Selected quad for the lemma: religion_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
religion_n	church_n	pope_n	rome_n	5,434	5	6.6788	4	true

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A86280	Certamen epistolare, or, The letter-combate. Managed by Peter Heylyn, D.D. with 1. Mr. Baxter of Kederminster. 2. Dr. Barnard of Grays-Inne. 3. Mr. Hickman of Mag. C. Oxon. And 4. J.H. of the city of Westminster Esq; With 5. An appendix to the same, in answer to some passages in Mr. Fullers late Appeal.	Heylyn, Peter, 1600-1662.; Baxter, Richard, 1615-1691.; Bernard, Nicholas, d. 1661.; Hickman, Henry, d. 1692.; Harrington, James, 1611-1677.	1659 (1659)	Wing H1687; Thomason E1722_1; ESTC R202410	239,292	425

hunts the Hare is the Hare which is hunted so that although the Religion of the Church of Rome had defined the Deposition of Kings by the Pope for denying Transubstantiation c. as it never did yet could not the Popish Religion upon that account be called Rebellion Rebellion by the Law of England 25. Edw. 3. c. 2. is defined to be an actual levying of War against our Soveraign Lord the King in h● Realm or an adhering to the Kings enemies in his Realm giving to them aid and comfort in the Realm or elsewhere And by the Civil Law all those qui arripiant arma contra eum cujus jurisdictioni subditi sunt who tak up arms against such persons to whose Authority they are subject are declared to be Rebels for which see Spigelus in his Lexicon of the terms of Law But that Religion which defineth the Deposition of Princes by the Pope because they deny Transubstantiation c. is not an actual levying of War against our Soveraign Lord the King in his Realm or an adhering c.. Nor the the taking up of Arms against such persons to whose Authority they are subject Therefore that Religion which defineth the Deposition of Princes c. neither is really or nominally to be called Rebellion if either the laws of England or the Civil laws do rightly understand what Rebellion is as I think they do And whereas you hope to mend the matter by calling it a Rebellion doctrinal you make it worse on your side then it was before For besides that there is no such thing as Rebell on doctrinal though some Doctrines there may be too frequently preached for inciting the people to Rebellion you find not the word Doctrinal in the proposition which you have undertook to prove and wh en presents it self simply to you in these words that the Religion of the Papists is Rebellion 37. Such being the faultinesse of your Mejor we will next consider whether the Assumption or your Minor be any thing more evident then your Major was Your Minor is that the Popish Religion is such that is to say such a Religion that defineth the Deposition of Kings by the Pope because they deny Transubstantiation c. This is the matter to be proved and you prove it thus That which is defined by a Pope and General Councel is the Popish Religion But the aforesaid Doctrine is defined by a Pope and an approved General Councel viz at the Laterane under Innocent the 3. Erge c. This makes it evident indeed that you never saw the Cannons nor Decrees of the Laterane Councel and possibly your learning may not lie so high but that you took this passage upon trust from some ignorant hand which had seen them as little as your self Your Major I shall grant for true but nothing can be falser or mere unable to be proved then your Minor is Consult the Acts of that Councel search into all Editions of them and into the Commentaries of such Cannonists as have writ upon them and you shall neither find in the one or the other that the Deposition of Kings and Princes by the Pope was defined to be lawful for that I take to be your meaning either for denying Transubstantiation or for any other cause whatsoever Most true it is that the word Transubstantiation then newly hammered on the Anvil by some of the Schoolmen to expresse that carnal presence of Christ in the Sacrament as they then maintained was first received in this Councel and received then ad ●vitanda● haere●icorum tergiversationes as my Author hath it for avoiding the wrangling● and fallacious shifts which Hereticks otherwise might use But that the word was made such an Idol in this Councel that all Christian Kings and Princes which would no● fall down and worship it were to be deposed hath neither colour nor foundation in the Acts of that Councel And therefore I wil first lay down the Canon which I think you aim at for otherwise there is none in that Councel which you can pretend to and then acquaint as well with the occasion and the meaning of it and your own mistakings 38. And first the words of the Canon as these now stand in the Tomes of the Councels are these that follow Si quis Dominus temporalis requisitus monitus ab Ecclesia terram suam purgare neglexerit ab hac haeretica foeditate per Metropolitanum com provinciales Episcopos excommunicationis ●inculo innodetur Etsi satisfacere contempserit infra annum significetur hoc summo Poniifici ut ex tunc ipse vassallos ab ejus fidelitate denunciet absolutos terram exponant catholicis occupandam qui eam exterminatis haereticis ●ine ulla contradictione possideant in fidei puritate conservent salvo jure domini principalis dummodo super hoc ipse nullum praestet obstaculum nec aliquod impedimentum opp●nat eadem nihilominus lege servata circa eos qui non habent Dominos principales such is the Canon or Decree And this was the occasion of it The Albigenses and Waldenses differing in many points from the received opinions of the Church of Rome and constantly denying the Popes Supremacy amongst other things some years before the calling of this Councel was grown to a very great power and insolencie countenanced therein by the two last Raimonds Earls of Tholouse and some of the Petit Lords of Gascoyn all which though absolute enough in their several Territories in respect of their vassals but were fudataries either to the Empire or the Kings of France as the Lords in chief for the reduction of these Albingenses to the Church of Rome Dominick a Spaniard the Founder afterwards of the Order of Dominical Fryars used his best endeavours in the way of Argument and perswasion but failing of his design therein he instigated Pope Innocent the 3. to call this Councel Anno 1215. and the Prelates there assembled to passe this Canon for the suppressing both of them and their Patrons also for having summed up the principle heads of that Religion which was then publickly maintained in the Church of Rome they framed an Oath to be taken by all secular Magistrates ut haereticos universos ab Ecclesia denotatos bona fide pro viribus ex terminare studeant to use their best endeavours for the exterminating of all Hereticks that is to say all such as did oppose those Doctrines before laid down out of their dominions and then it followeth as before si quis vero dominus temporalis c that if any Temporal Lord being thereunto required by the Church should neglect to purge his Territories of that Infection he should be excommunicated by the Metropolitan and other Bishops of that Province in which he lived and if he gave no satisfaction within the year notice thereof was to be given to the Pope that thereupon he might absolve his vassals from their Allegiance and give their Countries to the next Catholick Invador

his Ink mixt with more of the durty puddle then the Church Historians was with gall and vinegar when he bespattered the poor Clergy in the Preface to his Book of the Grotian Religion with all the filth that could proceed from a Pen so qualified I need not saith he go to M. Whites Centuryes to be acquainted of the qualities of the ejected our Country have had too many of them that have long been a burthen instead of a blessing some never preached but read the Common Prayer Book and some preached much worse then they that were never called Preachers Some understood not the Catechism or Creed many of them lived more in the Ale-house then the Church and used to lead their people in drunkenness cursing swearing quarrelling and other ungodly practises and to amend all by railing at the Puritans Praecisians some that were better would be drunk but now and then and preach once a day remembring still to meet with the Precise least their hearers should have any mind to becom Godly but neglecting most of the Pastoral cure and lived much in worldliness and prophaneness though not so disgracefully as the Rest Which passage when I read over it caused in me so great an horror and amazement that I could not tell whether I might give any credit to my senses or not the words sounding loud in my ears but not sinking at first into my heart For who could possibly believe that one who doth pretend to so much piety should shew himself the master of so little charity To all the Acts and offices of which excellent virtue enumerated by S. Paul in his 1. Epist to the Corinthians cap. 13. he hath shewed himself so great a stranger as if his Soul had never been acquainted with the Graces of it Such as have thrust themselves into other mens livings and they who patronize them in it seem to have quitted all the other properties of Charity to the Sequestred Clergy and retain only to themselves the not seeking their own For they seek after the Benefices and Goods of others The Rear brought up by a young man of * Magdalen Coll. Oxon whom I shall not call a whelp of the same litter though he hath pleased to give me no other title then that of a bird of the same feather who spends his mouth by telling his Reverend brethren of the Brackly breed that the Episcopal Government will be desired by the bad and therefore that they should take care that the Good did not wish it restored also that the Prelatical oppressions were such as might make wise men mad that some of the Prelates might with reason be called Antichristian whose Courts vexed sundry laborious Preachers becaus they could not bow at the name of Jesus when as sundry idle sots whom they might frequently observe to stagger in the streets were never questioned and finally he leaves it unto consideration whether it be not envy rather then conscience which maketh some to exclaim with so much bitterness against the late Ejections Sequestrations Deprivations and whether our late Sequestrations were not more justifiable then those proceedings in the late Archbishops times when men were suspended ab officio beneficio meerly for not Reading the Book of sports In which particulars although he doth not ●ark so loud yet he bites as close as any other in ●he Pack who have deeper mouths I must confess that neither finding my self particularly named in that infamous Century nor concerned more then any other in those general calumnies I did not think my self obliged to take notice of them It was my expectation rather that some one or other of those who sustained most wrong would have done themselves the right of a vindication and not have suffered those reproaches to have gained belief by such a dul and dangerous silence But at the last finding the cry revived by the Civil Historian the Divine Right of Episcopacy called in question the Bishops and Clergy ignorantly censured for their Proceedings in Convocation and the subordinates of the late Archbishops whereof I had the honour to be one so unhandsomely handled I thought it my duty to appear in defence of those points wherein I found the Author either by inadvertency or want of better intelligence to have been mistaken And so far I was liberum Agens prompted by none but my own good affections to the pulick interess to that undertaking But so I cannot say of my engagings with the Church Historian being solicited thereunto by persons of all Orders Degrees and stations as wel Ecclesiastical as Accademical in the pursuance whereof I could not but take notice of that passage before laid down do the poor Clergy so much right as the nature of an Animadversion might comport withal Nec solum ad nos haec in juriavenit ab illo in the Poets words it is not we alone that are the poor sequestred and ejected Clergy but the whole Church which hath been injured by him in her power and priviledges for the asserting whereof and rectifying such mistakes as I found therein I first applyed my self unto that performance What led me to this Letter-Combate with M. Baxter you will find in the discourse it self In which you may perceive how sensible I am of those reproaches which he so prodigally casts abroad upon those poor men whom the late Ordinance for ejecting of ignorant and scandalous Ministers hath brought under his power I must needs say I might have slipt my self out of this employment as one of those whose casting out he hath disowned among many others under the notion of being Prelatical and so far interessed in the late Civil Wars as my attending on the Kings person at Oxon can ascribe unto me But in this case I will not sever my own interess from that of my Brethren my brethren not like Simeon and Levi in the evil of sin but like to Paul and Barnabas in the evil of Punishment when used despitefully and threatned to be stoned to death by the men of Iconium For though we are all guilty through human frailties of our several sins yet for those sins we stand accomptable onely at the Bar of Heaven Those scandalous crimes under colour whereof so many of us have received the punishment of Sequestration and Ejection that the Hands of men falling so short from being proved that the nonproseuting of the Evidence to a legal Tryal may rationally be thought to acquit us of them And therefore I shall weave up your defence in the same peece with my own that as we fell together we may stand together in the recovery of that Reputation which is dearer to us then our lives not suffering our common Adversaries to deal with us as Ignorant Jurors do too often in passing their verdict upon the Prisoners at the Bar when without consideration of the crimes or evidence they resolve to save one half and hang the other Whatsoever I have done herein as it

who on the rooting out of the Hereticks should possess the same to the end that he might keep it in the holy Faith But this was with a salvojure a preservation of the Rights and Interests of the Lords in chief if they gave no hindrance to the work And with this clause that it should after be extended to those also which had no Lord Paramount superiour to them According unto which decree the Albigenses and their Patrons were warred on by the Kings of France till both sides were wearied with the War and compounded it at last upon these conditions viz. That Alphonso younger brother to King Lewis the 9. of France should marry Joan daughter and heir to the last Raimond and have with her the full possession of the Country after his decease provided also that if the said parties died without issue the whole estate should be escheated to the Crown as in fine it did An. 1270. 39. This the occasion of the Canon and this the meaning and the consequent of it but what makes this to the Deposing of Kings and such supreme Princes as have no Lord Paramount above them For if you mean such inferiour Princes as had Lords in chief your argument was not home to the point it aimed at If you alledge that Emperours and Kings as well as such inferiour Princes are hooked in the last clause of viz eadem nihilominus lege servata circa eos qui dominos non habent principales I answer with the learned Bishop of Rochester in his book De Potestate Papae ● 1. c. 8. clausulam istam à Parasito al quo Pontificiae tyrannidis ministro assutam esse that it was patched unto the end of the decree by some Parasite or other Minister of the See of Rome And this he proves by several reasons as namely that Christian Kings and Emperours are n●● of such low esteem as to be comprehended in those general words qui dominos non habent principales without being specially designed and distinguished by their soveraign Titles Secondly that if any such thing had been intended it is not likely that the Embassadors of such Kings and Emperors who were then present in that Councel would ever have consented to it but rather have protested against it and caused their Protestation to be registred in the Acts thereof in due form of Law Thirdly In one of their Rescripts of the said Pope Innocent by whom this Councel was confirmed in which ●e doth plainly declare That when inferiour persons are named or pointed at in any of his Commissions majores digniores sub generali clausula non intelligantur includi that is to say that persons of more eminent rank are not to be understood as comprehended in such general clauses Adde hereunto that in the manner of the proceeding prescribed by this Canon such temporal Lords as shall neglect to purge their Countries of the filth of Heresies were to be excommunicated by the Metropolitan and other Bishops of that Province per Metropolitanum ceteros com provinciales Episcopos as the Canon hath it before the Pope could take any cognizance of the cause And I conceive that no man of reason can imagine that the Metropolitane and Provincial Bishops could or durst exercise any such jurisdiction upon those Christian Kings and Emperours under whom they lived I grant indeed that some of the more turbulent Popes did actually excommunicate and as much as in them lay depose some Christian Kings and Emperors sometimes by arming their own Subjects against them and sometimes giving their Estates and Kingdomes to the next Invador But this makes nothing to your purpose most of those turbulencies being acted before the sitting of this Councel none of them by authority from any Councel at all but carried on by them ex plenitudine potestatis under pretence of that unlimited power which they had arrogated to themselves over all the world and exercised too frequently in these Western parts 40. Such is the Argument by which you justifie M. Burton in his first position viz. That the Popish Religion is Rebellion and may it not be proved by the very same argument that the Calvinian Religion is Rebellion also Calvin himself hath told us in the closes of his Institutions that the 3 Estates in every Kingdome Pareus in his Comment on Rom 13. that the inferiour Magistrates and Buchannan in his book Dejure Regni that the people have a power to curb and controll their Kings and in some cases as in that of Male-administration to depose him also which is much as any of the Popes Parasites have ascribed unto him If you object that these are only private persons and speak their own opinions not the sense of the Churches I hope you will not say that Calvin is a private person who sate as Pope over the Churches of his platform whose writings have been made the Rule and Canon by which all men were to frame their judgments and whose authority in this very point hath been made use of for the justifying of Rebellious actions For when the Scots Commissioners were commanded by Queen Elizabeth to give a reason of their proceedings against their Queen whom not long before they had deposed from the Regal Throne they justified themselves by the authority of Calvin whereby they endeavoured to prove as my Author hath it That the Popular Magistrates are appointed and made to moderate and keep in order the excesse and unrulinesse of Kings and that it was lawful for them to put the Kings that be evil and wicked into prison and also to deprive them of their kingdoms Such instances as this we may find too many enough to prove that none of the three above mentioned though the two last were private persons delivered their own opinions only but the sense of the party The Revolt of the Low-Countries from the King of Spain the man●old embroilments made by the Hugonots in France the withholding of the Town Embden from its natural Lord the Count of Friesland the commotions in Brandenburg the falling off of the Bohemians from the house of Austria the translating of the Crown of Sweden from Sigismond K. of Poland to Charles Duke of Suderman the father of the great Gustavus the Armies thrice raised by the Scots against King Charls and the most unnatural warrs in England with the sad consequents thereof by whom were they contrived and acted but by those of the Calvinian Faction and the predominancy which they have or at the least aspired unto in their several Countries The Genevians having lead the dance in expelling their Bishop whom they acknowledged also for their temporal Prince the daughter Churches thought themselves obliged to follow their dear Mother Church in that particular and many other points of Doctrine sic instituere majores posteri imitantur as we read in Tacitus 41. But against this blow you have a Buckler and tell me that if any Protestant Writer should teach the same that

this Realm have continued in force and so many Parliaments since the first Reformation have left unquestioned 49. Your Letter now draws towards an end in which you professe some seeming gladnesse that I whom you call the Primipilus amongst the defenders of the late turgid and persecuting sort of Prelacy I like your words so well that I must needs bring them to a repetition do so freely disclaim the Grotian Religion which you say you never charged me with and thereupon conceive some confident hopes that the rest of the Prelatical Clergie will disown it also How far the most of the Prelatical Clergie shall think fit to disown the Grotian Religion as you have described it in your book I am not able to determine Aetatem habent they are all old enough to answer for themselves if you put them to it But if you have no better hopes of their disowning then you have assurances from me of my disclaiming that Religion you may cry out O spe● inanes frustra cogitationes meae without help or remedy For tell me I beseech you where is it that I have so freely disclaimed the Grotian Religion as you say I have Not in my letter I am sure there is no such matter All that I say in that is no more then this that I could have wished you had spared my name in that Preface of yours unlesse you could have proved me to have been one of that Religion as I think you cannot Which notwithstanding I may be one of that Religion and yet may warrantably think that you cannot prove it you being so great a stranger to my private discourses and finding nothing to that purpose in publick writings But whether I positively am or really am not of the Grotian Religion that is to say of that Religion of Hugh Grotius of which M. Baxter hath given us a description by his opinions I am not bound to tell you now finding my self unwilling by such an unnecessary declaration to engage my self with fresh disputes with any one of either party who finds himself unsatisfied with it may involve me in But so farr I assure you I am of the Religion of Hugh Grotius that I wish as heartily as he did that the breaches in the walls of Jerusalem were well closed up that the Puritans submitting to the Church of England and the Church of England being reconciled with the Church of Rome we might unite and center in those sacred truths those undeniable principles and established Doctrines which have been universally received in the Church of Christ and in which all parties doe agree and then I little doubt but that the Lutheran Churches in Germany Denmark Sweden and Norway and the Calvinian party in their several Countries would not unwillingly take the benefit of a publick peace leaving all doubtful disputations to be managed in the publick Schools not prest with so much heat and with so little edification to the weak in faith in the common pulpits This I am certain is no more then what is taught us in the prayer for the good estate of Christs Church militant here upon the earth In which we do beseech the Divine Majesty to inspire continually the universal Church with the spirit of truth unity and concord and to grant that all they which do confesse his holy name may agree in the truth of his holy word and live in unity and godly love which godly and most Christian prayer I do most heartily recommend to your consideration and not unto your consideration only but your practice also as I do you and all that do delight in the spirit of unity to his heavenly blessings who is the Author of Peace and the Lover of Concord And this I do with that affection which becometh Your very humble Servant and Christian Brother in Jesus Christ to be commanded Peter Heylyn Lacies Court in Abingdon Decemb. 10. 1658. 50. When I had finished this Answer and found it to amount to a greater bulk then was first desired I was in some conflict with my self by what means it might so come to M. Baxter that it might also be communicated to such others as had took notice of the injury done me and might expect to have some notice also of the right I had done my self I had some reason to believe that M. Baxter had imparted the Contents of his Letter to some or other of his friends before it was dispatcht to me to the end that they might see and know and relate to others of that party to what a sad reckoning he had called me And how unable I must prove to render an account of those several charges which he had justly laid upon me And I had reason to suspect that when he had perused my answer and seen how little he had gotten by the Provocation it might be secretly kept by him or perhaps committed to the fire for the greater security that on the one side he might be held to be invincible by those who look upon him as the Atlas which supports the cause and on the other side I might be condemned for an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by my silence had declared my self guilty of a self conviction There was somewhat also to be done in reference to the conformable clergy and the Prelatical Divines as also to the turgid and persecuting sort of Prelates who otherwise could not but admire that I who had been so active in vindicating the fame and reputation of other men should be so lame and negligent in preserving my own And other way I could find none to satisfie all parties and right my self then to publish these passages betwixt M. Baxter and my self and so to publish them that coming from the presse as M. Baxters first provocation had done before it might be universally dispersed over most parts of the Land If any shall conceive my Answer to be too long he shall conceive no otherwise of it then I do my self But I was willing to take some pains with him to satisfie him word by word and line by line where I found any thing considerable in it self or capable of receiving satisfaction from me And to say truth I have been the more punctual and exact in all particulars that M. Baxter having sufficient measure pressed down if not running over also might rest himself contented with that satisfaction and supercede all further troubles to himself or me And being he hath pleased to conclude his Letter with a complemental desire of pardon for the displeasing plainnesse of it I shall also conclude this discourse between us with an assurance to him of my kind acceptance of that Letter there being nothing which can be more agreeable to me then an honest plainnesse And as for pardon there needs none where there is no injury complained of as by me there is not And therefore I shall shut up all in these words of S. Jerome to S. Augustine on the like entercourse between them viz. Non

fair and flattering hopes of an easie victory whensoever you shall enter the Lists again yet as unfurnished as I am of all humane helps but such as I have within my self I little doubt of making good the cause against you if every point thereof should stand in need of re-examining as I think none doth However I have learned of Christ our common Master to agree with mine Adversary while I am in the way with him especially where it may be done not only salva Charitate but salva Veritate also where the agreement may be made as well without any loss to truth as improvement to charity I must needs say you have offered me very fair conditions whereby I am put into the way toward this agreement which I shall follow with the greater chearfulness you may call it passion if you please when I shall see some good effects of your Protestations such reparation made to INJVRED INNOCENCE as is professed in your Appeal Which happy hour whensoever it comes I shall not only give you the right hand of Fellowship as the Apostles did to Paul when from a Persecutor of the Church he became one of the chief Pillars in it but the right hand of precedency also which the old and dim-sighted Patriarch gave to Ephraim though the younger Brother We shall not then enter into the Dispute which of us goes first out of the field or turn our backs toward one another according to your Emblem of the two Lions endorsed which you have very well noted out of Gerrard Leigh for avoiding contentions in the way but hand in hand together as becometh Brethren the Sons not only of the same Father but of the same Mother too Nor shall we then enter into a Dispute which of the two shall be reputed for the good Philemon or which the Fugitive Onesimus there being as great a readiness in me to submit unto you in all points of civility as there can be aversness in you to acknowledg me for your Superiour by way of Argument So doing we shall both be Victors though neither can be said to be vanquished and shall consolidate a friendship without the intervening of a reconcilement And on these tearms none shall be readier to preserve either a valuable esteem whilst we live together or a fair memory of you if you go before me then SIR The most unworthy of your Brethren amongst the true Sons of the Church of England Pet. Heylyn Lacies Court in Abingdon May 16. 1659. The Contents of this Book 1. AN Exchange of Letters with Mr. Baxter occasioned by a passage in the preface to his Grotian Religion page 1. 2. An Exchauge of Letters with Dr. Barnard relating to the Book called Respondit Petrus and the supposed burning of it p. 97. 3. The Intercourse with Mr. Hickman in answer to some passages in his Justification of the Fathers and Schoolmen c. p. 113. 4. A Declaration about Forms of Government the power of the Spartan Ephori and the Jewish Sanhedrim managed Letter-wise with J. H. Esq p. 205. 5. An Appendix to the former Papers in Answer to some passages in M. Fullers late Appeal for Injured Innocence p. 311. An Advertisement touching the Errata THe Reader is to be Advertised touching some mistakes which have occurred at the Press and are desired to be corrected with his Pen before he set himself to peruse these Papers As first p. 159. for these words viz. Should command the Paraphrases of Erasmus to be translated into English studied by Priests c. read thus viz. Should commend the Paraphrases of Erasmus translated into English to be studied by Priests c. And p. 183. for which but only determined not having commanded silence in those points read thus which determined nothing but onely commanded silence c. p. 108. dele these words that information had been made as to the burning of the Book The rest of Erratas being onely literal may be mended thus Page 2. l. 10. for described r. ascribed p. 10 l. 1. for difference r. distance p. 23. l. 8. for instancing r. in standing p. 27. l. 4. for our r. of our p. 29. l. 30. f. lay r. lay not p. 40. l. 5. f. any r. to p. 50. l. 3. f. Spirator r. Spirans p. 53. l. 8. f. no r. any p. 54. l. 19. f. baser r. border p. 68. l. 18. f insue r. be true p. 86. l. 15. d. owning p. 87. l. 1. f. 29. r. 25. p. 95. l. 26. f. Fame r. Tame p. 96. l. ult f. laesives r. Laeseris ibid l. 9. f. Consul r. Councel 105. l. 16. f. way r. worse p. 109. l. 2. 3. f. lata r. tota In the Second Part f. Burlow r. Barlow ubique p. 126. l. 34. f. whos 's r. but he whose p. 130. l. 13. f. Burle r. Barlee p. 135. l. 21. f. Burechus r. Purchas p 145. l. 4. f. 24. r. 246. p. 147. l. 10. f. manner r. all manner ibid l. 19. f. supra r. Sublapsarians p. 148. l. 19. f. Barrow r. Baroe p. 167. l. 13. f. nine ten r. ninteen twenty p. 174. l. 3. for a Mother r. another p. 238. f. Tachee r. Rochel p. 243. l. 5. f. sinking r. six Kings p. 244. l. 17. r. Abeyance p. 251 l. 8. f. Kings r. Consuls p. 253. l. 14. d. it was no. p. 258. l. 30. f. right r. know p. 292. l. 3. Agraramine p. 297. f. Rubbige r. Rabine p. 310. l. 1. to new disputes ad you have had my Answer p. 316. for Bullick r. Ballick p. 317. l. 16. d. Thesulri FINIS * Isa 42. 3. in Mat. 12. c. * Hist of K. Charles fol. 144. * Ch. Hist lib. 11. 207 Preface to the Grotian Religion Ser. 23. Hickmans defence of the Fathers c. * Act. Apost 14. 5. M. Fuller's Appeal was sent unto the Author about four days after the date of this Preface Aesopi Fabuloe * Tac. An. lib. 13. * Mat. 5. v. 11. 12. 1 Pet. c. 2. v. 12. 15. 1 Pet. 2. 23 a Snape to Field b Knewstub to Field c Blake to Field H. B. for Gek. p. 127. pag. 39 40 41. pag. 45. de lege 3. Pol. l. 2. de leg 31. Cal. Just l. c. 20. Sect. 31. Iudg. 20. p. 29. Num. 1. 46. Gro. ad Ex. 18. 21. Num. 21. Deut. 17. 8. Arist Pol. 3. c. 12. Hos 8. 4. B● 5. c. 2 Judg. 1. 3. Pacuvi●● ap Livi. lib. 23. Dan. 1. 7. De jure Blac. p. lib. 1. ch 1. Jer. 38. 5. p. 289 * Iliad p. 254. * I am forced to omit the Greek verses because my Amanuensis is not Scholar enough to transcribe them distinctly for me Vell. Pater Hist 121. * Aliudque cupido mens aliud suadet video melioraproboque deteriora s●equor Ap. p. 23. Ap. p. 2. fol. 20. * Epist Ded. before the Sermons on the Tares Ob. Rese p. 8. p. 2 p. 52. p. 2. fol. 6. p. 1. p. 67. p. 2. fol. 14. p. 2. fl● 15. p. 2. p. 24. Appeal p. 2. f. 56. ● 2. f. 59. p. 2. f. 70. p. 1. f. 47. Judgement of the L P. p. 112. p. 2. f. 43 I see a Lambe in his own can be a Lion in Gods and the Churches cause Ch. Hist l. 9. f. 130. p. f. 2. 19. p. 2 f. 101 p. 3. f. 5. p. 3. f. 4. p. 3. f. 7. C. Hist l. 11. p. 147 p. 3. f. 15. p 3. f. 20. p. 3. f. 54. * 1 Sam. 15. 14. G● 48. 14