of England e. g. Friar Alexander Seaton when he was forced to flee in King Iames the 5th's time went to England and became the Duke of Suffolk's Chaplain and died in that service Alexander Aless was in great favour with King Henry and called the King's Schollar He was a Member of the English Convocation and disputed against Stokesly Bishop of London and maintain'd there were but two Sacraments Baptism and the Eucharist Anno 1536 or 37 And he it was that first turn'd the English Liturgy into Latin for Bucer's use Anno 1549 as both Heylin and Burnet in their Histories of the English Reformation tell us Iohn Fife and one M' Dowdal stayed as long in England as Aless did And 't is not to be doubted that they were of the same principles Iohn M' Bee during his abode in England was liberally entertained by Nicol. Saxton Bishop of Salisbury who made much account of him which is no argument I think that he was a Presbyterian Sir Iohn Borthwick was charged with Heresie Anno 1640 for maintaining That the Heresies commonly called the Heresies of England and their New Liturgy was Commendable and to be embraced of all Christians And That the Church of Scotland ought to be govern'd after the manner of the Church of England i. e. under the King and not the Pope as Supreme Governor Friar Thomas Guillam the first publick Preacher of the Reformed Religion in Scotland He by whose Sermons Iohn Knox got the first lively impressions of the Truth This Guillam I say after Arran the Regent Apostatized withdrew and went into England and we hear no more of him From which 't is reasonable to conclude That he kept the Common Course with the other Reformers there Iohn Rough was the Regents other Chaplain while he was Protestant He likewise fled to England tho sometime after Guillam He preached some years in the Towns of Carlisle Berwick and Newcastle and was afterwards provided to a Benefice by the Archbishop of York where he lived till the Death of King Edward When Mary's Persecution turn'd warm he fled and lived some time in Freesland He came to London about some business Anno 1557. was apprehended and brought before Bonner Questioned if he had preached any since he came to England Answered he had preached none But in some places where godly people were Assembled He had read the Prayers of the Communion Book set forth in the Reign of King Ed. VI. Question'd again what his Judgment was of that Book Answered He approved it as agreeing in all points with the word of God And so suffered Martyrdom I think this man was neither for Parity nor against Liturgies But to proceed The excellent Mr. Wishart as he had spent some time in England as was told before so it seems he returned to Scotland of English I am confident not of Presbyterian Principles For he was not only for the Lawfulness of Private Communion as appeared by his practice but Knox gives us fair intimations that he ministred it by a Set-form I know King Edward's Liturgy was not then composed But it is not to be imagined That the Reformers in England in Wishart's time administred the Sacrament without a Set-form The Extemporary Spirit was not then in vogue And why else could Sir Iohn Borthwick have been charged with the Great Heresy of Commending the English Liturgy However I shall not be peremptory because I have not the opportunity of enquiring at present what Forms the English Reformers had then All I shall say is if they had a Liturgy 't is very probable Wishart used it For as Knox tells us when he celebrated the Eucharist before his Execution After he had blessed the Bread and Wine he took the Bread and Brake it and gave to every one of it bidding each of them Remember that Christ had died for them and feed on it spiritually so taking the Cup he bade them Remember that Christs Blood was shed for them c. So Knox word for word which account I think seems fairly to intimate that Wishart used a Form but if he did what other could it be than such as he had learned in England I have accounted already how Iohn Willock and William Harlaw had served in the English Church before they came to Scotland I might perhaps make a fuller Collection But what needs more Even Knox himself lived in Communion with the Church of England all the time he was in that Kingdom He went not there to keep Conventicles to erect Altar against Altar to gather Churches out of the Church of England to set up separate and schismatical Churches as some of our present Parity-men have sometimes done No he preached in the publick Churches and in subordination to the Bishops and he preached before King Edward himself as he himself tell us in his Admonition to the Professors of the Truth in England which it is very improbable he would have been allowed to have done if he had Condemned the Communion of the Church of England as it was then established For who knows not that in King Edwards time all Schism and Non-Conformity were sufficiently discouraged And through that whole Admonition he still speaks of himself as One of the Ministers of the Church of England Nay If it be Reasonable to Collect mens Sentiments from their Reasonings I am sure in that same Admonition I have enough for my purpose For he reasons upon suppositions and from Principles which clearly condemned Separation from the Church of England as then established For when he gives his thoughts of that fatal Discord which happened between the two great men Somerset and the Admiral as I take it He discourses thus God compelled my tongue says he openly to declare That the Devil and his Ministers the Papists Intended only the Subversion of Gods true Religion by that Mortal Hatred amongst those who ought to have been most assuredly Knit together by Christian Charity And especially that the wicked and envious Papists by that ungodly Breach of Charity diligently minded the overthrow of him Somerset that to his own Destruction procured the Death of his innocent friend and Brother All this trouble was devised by the Devil and his instruments to stop and lett Christ's Disciples and their poor Boat i. e. the Church What can be more plain I say than that Knox here proceeds on suppositions and reasons from Principles which condemned Separation from the Church of England as then established Doth he not suppose that the Church of England as then established was Christ's Boat his Church And that the Sons of the Church of England were Christ's Disciples Doth he not suppose that these two Brothers as Sons of the Church of England ought to have been assuredly knit together by Christian Charity That the Breach between them was ane ungodly Breach of that Charity by which Members of that same Church ought to have been assuredly knit together And
that it was a contrivance of the wicked and envious Papists thereby to Ruine the Church of England Doth he not suppose all these as unundoubted Truths I say Or rather doth he not positively or expresly assert them And now if Separation from the Church of England and condemning her Communion as ane Vnlawful Communion can consist with these principles and suppositions or if he who reasons on these suppositions and from these principles can be deem'd at the same time to have been for the Vnlawfulness of the Communion of the Church of England I must confess I know not what it is to collect mens sentiments from their Principles and Reasonings Whoso pleases may find more of Knox's sentiments to this purpose in his Exhortation to England for the speedy receiving of Christs Gospel Dated from Geneva Ianuary 12. 1559. For there he calls England happy In that God by the power of his verity of late years i. e. in King Edward's time had broken and destroyed the intolerable yoke of her spiritual Captivity and brought her forth as it had been from the bottom of Hell and from the Thraldom of Satan in which she had been holden blinded by Idolatry and Superstition to the fellowship of his Angels and the possession of that rich Inheritance prepared to his Dearest Children with Christ Iesus his Son And a little after he says of the Church of England that in that same King Edward's days she was a Delectable Garden planted by the Lords own hand And in his Letter to Secretary Cecil from Diep April 10 1559. he tells him He expects that same favour from him which it becometh one Member of Christs Body to have for another And in his Letter to Q. Elizabeth from Edenburgh 28 Iuly 1559. He renders thanks unfeignedly to God That it hath pleased him of his eternal Goodness to exalt her Head to the Manifestation of his Glory and the Extirpation of Idolatry Is this like the Clamour which has been ordinary with our Presbyterians about the Idolatry of the Church of England And in the conclusion of that Letter he prays that the Spirit of the Lord Iesus may so rule her in all her Actions and Enterprizes that in her God may be Glorified his Kirk Edified and she as a lively Member of the same may be ane Example of Virtue and Godliness of Life to all others Are these like the sayings of one who in the mean time judged the Communion of the Church of England ane Unlawful Communion 'T is true indeed Iohn Knox was displeased with some things in the English Liturgy He thought she had some Modes and Ceremonies there which were scandalous as symbolizing too much with the Papists and it cannot be denied that he disturbed the peace of the English Church at Francfort But if I mistake not he did so not that he thought the terms of her Communion truly sinful but that he judged his own or rather the Genevian Model purer For 't is reasonable to think he proceeded on the same principles and was of the same sentiments with his Master Calvin And nothing can be clearer than that Calvin did not condemn the things scrupled at as impious or unlawful but as not agreeable to his Standard of Purity as appears from the Citation on the Margin and might easily be made appear more fully if one were put to it but 't is needless now considering that all I aim at is that it cannot be inferred from what Knox did at Francfort That he judged the Communion of the Church of England ane Vnlawful Communion tho I must confess in making these stirs he proceeded not according to the true Catholick Principles of Christian Communion But enough of him at present To proceed As our Reformers thus generally looke upon the Church of England as a true Church and her Communion as a Lawful Communion so after our Reformation was established those of the Church of England had the same sentiments of the Church of Scotland The Ambassadors who at any time for many years came from England to the Scottish Court made no scruple to live in the Communion of the Church of Scotland and joyn in her publick Worship Thus the Earl of Bedford who came to assist at the Solemnization of the Princes afterwards K. Iames the Sixth's Baptism Anno 1566. went daily to Sermon i. e. by a Synecdoche very familiar in Scotland to the publick Worship Neither did I ever observe the least intimation in any monument of these times I have seen of these two Churches having opposite Communions till many years after the Reformation But I have insisted long enough on this Consideration The sum whereof is briefly this Our Reformers so far as can appear from their private sentiments and practices lookt upon the Church of England as a true Christian Church They lived in her Communion when they had occasion to be within her Bounds not one of them condemned her Communion as ane Vnlawful Communion not one of them set up Conventicles in England when they were there nor erected separate Churches c. From all which it seems to follow at least very probably That they reformed generally upon the same Principles intirely upon the same as to Church Communion The reason why I have insisted so long on this argument is that it smooths the way for the next which is 2. That our Reformers in their publick deeds openly and solemnly profest that they were of one Religion one Communion with the Church of England This as I take it is a point of considerable importance and therefore I shall endeavour to set it at least in a competent Light 1. Then Unity of Religion and by good Consequence I think Oneness of Communion between the Scottish and the English Protestants was the great Argument insisted on by the Scots in their Addresses to England for Assistance to turn out the French and establish the Reformation in Scotland Anno 1559 And it was one of the main Grounds on which all that great Revolution was transacted that year and the next viz. 1560. Take the account as I have it from that which is commonly called Knox his History When the Lords of the Congregation found it would be necessary for them to implore foreign Assistance for driving out the French then the great Obstacles to the Reformation They resolved in the first place to apply to England and the Reason given for this Resolution was That ENGLAND WAS OF THE SAME RELIGION Or if ye please take it in the Authors own words We thought good to seek aid and support of all Christian Princes against her the Queen Regents Tyranny in case we should be more sharply persued AND BECAUSE THAT ENGLAND WAS OF THE SAME RELIGION and lay next unto us it was thought expedient first to prove them c. It was rational enough to try there first indeed considering what I have already observed concerning Queen Elizabeth And Tryed it was and
I shall be put to it But I think his own Act which he cited tho most ridiculously as shall be made appear afterwards in the immediately preceeding paragraph may be good enough for him For He concludes it as evident that Episcopal Jurisdiction over the Protestants was condemned by Law in the Parliament 1567. because it is there statute and ordained that no other Iurisdiction Ecclesiastical be acknowledged within this Realm than that which is and shall be within this same Kirk established presently or which sloweth therefrom concerning preaching the Word correcting of Manners administration of Sacraments and Prelatical Jurisdiction was not then in Scotland So he reasons Now I dare adventure to refer it to his own judgment whither it will not by the same way of reasoning follow and be as evident that the Iurisdiction of Superintendents was allowed of by this same Act seeing he himself cannot have the Brow to deny that it was then in its vigor and daily exercised I think this is Argument good enough ad hominem But as I said we shall have more of this Act of Parliament hereafter Thus I have dispelled some of these clouds our Presbyterian Brethren use to raise about the Prelacy of Superintendents perhaps there may be more of them but considering the weakness of these which certainly are the strongest it is easy to conjecture what the rest may be if there are any more of them And thus I think I have fairly accounted for the Sentiments of our Reformers in relation to Parity or Imparity amongst the Governors of the Church during the First Scheme into which they cast the Government of the Church BEFORE I proceed to the next I must go back a little and give a brief Deduction of some things which may afford considerable Light both to what I am now to insist on and what I have insisted on already Tho I am most unwilling to rake into the Mistakes or Weaknesses of our Reformers yet I cannot but say that our Reformation was carried on and at first established upon some principles very disadvantageous to the Church both as to her Polity and Patrimony There were Mistakes in the Ministers on the one hand and sinister and worldly designs amongst the Laity on the other and both concurred unhappily to produce Great Evils in the Result There was a principle had then got too much sooting amongst some Protestant Divines viz. That the best way to reform a Church was to recede as far from the Papists as they could to have nothing in common with them but the Essentials the necessary and indispensable Articles and Parts of Christian Religion whatever was in its nature indifferent and not positively and expresly commanded in the Scriptures if it was in fashion in the Popish Churches was therefore to be laid aside and avoided as a Corruption as having been abused and made subservient to Superstition and Idolatry This principle Iohn Knox was fond of and maintained zealously and the rest of our reforming Preachers were much acted by his Influences In pursuance of this principle therefore when they compiled the First Book of Discipline they would not reform the Old Polity and purge it of such Corruptions as had crept into it keeping still by the main Draughts and Lineaments of it which undoubtedly had been the wiser the safer and every way the better course as they were then admonisht even by some of the Popish Clergy But they laid it quite aside and instead thereof hammered out a New Scheme keeping at as great a distance from the Old one as they could and as the Essentials of Polity would allow them establishing no such thing however as Parity as I have fully proven And no wonder for as Imparity has obviously more of Order Beauty and Vsefulness in iâ—â— Aspect so it had never so much as by Dreaming entered their Thoughts that it was a Limb of Antichrist or a Relique of Popery That our Reformers had the aforesaid principle in their view all alongst while they digested the First Book of Discipline is plain to every one that reads it Thus In the First Head they condemn Binding Men and Women to a several and disguised Apparel to the superstitious observing of Fasting Days Keeping of holy days of certain Saints commanded by Man such as be all these THE PAPISTS HAVE INVENTED as the Feasts of the Apostles Martyrs Christmas c. In the Second Head The Cross in Baptism and Kneeling at the Reception of the Symbols in the Eucharist In the Third Head they require not only Idolatry but all its Monuments and Places to be suppressed and amongst the rest Chappels Cathedral Churches and Colleges i. e. as I take it Collegiate Churches And many other such instances might be adduced particularly as to our present purpose They would not call those whom they truly and really stated in a Prelacy above their Brethren Prelates or Bishops but Superintendents They would not allow of Imposition of hands in Ordinations They made Superintendents subject to the Censures of their own Synods they changed the bounds of the Diocesses they would not allow the Superintendents the same Revenues which Prelates had had before They would not suffer Ecclesiastical Benefices to stand distinguished as they had been formerly but they were for casting them all for once into one heap and making a new Division of the Churches Patrimony and parcelling it out in Competencies as they thought it most expedient In short A notable instance of the prevalency of this principle we have even in the year 1572. after the Restauration of the Old Polity was agreed to For then by many in the General Assembly Exceptions were taken at the Titles of Archbishop Dean Arch-Deacon Chancellor Chapter c. as being Popish Titles and offensive to the Ears of good Christians As all Historians agree Buâ— then As they were for these and the like alterations in pursuance of this principle so they were zealous for and had no mind to part with the Patrimony of the Church Whatever had been dedicated to Religious Uses whatever under the notion of either Spirituality or Temporality had belonged to either Seculars or Regulars before they were positive should still continue in the Churches hands and be applied to her Maintainance and Advantages condemning all Dilapidations Alienations Impropriations and Laick Usurpations and Possessions of Church Revenues c. as is to be seen fully in the Sixth Head of the Book Thus I say our Reformers had digested a New Scheme of Polity in the First Book of Discipline laying aside the Old one because they thought it too much Popish And now that we have this Book under consideration it will not be unuseful nay it will be needful for a full understanding of what follows to fix the time when it was written Knox and Calderwood follows him says it was written after the Dissolution of the Parliament which sate in August 1560. and gave the legal Establishment to the
of feeding their Flocks they worried them 103 Inciters to and Abettors of Persecution 126 A Faction that indulged debauched men in their immoralities 166 Hundreds of their party guilty of gross immoralities for one Presbyterian 166 Their debauchery tempts people to count all Religion a sham 173 Generally favourers of Popery passim Men who are wiser than to comply with the present Establishment of the Church from which 't is like they would have been excluded for their immoralities or errors 5 And God knows how frequently he makes them generally Ignorant or Erroneous or Scandalous or Supinely Negligent This I think may serve for a Tryal of his excessive Civilities to the Scottish Clergy Well! But is he as Civil to the Church of England Take a Proof from his Rational Defence c. Those of the Church of England seem wiser than Christ and his Apostles from whom they do manifestly and confessedly differ in the things Controverted between them and the Nonconformists p. 71 They are either strangers to England or strangely byassed who see not cause to complain of the Ignorance Idleness and Vicious Conversation of the English Clergy 40 'T is the spirit of the party still to Create trouble to the Church 63 They are ane imperious Superstitious Clergy that will be Lords over Gods inheritance in despight of the Apostle 80 And how often doth he call them Liars Misrepresenters Calumniators c. vid p. 66 274.275 276 c. I shall only mention one instance of the English Episcopal Knavery which G. R. resents very highly You may see it pag. 276. I have met with another instance says he of Episcopal ingenuity for exposing the Presbyterians among the Foreign Churches It is in a Letter of the famous Bochart dated Nov. 2. 1â—80 in Answer to a Letter from Doctor Morley wherein the Doctor representeth the Presbyterian principles in three positions whereof the third is a GROSS CALUMNY The position is Reges posse vi armis a subditis cogi in ordinem si se praebeant immorigeros De Soliis Deturbari in Carcerem Conjici Sisti in jus per Carnificem denique capite plecti i. e. That Presbyterians maintain that Subjects may call their Soveraigns to ane account by Force of Arms and if they are stubborn incorrigible Soveraigns they may cast them in Prison Iudge them Sentence them and order the Hangman to give them a cast of his craft And now kind Reader judge impartially was not this a Gross Calumny What impudent lying Rogues must these English Prelates and Prelatists have been who so Grossly Calumniated such Eminently Loyal Subjects such True Friends to Monarchy such unquestionable Passâ—ve-obedience and Non-resistance-men But return we to our Author One thing may be pleaded in his behalf It is that this his Rational Defence c. as he says himself was written about the time that K. I. came to the Throne i. e. some four years before the late Revolution and at that time it was excuseable in him to tell his mind freely about the English Clergy Because he was then a Non-conformist in England and suffering under their Yoke But now that Presbytery is Established in Scotland and he has got a Post there in which he can live to purpose his temper is become a little sweetned and he will not any more be ane Enemy to the English Clergy Nay has he not published so much lately in his Second Vindication True He has More he seems to have promised at least professed so much not only for himself but for his whole party He has told the world in his Answer to the first of the Four Letters § 12. That Scottish Presbyterians are far from interposing in the Church of Englands affairs that they are not bound by the Covenant to Reform England but to concur when Lawfully called to advance Reformation That 't is far from their Thoughts to go beyond that Boundary That they wish their Reformation but leave the management of it to themselves And in his Answer to the Case of the Afflicted Clergy c. § 1. he goes a farther length The Author had said That the Church of England should bethink themselves how to quench the flames in Scotland c. And G. R.'s Answers Thus they sow discord among Brethren and animate England to concern themselves in the affairs of our Church when we do not meddle in their Matters Here you see he owns the English Clergy for no less than his Brethren Are they not Cock-sure now that they shall never have more of his excessive Civilities Well! I cannot tell what may be but I can tell something of what hath already been This same Loving Brother to the Church of England published his Rational Defence c. Anno 1689 i. e. since the beginning of the late Revolution And it is evident his Preface was written since likewise For therein he Discourses Rhetorically How God by the late Revolution hath made us like them that dream and done exceeding abundantly for us above what we could think out-done our Faith as was foretold Luk. 18.8 Now In that same Preface he owns he published his Book then because he thought it a fit Season and it seem'd allowable if not necessary that each party should put in their Claim and give the best Reasons they could for their pretensions Which how it consisted with designs for the peace of the Church of England let herself consider This I am sure of if his excessive Civilities could be helpful for unhinging her she got them in that Preface with a witness Take this for a Taste He not only exhorts his Readers to purge the Church of England of bad Men ane Ignorant Scandalous Heady and unsober Ministery But he farther Discourses thus God will not be at peace with the Church while such are countenanced and good men cannot with any satisfaction behold such scandals to Religion and such effectual Instruments of the ruine of Souls continued in the Church while some effectual course is not taken to remove them The Church is like to have little peace either with God or in her self Let all then contribute their endeavours to have the unsavoury salt cast out if this piece of Reformation be endeavoured all ranks must put hand to it The People by discovering such where they are And not calling nor countenancing them when they want a guide to their Souls And Magistrates by endeavouring the Regulating of such Laws as do in any wise open the door to such men to enter And again Church Reformation must also truely be endeavoured by us if we would have Church peace It is no token for good when sinful evils images of jealousie which provoke the Lord to jealousie such as Episcopacy the Liturgy Ceremonies Holy-days c. are in the Church and yet all agree in these ways none lament them nor reprove them nor take care to keep their Garments clean from the Corruptions of the time c. Now that all this is directly
Rebellion committed by Presbyterians you see All were EXTRAORDINARY ACTINGS In short Presbyterians are beyond reproaches in the Consciences of all that know them and do not hate them 2. Vind. p. 37 Now 'T was none of my designs to render the Presbyterians peculiarly odious by adducing these instances I know these Crimes are not peculiar to them I doubt not many of them are not violently inclined to Persecution or Rebellion I doubt as little many of them will be ready to acknowledge they are peccable as other men and things have been done by many of their party which such as are Ingenuous will not offer to Apologize for That which I was mainly concern'd for was our Authors Impudence For who ever saw greater Impudence than there is in these Ridiculous Defences he has been pleased to publish in Vindication of his party 4. Another instance might be his making his party so frequently the only Protestants in the Nation The only men that resisted or could resist or were willing to resist Popery Thus the Author of the Ten Questions had said and said truly That the Presbyterians accepted and gave thanks for ane Indulgince notwithstanding that they knew that all the Designs of the Court were for advancing Popery How our Author Justifies their Thankful Addressing to K. J. for such a favour shall be considered by and by That which I take notice of at present is his Apology for their accepting of that Indulgence It had been a strange thing says he 1 Vind. ad Quest. 8. § 2. if they should have been backward to Preach and hear the Gospel when a door was opened for it because some men had a design against the Gospel in their opening of it The Gospel you know was neither Preached nor heard in Scotland before a door was opened for it by that Indulgence But this by the way Surely their silence and peevish refusing on that occasion had been much to the hurt of the Gospel For then Papists who would not fail to use the Liberty for their part should have had the fairest occasion imaginable to mislead People without ANY TO OPPOSE THEM On the contrary their using that Liberty was the great mean by which with the blessing of the Lord so very few during that time of Liberty were perverted to Popery in the Nation Now who should doubt after this that all the Prelatists were silent Encouragers of Popery And that the Presbyterians were the only People who Preached against it zealously and opposed it boldly Here is such a Master-piece of our Authors main talent as I am confident no other Presbyterian in the nation will offer to extenuate far less justify He insists on the same Theme in his 2 Vind. p. 91. where he tells That wise men thought that the best way to keep out Popery was to make use of the Liberty for setting the People in the right way c. As if there had been no possibility of keeping them from turning Papists but by making them Presbyterians 5. Near of kin to this is that other Common Head he sometimes insists on viz. That all are Papists or Popishly affected who were not for the late Revolution Thus in his 1 Vind. ad Quest. 9. § 4. in Answer to that Allegation that the Presbyterians denyed the Kings prerogative of making Peace and War c. He tells the world If this his Argument can cast any blame on Presbyterians 't is this that there are Cases in which they allow the States and Body of the Nation to resist the King so far as to hinder him to root out the Religion that is by Law Established among them And one should think that he might have been by this time convinced that this is not peculiar to Prebyterians But that all the Protestants in Britain are engaged in the same thing And in his True Represent ad Ob. 2 He has these plain words what was done in removing K. J. from his Throne was not by us alone but by all the TRUE PROTESTANTS in the Nation who were indeed Concerned for the safety of that Holy Religion Now 'T is none of my present business to justify or Apologize for such as were or are against the late Revolution Let Iacobitism be as great ane Heresie as our Author pleases to call it Let him rank it with Platonism or Socinianism if he will Only I dare be bold to say that it was ane odd stretch of Impudence to make it Popery I mentioned a little above his Apologizing for his party's Addressing so thankfully to K. I. for his Toleration And truly his performances that way may pass 6. For another instance of his having a good Dose of Brow as himself commonly calls his own prime Accomplishment For it was such ane Arrant mixture of Flattery and Hypocrisy especially when enlightened by their subsequent practice that no Sophistry can palliate it so as to make it seem innocent But it has been so frequently tossed already that I need not to insist upon it Far less am I at leisure to examine all the ridiculous stuff our Author has vented about it Only one thing I shall propose to the world to be farther considered Whoso has Read any of our Authors Vindications of his Church of Scotland cannot but have observed that even to loathsomeness he was precise in pursuing his Adversaries foot for foot on all occasions when Impudence it self could afford him any thing to say Yet one thing of very great consequence was alledged by the Author of the Second Letter to which he has Answered nothing What else could move our Author to this sinful and unseasonable silence but the Conscience that it was not fit to meddle with it The Matter is this The Author of that Letter having Discoursed how amazed the Presbyterians themselves were at the Dispensing Power upon the publication of K. I.'s first Proclamation for the Toleration How little forward they were at first to accept of it And how they complyed not with its designs till they got a Second Edition of it c. Offered at conjecturing about the Reasons which might have induced them afterwards to embrace it so thankfully and unanimously as they did Amongst the rest I find he insisted on this as one viz. That they had got secret instructions from Holland to comply with the Dispensing Power in subserviency to the ensuing Revolution And he added that for this he knew there were very strong Presumptions Now G. R. I say passed this over in a profound silence which to me seems a considerable presumption that there was some truth in the matter and the Epistler had guesâ—ed right But if it was so I think the Presbyterian Address to K. I. for the Toleration may now appear in blacker colours than ever I am earnest not to be mistaken I do not Condemn their keeping a Correspondence with the Court at the Hague on that occasion Let that have been done dutifully or undutifully as it might All I am
Canterbury To the Bishop of London To Ithavius Bishop of Vladislavia dated Decem. 1. An. 1558 Or his Resolution of that Case if a Bishop or Curate joyn himself to the Church c. Or lastly his Epistle to the King of Poland wherein he tells him That It was Nothing but pride and ambition that introduced the Popes Supremacy That the Ancient Church had indeed her Patriarchs and Primates for the Expedition of Discipline and the Preservation of Unity As if in the Kingdom of Poland one Archbishop should have the precedency of the rest of the Bishops not that he might Tyrannize over them but for Orders sake and for Cherishing Unity amongst his Collegues and Brethren And next to him there should be Provincial or City Bishops for keeping all things orderly in the Church Nature teaching says he that from every Colledge One should be chosen who should have the chief Management of affairs But 'T is another thing for one Man as the Pope doth to arrogate that to himself which exceeds all humane abilities namely The Power of governing the whole Universe Whoso shall perpend these writings of Mr. Calvins I say shall find that he was very far from maintaining the Vnlawfulness of Prelacy Nay farther yet I challenge my Presbyterian Brethren upon their ingenuity to tell me weither it was not a good many years after 1560. that Beza himself the true founder of their Sect condemn'd Prelacy if he did condemn it I say if he did maintain the Necessity of Parity and condemn'd Prelacy For however he may seem upon several occasions not only to give the preference to Presbyterian Government and represent it as the most eligible But to endeavour to found it on Scripture And represent Episcopacy as an humane invention yet I have not observed that any where 〈◊〉 calls it absolutely or simply Unlawful On the contrary he says in express terms That it is Tolerable when it is duely Bounded when the pure Canons of the Ancient Church are kept in vigour to keep it within its proper Limits Sure I am he was not for separating from a Church as our modern Presbyterians are upon the account of its Governments being Episcopal as might be made appear fully from his Letters so that whatever greater Degrees of Dislike to Episcopacy he may have discovered beyond his Predecessor Mr. Calvin yet it is not unreasonable to think that his great aim was no more than to justify the Constitution of the Church he lived in and recommend it as a pattern to other Churches The Scope of this whole Consideration is this That if what I have asserted is true if there was no such Controversie agitated all the time our Church was a Reforming nor for a good many years after Then we have one fair Presumption that our Reformers were not Presbyterians It is not likely that they were for the Indispensibility of Parity that being the side of a Question which in these times was not begun to be tossed And this Presumption will appear yet more ponderous if II. It be considered that we have no reason to believe that our Reformers had any peculiar Motives or Occasions for adverting to the pretended Evils of Prelacy or any peculiar interests to determine them for Parity beyond other Churches or that they were more sharp-sighted to espy faults in Prelacy or had opportunities or inclinations to search more diligently or enquire more narrowly into these matters than other Reformers The truth is The Controversies about Doctrine and Worship were the great ones which took up the thoughts of our Reformers and imployed their most serious Applications This is obvious to any who considers the accounts we have of them so very obvious that G. R. himself fairly confesses it in his First Vind. ad Quest. 1. where he tells us That the Errors and Idolatry of that way meaning Popery were so gross and of such immediate hazard to the Souls of People That it is no wonder that our Reformers minded these First and Mainly and thought it a great step to get these Removed so that they took some more time to consult about the Reforming of the Government of the Church From which 't is plain he confesses the Reformation of the Churches Government was not the subject of their Main Thinking which indeed is very true and cannot but appear to be so to any who considers what a Lame Scheme was then drest up by them But however this was 't is enough to my present purpose That our Reformers were more imployed in reforming the Doctrine and Worship than in thinking about Church Governments From which together with the former presumption which was that our present Controversies were not begun to be agitated in these times one of two things must follow unavoidably viz. either 1. That if they were for the Divine and indispensible Right of Parity 't is no great matter their Authority is not much to be valued in a Question about which they had thought so Little Or 2. That it is to be presumed they were not for the Divine Right of Parity That being the side of a Question which was not then agitated in any Protestant Church and as Little in Scotland as any To be ingenuous I think both inferences good tho 't is only the Last I am concerned for at present But this is not all For III. So far as my opportunities would allow me I have had a special eye on all our Reformers as I found them in our Histories I have noticed their sentiments about Church Government as carefully as I could And I have not found so much as one amongst them who hath either directly or indirectly asserted the Divine and Vnalterable Right of Parity By our Reformers here I mean such as were either 1. Martyrs or 2. Confessors for the Reformed Religion before it had the countenance of Civil Authority or 3. Such as lived when it was publickly established and had a hand in bringing it to that perfection Such I think and such only deserved the Name of our Reformers And here again I dare be bold to challenge my Presbyterian Brethren to adduce clear and plain proof that so much as any one man of the whole Number of our Reformers was of the present principles of the party Some of them indeed seem to have laid no great stress on Holy Orders and to have been of opinion That personal Gifts and Graces were a sufficient Call to any man to preach the Gospel and undertake the pastoral Office Thus that excellent person Mr. George Wishart who in most things seems to have juster notions of the Gospel Spirit than most of our other Reformers when at his Tryal he was charged with this Article That every man was a Priest and that the Pope had no more power than another man answered to this purpose That St. Iohn saith of all Christians He hath made us Kings and Priests And St. Peter He hath made us
consequence of this their frankness the Earl of Argyle and the Prior of St. Andrews two first-rate Protestants were the persons nominated to pass into France to honour the Dauphine with that complement And they undertook it cordially But in the very instant almost they were informed that Mary of England was dead and Elizabeth on the Throne and withal professing Protestancy This altered their whole Scheme They presently considered The English Influences so long stopt in their Courses might now begin to Drop again And there were hopes of Assistance from that Female Soveraign So these two Lords no doubt with the advice of the rest of the fraternity gave over thoughts of their French Voyage The Dauphine might purchase a Crown for himself or wait till his Father dyed if he could not do better They resolved to carry him no Matrimonial Crowns from Scotland Indeed their hopes of Assistance from England to carry on the Reformation of Religion were better grounded then than ever For Upon the Death of Queen Mary of England by French advice our Queen as Next Heir to that Crown had assumed the English Titles 'T is not to be thought Elizabeth lik'd this well and resolving to continue Queen of England she had no reason For who knows not that her Title was Questionable But our Queens Descent was Vncontroverted What wonder then if Elizabeth thought herself concerned to secure herself as well as she could And what more feasible and proper way for her security than to have the Affections and by consequence the Power of Scotland on her side And what measure so natural for obtaining that as to cherish the Reformation of Religion in Scotland and weaken the Popish and by consequence the French interests there and get the Rule of that Kingdom put in the hands of Protestants The politick was obviously solid all the work was to set it a going But that difficulty was soon over for no sooner did she employ some private instruments to try the Scottish pulses than they smelt the matter and relisht it immediately The least intimation that she was so inclined was to them as a spark of fire amongst Gun-powder it kindled them in a thought They addrest her quickly beg'd her protection and plighted their Faith that they would depend upon her and stand by her and to the outmost of their power secure her interests if she would grant them suitable assistances Thus the bargain was readily agreed to on both sides and both perform'd their parts successfully For who knows not that our Reformation was carried on by Elizabeths Auspices by English Arms and Counsels and Money in the year 1560 And who knows not that by the Treaty at Leith in Iuly that same year after the French were expelled Scotland when our Reformers by her help had got the upper hand her Crown was secured as far as the Scottish Protestants could secure it Who knows not I say that it was one of the Articles of that Treaty That the Queen of Scotland and King of France should not thereafter usurp the Titles of England and Ireland and should delete the Arms of England and Ireland out of their Scutchions and whole Houshold-stuff By this time I think it may competently appear how much our Scottish Reformation under God depended on English influences But I have two things more to add 10. Then It is considerable that some of our Chief Luminaries of those who had a principal hand in preaching and planting the Gospel in Purity among us had drunk in these principles in England and brought them thence to Scotland with them Thus the excellent Martyr Mr. George Wishart of whom in part before as Spotswood tells us had spent his time in Cambridge and return'd to his own Country to promote the Truth in it Anno 1544. And Mr. Iohn Spotswood that worthy man who was so long Superintendent of Lothian after our Reformation was one of Cranmers Disciples as you may see in the beginning of the Life of Archbishop Spotswood his Son and also in his History And Iohn Willock and William Harlaw had both lived in England before they preacht in Scotland as I have already accounted and perhaps a strict Enquiry might discover some others 11. and lastly On the other hand except so far as Iohn Knox was Calvinist and a Lover of the Forms of Geneva for which perhaps I shall account hereafter none of our Historians give so much as one particular instance of a Scottish Reformer who had his Education in any other foreign Church except Mr. Patrick Hamilton who I think cannot be proven to have been a Presbyterian and tho it could be done it could amount to no more than the Authority of a very young man considering he was but 23 years of age when he died Neither do they mention any Foreigner who came here to Scotland to assist us in our Reformation Lesly indeed says that the Scottish Protestants sent Letters and Messengers to Germany to call thence Sacramentarian Ministers as being very dexterous at fostering Sedition and subverting Religion but no other Historian says so and he himself says not that ever any such came to Scotland Thus I think I have accounted competently for the first thing proposed viz. That our Reformation under God was principally Cherished and Encouraged by English Influences I proceed to the 2. Which was That in Correspondence to these Influences our Reformers were generally of the same Mind with the Church of England in several momentous instances relating to the Constitution and Communion the Government and Polity of the Church wherein our present Presbyterian principles stand in direct opposition and contradiction to her That our Reformers agreed with those of the Church of England in the Common Articles of the Christian Faith in their Creed was never called in Question But it is not my present purpose to consider the sentiments of our Reformers in relation to the Church as it is a Sect but as it is a Society neither shall I be curious to amuse many particulars I shall content my self with two or three of considerable weight and importance And 1. Our Reformers generally or rather unanimously lookt on the Church of England as a Church so well constituted that her Communion was a Lawful Communion For this we have two as good Evidences as the nature of the thing is capable of viz. The constant and uniform practice of our Reformers joining in the Communion of the Church of England when they had occasion as those of the Church of England did with the Church of Scotland and their open profession in their publick deeds that they thought it Lawful 1. I say it was the constant practice of our Reformers to joyn in the Communion of the Church of England when they had occasion as those of the Church of England did with the Church of Scotland Thus we find all such of our Reformers as in times of Persecution fled into England still joyning with the Church
found successful For Secretary Cecil no sooner heard of their intention than he sent them word That their Enterprize misliked not the English Council Upon the sight of this great Ministers Letter which brought them so comfortable news they instantly return'd ane Answer Knox has it word for word I shall only take ane Abstract of what is proper for my present purpose In short then They perceive their Messenger Master Kircaldie of Grange hath found Cecil ane unfeigned favourer of Christ's true Religion As touching the Assurance of a perpetual Amity to stand betwixt the two Realms as no earthly thing is more desired by them so they crave of God to be made the Instruments by which the Unnatural Debate which hath so long continued between the Nations may be composed To the Praise of Gods Name and the Comfort of the Faithful in both Realms If the English Wisdom can foresee and devise how the same may be brought to pass they may perswade themselves not only of the Scottish Consent and Assistance but of their Constancy as Men can promise to their lives end And of Charge and Commandment to be left by them to their posterity that the Amity between the Nations IN GOD contracted and begun may be by them kept inviolate for Ever Their Confederacy Amity and League shall not be like the pactions made by worldly men for worldly profit but as they Require it FOR GODS CAUSE so they will call upon his Name for the Observation of it As this their Confederacy requires Secresy so they doubt not the English Wisdom will communicate it only to such as they know to be favourers of such A GODLY CONJUNCTION And in their opinion it would much help if the Preachers both in perswasion and in publick prayers as theirs in Scotland do would commend the same unto the people And thus after their most humble Commendation to the Queen's Majesty whose Reign they wish may be prosperous and long to the Glory of God and Comfort of his Church they heartily commit him to the Protection of the Omnipotent Given at Edenburgh Iuly 17. Anno 1559. Before I proceed further I must tell my Reader that all our Historians are extreamly defective as to this great Transaction between Scotland and England I am now accounting for None of them neither Buchanan nor Lesly nor Spotswood hath this Letter except Knox and he calls it the first Letter to Sir William Cecil from the Lords of the Congregation which imports there were more as no doubt there were many and yet he hath not so much as a second Besides I find by Knox Buchanan and Spotswood that in November 1559 Secretary Maitland was sent by the Lords of the Congregation to treat with the Queen of England I find likewise that he managed the matter so and brought it to such maturity that immediately upon his return the League between the Queen of England and the Scottish Lords was transacted and finished and yet I can no where find what Commission he had nor what Instructions how he manag'd his business nor upon what terms the Queen of England and He came to an Agreement and several other such lamentable defects I find so that it is not possible for me to give so exact a Deduction of such ane important Matter as were to be wished Tho I doubt not if it had been clearly and fully deduced it might have brought great Light to many things about our Reformation which now so far as I know are buried in Obscurity Any man may readily imagine how sensible one that would perform my present task must needs be of so great a disadvantage However when we cannot have what we would we must satisfy our selves the best way we can And so I return to my purpose which tho I cannot dispatch so punctually as might be desired yet I hope to do it sufficiently and to the satisfaction of all sober tho not nicely critical Enquirers To go on then By the aforementioned Letter you see The Lords of the Congregation referr'd it to the Wisdom of the English Council to foresee and devise the Means and Assurances they are the very words of the Letter how ane effectual Confederacy might be made between them for Gods Cause Now let us reason a little upon the common principles of prudence where Matter of Fact is so defective What was more natural for the English Council to Require than that now that the English Reformation was perfected and legally established and the Scottish was only in forming the Scots should engage to transcribe the English Copy and establish their Reformation upon that same foot i. e. receive the Doctrine Worship Rites and Government of the Church of England so that there might be no difference between the two Churches but both might be of the same Constitution so far as the necessary distinction of the two States would allow The point in Agitation was a Confederacy in opposition to Popery and for the security of the Reformed Religion in both Kingdoms It was obvious therefore to foresee that it would be the stronger and every way the better suited to that great End if both Churches stood on one bottom For who sees not that Different Constitutions are apt to be attended with Different Customs which in process of time may introduce Different Sentiments and Inclinations Who sees not that the smallest Differences are apt to create jealousies divisions cross-interests And that there 's nothing more necessary than Vniformity for preserving Vnity Besides Queen Elizabeth was peculiarly concerned to crave this There 's nothing more necessary to support a State especially a Monarchy than Vnity of Religion It was for the Support of her State the Security of her Monarchy that she was to enter into this Confederacy She was affraid of the Queen of Scotland's pretensions to the Crown of England For this cause she was confederating with the Queen of Scotland's Subjects that she might have them of her side It was her concern therefore to have them as much secured to her interests as possibly she could they were then at a great Bay without her succour and had referred it to her and her Council to foresee and devise the terms on which she would grant it And now laying all these things together what was more natural I say than that she should demand that they should be of the same Religion and their Church of the same Constitution with the Church of England This politick was so very obvious that 't is not to be imagined she and her wise Council could overlook it And tho it had been no where upon Record that she craved it yet the common sense of mankind would stand for its Credibility what shall we say then if we find it recorded by ane Historian whose Honesty is not to be questioned in this matter And such ane one we have even Buchanan himself tho he misplaces it and narrates it a long time after it
was done and as it were only by the by The occasion on which he records this is when in the year 1569. the tenth year after this Confederacy between the Scots and the English was concerted as I take it the Earl of Murray then Regent had gone to the Northern parts of the Kingdom to settle matters there Accounts were brought to him of the Duke of Norfolk's Conspiracy which was so well compacted and so deep laid that it was judged morally impossible to disappoint it and Murray's friends were earnest with him to retreat in time and disengage himself of the opposite party with whom he had hitherto sided and so when Buchanan comes to give the History of this juncture he to find a just rise for his Narration returns no less than ten years backward discoursing thus The State of English affairs oblige me to look back a little because in these times the interests of both Kingdoms were so twisted that the concerns of the one cannot be represented without the other The Scots some years before being delivered from the Gallican Slavery by the English assistance had subscribed to the Religious Worship and Rites of the Church of England and that surprizing change in Affairs seem'd to promise to Britain quietness and rest from all intestine Commotions and Factions c. Here you see the thing is plainly and undeniably asserted Yet so careless to say no worse have all our Historians been that not one of them mentions it but he and he does no more than mention it and to this minute we are generally in the dark when how by whom and with what Solemnities it was done Buchanan's words would seem to import that it was done after that our Deliverance as he calls it was accomplisht But not one word of it in the Treaty concluded at Leith and proclaim'd Iuly 8th 1560. which succeeded immediately upon the back of that Deliverance not one word of it I say in that Treaty as it is ether in Buchanan Knox or Spotswood or any other Historian I have had occasion to see neither have we any other publick Transaction or Deed that mentions it I find it told by several Historians that the Earls of Morton and Glencarne were sent to England after that our Deliverance to return thanks to Queen Elizabeth for her assistance 'T is possible it might have been done then for as Spotswood has it After the Professors heard of the cold Entertainment that Sir Iames Sandilands who went to France to give ane account of the Treaty had got at that Court their minds were greatly troubled for they were seasible of their own weakness and doubtful of Support from England if France should again invade because of the Loss the English had received in the late Expedition Neither says he had the Earls of Morton and Glencarne who upon breaking up of the Parliament were sent into England to render thanks to the Queen and to entreat the Continuance of her Favour given any advertisement of their acceptance If upon this occasion Commission was sent to these two Earls to subscribe in name of the rest of the Protestants to such ane Vnion in Religion it exactly answers Buchanan's Account but no such thing is so much as insinuated to have been done on that occasion For my part I humbly offer it to be considered whither it is not possible that Buchanan intended not to lay any such stress upon the word LIBERATI as thereby to import that it was after the Accomplishment of our Deliverance that the Scots subscribed But bringing in the whole matter occasionally where he mentions it and intending to dispatch it in as few words as he could he did not stand nicely upon the wording of it And if t is holds the most Rational and Natural Account will be that Secretary Maitland and Sir Robert Melvil who were sent by the Scottish Lords in the beginning of November 1559. to implore the Queen of England's Assistance were impowered to agree in name of the whole body to this Union of Religion if it should be demanded That the Secretary had power to treat and agree to and sign Articles is certain for amongst the Instructions given to the Commissioners for concluding the Treaty at Berwick dated at Glasgow Feb. 10. 1559 66. I find this as one Item If it shall be desired of you to confirm for us and in our Name the things past and granted by our former Commissioner the young Laird of Lethington ye shall in all points for us and in our Name confirm the same so far as it shall make either for the WELL and CONJUNCTION of the two Realms or this PRESENT CAUSE or yet for the security of our part for fulfilling of the same This I say is one of the Articles of these instructions from which it is evident that Lethington had signed Articles in England tho we are no where told what they were And may it not pass for a probable conjecture that that concerning Vnity in Religious Worship and Ceremonies was one of them But whensoever or by whomsoever it was done is not the Critical Hinge of the Controversie We have Buchanan's word for it that it was done and I hope my Presbyterian Brethren will not hastily reject his Authority especially considering that his Veracity in this matter is so much assisted and made credible by the strain of the Letter directed to Secretary Cecil on which we have already insisted Neither is this all For 2. The publick Thanksgiving and Prayers made with great Solemnity in St. Giles's Church in Edenburgh after the Pacification at Leith in Iuly 1560 amount to no less than a fair Demonstration of ane intire Vnion between the two Nations as to Church Matters and Religion for on that occasion it was thus addressed to Almighty God with the common Consent and as a publick Deed of our Scottish Reformers Seeing that nothing is more odious in thy presence O Lord than is Ingratitude and Violation of ane Oath and Covenant made in thy Name and seeing thou hast made our Confederates in England the Instruments by whom we are now set at this Liberty and to whom in thy Name we have promised mutual Faith again Let us never fall to that Vnkindness O Lord that either we declare our selves unthankful unto them or Prophaners of thy holy Name Confound thou the Counsel of those that go about to break THAT MOST GOGLY LEAGUE CONTRACTED IN THY NAME And retain thou us so firmly together by the power of thy holy Spirit That Satan have never power to set us again at Variance nor Discord Give us thy Grace to live in that Christian Charity which thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ hath so earnestly commanded to all the Members of his Body that other Nations provoked by our Example may set aside all Ungodly War Contention and Strife and study to live in Tranquillity and Peace as it becometh the Sheep of thy pasture and the People that
am not now to enter into the Controversie concerning the Dependence or Independence of the Church upon the State that falls not within the compass of my present Undertaking Neither will I say that our Presbyterians are in the wrong as to the true substantial Matter agitated in that Controversie All I am concerned for at present is that in these times those of the Church of England own'd a great Dependence of the Church upon the State and that our Reformers agreed with them in that Principle and I think I may make short work of it For That that was the Principle of the Church of England in these times I think no man can readily deny who knows any thing about her at and a good many years after her Reformation All my business is to shew that our Reformers were of that same Principle And I think that shall be easily made to appear For As to the Civil Magistrates power to reform the Church what can be more clear than the Petition presented to the Queen Regent in November 1558 There our Reformers tell her Majesty that Knowing no Order placed in this Realm but her Majesty and her grave Council set to amend as well the Disorder Ecclesiastical as the Defaults in the Temporal Regiment they do most humbly prostrate themselves before her Feet asking Iustice and her Gracious Help against such as falsely traduced and accused them as Hereticks and Schismaticks c. In which Address we have these two things very clear and evident 1. That they own'd that the Civil Magistrate had power to amend Ecclesiastical Disorders as well as Temporal 2. That in consequence of this they applied to the Civil Magistrate for protection against the pursuits of the Church And in their Protestation given in to the Parliament about that same time They most humbly beseech the sacred Authority to think of them as faithful and obedient Subjects and take them into its Protection keeping that Indifferency which becometh Gods Lieutenants to use towards those who in his Name do call for Defence against Cruel Oppressors c. Meaning the then Church-men Indeed None clearer for this than Knox himself as is to be seen fully in his Appellation from the cruel and most unjust Sentence pronounced against him by the False Bishops and Clergy of Scotland as he himself names it For there He lays down and endeavours to prove this Assertion That it is lawful to Gods prophets and to Preachers of Christ Iesus to appeal from the Sentence and Iudgment of the visible Church to the Knowledge of the temporal Magistrate who by Gods Law is bound to hear their Causes and to defend them from Tyranny And in that same Appellation he largerly asserts and maintains the Dependance of the Church upon the State The Ordering and Reformation of Religion with the instruction of Subjects he says doth appertain especially to the Civil Magistrate For why Moses had great power in the Matters of Religion God revealed nothing particularly to Aaron the Church-man but commanded him to depend from the Mouth of Moses the Civil Magistrate Moses was impowered to separate Aaron and his Sons for the Priesthood Aaron and his Sons were subject to Moses Moses was so far preferred to Aaron that the one commanded the other obeyed The Kings of Israel were commanded to read the Book of the Law all the days of their Lives not only for their own private Edification but for the publick preservation of Religion so David Solomon Asa Iehosophat Hezekiah Iosiah understood it and interested themselves in the Matters of the Church accordingly From which it is evident saith he That the Reformation of Religion in all points together with the Punishment of false Teachers doth appertain to the power of the Civil Magistrate For what God required of them his justice must require of others having the like Charge and Authority what he did approve in them he cannot but approve in all others who with like Zeal and Sincerity do enterprize to purge the Lords Temple and Sanctuary Thus Knox I say in that Appellation I do not concern my self with the truth or falshood of his positions neither am I to justify or condemn his Arguments All I am to make of it is to ask my Presbyterian Brethren whither these Principles of Knox's suit well with declining the Civil Magistrate as ane incompetent Iudge in Ecclesiastical matters with refusing to appear before him prima instantia for the tryal of Doctrines preacht in the Pulpit with the famous distinction of the Kings having power about Church matters Cumulative but not Privative c. I am affraid it shall be hard enough to reconcile them I shall only instance in one principle more which seems to have been common to our and the English Reformers but it is one of very weighty consequence and importance to my main design It is Fourthly That Excellent Rule of Reformation viz. That it be done according to the word of God interpreted by the Monuments and Writings of the Primitive Church That antient solid approven Rule That Rule so much commended by that excellent Writer Vincentius Lirinensis That Rule which the common sense of mankind cannot but justify when it is considered soberly and seriously without partiality or prejudice A Rule indeed which had the Reformers of the several Churches followed unitedly and conscientiously in those times when the Churches in the Western parts of Europe were a Reforming we had not had so many different Faiths so many different Modes of Worship so many different Governments and Disciplines as Alas this day divide the Protestant Churches and by consequence weaken the Protestant Interest A Rule which had the pretenders to Reformed Religion in Scotland still stood by we had not possibly had so many horrid Rebellions so many unchristian Divisions so many unaccountable Revolutions both in Church and State as to our sad Experience have in the Result so unhing'd all the Principles of natural justice and honesty and disabled nay eaten out the principles of Christianity amongst us that now we are not disposed so much for any thing as downright Atheism But were our Reformers indeed for this Rule That shall be demonstrated by and by when we shall have occasion to bring it in again as naturally to which opportunity I now refer it in the mean time let us briefly sum up all that hath been hitherto said and try to what it amounts I have I think made it appear that while our Reformation was a carrying on and when it was established Anno 156â— there was no such Controversie agitated in the Churches as that concerning the indispensible necessity of Presbytery and the Vnlawfulness of Prelacy concerning the Divine Right of Parity or the Vnallowableness of imparity amongst the Governors of the Church I have said enough to make it credible that our Scottish Reformers had no peculiar occasions opportunities provocations abilities for falling on that Controversie or determining of it more
Trusts and Offices as the Clergy did then and they are satisfied And now if these Reformers who thus petitioned and in their Petition thus reasoned and agreed to such a Rule of Reformation were for the divine institution of Parity and the sacred Rights of Presbytery nay if they were not not only for the Lawfulness but the Continuance of Prelacy I must confess my ignorance to be very gross and so I refuse not Correction For this Evidence as I said we are beholden to Knox and to Knox only 'T is true indeed Calderwood gives us the Abstract of this Petition but he conceals and suppresses the whole pith and marrow of this Article summing it up in these few ill-complexion'd words That the slanderous and detestable life of the Prelates and the State Ecclesiastical may be reformed which at first view one would imagin lookt kindly towards Presbytery but I am not surprized to find him thus at his Tricks 't is but according to his Custom To have set down the full Article or to have abridged it so as that its force and purpose might have been seen had been to disserve his Cause and do ane ill Office to his Idol Parity And Petrie as I have said was so wise as not to touch it at all lest it had burnt his Fingers but that Archbishop Spotswood should have overlookt it both in his History and in his Refutatio Libelli c. seems very strange For my part I should rather think we have not his History intire and as he design'd it for the Press for which I have heard other very pregnant presumptions than that so great a man was guilty of so great ane Oscitancy But whatever be of this Knox has it and that is enough and Calderwood has abridged it and that 's more than enough for my Presbyterian Brethren The Third Petition which I promised to adduce is that which was presented to the Parliament which established the Reformation Anno 1560. for which we are obliged to Knox alone also at least so far as the present Argument is concerned For tho both Spotswood and Petrie make mention of the Petition or Supplication yet neither of them has recorded that which I take notice of and Calderwood is so accurate ane Historian as to take no notice of the Petition That which I take notice of in it as it is in Knox is That when our Reformers came to crave the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical State they bespoke the Parliament thus And lest that your Honours should doubt in any of the premisses they had affirmed before That the Doctrine of the Roman Church contained many pestiferous errors that the Sacraments of Jesus Christ were most shamefully abused and profaned by the Roman Harlot that the true Discipline of the antient Church amongst that Sect was utterly extinguisht and that the Clergy of all men within the Realm were most corrupt in life and manners c. we offer our selves evidently to prove that in all the Rabble of the Clergy there is not one Lawful Minister IF GODS WORD THE PRACTICES OF THE APOSTLES THE SINCERITY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHVRCH AND THEIR OWN ANCIENT LAWS SHALL IVDGE OF THE ELECTION Here I say our Reformers insist on that same very Rule for finding if there be Corruptions in and by consequence for reforming of the Church on which they insisted in the aforementioned Petition from which 't is evident they persisted of the same sentiments and 't is easy to draw the same inferences Such were the sentiments of our Scottish Reformers before the Reformed Religion had the countenance of the Civil Government and Acts of Parliament on its side and was made the National Religion Let us try next what kind of Government they did establish when they had got Law for them Whither they established a Government that was to be managed by Ministers acting in Parity or in Imparity And here I think the Controversy might very soon be brought to a very fair issue The First Book of Discipline the Acts of many General Assemblies the Acts of many Parliaments Both without interruption the unanimous Consent of Historians and the uncontroverted Practice of the Church for many years all concurring to this Assertion That the first Establishment was of a Government which was to be managed by Superintendents and Parochial Ministers Elders and Deacons acting in Subordination not in a State of Parity with but in a State of inferiority in Power and Iurisdiction to these Superintendents This Establishment I say is so clear and undoubted from all these fountains That no more needed be said upon the whole Argument But because our Presbyterian Historians and Antiquaries tho they cannot deny the thing do yet endeavor with all their Might and Cunning to intricate it and obscure it I shall further undertake two things I. I shall give the world a fair prospect of the power of Superintendents as they were then established and of the Disparities betwixt them and Parish Ministers II. I shall endeavour to dissipate these Mists whereby our Presbyterian Brethren are so very earnest to involve and darken this Matter As for the I. The world may competently see that Superintendents as established in Scotland at the Reformation had a considerable stock of Prerogatives or Preheminencies call them as ye will which raised them far above other Churchmen far above the allowances of that Parity our Presbyterian Brethren contend for so eagerly from the following Enumeration 1. They had Districts or Diocesses of far larger extent than other Churchmen Private Ministers had only their private Parishes and might have been as many as there were Churches in the Kingdom But according to the Scheme laid down by our Reformers in the First Book of Discipline Head 5. only ten or twelve Superintendents were design'd to have the Chief Care as it is worded in the Prayer at the Admission of a Superintendent of all the Churches within the Kingdom Indeed ten are only there design'd but it was because of the scarcity of qualified men as we shall learn hereafter 2. As they had larger Districts than Parish Ministers so there were correspondent Specialities in their Election Parish Ministers were to enter to such Churches as had Benefices by presentation from the Patron and Collation from the Superintendent as is evident from Act 7. Parl. 1. Iam. 6. and many Acts of Assemblies as shall be fully proven afterward If they were to serve where the Benefice was actually possessed by a Papist they were to be chosen by the People of the Congregation by the appointment of the First Book of Discipline Head 4. But the Election of Superintendents was quite different they were to be nominated by the Council and elected by the Nobility and Gentry c. within their Dioceses as hath been already considered 3. There was as great a difference in the matter of Deposition if they deserved it Parish Ministers by the First Book of Discipline Head 8.
the Case of the Countess of Argyle Anno 1567. She had been guilty of a mighty scandal in being present at the Christening of the Prince afterwards Iames the Sixth which was performed after the Popish manner she behoved therefore to give satisfaction to the Church And was ordered to do it by the General Assembly in such manner and at such time as the Superintendent of Lothian within whose bounds the Scandal was committed should appoint So both Spot and Pet. 26. Another branch was to restore Criminals to the Exercises of their Offices if they had any dependance on the Church after they had performed their Pennance and received Absolution Thus Thomas Duncanson Reader at Sterling had fallen in the Sin of Fornication for this he was silenced He had performed his Pennance and was absolved Then the Question was put to the General Ass. met at Eden Decem. 25. 1563. Whither having made publick Repentance he might be restored to his Office And the Assembly determined He might not till the Church of Stirling should make Request to the Superintendent for him 27. To the Superintendents was reserved the power of Excommunication in Cases of Contumacy c. Thus it is statuted by the Gen. Ass. at Eden Iuly 1. 1562. That in Cases of Contumacy the Minister give notice to the Superintendent with whose advice Excommunication is to be pronounced So the Mss. and both the Mss. and Petrie have another long Act of the Assembly holden at Eden Sept. 25. 1565. to the same purpose 28. It belonged also to them to delate Atrocious Criminals to the Civil Magistrate that condign corporal punishments might be inflicted on them To this purpose I find it enacted by a Convention of the Kirk as it is called in the Mss. met at Eden Decem. 15. 1567. to wait on the motions of the Parliament That Ministers Elders and Deacons make search within their bounds if the crimes of Incest or Adultery were committed and to signify the same to the Superintendent that he may notifye it to the Civil Magistrate Such was the power of Superintendents in the Government of the Church and her Discipline But because several things may have relation to the Church tho not formally and directly yet reductively and by way of Analogical Subordination their power extended even to these things also I shall only instance in two 29. Then because Vniversities Colleges and Schools are the Seminaries of Learning and by consequence Nurseries for the Ministry the power of Superintendents over them was very considerable Thus by the First Book of Discipline Head 5. if e. g. The Principal or Head of any College within the University of St. Andrews died the Members of the College being sworn to follow their Consciences were to nominate three of the most sufficient men within the University This done the Superintendent of Pife by himself or his special Procurators with the Rector and the rest of the Principals were to choose one of these three and constitute him Principal And when the Rector was chosen he was to be confirmed by the Superintendent by that same Book And again by that same Book The Money collected in every College for upholding the Fabrick was to be counted and employed at the sight of the Superintendent Further the Gen. Ass. conveened at Eden Ian. 25. 1565. presented this Article in a Petition to the Queen That none might be permitted to have charge of Schools Colleges or Vniversities c. but such as should be tryed by the Superintendents So 't is in the Mss. 'T is true it was not granted at that time but it shews the inclinations of our Reformers as much as if it had been granted And because it was not granted then it was proposed again in the Ass. in Iuly 1567. and consented to by the Nobility and Gentry and ratified by the Eleventh Act of the First Parliament of King Iames the Sixth in December that same year And accordingly we find the Laird of Dun. Superintendent of Angus and Mearns in Iuly 1568. holding at Visitation of the University of Aberdeen and by formal sentence turning out all the Popish Members The very air and stile of the Sentence as Petrie hath it is a notable Evidence of the paramount power of Superintendents for thus it runs I John Areskin Superintendent of Angus and Mearns having Commission of the Church to visit the Sheriffdoms of Aberdeen and Bamf by the Advice Counsel and Consent of the Ministers Elders and Commissioners of the Church present decern conclude and for final Sentence pronounce That Master Alexander Anderson c. 30. Because bad Principles may be disseminated by bad Books and thereby both the Purity and Peace of the Church may be endangered the Revising and Licensing of Books was committed to the Care of the Superintendents by the General Ass. holden in Iune 1563. whereby it is ordained That No work be set forth in Print neither yet published in Writ touching Religion or Doctrine until such time as it shall be presented to the Superintendent of the Diocess and advised and approven by him or by such as he shall call of the most learned within his bounds c. Thus I have collected no fewer than Thirty Disparities betwixt Superintendents as they were established in Scotland by our Reformers and private Parish Ministers each of them a Demonstration of inequality either of power or figure perchance a more nice and accurate Enquirer may find out more But methinks these may be sufficient for my purpose which was to give the world a fair prospect of the Preheminence of Superintendents and of the Differences betwixt them and other Churchmen And having thus perform'd the first part of my Undertaking it is obvious to all who can pretend to be of the thinking part of mankind that the second part is needless For if these 30 Disparities amount not to ane invincible proof that our Church at the Reformation was not govern'd by Ministers acting in parity I may justly despair of ever proving any thing Yet because I know many simple and less thinking people are imposed on by the Noise and Dust our Presbyterian Brethren have raised about this matter I shall proceed to the next thing I undertook which was II. To dissipate these Mists wherewith our Parity-men are so very earnest to involve and darken this Prelatical power of Superintendents They may be reduced to these Three 1. The Establishments of Superintendents was only temporary and for the then Necessities of the Church Superintendency was not intended to be a perpetual standing Office 2. It was not the same with Episcopacy 3. It was never established by Act of Parliament 1. 'T is pleaded that Superintendency was only design'd to be a temporary not a perpetual standing Office in the Church Thus Calderwood speaking of the First Book of Discipline we may safely say says he the whole was recommended to be perpetually observed except some few things as the
Reformation But Petrie says it is expresly affirmed in the beginning of the Book it self that the Commission was granted for compiling it on the 29th of April 1560. and that they brought it to a Conclusion as they could for the time before the 20th of May a short enough time I think for a work of such importance So Petrie affirms I say and it is apparent he is in the right for his account agrees exactly with the First Nomination of Superintendents which both Knox and Spotswood affirm to have been made in Iuly that year And besides it falls in naturally with the Series of the History for the Nobility and Gentry's having seen the Book and considered it before the Parliament sate according to this account makes it fairly intelligible how it was intirely neglected or rather rejected not only so far as that it was never allowed of nor approven by them as we shall learn by and by but so far that in that Parliament no provision at all was made for the Maintainance and Subsistence of the Reformed Ministers For understanding this more fully yet It is to be considered that there had been Disceptations and Controversies the year before viz. 1559. about the Disposal of the Patrimony of the Church This I learn from a Letter of Knox's to Calvin dated August 28. 1559. to be seen amongst Calvin's Epistles Col. 441. wherein he asks his sentiments about this question Whither the yearly Revenues might be payed to such as had been Monks and Popish Priests even tho they should confess their former errors considering that they neither served the Church nor were capable to do it And tells him frankly that he had maintained the negative for which he was called too severe not only by the Papists but even by many Protestants From which 't is plain not only that there were then Controversies about the Disposal of the Patrimony of the Church as I have said but also that Knox and by very probable consequence the Protestant Preachers generally was clear that the Ecclesiastical Revenues had been primarily destinated to the Church for the ends of Religion and therefore whatever person could not serve these ends could have no just Title to these Revenues By which way of reasoning not only ignorant Priests and Monks but all Lay men whatsoever were excluded from having any Title to the Patrimony of the Church Now While this Controversie was in agitation as to point of Right the Guise was going against Knox's side of it as to matter of Fact For in the mean time many Abbeys and Monasteries were thrown down and the Nobility and Gentry were daily possessing themselves of the Estates that had belonged to them and so before the First Book of Discipline which was Knox's performance and so no doubt contain'd his principle was compiled they were finding that there was something sweet in sacrilege and were by no means willing to part with what they had got so fortunately as they thought in their Fingers Besides They foresaw if Knox's project took place several other which they judged considerable inconvenients would follow If the Monks and Priests c. who acknowledged their former errors should be so treated what might they expect who persisted in their adherence to the Romish Faith and Interests Tho they were blinded with Superstition and Error yet they were Men they were Scottish men nay they were generally of their own Blood and their very near Kinsmen And would it not be very hard to deprive them intirely of their Livings and reduce them who had their Estates settled upon them by Law and had lived so plentifully and so hospitably to such ane Hopeless State of Misery and Arrant Beggary Further by this Scheme as they behoved to part with what they had already griped so their Hopes of ever having opportunity to profit themselves of the Revenues of the Church thereafter were more effectually discouraged than they had been even in the times of Popery The Popish Clergy by their Rules were bound to live single they could not marry nor by consequence have lawful Children to provide for The reformed as the law of God allowed them and their Inclinations prompted them indulged themselves the Solaces of Wedlock and begot Children and had Families to maintain and provide for there were no such Expectations therefore of easy Leases and rich Gifts and hidden Legacies c. from them as from the Popish Clergy Add to this the Popish Clergy foresaw the Ruine of the Romish Interests they saw no likelihood of Successors of their own Stamp and Principles They had a mighty spite at the Reformation It was not likely therefore that they would be anxious what became of the Patrimony of the Church after they were gone It was to be hoped they might squander it away dilapidate alienate c. without difficulty as indeed they did And who but themselves the Laity should have all this gain Upon these and the like Considerations I say the Nobility and Gentry had no liking to the First Book of Discipline And being once out of Love with it it was easy to get Arguments enough against it The Novelties and the numerous needless Recessions from the Old Polity which were in it furnished these both obviously and abundantly So it was not only not established but it seems the Nobility and Gentry who have ever the principal sway in Scottish Parliaments to let the Ministers find how much they had displeased them by such a Draught resolved to serve them a Trick Indeed they served them a monstrous one for tho in the Parliament 1560. they established the Reformation as to Doctrine and Worship c. and by a Legal Definition made the Protestant the National Church yet they settled not so much as a Groat of the Churches Revenues upon its Ministers but continued the Popish Clergy during their Lives in their possessions 'T is true indeed thro the importunity of I. Knox and some others of the Preachers some Noblemen and Gentlemen subscribed the Book in Ianuary 1560 1. But as they were not serious as Knox intimates so they did it with this express provision apparently levelled against one of the main designs of the Book That the Bishops Abbots Priors and other Prelates and Beneficed Men who had already joyned themselves to the Religion should enjoy the Rents of their Benefices during their Lives they sustaining the Ministers for their parts c. But it was never generally received on the contrary it was treated in Ridicule and called a DEVOVT IMAGINATION which offended Knox exceedingly Nay it seems the Ministers themselves were not generally pleased with it after second thoughts or The Laity have been more numerous in the General Assembly holden in December 1561. For as Knox himself tells us when it was moved there that the Book should be offered to the Queen and her Majesty should be supplicated to ratify it the Motion was rejected The Reformation thus established
Articles about the Thirds in Execution yet the Ministers were forced to wait long enough before they found the effects of it In short they continued in the same straits they had been in before for full two years thereafter that is till Iuly 1569. at which time I find by the Mss. and Mr. Petrie the Church was put in possession of the Thirds for which their Necessities made them very thankful as appears from the Narrative of ane Act of their Assembly at that time which runs thus as I find it in the Mss. For asmuch as this long time by gone the Ministers have been universally defrauded and postponed of their Stipends and now at last it hath pleased God to move the hearts of the superiour power and the Estates of this Realm c. A Narrative which it is probable they would not have used when the Thirds were at first projected for their Maintainance Sure I am of a quite different strain from Knox's Resentment which I mentioned before But by this time Experience had taught them to thank God for little and that it was even Good to be getting something However All this while they continued still to have the same sentiments concerning the Patrimony of the Church that unless God by immediate Revolution should dispense with her Right it belong'd to her unalienably that it was abominable Sacriledge to defraud her of it and that neither Church nor State could be happy so long as it was so much in the hands of Laicks And as they had still these sentiments and no wonder so long as they had any sense of Religion so they were still using their best endeavours trying all experiments and watching all opportunities to bring the Nobility and Gentry to a reasonable Temper and to put the Church in possession of her undoubted Revenues but all in vain On the contrary these Leeches having once tasted of her Blood were thirsting still for more and daily making farther Encroachments For A Parliament met in August 1571 and made ane Act obliging all the Subjects who in former times had held their Land and Possessions of Priors Prioresses Convents of Friers and Nuns c. thereafter to hold them of the Crown This was ane awakening ane allaruming Act. These who heretofore had possest themselves of the Churches Patrimony had done it by force or by connivance without Law and without Title so there were still hopes of recovering what was possest so illegally But this was to give them Law on their side As things stood then it would be easy to obtain Gifts now that the King was made immediate Superiour and then there was no recovering of what was thus colourably possessed So I say it was ane awakening Act of Parliament and indeed it rouzed the Spirits of the Clergy and put them in a quicker motion Now they began to see the Error of Drawing the New Scheme of Polity in the First Book of Discipline and receding from the Old one Now they perceived sensibly that that making of a New one had unhinged all the Churches Interests and exposed her Patrimony and made it a Prey to the Ravenous Laity and that it was therefore time high time for them to bethink themselves and try their strength and skill if possibly a stop could be put to such notorious Robbery And so I am fairly introduced to THE SECOND MODEL into which the Government of the Church was cast after the publick Establishment of the Reformation For The General Assembly of the Church meeting at Stirling in that same month of August 1571. Gave Commission to certain Brethren to go to the Lord Regent his Grace and to the Parliament humbly to request and desire in Name of the Kirk the granting of such Heads and Articles and redress of such Complaints as should be given to them by the Kirk c. So it is in the Mss. and so Spotswood and Petrie have it Before I proceed there is one seeming difficulty which must be removed it is that this General Assembly met before the Parliament How then could it be that Act of Parliament which so awakened them But the Solution is easy In those times Parliaments did not sit so long as they are in use to do now but all things were prepared and in readiness before the Parliament met Proclamation was made a month or so before the Parliament was to meet requiring all Bills to be given in to the Register which were to be presented in the succeeding Session of Parliament that they might be brought to the King or Regent to be perused and considered by them and only such as they allowed were to be put into the Chancellors hands to be proponed to the Parliament and none other c. Whoso pleases may see this account given by King Iames the Sixth of Scotland and First of England to his English Parliament in his Speech dated 1607. Indeed the thing is notorious and Calderwood himself gives a remarkable instance of this method for he tells how in the end of April or beginning of May 1621. A Charge was published by Proclamation commanding all that had Suits Articles or Petitions to propone to the Parliament to give them into the Clerk of the Register before the twentieth day of May that by him they might be presented to so many of the Council who were appointed by his Majesty to meet some days before the Parliament and to consider the said Bills Petitions and Articles with Certification that the same should not be received read nor voted in Parliament except they were passed under his Highness hand And yet the same Calderwood tells us That the Parliament was not appointed to meet till the Twentieth and Third of Iuly so that here were two full months between the giving in of the Bills c. and the Meeting of the Parliament This being the Custom in those times it is easy to consider how the General Assembly tho it met some days before the Parliament might know very well what was to be done in Parliament for if this Bill was allowed by the then Regent to be presented there was no doubt of its passing And that it was very well known what the Parliament was to do in that matter may be further evident from Iohn Knox's Letter directed at that time to the General Assembly wherein he is earnest with them that with all Vprightness and Strength in God they gainst and the mercyless Devourers of the Patrimony of the Church telling them that if Men will spoil let them do it to their own Peril and Damnation but it was their Duty to beware of communicating with their sins but by publick protestation to make it known to the world That they were innocent of Robbery which would e're long provoke Gods Vengeance upon the Committers c. From which nothing can be clearer than that he had a special eye to that which was then in agitation and to be done by the Parliament
Having thus removed this seeming difficulty I return to my purpose The Earl of Lennox was then Regent He was murthered in the time of the Parliament So at that time things were in confusion and these Commissioners from the General Assembly could do nothing in their business The Earl of Mar succeeded in the Regency Application was made to him It was agreed to between his Grace and the Clergy who applied to him that a Meeting should be kept between so many for the Church and so many for the State for adjusting matters For this end ane Assembly was kept at Leith on the 12 of Ianuary 1571 2. By this Assembly Six were delegated to meet with as many to be nominated by the Council to treat reason and conclude concerning the Settlement of the Polity of the Church After diverse Meetings and long Deliberation as Spotswood has it they came to an Agreement which was in effect That the Old Polity should revive and take place only with some little alterations which seemed necessary from the Change that had been made in Religion Whoso pleases may see it more largely in Calderwood who tells us that the whole Scheme is Registred in the Books of Council more briefly in Spotswood and Petrie In short It was a Constitution much the same with that which we have ever since had in the times of Episcopacy For by this Agreement those who were to have the Old Prelatical power were also to have the Old Prelatical Names and Titles of Archbishops and Bishops the Old Division of the Diocesses was to take place the Patrimony of the Church was to run much in the Old Channel particularly express provision was made concerning Chapters Abbots Priors c. That they should be continued and enjoy their Old Rights and Priviledges as Churchmen and generally things were put in a regular Course This was the Second Model not a new one of Polity established in the Church of Scotland after the Reformation at a pretty good distance I think from the Rules and Exigencies of Parity The truth is both Calderwood and Petrie acknowledge it was Imparity with a witness The thing was so manifest they had not the brow to deny it all their Endeavours are only to impugne the Authority of this Constitution or raise Clouds about it or find Weaknesses in it So far as I can collect no man ever affirmed that at this time the Government of the Church of Scotland was Presbyterian except G. R. who is truly singular for his skill in these matters But we shall have some time or other occasion to consider him In the mean time let us consider Calderwood's and Petrie's Pleas against this Establishment They may be reduced to these four 1. The Incompetency of the Authority of the Meeting at Leith in January 1571 2. 2. The Force which was at that time put upon the Ministers by the Court which would needs have that Establishment take place 3. The Limitedness of the power then granted to Bishops 4. The Reluctancies which the subsequent Assemblies discovered against that Establishment These are the most material Pleas they insist on and I shall consider how far they may hold The 1. Plea is the Incompetency of the Authority of the Meeting at Leith Ian. 12. 1571 2. which gave Commission to the Six for agreeing with the State to such ane Establishment It is not called ane Assembly but a Convention in the Register The ordinary Assembly was not appointed to be holden till the 6 th of March thereafter As it was only a Convention so it was in very great haste it seems and took not time to consider things of such importance so deliberately as they ought to have been considered It was a corrupt Convention for it allowed Master Robert Pont a Minister to be a Lord of the Session These are the Reasons they insist on to prove the Authority of that Meeting incompetent And now to examine them briefly When I consider these Arguments and for what end they are adduced I must declare I cannot but admire the Force of prejudice and partiality how much they blind mens Eyes and distort their Reasons and byass them to the most ridiculous Undertakings For What tho the next ordinary Assembly was not appointed to meet till March thereafter Do not even the Presbyterians themselves maintain the Lawfulness yea the Necessity of calling General Assemblies extraordinarily upon extraordinary occasions pro re nata as they call it How many such have been called since the Reformation How much did they insist on this pretence Anno 1638 And What tho the Register calls this Meeting a Convention was it therefore no Assembly Is there such an opposition between the words Convention and Assembly that both cannot possibly signify the same thing Doth not Calderwood acknowledge that they voted themselves ane Assembly in their second Session Doth he not acknowledge that all the ordinary Members were there which used to constitute Assemblies But what if it can be found that ane undoubted uncontroverted Assembly own'd it as ane Assembly and its Authority as the Authority of ane Assembly What is become of this fine Argument then But can this be done indeed Yes it can and these same very Authors have given it in these same very Histories in which they use this as ane Argument and not very far from the same very pages Both of them I say tell that the General Assembly holden at Perth in August immediately thereafter made ane Act which began thus Forasmuch as the Assembly holden in Leith in January last c. But if it was ane Assembly yet it was in too great haste it did not things deliberately Why so No Reason is adduced no Reason can be adduced for saying so The Subject they were to treat of was no new one it was a Subject that had imployed all their Heads for several months before Their great business at that time was to give a Commission to some Members to meet with the Delegates of the State to adjust matters about the Polity and Patrimony of the Church This Commission was not given till the Third Session as Calderwood himself acknowledges Where then was the great haste Lay it in doing a thing in their Third Session which might have been done in the First But were not these Commissioners in too great haste to come to ane Agreement when they met with the Delegates of the State Yes if we may believe Petrie for he says That the same day viz. January 16. the Commissioners conveened and conclued c. But he may say with that same integrity whatever he pleases For not to insist on Spotswood's account who says it was after diverse Meetings and long Deliberation that they came to their Conclusion not to insist on his authority I say because he may be suspected as partial doth not Calderwood expresly acknowledge that they began their Conference upon the
the Bishops and that was ane opportunity not to be omitted But as I take it there was no very great reason for this Triumph if the true reason of these Acts be considered as it may be collected from Spotswood and Petrie which was this The Earl of Morâ—on then Regent and sordidly covetous had flattered the Church out of their Possession of the Thirds of the Benefices the only sure Stock they could as yet claim by any Law made since the Reformation of Religion promising instead thereof to settle local'd Stipends upon the Ministers but having once obtain'd his end which was to have the Thirds at his Disposal he forgot his promise and the Ministers found themselves miserably trickt Three or four Churches were cast together and committed to the Care of one Minister and a Farthing to live by could not be got without vast attendance trouble and importunity Besides the Superintendents who had had a principal hand in the Reformation and were Men of great Repute and had spent liberally of their own Estates in the Service of the Church were as ill treated as any body For when they sought their wonted allowances they were told there was no more use for them Bishops were now restored it was their Province to govern the Church Superintendents were now superfluous and unnecessary The Superintendents thus Mal treated what wonder was it if they had their own Resentments of it So when the General Assembly met Areskin Spotswood and Winram three of them and by that time 't is probable there were no more of them alive came to the Assembly offered to dimit their Offices and were earnest that the Kirk would accept of their Dimission They were now turn'd useless Members of the Ecclesiastical body their Office was evacuated they could serve no longer The whole Assembly could not but know the matter and as they knew for what reasons these ancient and venerable persons were so much irritated so their own concern in the same common interest could not but prompt them to a fellow-feeling they knew not how soon the next Mortonian Experiment might be tryed upon themselves they therefore unanimously refuse to accept of the Dimission and whither the Superintendents will or not they continue them in their Offices and not only so but they thought it expedient to renew that Article of the Agreement at Leith viz. That Bishops and Superintendents stood on the same Level had the same Power the same Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and were to be regulated by the same Canons Importing thereby that both were useful in the Church at such a juncture and that the Church had not received Bishops to the Exauctoration of the few surviving Superintendents and now in their old age rendring them contemptible And who could condemn the Assembly for taking a course that was both so natural and so obvious Nay it was even the Bishops interest as much as any other Assembly-mens to agree to this conclusion For the great business in hand was not about Extent of Power or Point of Dignity had no Incentive to Iealousie or Emulation in it but it was about the Revenues of the Church To secure these against the insatiable Avarice of a Griping Lord Regent A point the Bishops were as nearly concerned in as any Men For if these three Superintendents who had so long born the heat of the day and done such eminent and extraordinary services to the Church should be once sacrificed to Mortons Covetousness how easy might it be for him to make what farther Encroachments he pleased How easy to carry on his project against other men who perhaps had no such Merit no such Repute no such Interest in the Affections of the People This I say was the Reason for which these two Acts were made in this Assembly and not that the Assembly were turning weary of Bishops or were become any way disaffected to them So that Calderwood and Petrie had but little reason to be so boastful for these two Acts. That it was not out of any Dislike to Episcopacy that these two Acts were made is clear as Light from the next Assembly which met in August 1574. For therein the Clergy manifestly continuing of the same Principles and proceeding on the same Reasons order a Petition consisting of Nine Articles to be drawn and presented to the Regent Calderwood indeed doth not mention this Petition But it is in the Mss. and Petrie talks of it but disingenuously for he mentions it only Overly telling That some Articles were sent unto the Lord Regent and he sets down but two whereas as I said there are Nine in the Mss. and most of them looking the Regents Sacrilegious inclinations even Staringly in the Face I shall only Transcribe such of them as cannot when perpended but be acknowledged to have tended that way They are these 1. That Stipends be granted to Superintendents in all time coming in all Countreys destitute thereof whither it be where there is no Bishop or where there are Bishops who cannot discharge their Office as the Bishops of St. Andrews and Glasgow who had too large Diocesses This Article Petrie hath but Minc'd Indeed it is a very considerable one For here you see 1. That in contradiction to the Regents purposes the Assembly owns and stands by the Superintendents They are so far from being satisfied to part with the Three they had that on the contrary they crave to have more and to have provisions for them and that in all Countries where Bishops either are not or are but have too large Diocesses 2. They crave these things For all times coming a Clause of such importance to the main Question that Petrie has unfaithfully left it out And truly I must confess if it were lawful for Men to be Vnfaithful when it might serve that which they conceived to be a Good End he had great Reason to try it in this instance For this Clause when not concealed but brought above board gives a fatal Overthrow to all these popular Plea's of Episcopacy's being then obtruded on the Church forced upon her against her Will tolerated only for a time c. For from this Clause it is as clear as a Clause can make it that this Assembly entertain'd no such imaginations They supposed Episcopacy was to continue for all time coming For for all time Coming they petition that provision may be made for Superintendents where no Bishops are or where their Diocesses are too large for them 2. The Second Article is That in all Burghs where the Ministers are displaced and serve at other Kirks these Ministers be restored to wait on their Cures and be not obliged to serve at other Churches c. Directly striking against the Regents politick of Uniting three or four Churches under the Care of one Minister The 4. Which Petrie also hath is That in all Churches destitute of Ministers such persons may be planted as the Bishops Superintendents and Commissioners shall name and that
Spotswood has done him before me A Man he was who thought no Shame to acknowledge his Error when he was convinced of it For so it was that when after many years Experience he had satisfied himself that Parity had truly proved the Parent of Confusion and disappointed all his Expectations and when through Age and Sickness he was not able in person to attend the General Assembly Anno 1600. he gave Commission to some Brethren to tell them as from him That there was a Necessity of restoring the Ancient Government of the Church c. Such was the Man I say to whose share it fell to be the first who publickly questioned the Lawfulness of Prelacy in Scotland which was not done till the Sixth day of August 1575. as I said before no less than full fifteen years after the first legal Establishment of our Scottish Reformation And so I come to my purpose On this Sixth of August 1575. the Gen. Ass. met at Edenburgh according to the Order then observed in General Assemblies the First thing done after the Assembly was constituted was the Tryal of the Doctrine Diligence Lives c. of the Bishops and other constant Members So while this was a doing Iohn Durie stood up and protested That the Tryal of the Bishops might not prejudge the Opinions and Reasons which he and other Brethren of his Mind had to propose against the Office and Name of a Bishop Thus was the fatal Controversie set on foot which since hath brought such Miseries and Calamities on the Church and Kingdom of Scotland The Hare thus started Melvil the Original Huntsman strait pursued her He presently began a long and no doubt premeditated Harangue commended Durie's Zeal enlarged upon the flourishing State of the Church of Geneva insisted on the Sentiments of Calvin and Beza concerning Church Government and at last affirmed That none ought to be Office-bearers in the Church whose Titles were not found in the Book of God That the the Title of Bishops was found in Scripture yet it was not to be understood in the Sense then current That Iesus Christ the only Lord of his Church allowed no Superiority amongst the Ministers but had instituted them all in the same Degree and had endued them with equal power Concluding That the Corruptions which had crept into the Estate of Bishops were so great as unless the same were removed it could not go well with the Church nor could Religion be long preserved in Purity The Controversie thus plainly stated Mr. David Lindesay Master George Hay and Master Iohn Row three Episcopalians were appointed to confer and reason upon the Question proponed with Mr. Andrew Melvil Mr. Iames Lawson and Mr. Iohn Craig two Presbyterians and one much indifferent for both sides After diverse Meetings and long Disceptation saith Spotswood after two days saith Petrie they presented these Conclusions to the Assembly which at that time they had agreed upon 1. They think it not expedient presently to answer directly to the First Question But if any Bishop shall be chosen who hath not such Qualities as the word of God requires let him be tryed by the General Assembly De Novo and so deposed 2. The Name Bishop is common to all them who have particular Flocks over which they have particular Charges to preach the Word administer the Sacraments c. 3. Out of this Number may be chosen some to have power to Oversee and Visit such reasonable Bounds beside his own Flock as the General Kirk shall appoint and in these bounds to appoint Ministers with Consent of the Ministers of that Province and of the Flock to whom they shall be appointed Also to appoint Elders and Deacons in every principal Congregation where there are none with Consent of the People thereof and to suspend Ministers for reasonable Causes with Consent of the Ministers aforesaid So the Mss. Spot Pet. Cald. 'T is true here are some things which perhaps when thoroughly examined will not be found so exactly agreeable to the Sentiments and Practice of the Primitive Church However 't is evident for this Bout the Imparity-men carried the day and it seems the Parity-men have not yet been so well fixed for the Divine and indispensible Right of it as our Modern Parity-men would think needful otherwise how came they to consent to such Conclusions How came they to yield that it was not expedient at that time to answer directly to the first Question which was concerning the Lawfulness of Episcopacy Were they of the Modern Principles G. R's Principles Did they think that Divine institutions might be dispensed with crossed according to the Exigencies of Expediency or Inexpediency What ane Honour is it to the Party if their first Hero's were such Casuists Besides is not the Lawfulness of imparity clearly imported in the Third Conclusion Indeed both Calderwood and Petrie acknowledge so much Calderwood saith It seemeth that by Reason of the Regents Authority who was bent upon the Course i. e. Episcopacy whereof he was the chief Instrument that they answered not directly at this time to the Question Here you see he owns that nothing at this time was concluded against the Course as he calls it whither he had reason to say It seemed to be upon such ane account shall be considered afterward Petrie acknowledges it too but in such a passion it seems as quite mastered his Prudence when he did it for these are his words Howbeit in these Conclusions they express not the Negative because they would not plainly oppose the particular interest of the Council seeking security of the Possessions by the Title of Bishops yet these Affirmatives take away the pretended Office Now let the world consider the Wisdom of this Author in advancing this fine period They did not express the Negative they did not condemn Episcopacy because they would not plainly oppose the particular interest of the Council seeking Security of the Possessions c. Now let us enquire who were these They who would not for this reason condemn Episcopacy at that time It must either belong to the Six Collocutors who drew the Concusions or to the whole Assembly If to the Collocutors 't is plain Three of them viz. Row Hay and Lindesay were innocent they were perswaded in their Minds of the Expediency to say no further as well as the Lawfulness of Episcopacy and I think that was reason enough for them not to condemn it The Presbyterian Brethren then if any were the persons who were moved not to condemn it because they would not plainly oppose the particular interest of the Council c. But if so hath not Master Petrie made them very brave fellows Hath he not fairly made them such friends to Sacrilege that they would rather baulk a divine Institution than interrupt its Course and offend its Votaries If by the word They he meant the General Assembly if the whole Assembly were they who would not express the
have the clear and consentient Testimonies of Historians to this purpose Petrie delivers it thus Mercy and Truth Righteousness and Peace had never since Christs coming in the Flesh a more Glorious Meeting and Amiable Embracing on Earth Even so that the Church of Scotland justly obtain'd a Name amongst the Chief Churches and Kingdoms of the world The hottest Persecutions had not greater Purity The most Halcyon times had not more Prosperity and Peace The best Reformed Churches in other places scarcely Parallel'd their Liberty and Vnity Spotswood thus The Superintendents were in such Respect with all Men as notwithstanding the Dissensions that were in the Country no Exception was taken at their proceedings by any of the parties But all concurred in the Maintainance of Religion And in the Treaties of Peace made That was ever one of the Articles such a Reverence was in those times carried to the Church The very form of Government purchasing them Respect I might also cite Beza himself to this purpose in his Letter to Iohn Knox dated Geneva April 12. 1572 wherein he Congratulates heartily the happy and Vnited state of the Church of Scotland Perhaps it might be no difficult task to adduce more Testimonies But the truth is no man can Read the Histories and Monuments of these times without being convinced that this is true and that there cannot be a falser proposition than That Prelacy was such a Grievance then or so contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People Further even in succeeding times even after it was Condemnd by that Assembly 1580 it cannot be proven that it was such a Grievance to the Nation 'T is true indeed some Hot-headed Presbyterian Preachers endeavoured all they could to possess the People with ane opinion of its Antichristianism forsooth and that it was a Brat of the Whore a Limb of Popery and what not But all this time no account of the Inclinations of the Generality of the People against it On the contrary nothing more evident in History even Calderwoods History than that there was no such thing Is it not obviously observable even in that History that after the Civil Government took some 12 or 14 of the most forward of these Brethren who kept the pretended Assembly at Aberdeen Anno 1605 a little Roundly to Task and some 6 or 8 more were called by the King to attend his will at London all things went very peaceably in Scotland Was not Episcopacy restored by the General Assembly at Glasgow Anno 1610 with very great Unanimity Of more than ane hundred and seventy voices there were only five Negative and seven Non liquet Nay Calderwood himself hath recorded that even these Ministers who went to London after their return submitted peaceably to the then Established Prelacy And there are few things more observable in his Book than his Grudge that there should have been such a General Defection from the good Cause Indeed I have not observed no not in his History that there were six in all the Kingdom who from the Establishment of Episcopacy Anno 1610. did not attend at Synods and submit to their Ordinaries I do not remember any except two Calderwood himself and one Iohnston at Ancrum and even these two pretended other Reasons than Scruple of Conscience for their withdrawing It is further observable that the Stirs which were made after the Assembly at Perth Anno 1618. were not pretended to be upon the account of Episcopacy Those of the Gang could not prevail it seems with the Generality of the People to tumultuate on that account All that was pretended were the Perth Articles Neither did the Humour against these Articles prevail much or far all the time King Iames lived nor for the first twelve years of King Charles his Son and Successor It fell asleep as it were till the Clamours against the Liturgy and Book of Canons awakened it Anno 1637 And all that time I mean from the year 1610 that Episcopacy was restored till the year 1637 that the Covenanting work was set on foot Prelacy was so far from being a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to this Nation and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People that on the contrary it was not only Generally submitted to but in very good esteem Indeed it is certain the Nation had never more Peace more concord more plenty more profound quiet and prosperity than in that Interval Let no man reckon of these things as naked Assertions I can prove them And hereby I undertake with Gods allowance and assistance to prove all I have said and more if I shall be put to it But I think my cause requires not that it should be done at present Nay further yet I don't think it were ane insuperable task if I should undertake to maintain that when the Covenanting Politick was set on foot Anno 1637. Prelacy was no such Grievance to the Nation This I am sure of it was not the Contrariety of the Generality of the Peoples Inclinations to Prelacy that first gave life and motion to that Monstrous Confederation Sure I am it was pretty far advanced before the Leading Confederates offered to fix on Prelacy as one of their Reasons for it So very sure that it is easy to make it appear that they were affraid of nothing more than that the Generality of the People should smell it out that they had designs to overturn Episcopacy How often did they Protest to the Marquis of Hamilton then the Kings Commissioner that their meaning was not to Abolish Episcopal Government How frank were they to tell those whom they were earnest to Cajole into their Covenant that they might very well swear it without prujudice to Episcopacy Nay how forward were the Presbyterian Ministers themselves to propagate this pretence When the Doctors of Aberdeen told the Three who were sent to that City to procure subscriptions that they could not swear the Covenant because Episcopacy was abjured in it Are not these Hendersons and Dicksons very words in their Answer to the fourth Reply You will have all the Covenanters against their intention and whither they will or not to disallow and condemn the Articles of Perth and Episcopal Government But it is known to many hundreds that the words were purposely conceived for satisfaction of such as were of your Iugment that we might all joyn in one Heart and Covenant Many more things might be readily adduced to prove this more fully But 't is needless for what can be more fairly colligible from any thing than it is from this Specimen that it was their fear that they might miss of their mark and not get the people to joyn with them in their Covenant if it should be so soon discovered that they aim'd at the overthrow of Episcopacy 'T is true indeed after they had by such disingenuous and Iesuitish Fetches gain'd numbers to their party and got many well-meaning Ministers and
People engaged in their Rebellious and Schismatical Confederacy they took off the Mask and condemned Episcopacy in their pack't Assembly Anno 1638 Declaring with more than Iesuitish impudence that notwithstanding of their protestations so frequently and publickly made to the contrary it was abjured in their Covenant And yet I dare advance this Paradox that even then it was not ane Insupportable Grievance to the Presbyterians themselves far less to the whole Nation I own this to be a Paradox and therefore I must ask my Readers allowance to give my Reason for which I have dared to advance it It is this Considering how much Prelacy affects the Church as a Society Of how great consequence it is in the Concerns of the Church whatever it is in itself it cannot in Reason be called ane Insupportable Grievance to such as are satisfied they can live safely and without sin in the Communion of that Church where it prevails If such can call it a Grievance at all I think they cannot justly call it more than a Supportable Grievance I think it cannot be justly called ane Insupportable Grievance till it can Iustify and by consequence Necessitate a Separation from that Church which has it in its Constitution How can that be called ane Insupportable Grievance especially in Church matters where Grievance and Corruption if I take them right must be terms very much equivalent to those who can safely support it i. e. Live under it without sin and with a safe Conscience continue in the Churches Communion while it is in the Churches Government How can that be called insupportable which is not of such Malignity in a Church as to make her Communion sinful How can that be called insupportable in Ecclesiastical concerns or Religious matters to those who are perswaded they may bear it or with it without disturbing their inward Peace or endangering their Eternal Interests Now such in these times were all the Presbyterians at least Generally in the Nation They did not think upon Breaking the Communion of the Church upon separating from the solemn Assemblies under Prelacy and setting up Presbyterian Altars in opposition to the Episcopal Altars They still kept up one Communion in the Nation They did not refuse to joyn in the Publick Ordinances the Solemn worship of God and the Sacraments with their Prelatick Brethren all this is so well known that none I think will call it in Question Indeed that Height of Antipathy to Prelacy had not prevailed amongst the party no not when Episcopacy had its fetters struck off Anno 1662. for then and for some years after the Presbyterians generally both Pastors and People kept the Vnity of the Church and joyned with the Conformists in the publick Ordinances And I believe there are hundreds of thousands in Scotland who remember very well how short a time it is since they betook themselves to Conventicles and turn'd avowed Schismaticks I Confess the reasoning I have just now insisted on cannot militate so patly against such For if they had reason to separate they had the same Reason to call Prelacy ane insupportable Grievance No more and no other But I cannot see how the Force of it can be well avoided by them in respect of their Predecessors who had not the Boldness to separate upon the account of Prelacy But it may be said that those Presbyterians who lived Anno 1637. and downward Shook off Prelacy and would bear it no longer and was it not then ane insupportable Grievance to them True indeed for removing the pretended Corruptions of Prelacy they then ventured upon the really horrid sin of Rebellion against their Prince they embroyled three Famous and flourishing Kingdoms They brake down the Beautiful and Ancient Structures of Government both in Church and State They shed Oceans of Christian blood and made the Nations welter in gore They gave up themselves to all the wildnesses of rage and fury They gloried in Treason and Treachery in Oppression and Murther in Fierceness and Unbridled Tyranny they drench't innumerable miss-led souls in the Crimson guilt of Schism and Sedition of Rebellion and Faction of Perfidy and Perjury In short they opened the way to such ane Inundation of Hypocrisie and Irreligion of Confusions and Calamities as cannot easily be Parallell'd in History And for all these things they pretended their Antipathies to Prelacy and yet after all this I am where I was Considering their aforesaid principles and practices as to the Vnity of the Church they could not call it ane Insupportable Grievance They did not truly find it such Had they really and sincerely in true Christian simplicity and sobriety found or felt it such they would no doubt have lookt on it as a forcible ground for separating from the Communion in which it prevailed as the Protestants in Germany found their Centum Gravamina for separating from the Church of Rome To have made it that indeed and then to have suffered patiently if they had been persecuted for it without turning to the Antichristian course of Armed Resistance had had some colour of ane Argument that they deem'd it ane insupportable Grievance But the Fiercest fighting against it so long as they could allow themselves to live in the Communion which own'd it can never infer that it was to them ane insupportable Grievance at most if it was it was to wanton humour and wildfire only and not to Conscience and real Christian Conviction And so I leave this Argument I could easily insist more largely on this Enquiry but to avoid tediousness I shall advance only one thing more It is a Challenge to my Presbyterian Brethren to produce but one publick deed one solemn or considerable Appearance of the Nation taken either Collectively or Representatively which by any tolerable construction or interpretation can import that Prelacy or the superiority of any Office in the Church above Presbyters was a great and insupportable Grievance and trouble to this Nation and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People for full thirty years after the Reformation The Learned G. R. thought he had found one indeed it seems for he introduced it very briskly in his first Vindication of the Church of Scotland in Answer to the first Question § 9. hear him It is Evident says he that Episcopal Iurisdiction over the Protestants was condemned by Law in that same Parliament 1567 wherein the Protestant Religion was Established What No less than Evident Let us try this Parliamentary condemnation It is there Statute and Ordain'd That no other Iurisdiction Ecclesiastical be acknowledged within this Realm than that which is and shall be within this same Kirk Established presently or which floweth therefrom concerning Preaching the word Correcting of manners administration of Sacraments So he No Man who knows this Author and his way of writing will readily think it was ill manners to examine whither he cited right I turn'd over therefore all the Acts of that Parliament
may be as proper for them But I desire the Reader again to consider this Answer and judge if it keeps not a pretty good distance from the Epistlers position Is any thing said here that contradicts that looks like contradicting the Matter of Fact What new fashion of Answering is this to talk whatever comes in ones head without ever offering to attack the strength of the reasoning he undertakes to discuss By this Taste the judicious Reader may competently judge which is the right side of the present Controversie and withal if I mistake not he may guess if the Presbyterian Kirk in Scotland was not well provided when it got G. R. for its Vindicator Shall he furnish thee O patient Reader with any more divertisement If thou canst promise for thy patience I can promise for G. R. This Learned Gentleman found himself to puzzled it seems about this part of the Article that he was forced to put on the Fools-cap and turn Ridiculous to mankind However it was even better to be that than to yeild in so weighty a Controversie than to part with the Inclinations of the People that Articulus Stantis Cadentis Ecclesiae But is there a Play to succeed worthy of all this Prologue Consider and judge He has so limited and restricted the Generality of the People to make his cause some way defensible that for any thing I know he has confin'd them all within his own doublet At least he may do it before he shall need to yeild any more in his Argument He is at this trade of limiting in both his Vindications I shall cast them together that the world may consider the Product 1. There are many ten thousands who are inconcerned about Religion both in the greater and the lesser truths of it And it is most irrational to consider them in this Question 2. There are not a few who are of opinion that Church-Government as to the species of it is indifferent These ought not to be brought into the reckoning 3. There are not a few whose light and conscience do not incline them to Episcopacy who are yet zealous for it and against Presbytery Because under the one they are not censured for their immoralities as under the other These ought to be excluded also So ought all 4. Who had a Dependance on the Court And 5. All who had a Dependance on the Prelates 6. All Popishly Affected and who are but Protestants in Masquerade 7. All Enemies to K. W. and the present Government I am just to him all these Exclusions out of the reckoning he has if he has not more And give him these and he dares affirm That they who are Conscientiously for Prelacy are so few in Scotland that not one of many hundreds or Thousands is to be found 1 Vind. They who are for Episcopacy are not one of a Thousand in Scotland 2 Vind. Now not to fall on examining his Limitations singly because that were to be sick of his own disease In the first place one would think if he had been allowed his Limitations he might in all Conscience have satisfied himself without begging the Question to boot Yet even that he has most covetously done For I think the Question was not who were Conscientiously for Prelacy or inclined for Episcopacy But whither Prelacy and the Superiority of any Office in the Church above Presbyters was a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to the Nation and contrary to the inclinations of the Generality of the People And there is some difference as I take it between these Questions But let him take the State of the Question if he must needs have it I can spare it to him Nay if it can do him service I can grant him yet more When the Matter comes to be tryed by this his Standard I shall be satisfied that it fall to his share to be judge He should understand his own Rule best and so may be fittest for such Nice Decisions as a point so tender must needs require Tho' I think He may take the short cut as we say and give his own judgment without more ado For thither it must recur at last Only I cannot guess why he excluded all Popishly affected c. Was it to let a friend go with a fee I think he might have learned from History if not from Experience that Papists have been amongst the best friends to his Interest and very ready to do his party service upon occasion which it is not to be thought they would have done for nothing But however this is Having granted him so much I think he is bound to grant me one little thing I ask it of him only for peace I can force it from him if I please It is that all his Limitations Restrictions Exclusions Castings-out Settings-aside or what ever he pleases to call them were adduced by him for setting the Article in its Native and proper light and as it ought to be understood But if so I cannot think he himself can repute it unfair dealing to give the world a fair view of the Article as thus explained and enlightened And so digested it must run to this purpose as I take it That Prelacy and the Superiority of any Office in the Church above Presbyters is and hath been a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to this Nation and contrary to the inclinations of the Generality of the People Excluding from this Generality of the People 1. All these many ten thousands of the People who are unconcerned about Religion both in the greater and lesser truths of it 2. All these many of the People who are of opinion that Church-Government as to the species of it is indifferent 3. All these other many of the People whose Light and Conscience do not incline them to Episcopacy who are yet zealous for it and against Presbytery because under the one they are not censured for their immoralities as under the other 4. All such of the People as had any dependance on the Court. 5. Or on the Prelates 6. Or are Popishly affected and Protestants only in Masquerade And 7. All such as are Enemies to K. W. and the present Civil Government Ever since the Reformation They i. e. such of the People as are not excluded from the Generality of the People by any of the aforesaid Exceptions having Reformed from Popery by Presbyters and therefore it ought to be Abolished So the Article must run I say when duely Englightned by our Authors Glosses and when a New Meeting of Estates shall settle another New Government and put such ane Article in another New Claim of Right I do hereby give my word I shall not be the first that shall move Controversies about it But till that is done G. R. must allow me the use of a certain sort of Liberty I have of Thinking at least that his wits were a wool-gathering to use him as mannerly as can be done by one of his own
the late Revolution should be lookt upon as undone and that the settlement of the Church should again depend upon a new free unclogg'd unprelimited unover awed Meeting of Estates I am very much perswaded that a plain candid impartial and ingenuous Resolution of these few Questions might go very far in the Decision of this present Controversie And yet after all this labour spent about it I must confess I do not reckon it was in true value worth threeteen sentences As perchance may appear in part within a little And so I proceed to The Fifth Enquiry Whither supposing the Affirmatives in the proceeding Enquiries had been true they would have been of sufficient force to infer the Conclusion advanced in the Articles viz. that Prelacy c. ought to be Abolished THe Affirmatives are these two 1. That Prelacy was a great and Insupportable Grievance c. 2. That this Church was Reformed by Presbyters The purpose of this Enquiry is to try if these were good Reasons for the Abolition of Prelacy without further Address I think they were not Not the First viz. Prelacy's being a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to this Nation and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People Sure I am 1. Our Presbyterian Brethren had not this way of Reasoning from our Reformers For I remember Iohn Knox in his Letter to the Queen Regent of Scotland rejected it with sufficient appearances of Keenness and Contempt He called it a Fetch of the Devils to blind Peoples eyes with such a Sophism To make them look on that Religion as most perfect which the Multitude by wrong custom have embraced or to insinuate that it is impossible that that Religion should be false which so long time so many Councils and so great a Multitude of men have Authorized and confirmed c. For says he if the opinion of the Multitude ought always to be preferred then did God injury to the Original world For they were all of one mind to wit conjured against God except Noah and his family And I have shewed already that the Body of our Reformers in all their Petitions for Reformation made the word of God the Practices of the Apostles the Catholick Sentiments and Principles of the Primitive Church c. and not the inclinations of the People the Rule of Reformation Nay 2. G. R. himself is not pleased with this Standard He not only tells the world That Presbyterians wished and endeavoured that that Phrase might not have been used as it was But he ridicules it in his first Vindication in Answer to the tenth Question thoâ— he made himself ridiculous by doing it as he did it The Matter is this The Author of the ten Questions finding that this Topick of the inclinations of the People was insisted on in the Article as ane Argument for Abolishing Prelacy undertook to Demonstrate that tho' it were a good Argument it would not be found to conclude as the Formers of the Article intended Aiming unquestionably at no more than that it was not true that Prelacy was such a great and insupportable Grievance c. and to make good his undertaking He formed his Demonstration as I have already accounted Now hear G. R. It is a new Topick says he not often used before that such a way of Religion is best because c. This his Discourse will equally prove that Popery is preferable to Protestantism For in France Italy Spain c. not the Multitude only but all the Churchmen c. are of that way Thus I say G. R. ridiculed the Argument tho' he most ridiculously fancied he was ridiculing his Adversary who never dream'd that it was a good Argument But could have been as ready to ridicule it as another However I must confess G. R. did indeed treat the Argument justly For 3. Supposing the Argument good I cannot see how any Church could ever have Reformed from Popery For I think when Luther began in Germany or Mr. Patrick Hamilton in Scotland or Zuinglius or Oecolompadius or Calvin c. in their respective Countreys and Churches they had the inclinations of the People generally against them Nay if I mistake not our Saviour and his Apostles found it so too when they at first undertook to propagate our Holy Religion and perchance tho' the Christian Religion is now Generally Professed in most Nations in Europe some of them might be soon Rid of it if this Standard were allowed to take place I have heard of some who have not been well pleased with Saint Paul for having the word Bishop so frequently in his Language and I remember to have been told that one not ane Vnlearn'd one in a Conference being prest with a Testimony of Irenaeus's in his 3 Cap. 3 Lib. Adversus Her for ane uninterrupted Succession of Bishops in the Church of Rome from the Apostles times at first denyed confidently that any such thing was to be found in Irenaeus and when the Book was produced and he was convinced by ane ocular Demonstration that Irenaeus had the Testimony which was alleged he delivered himself to this purpose I see it is there Brother but would to God it had not been there Now had these People who were thus offended with St. Paul and Irenaeus been at the writing of their Books is it probable we should have had them with their Imprimatur as we have them Indeed for my part I shall never consent that the Bible especially the New Testament be Reformed according to some Peoples inclinations For if that should be allowed I should be very much affraid there would be strange cutting and carving I should be very much affraid that the Doctrine of self-preservation should justle out the Doctrine of the Cross That Might should find more favour than Right that the Force and Power should possess themselves of the places of the Faith and Patience of the Saints and that beside many other places we might soon see our last of at least the first seven verses of the 13 th Chapter to the Romans I shall only add one thing more which G. R.'s naming of France gave me occasion to think on It is that the French King and his Ministers as much as some People talk of their Abilities must for all that be but of the ordinary Size of Mankind For if they had been as wise and thinking men as some of their Neighbours they might have easily stopt all the mouths that were opened against them some years ago for their Persecuting the Protestants in that Kingdom For if they had but narrated in ane Edict that the Religion of the Hugonots was and had still been a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to their Nation and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People ever since it was Professed amongst them their work was done I believe G. R. himself would not have called the Truth of the Proposition in Question How easy were it to
Reform Religion publickly to Reform it by Force To Reform the State if it would not Reform the Church To Extirpate all false Religion by their Authority To assume to themselves a Power to overturn the Powers that are Ordain'd of God To depose them and set up new Powers in their stead Powers that would Protect that which they judged to be the best Religion Whoso pleases may see this Doctrine fully taught by Knox in his Appellation and he may see the same principle insisted on by Mr. Hendersone in his Debates with K. C. I. And who knows not that our Reformation was but too much founded on this Principle Herein I say we own we have forsaken our Reformers And let our Presbyterian Brethren if they can Convict us in this of Heresie In short our Reformers maintain'd that the Doctrine of Defensive Arms was Necessary That Passive Obedience or Non-resistance was sinful when People had means for Resistance That Daniel and his Fellows did not Resist by the Sword Because God had not given them the Power and the means That the Primitive Christians assisted their Preachers even against the Rulers and Magistrates and suppressed Idolatry wheresoever God gave them Force They maintain'd that the Iudicial Laws of Moses tho' not adopted into the Christian Systeme in many considerable instances continued still obligatory Particularly that the Laws punishing Adultery Murther Idolatry with Death were binding That in obedience to these Laws that Sentence was to be executed not only on Subjects but on Sovereigns That whosoever executes Gods Law on such Criminals is not only innocent but in his Duty tho' he have no Commission from Man for it That Samuel's slaying Agag the fat and delicate King of Amalek And Elias's killing Baal's Priests and Iesabel's false Prophets and Phineas's striking Zimri and Cosbi in the very Act of filthy fornication were allowable Patterns for private men to imitate That all these and more such strange Doctrines were Common and Current amongst them I am able to prove at full length if I shall be put to it Besides they had many other Principles relating to other purposes which I am perswaded were not founded on Scripture had no Countenance from Catholick Antiquity were not aggreeable to sound and solid Reason which we own we are so far from maintaining that we think our selves bound both to Profess and Practice the contrary And how easy were it to Confute as well as Represent some of Master Knox's principles which perhaps were peculiar to him He fairly and plainly condemned St. Paul and St. Iames the first Bishop of Ierusalem for their practice Act. 21.18 19 c. He esteem'd every thing that was done in Gods service without the express command of his word vain Religion and Idolatry He affirmed that all Papists were infidels both in publick and private I cannot think he was right in these things He had sometimes Prayers which do not seem to me to Savour any thing of a Christian Spirit Thus in His Admonition to the Professors of the Truth in England after he had insisted on the Persecutions in Queen Mary's time he had this Prayer God for his great Mercies sake stir up some Phineas Elias or Jehu that the blood of abominable Idolaters may Pacify Gods wrath that it consume not the whole Multitude Amen I must confess it was not without some horrour that I put his own Amen to such a petition In that same Exhortation he prays also thus Repress the pride of these blood-thirsty Tyrants Consume them in thine anger according to the Reproach which they have laid against thy Holy Name Pour forth thy vengeance upon them and let our eyes behold the blood of the Saints required of their hands Delay not thy vengeance O Lord but let death devour them in haste Let the Earth swallow them up and let them go down quick to the hels For there is no hope of their Amendment The Fear and Reverence of thy Holy Name is quite banished from their hearts And therefore yet again O Lord consume them Consume them in thine Anger Let the world judge if such Prayers Savour of a Gospel-spirit Was this loving our Enemies or Blessing them that Curse us or Praying for them who despitefully use us or Persecute us Was this like forgiving others their trespasses as we would wish our own trespasses to be forgiven Was this like Father forgive them for they know not what they do Or Lord lay not this sin to their charge Did Master Knox consider or know what manner of spirit he was of when he offered up such petitions I shall only give one other Specimen of Master Knox's Divinity and because 't is about a point which of late has been so much agitated I shall not grudge to give his sentiments somewhat fully Because perchance he may come to have some credit by it He may chance to be honoured as a Father by the Providentialists The Story is this He wrote a Book against the Regiment of Women as he called it His aim was principally against Mary Queen of England When Queen Elizabeth was raised to the Throne some body having told her that he had written such a Book she resented it so that she would not allow him to set his foot on English ground when he was returning from Geneva to Scotland Anno 1559. This grated him not a little However he could not endure to think upon retracting the Positions in his Book having once asserted them he deem'd it point of Honour it seems to adhere to them for thus he told Secretary Cecil in a Letter from Diepe April 10. 1559. He doubted no more of the Truth of his Proposition than he did that it was the voice of God which first did pronounce this Penalty against Women In dolour shalt thou bear thy Children And in a Conference with Mary Queen of Scotland Anno 1561. He told her that to that hour he thought himself alone more able to sustain the things affirmed in that Book than any ten Men in Europe could be to confute them But for all this Queen Elizabeth as I said was raised to the Throne of England and it was needful her Majesty should not continue to have quarrels with him Her Kindness and Countenance at that time to him and his Projects were worth little less than a Deanry Some Knack was therefore to be devised for making a Reconcilement between his Book and her Regiment Well! what was it he fix't on Why The Providential Right serv'd him to a Miracle For thus he wrote in his aforementioned Letter to Cecil If any Man think me either Enemy to the Person or yet to the Regiment of her whom God hath now promoted they are utterly deceived in me For the MIRACULOUS work of God comforting his afflicted by ane infirm Vessel I do acknowledge And I will Obey the Power of his most potent hand Raising up whom best pleaseth his