is true some may say that this union of theirs was to be attributed according to Sozomen not to any other cause then their common calamity which made them unable to molest each other which I confesse is an exception which the very words seem to suggest as I have represented them but it is no lesse true that he calls that molestation wherewith they could not disquiet each other a pragmaticalness and the sense may be that being all sufferers upon one cause among the Gentiles whatever they might otherwise have done upon the accompt of different judgments yet upon the account of common afflictions they could not be over-busy to disquiet each other not that they did not know each others differences or that they would communicate when communion was sinfull for who will ever believe such a thing of the Novatians and Cataphryges but because they thought them to be reall which could suffer for the name of Christ and agreeing to dye in the profession of the Gospel could not morally and in equity for otherwise they might have been excommunicated be molested for curiosities such as busy-heads might finde out Upon this account it was that though they had their particular meetings or Churches into which they were associated and wherein they did make their speciall confessions notwithstanding those several-tyes of Assemblies they did occasionally conserse with each other that owned the name of Christ nor though they were never so small a number did they separate from them till humane policy began to mould a Catholique Church and carnall prudence accomodated all to civill ends And after that Constantine had made an Edict against all Heretiques that they should unite to the publique Churches and have no private Assemblyes of their own Sozomon l. 2. c. 30. yet was not that law observed or made with an intent that it should be observed as I prove elsewhere but the Novatians differing from the Orthodox onely as Puritans from Episcoparians as one may say were tolerated at Constantinople in their free Assemblies having their proper Bishops as also at Alexandria and Rome untill the time of Honorius and Theodosius the younger under them it was that the Novatians were at Rome suppressed and their Churches which were many taken from them and their Bishop together with the great multitude of his adherents forced into corners But neither this nor the like act at Alexandria was done by Imperiall Authority but by the growing mystery of iniquity in Pope Celestinus and Cyrill of Alexandria who began to exercise a civill rather then Ecclesiasticall power Socrates is positive in this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But in Constantinople they were not molested Socrates lib. 7. cap. 7 11. Nor were the Novatians only tolerated in their Religion and way of Worship but preferred unto Secular Honours For Chrysanthus the son of Marcianus a Novatian Bishop who was himself at last chosen Bishop of the Novatians was at first a Commander under Theodosius the great prefect of Italy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and afterwards Vicegerent in the Brittish Isles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Socrates relates it in the same Book ch 12. And this Socrates did live in those times whereof be writes The Macedonian heretiques of a deep dye for they admitted not of the Nicene faith had their Churches in Constantinople Cyzicum and other places under Theodosius II. and Valentinianus III. as Socrates tells us l. 7. c. 31. And as for the Arians their doctrine and differences were not only looked upon as pettite quarrells for which the peace ought not to be broken in the judgment of Constantine see the Lord Faulkland of infalibility But after the Council of Nice and that Arius was anathematised yea and
their deserting that profession which they have made of faith unto the Church And their reason is because every Republick ought to have power to punish offenders But as to their argument it is false that Christ hath any such Church organical as they mean and as I shall shew possibly in a discourse concerning the personal reign of Christ And if he had any such Chimarical Church yet would not that be destitute of power to subdue and chastise offenders For saith the Apostle though we walk in the flesh we do not warre after the flesh for the weapons of our warfare are not carnal but mighty through God to the pulling down of strong holds casting down imaginations and every high thing that exalteth it self against the knowledge of God and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of Christ And having in readiness to revenge all disobedience when your disobedience is fulfilled But since it is or may be stated that Baptisme is no admission into a particular Church nor an assent unto the Articles and Confession of a particular Church but something else and Babie-baptisme as established upon the resembling practise of the Jews in their Proselytes of justice was of no validity though conferred unlesse the childe baptized being come to years of discretion did own the act of the Church or Council which if he did not he was not looked upon as an Apostate but as one that had alwayes been a Gentile And I think if we enquire into the usage and judgment of the Ancients the said Infant-baptisme will amount to no such obligation without the Additional of Confirmation But let these things be true or false Roffensis in his book against Luther Art 33. saith that he denied both That the Pope could force men to return to the profession of that faith which they once embraced or punish them for such their relinquishing thereof Yet in this the Papists deal more ingenuously with those they persecute then others do for they shew them a Catholick Church to which they have vowed obedience They shew them a Judge and that an infallible authoritative one so as they can neither dispute the power nor the equity of the sentence All which pretenses though they be vain and empty cosenages yet is the procedure more fair and rational then if without these formalities and circumstances one should suffer To conclude I should here become an humble Supplyant for those of the Episcopal Divines who understanding the principles of that Church-way which they profess have learned in all conditions to be content and in their prosperity were neither rash in defining nor forward in persecuting soberly-tender Consciences It is certain we owe much to their learned defences of Protestancy against the Papists and several other their labours and may reap much more benefit thereby if they may have a greater security paying that respect which they ought to their Governours and praying for them that they may live peaceably under them then at present they enjoy in their walkings In like manner I should plead for such Catholicks as adhere to the doctrine of Widdrington or Preston and Blackwel c. denying the Popes power any way in Temporals to depose Magistrates I hope I do not by this Declaration reflect upon what hath been publikely noted concerning Popery and Prelacy it being to me inconceivable that by those terms any thing should be meant but the Popes power in temporals and the Bishops domineering in Parliament as Barons and spiritual Lords to dispose of lands or the civil obedience of subjects such being ready to sacrifice their lives as well as fortunes for the defence of their Heretical Governours in secular lawful quarrels since this is their judgement whatsoever Mr. Baxter ignorantly and foolishly charge the Papists in general with I DO PROFESSE UNTO THE WORLD AND ACQUIT MY SELF OF ANY WAY CONTRIBUTING TO THEIR OPPRESSION If I have evinced the Lawfulnesse and necessity of an universal Toleration and if it be the basis upon which our Common-wealth stands and Principle which is owned as neither of the aforesaid can suffer upon a Religious account so neither ought they to be damnified upon a Civil To vindicate the Widdringtonian Catholicks now in England I shall not recite any particular testimony out of their writings nor mention Mr. George Blackwell Arch-Presbyter of the English seminary Priests nor others who upon several occasions have declared themselves I shall only set down the testimony of thirteen Reverend and learned English Priests with whom twice thirty others would have joyned These are all Widd ington own word in hâ—â— confutation of T. F part 1 cap. 5. if their protestation had not been made so suddenly who to give assurance of their loyalty to the late Queen Elizabeth did by a publike instrument written in parchment thus declare themselves WHereas it hath pleased our dread Soveraign Lady to take some notice of the Faith and Loyalty of us her natural born subjects Secular Priests as it appeareth in the late Proclamation and of her Prince-like Clentency hath given a sufficient earnest of some merciful savour towards us being all subject by the Laws of the Realm to death by our return into the Countrey after our taking the order of Priesthood since the first year of her Majesties reign and only demandeth of us a true profession of our allegiance thereby to be assured of our fidelity to her Majesties Person Crown Estate and Dignity We whose names are underwritten in most humble wise prostrate at her Majesties feet do acknowledge our selves infinitely bound unto her Majesty therefore and are most willing to give such Assurance and satisfaction in this point as any Catholique Priests can or ought to give unto their Sovereigns First therefore we acknowledge the Queens Majesty to have as full authority power soveraignity over us and over all the subjects of the Realm Thus farre in English out of VVidrington against T. F. what follows is translated out of his Latine copy published in append ad disp Theolog. part 2. Sect. 1. §. 6. as any her Highness Predecessours ever had Moreover we do acknowledg profess that we are of our own accord willing and ready in all occasions and emergencies to obey her commands as farre as any Christian Priests either in this kingdom or any other part of the world were ever obliged by the Law of God and Christianity to obey their temporal Princes viz. to pay taxes and other customs belonging to the Crown to obey her Majesties Laws and Magistrates in all Civil cases to pray to God that he would grant in his good pleasure unto her Majestie a quiet and peaceable reign in this life and hereafter eternal happiness And this our Recognition do we think to be so firmly grounded upon the word of God that no Authority Cause or pretense of such can absolve us more then any Protestant or ought to do so from paying her Majestie all Civil and Temporal
obedience Secondly Seeing that of late years there have been several plots and designs against her Majesties Person and Realm and several hostile attempts have been made upon new pretenses and purposes for the restoring again of the Catholick Religion by force of Arms a thing promoted in other parts of the World but more particularly against the Queens Majestie and her dominions then any other Protestant Prince with which violent undertakings and practises her Majestie being otherwise gracious and milde in her behaviour towards her Subjects being grievously provoked against the Catholicks who owning and obeying the Apostolique Sea in the guidance of their Faith and Religion were easily suspected to favour such contrivances and invasions hath made more severe Lawes and executed them more rigorously then She would otherwise in case such hostile attempts and warrs had not intervened We that we may approve unto her Majesty our fidelity in this particular case do sincerely professe and by this our publique deed do notifie unto the whole Christian World that in case of Conspiracies and Plots against the life of Her Majesty of invasions and hostile attempts made by any Forreign Prelate Prince or Potentate either joyntly or singly for the disturbance or destruction of her Majesties person or dominions upon design or under pretence of restoring the Roman-Catholique Religion in England or Ireland that we will defend her Majesties Person Realmes and Dominions from all such hostile attempts and injuries And we do further profess that we will discover and reveal as well as oppose and resist to our utmost endeavour all Conspiracies and Designs of any Prelate Prince or Potentate whatsoever which shall tend any way to the destruction of her Majesties person and subversion of her Dominions and we will endeavour as farr as we shall be any way able to perswade all Catholiques into the like sentiments Thirdly if after any sentence of excommunication pronounced or to be pronounced against her Majesty or precedaneously to any conspiracy invasion or hostile attempt to be made the Pope should declare her Majesties native subjects to be excommunicated unlesse they relinquish their allegiance and the defence of her We in these and all such like cases professe that neither we our selves nor any Lay-Catholiques borne within her Majesties dominions should be obliged in Conscience by any such censure so as to obey it But notwithstanding any Authority or sentence of excommunication pronounced or to be pronounced as aforesaid we will adhere unto and defend our Queen and Native Country as we are bound in duty and performe all due obedience unto her Majesty in Temporalls Fourthly because it is certain that whilest we by a Christian and sincere profession manifest to her Majesty our good affection and fidelity towards her others will not be wanting to condemn such our deed and misinterpret and create odium unto us in al places but especially with his holinesse to the great prejudice of our good names and persons unlesse we timely prevent such their misreports We humbly desire that her Majesty would be pleased that as in this our recognition we render to her Grace what is due to Caesar so for the stopping the mouthes of all calumniators we may have liberty in the like publique manner to declare that whilest we professe due allegiance to her Majesty we do not intend to recede from that duty which we owe our Supream Spirituall Pastor Wherefore we acknowledge and confesse that the Bishop of Rome is the Successour of S. Peter in that Sea and that he hath not lesse nor yet more Authority and jurisdiction over us and all other Christians then the said Apostle had enstated on him by command and concession of Christ our Saviour and that we will obey his holinesse as farr as we are bounden by the Law of God which we doubt not but it may consist very well with such our obedience a we have above professed towards our Temporall Prince For as we are ready to adventure our lives for the defence of her Majesty and our Nâ—ive Country so we are resolved to become a sacrifice rather then violate or diminish the lawfull Authority of the Catholique Church of Christ William Bishop John Colleton John Mush Robert Charnocke John Bossevile Antony Hebborne Roger Cadwallador Robert Drury Antony Champney John sackson Francis Barneby Oswald Needham Richard Button I thought fit to publish this their declaration that so all of that religion because of some Italianated or Hispaniolized Authors may not suffer This hath been the generall doctrine in France and England heretofore nor do I doubt but our State might obtain the like declaration in these dayes from multitudes of the Romish Church who thereupon might enjoy a Toleration moderated according to the conveniency of the Republique But as for the Jesuits and such as shall not assent unto some such full ample and satisfactory declaration I think all means are not onely necessary but requisite against them that may secure us from the abettours of a forreign power unto which they would subject us let them rejoyce in a foolish Canonization at Rome whilest they are executed at Tiburne for Traytors I have been told that the great sufferance of Papists under the late Arch-bishop of Canterbury did extend no further then those I plead for if so I must do him the right to lament the condition of great and invidious favorites whose best actions are lyable to misconstructions nor have they any defence against popular prejudices It hath been declared by the Episcoparians that they did not suffer for their Religion Oh! let not us be inferiour to them in goodly professions Let not us give the one or other cause of being in a fort Martyrs whilest we become persecutors James 3.17 18. The wisdom that is from above is first pure then peaceable gentle and easy to be intreated full of mercy and good fruites without partiality and without hypocrisy And the Fruit of righteousnesse is sown in peace of them that make peace FINIS