headless Queens The Lady Anna Buloigne and the Lady Katherine Howard either as far divided in Religion as they were in their Affections Eight dayes and upwards past between the proclaiming of this Queen and the calling her first Parliament during which time the two Religions were publickly permitted with equal Indulgence The Divine Service being so blended with Superstition that as one observes the State of England before her Persecution was not much unlike that of the Jews after theirs who presently upon the Captivity took a mid way between Hebrew and Ashdod on the same day that Mass was sung in the Quire at Westminster the English Service was sung in the Body of the Church And the two Religions if divided Opinions may deserve that Name being thus brought to confront each other no marvel if the Demagogues of each Perswasion justled for Precedence the Protestants being back'd by the present Laws the Papists by the Prerogative these incouraged by the Queens Opinion those by her Promises But as in the close of Day light and darkness contesting for Superiority seem equally match'd till in the end the latter prevails So happen'd it now upon the death of the late King whose Religion being different to that of his Successor the Question was which must take place and become the Religion of the State She her self being not so forward to declare after she came to be Queen as she was before But to palliate the matter in discharge of her Obligations to the Loyal Protestant Gentry of Suffolk and Norfolk that were the first set her up she seem'd content to call a Parliament that might take off the Odium from her making way to it by a general pardon which had so many Exceptions in it as shew'd there would be more found at the Convention And now being fearless of any more danger by Rivals happy in the single possession of her self and Throne there wanted nothing to compleat her felicity save that she knew it not Whereby it fell out so unluckily that she brought upon her self very great hatred and clamor by that whereby most Princes secure the love of their People to them whilst being wholly guided by those of her Councel she submitted her Reason to their Passions who under the pretence of Religion ingaged her in the greatest Persecâ—tion that ever was known under any Christian Government causing her to shed more Blood although she reign'd only five years four months and some odd dayes then was spilt by those two great Tyrants Richard the Third and her own Father putting both together there dying for Religion only not to mention what suffer'd on Civil Accompts no less then Three hundred whereof there was one Arch-bishop four Bishops and twenty one Divines of note But that which made it the more supportable was that however she was prodigal of her Subjects Lives she was yet more sparing of their Livelyhoods For she began with a rare Example in pardoning the very first Subsidy she had and she never had but one more So that putting that which was remitted against that which was received she had upon the matter none at all all her time And yet we find she was in continual Action at home or abroad having alwayes as her Father before her occasion to make use of men at Arms either to defend or inlarge her Dominions For as she was obstinate in the Resolution she had taken of restoring the Popes Authority contrary to the promise she made to those who first set her up being perswaded by the Priests that rul'd there that she had no such way to manifest her Faith as by the breach of it So she cut out so much matter for Rebellion by the Violence she offer'd both to Conscience and Interest that she had little Rest but no Peace all her dayes Now whether it were a natural Distrust of her weakness as she was a Woman or a Feminine Diffidence of her Wisdom as she was a Maid or that in truth she desir'd a help meet for satisfaction of her Affections as well as for support of her Affairs is not otherwise to be judg'd then by the choice she made But so it was that finding she could not stand by her self without a Husband no more then an Adjective without a Substantive she propos'd it as the first thing to her Councel directing them to make choice of such an one for her as might be as fit to give Laws to her as she to them Three there were in Proposal for her Philip Infant of Spain Son to the Emperour Charles the Fifth the old Cardinal Pool and the young Marquiss of Exeter to each of which as there were some Motives to draw her Affections so there were many Arguments to disswade her from them Those that had respect to the settlement of the Kingdom thought Philip the fittest match as being a Puissant King strengthned with many great Allies and who had as great an Enmity to the French the only Enemy England ought to fear as they themselves But against him the first Objection was That he was a Stranger The second That being Native of Spain he probably might by this Match bring England into some danger of Subjection to that Kingdom And lastly That there was somewhat of undecency not to say inequality in respect to his Person for that it seem'd strange that she should be the Wife of the Son now who thirty years before should have been Wife to the Father Those that stood for the Cardinal urg'd his Love to his Country and the Love the Country had for him in respect of his great Sanctimony and Wisdom which rendred him particularly acceptable to the Queen then for his Dignity he was not much inferiour to Kings and by his Mother descended from Kings and for his Age it was more agreeable to that of the Queens then that of either of the other two But the principal end of Marriage being Procreation he fell under an exception not to be answer'd as being a Batchelor of near Sixty four years old and so needed a Nurse rather then a Wife The Youth of the Lord Courtney being a brisk Cavalier and by Birth as well as the best Blood of England and France could make him gave him the preferrence above the Cardinal But some of the Juncto objecting That he lov'd Popularity more then ever he could be brought to love the Queen and that he smell'd too ranck of Lutherism to be her Bed-fellow they carried it by a general Vote against him for King Philip as well to take off all Exceptions by the Disparagement of marrying a Subject as for those seasonable and most Incredible Advantages it brought to England which were express'd in the Instrument of Marriage yet extant whereof there needs no further mention then the addition of the Netherlands and Burgundy to be for ever a Member of the Imperial Crown of this Realm in case there had been any Issue betwixt them All this notwithstanding such was the
whit as sound as the exterior parts Witness the free Cities and those large Countries the Patrimonies of the Psaltzgrave the Dukes of Saxony Brandenburg Wittenburg Lunenburg Brunswick Mecklen Pomerania Sweburgh Newburgh and Holst with those other under the Prince of Anhalt the Marquess of Baden the Landgrave of Hesse and in fine almost all the Princes of Germany I think we may except only the Dukes of Austria and Bavaria in whose Countries yet are many Protestant Families of note to all which joyning those out-lying Plantations in the furthest part of the less known World containing many a Sun-burnt Saint those of the Reformed Religion there being infinitely more extensive and Populous than those of the Popish Perswasion and all these with Universal consent acknowledging our King as Head of the League within the Protestant Pale as it will extend the Borders of our Church beyond what is commonly apprehended so it so far magnifies the Majesty of the King of England whether consider'd as Propagator fidei in the Protestant Phrase or Defensor Fidei in the Pope's stile that it may as truly be said of him as of Claudius when he was Lord of Britaine (f) Anâ—nimi Epigra vet Lib. 2. Oceanus medium venit in Imperium Now because the Supremacy in Ecclesiasticis is so nice a Point as the Popish Faction render it many of whom not comprehending the Legality much less the necessity of its being Intrusted with the King only have been more obstinate in the defence of their Allegations than their Allegiance it may be reasonable to examine the matter of Right by the matter of Fact as that by Common Usuage which our Common Lawyers Date (g) Bracton fol. 314. Cook sur Lit. l. 2. Sect. 170. Du temps il ny ad memoire de Contraire from the Authority of which Age we may conclude the practice whatever it has been to have gain'd the form and effect as well as the honour and repute of a Law according to that known Maxime (h) Cook sur Litt. lib. 3. Sect. 659. Quod Prius est Tempore potius est Jure Pass we then through those four noted Periods 1. From the time of Lucius the first Christian King of the Britains to that of Constantine the first Christian King or Emperour of the Romans reckon'd about a hundred and fifty years 2. From that Time till the Conversion of Ethelbert the first Christian King of the Saxons or English suppos'd to be three hundred and sixty years more 3. From thence to the time of the first King of the Norman here which was not so little as five hundred years more at what time the Pope first put in his Claim 4. From thence to the time he let go his hold again which being about the beginning of Queen Elizabeths Reign whose Ambassadour he refused to treat with makes up near five hundred years more and if in all that long series of Christianity it shall appear by consent of all Ecclesiastical Writers in all times that the King has ever been deem'd to be Papa Patriae Jure Proprietatis Vicarius Dei in Regno Jure Possessionis I hope then the Imputation of Heresie and Schism laid upon Henry the Eight by Paul the Third for taking upon him to be the Supream head of the Church within his own dominions will vanish as a Result of Passion and Our present Kings be Judged in Remitter to their antient Right or as the Law-books Express it Enson (i) 25. Assis pl. 4.35 Ass s pl. 11.23 Edw. 3.69.11 Hâ—n 4.50 Tit. Remitt 11. melior Droit Lucius and those claiming immediately from by and after him I take to be stated in a double right Ratione Fundationis ratione Donationis For as the Lawyers have it cujus est dare ejus est disponere Now that all the Bishopricks of this Isle were of his Foundation and Donative appears by all our books saith the (k) Sur Lit. Cap. Discontinuance Sec. 648. Lord Cooke The first Canons receiving Sanction Ex Divinitate Principis as the Canonists express it till such time as that Foundation laid by him was buried in the Rubbish of Dioclesian's Persecution After which we have no Constat of any Ecclesiastical Polity till the time of Constantine who having recover'd the Church out of its Ruines and laid a new Superstructure of his own upon the Old Found is upon that Account both by Eusebius and Socrates stil'd the Great and it is well they call'd him not the Vniversal Bishop His Power being no less extensive than his Dominions the (l) Euseb vit Constant Cap. 24. L. 4. first of them pointing at his power in General calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The (m) Socrat. Hist Eccles last referring to his more immediate power over the Clergy for to say truth he precided even in Rome it self stiles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Pontifex Maximus From the time of this Constantine the Great till that of Pope Gregory the Great neither heard those here any thing of the Church of Rome nor they of Rome any thing of the Church here That Pope being so little known to or knowing any thing of the concerns of this Isle that when accidentally he saw some little (n) Some it seems of the Pagan Saxons then newly planted here Children who had been brought from hence he ask'd whether they were Christians or no and it being as Ignorantly answer'd him That all the Natives here were Pagans he out of his singular Zeal to Christian Piety sent over Austin the Monk to bring them under his Apostolical Obedience By which we may rather Understand a subjection to the Roman Faith than to the Roman Church for that Rome being at that time but a private Diocess had not Credit enough to give Laws to all the Churches of Italy much less to Impose upon those further off for every body knows how they of (o) Sygonius lib. 9. de â—eg Italiae dicit non debere Ambrosianam Ecclesiam Rom. â—egibus subjicere Millan not to mention any other contested with them for the Precedence many years after And for the Independency of the Churches in (p) Baronius An. 1059. Spain and France there needs no other Proof than what we have from that Magisterial Monk's own Relation before mention'd who as he pass'd through France in his way hither observing how different their Forms of Divine Service were from those at Rome and how repugnant their Discipline to any thing he had been before acquainted with was so surpriz'd with the Novelty that he could not forbear (q) Cum una sit fides cur sunt Ecclesiarum consuetudines alterum missarum consuetudo in Sanct. Rom. Eccles atque altera in Galliarum c. Expostulating the Reason with his Ghostly Master whose pious Answer yet to be seen at the end of his Printed Works is worthy Notice who after an excellent discourse upon that Subject concludes that as their Liberty
Insolence of the one and the Cowardliness of the other But Severus to render himself more grateful to the Britains and to shew them that he had more of the Julius in his Nature then the Severus brought over with him this Coel the Princeps Juventutis whom he knew they long'd to see being the next of blood to the last King some say his Son whom the Romans call'd Calius who under the colour of being sent for Breeding to Rome had been kept there as an Hostage from the time of Marius his first entring upon the Government Long it was not before he had beaten back the Picts but before he could make ready the Laurel to present to the Old Emperour his Master he impatient of the Glory was arriv'd in Person who finding the Picts retir'd into their Fastnesses very wisely depopulated all the Country round about and so leaving out that which was not worth the trouble of keeping he secur'd the rest by that wonderful Work call'd the Picts Wall After this he establish'd Coell in the Government over the Britains and appointed the Propraetor Licinius Prisons whom he had purposely call'd from the Jewish Wars to be assistant to him by whose advice Coel set up a Municipal form of Government in all the Cities and great Towns something like that of the Romans and sent abroad Judges into the Country with Commission of Oyer and Terminer in all matters Criminal and Civil Now because the People were of different Nations and bred under different Laws part Britains and part Romans they observ'd this Rule to punish all Romans by Roman Magistrates all Britains by British only herein they gave respect to the Romans to submit that all Process should be in Latin which at first the Vulgar sort of Britains could not wel digest because they understood nothing of it but sympathy of Manners and continuation of Commerce introduc'd at last such an affection to the Language that they became not only knowing in the Tongue but very Critical in that knowledge arriving at a degree of Eloquence and that led them to a perfection in the (g) Of which they were wholy Ignorant before Liberal Sciences and in a very little time they were effeminated with all the Arts of that wanton Nation but as bad causes many times produce good effects so out of this Dunghill sprung that Flower the Luce which garnish'd the Temples of the succeeding King who meeting with an Age that affected new Notions suffer'd himself to be carry'd away in the Croud till happily and perhaps unexpectedly he arriv'd at last at the Doctrine of Christianity CYMBELIN date of accession 156 THE time ascrib'd by the British Historians to the 3 last Kings if there be no mistake in the Computation could take up no less then the Reigns of Six Emperours Titus Domitian Nerva Trajan Adrian and Antonius the two first of which were perhaps more unkind to the Britains then to any other of their Subjects but the two next permitted them the benefit of their own Kings the two last the priviledge of their own Laws but more beholding were they yet to the Emperor Aurelius who if he were not a real Christian as some (h) Hâ—linshed lib. 5. cap. 9. Historians believe him to be was yet as 't is reported of King Agrippa almost perswaded to be so in that he frankly priviledged all those of that perswasion and permitted this King to be the first profess'd Believer of any Prince in the World whereupon his Country-men chang'd his name of Cymbelin into that of Levermawr i. e. the Great Light upon which the Romans call'd him Lucius a Name that seems to have been written with the Beams of the Sun to the Intent it might be legible throughout all the Ages of the World in honour of which Emperor the said King entituled the first Canons that ere he made Leges Romanas Casaris Now however this was the first Christian King that ever was not excepting with reverence to the Writers of their Legend be it spoken either (i) Abdia Hist Apost lib. 9. Euseb lib. 1. cap. 13. Gundafer K. of India converted by St. Thomas or (k) Nicet Choniat in Andron Com. l. 2. Abagar K. of Edessa converted by Letters as they say from our Saviour himself Yet we must not take the Aera of Christianity within this Isle from the date of his Conversion Since Gildas whose Authority is not to be question'd deduces it tempore summo Tiberii which falls out not to be above five years after Christs Passion who by the Dionysian Accompt suffered in the eighteenth year of the Reign of that l) Whom Tertullian would have be thought a Christian himself distinct 80. c. in illis Clem. Prop. Tyrant However those that think not fit to look so far back do yet admit presidenti Arvirago and to this even the Roman Historians that liv'd near about the same time give some probable Testimony for what else can be understood by that strange (m) Lipsius interprets it Christianity Superstition of the Jews wherewith (n) Sueton. vit Ner. Suetonius complains that Pomponia the Wife of A. Plantius Lieutenant to Claudius here was infected Judaism being thought by the Romans to differ from Christianity in Specie only and most of our (o) Oildas Simon Metaphrastes Suriuâ— Cambden c. Antiquaries of the best Credit do affirm St. Peter to have been preaching here near about the same time So that the Conversion of Lucius may be esteemed rather happy then early who meeting with such a calm season as did not nip the Bud of his Devotion before it was fully blown it was no marvel having taken root so long before it sprung up so suddenly if so be we may call that growth sudden which yet rose by visible degrees to that perfection it attained to in his time for it is worthy the noting how the Britains by Conversation with the Romans became knowing first in the use of Arms after in the practise of Arts and Sciences natural civil moral and metaphisical In Cunobelin's time they refin'd their Money In the time of Marius they learn'd the Art of Fortifications The last King before this Instructed them in the Rules of Philosophy This in the Rudiments of Religion reducing it after into practise as divers of our Ecclesiastical Writers inform us by establishing with his Royal Authority A. B. and Bishops in the Church instead of those Flamins and Arch-Flamins which were before in the Paganish Temples wherein the British Church had the start of all other Christian Churches in the World in point of honour as well as Order There being no Constat of so high a Title as that of (p) Vsher primord Malmesbury Arch-Bish in any of the Eastern Churches at that time from whom those of Rome and all the Western Churches had theirs many years after which shews that his pious purpose was not to suffer Religion to loose any part of that State and
France and Spain being her secret Friends and Well-wishers not to mention the nearer Obligations of her own Son being then but young and the Pope ever ready to pack the Cards for her as occasion served The advantage Queen Elizabeth had was by the Knaves in her hand all the factious Demagogues of Scotland being at her Devotion and so dependant on her Power that their disloyalty stood her in better stead than the Loyalty of her own Subjects whereof she made so good use that her over-match't Rival being never able to fix their Obedience much less recover their Affections was fain to seek for help abroad And after she became a Prisoner finding none she could trust was forc'd to attempt her Freedom singly proceeding therein for want of due intelligence by such indirect wayes and means as prov'd very unprosperous for the more she stirr'd the more she intangled herself fastning the Bonds beyond all possibility of being shaken off again which had she sate still might possibly have loosed of themselves Neither could it prove otherwise whiles she was neither able to take right measures of her Adversaries strength nor of her own weakness Queen Elizabeth having more Subjects then she knew of for she had got the Ascendant of her Neighbours so far that like her Father Henry where she made not Kings she gave them Laws The Protestants 't is true the only useful Party to her were few in comparison of the Papists who were all inc ined to the other side But the Security of Princes rests not so much in the number as in the affections of their People of whom whilst by extraordinary methods of Love she testified her self to have so great a care they made to her as extraordinary Returns of Loyalty witness that voluntary Association as 't was call'd which the Protestants so solemnly enter'd into as soon as they found her imbarrased by the Queen of Scots Faction binding themselves with mutual Oaths and Subscriptions to each other to prosecute all those to death who should attempt any thing against the Queens life This was it gave her that high repute without which she could not have given that protection she did to those of other Countries who afterward applyed themselves to her as the only Defender of the Faith for though it were no more then what they were before bound to do by their Oath of Allegiance yet being a voluntary Recognition resulting out of the Sense they had of their own in her danger it made such a noise in all Christendom that all those who chose rather to change their Country then their Religion cast themselves at her feet and where they could not come to her she sent to them witness the aid she gave to the persecuted Protestants of France when they were overwhelmed by the unholy Confederates of the Holy League that had set up a Priest to make way for a Cardinal by the Murther of a King and by the Murther of many Thousands more afterward made may to set up themselves to whom as she sent no ordinary supply of Men so she gave so extraordinary a supply of Money that Henry the Fourth himself was pleas'd to acknowledge he never saw so much Gold together at any one time in his whole life before More notable yet was that aid given to the distrested Protestants of the Netherlands when Duke D'Alva falling on them with like Fury as Vespatian upon the Jews put them in as great a fear of being drown'd in a deluge of Blood as they were but a little before of being overwhelm'd by that of Water who when their Courage was sunk as low as their hopes and that lay as low as their Country for she put them into a Condition not only to defend their own Liberty but to assert her Soveraignty their gratitude prompting them to swear Allegiance to her for that she had as they said an indubitable Title to those Provinces by Philippa Wife of Edward the Third who was one of the Daughters and Coheirs of Earl William the Third of Holland a right precedent as they alledged to that of the King of Spain But whether it were so that she rather approved the change of their Principles then of their Prince or would have the World believe she rather favour'd their Religion then their Rebellion or judg'd it would be hard to make good what was so ill got or was unwilling to do any thing that might give King Philip cause to question her Gratitude no less then her Justice or what other motives moderated her Ambition is not known but so it was that she laid aside for the present the consideration of her own Right and to shew she sincerely intended that Self-denyal she assisted the Spaniard with men at the same time she supplyed the Dutch with Money thereby giving those cause to extoll her Generosity whiles these magnified her Bounty both alike desiring her Friendship and admiring her Wisdom whiles the one could not tell how she affected Peace nor t'other how far she inclined to War Thus she preserv'd her self by Arts as well as by Arms which was the less easie for her to do in respect of the many cross Designs that were then on foot in France Spain Germany and Italy in each of which she was deeply concern'd not to say in Scotland which being on the same Continent was under her Eye as their Queen under her keeping But the King of Spain finding that whatever was pretended overtly she did underhand abet the Rebels of the Netherlands he set his thoughts upon supporting the Rebels of Ireland which how much she dreaded appears by her ready acceptance of that seign'd Submission of the Earl of Tyrone the first that gave her trouble and the last that repented him of it But before he made any Rupture upon her there happen'd a lucky hit which contributed much to defraying the Charge she foresaw she must be at whenever he broke the Peace made with her A mighty Mass of Money which King Philip had taken up from the Genoveses and other Italian Merchants to be sent by Sea to the Duke D'Alva for carrying on that War of the Low-Countries was drove into one of her Ports by a French Man of War which she seizing to her own use and justifying her self by necessity of State the only reason for all unreasonable actions thought it enough to give the Proprietors Security for the Principal without any consideration of Interest This so incens'd D'Alva that he forthwith laid an Imbargo upon all the English Merchants in the Low-Countries She to requite that did the like upon the Dutch Merchants here upon which Letters of Mart were granted on both sides and so that War began which she liv'd not to see and end of For the King of Spain as is said before knowing the Irish to be naturally inclined to break out with the Itch of Rebellion resolv'd to inflame their Blood with the hopes of a new Change combining with Gregory