time vvhen this treason vvas plotted as to vse his owne wordes no 〈◊〉 grudge no invvard vvhispering of discōtentment did any vvay appeare VVhich assertion if you consider it well and compare it with our domesticall differences in Religion and variety of punishments laied vpon diuers sortes of men at that time euen before this fact fell out for the same will seeme a very great hyperbolicall exaggeration and ouerlashing for that the penalties of Recusancy and other like molestations were as rife then as at any other time before complaintes of Catholickes in diuers countreys no lesse pittifull 14. Another like Treatise followed this intituled A true reporte of the imprisonment arraignment and execution of the late Traitors imprinted by Geffery Chorlton VVhich so raileth vpon Catholicks and Catholicke Religion from the very beginning to the end therof as if none of them had byn free from the fact attempted or that their common doctrine had publickly allowed the same whereunto this seditious libell of the minister T. M. which now I am to confute endeauoreth to beare false witnes I will pretermit two other most virulent and spitefull Treatises intituled Pagano-Papismus and The picture of a Papist in which the Religion wherin all our auncestors both liued and died from the beginning of their Christianity vnto our daies and so many worthy nations great Princes and famous learned men doe professe round about vs at this day and doe hope to be saued therby is made worse then Paganisme vea the horrible sinke of all damnable heresies which notwithstanding were condemned by the same Religion and Church in former ages and consequently this censure sauoureth more of fury then of reason 15. But to leaue of the recitall of any more bookes or pamphlets to this effect there hath appeared further a matter of far greater importance which is a Catalogue of new lawes suggested in this Parlament against the said Catholickes wherin besides the former heape of penall statutes made to this affliction in precedent times diuers new are proposed for an addition and aggrauation of their Calamities far more rigorous if they passe then the former which being considered by forreine people doe make the state of English Catholickes vnder Protestant gouernement to seeme vnto them much more miserable and intolerable then that of the Ievves vnder any sorte of Christian Princes or that of the Grecians or other Christians vnder the Turke or Persian or that of bondsubiectes vnder the Polonians Svvecians Moscouians and other such Nations so as all this tendeth as yow see and as before we haue noted to more desperate disunion of mindes and exasperation of hartes 16. Only I must confesse that in two mens writings I finde more moderation then in any of the rest who yet being more interessed in the late grieuous designed delict then any of the other that write therof had most cause to be prouoked against the delinquents The first is his Maiesties speach both in his Proclamation and Court of Parlament In the former he professeth to distinguish betvveene all others calling themselues Catholicks the Authors of detestable treason and that by good experience he vvas so vvell persuaded of the loyalty of diuers of that 〈◊〉 as that he assured himselfe that they did as much abhorre that odious 〈◊〉 as himselfe And in the second his Maiesty speaking in Parlament distinguished betweene different sortes of Catholicks allowing to the one sort both the opinion of loyalty and possibility of saluation detesting in that point to vse his Highnes wordes the cruelty of the Puritanes and thinking it vvorthy of fier that vvill admit no saluation to any Papist VVhich is an argument of his Princely moderate meaning not to condemne the whole for a part though in our sense the distinction vsed by his Maiesty in that place of some Catholicks that holde some pointes of our Religion and of others that holde all cannot stand For that we accompt them not for Catholicks at all nor may wee that holde not all but a part for that Catholicum is secundum totum and not secundum partem as well S. Augustine noteth and consequently he that belieueth a part only or any one iote lesse then the whole cannot be in our sense nor in that of S. Augustine a true Catholicke 17. And surely though his Maiesty in this place out of the preiudicate persuasions of others and 〈◊〉 suggested informations seeme to be persuaded that no Catholicks of this condition that belieue and imbrace the whole can euer proue either good Christians or faithfull subiects yet is our hope and constant praier to almighty God that he will in time so illustrate that excellent vnderstanding of his Highnes as the same will see and discerne betweene these absolute and perfect Catholicks that yeeld themselues wholy in obsequium obedientiam fidei in all that the vniuer sall Church prescribeth vnto them to be belieued and others that chuse take and leaue what they like or list vpon their owne iudgement which choice or election called otherwise heresy if wee belieue the Holy Scriptures and sense of all antiquity in this behalfe is the most dangerous and pernicious disease in respect of both those effects heere mentioned by his Maiesty that is vpon earth And when his Highnes shall further with deliberation and maturity haue pondered how many ages his noble Auncestors Catholicke Kings and Queenes of both Realmes haue raigned in peace honour and safty ouer subiects of the first sorte and how infinite troubles turmoiles violences dangers hurtes and losses his Maiesties owne person and all his neerest in bloud and kinred haue suffered in a few yeares of those other new chusers to omit their doctrine I doubt not but that out of his great prudence and equanimity he will mollify and mitigate the hard opinion conceaued of the former notwithstanding this late odious accident fallen out by the temerity of a few as the world knoweth 18. The second example of some moderation before mentioned or at least wise meant was my L. of Salisburies answere to Certeine scandalous papers as he called them which though being written in the time and occasion they were the answerer wanteth not his stinges that pearce euen to the quicke yet supposing the pretended iniury offered by that fond menacing letter and the condition of men in his place and dignity not accustomed to beare or dissemble prouocations of that kind all may be called moderate that is not extreme though for the letter it self if any such were I presume so much of his Lordships wisedome and prudence as he could hardly deeme or suspect any Catholicke to be so mad as to write such a franticke commination but rather that it came from the forge of some such other as togeather with the blowe to be giuen therby to all Catholickes had furthermore a desire to drawe forth from his L. the answere therby to see and try his style and to that end gaue
ly you may not aduise her according to S. Augustine before recited no not for the sauing of her owne life or of any other to destroy or disgrace herself by her owne cōfession when the cryme is secret nor any witnes or other proofes extant were hard to counsell her and against equity if then without making a ly she might escape and deliuer her self by vsing some equiuocation of words will you call it heathenish 〈◊〉 a monstrous hydra But I do hope by this time that yow are somwhat calmed in your former heates against this doctrine and therfore I will vrge no further your outragious tearmes against the same but nowe shall passe to set downe the particuler cases wherin our Doctors do hold that some equiuocation or amphibologie of words may be lawfully vsed without ly or other offence OF CERTAINE PARTICVLER CASES AND OCCASIONS VVherin it may be lawfull to vse the manner of Equiuocation or Amphybology before set downe either in speach or oath VVith the reasons therof CHAP. X. HYtherto haue we treated of Amphibologie and Equiuocation in generall to wit what their nature is how different from lying consequently that in some causes and occurrent occasions they may be lawfull and vsed by good men without sinne or offence and so haue byn by 〈◊〉 holy persons yea often by the holy Ghost himselfe as before largely hath byn declared Now then for more perspicuitie it remayneth that we lay forth breifely some particuler and principall cases wherin the said vse of Amphibologie or Equiuocation by learned Catholick Deuynes is admitted and allowed which we shall do with the greatest breuitie and perspicuity that we may considering the great variety of Authors matters and opinions that vpon such Cases doe arise the seueral explication wherof would require a great volume But it shall be sufficient for the iudicious Reader to vnderstand that as in all other humaine and morall matters there may be and is commonly difference of opinions how this or that ought to be done or practised though they agree in the Doctrine so heere also when and how and in what wordes and what forme os speach a man may iustlie vse Amphibologie or Equiuocation for couering of Secrets that are not conuenient to be vttered all doe not agree but haue their different iudgements though in the principall they doe all concurre that in some cases the said Amphibologie or equiuocation may be lawfully vsed without lying or other sinne of which Cases we shall heere recite some principall The first case about the secret of Confession §. 1. 2. THE first and most generall case wherein all Schole Doctors without exception do agree that such Equiuocation may be vsed is in matters appertayning to the seale of Sacramentall Confession to wit if a Cōfessour or Priest that hath heard an other mans confession should be demaunded whether such a one had confessed such a syn vnto him or not though no wayes nor vpon any consideration whatsoeuer he may tell a lie according to our former Doctrine yet may he not only say nescio I know nothing but answere directly that he hath not confessed any such thing vnto him albeit he had so done and that the said Confessour may not say but sweare also this answere of his vnderstanding reseruing in his mynd that the penitent hath not cōfessed the same vnto him so as he may vtter it The reason of which answer albeit diuers Authors do diuersly explicate as that this was confessed to him not as to man but vnto God or as to Gods substitute in the tribunall of Cōfession and the like wherin I remit the Reader to Dominicus Sotus a learned Deuine and to Doctor Nauar no lesse renowned lawyer who handle the matter at large in seueral Treatises yet both they and all other Deuines and lawyers as hath byn said do hold that in this case of Confession the obligation of secrecy is so great as for no respect whatsoeuer nor to what person soeuer though he be neuer so lawful a Iudge Prince Prelate or Superiour nor for sauing of a whole Kingdome or common wealth and much lesse the liues of any particuler men or women or of the confessour himselfe no nor of the whole world togeather if it were possible or to worke neuer so much good therby nor though the said Cōfessour were put in neuer so great torments imò si mille mortes 〈◊〉 essent if a thousand deathes saith Tolet were to be suffered by him yet might he not vtter the same And further if the Case should fall out that he could not confesse his owne sinnes without giuing some particuler and personall suspicion of the other vnto his confessour he were bound vnder sinne to pretermit his owne confession vntill he found another Confessour vnto whome without this perill he might be confessed 3. Which sacred and inuiolable seale of this Sacramentall secrecy being considered and that Amphibologicall and Equiuocall speach with a true reseruation of mynd is no lye at all as in the precedent Chapters hath byn largely proued it is inferred that a Confessour in this case is not only allowed to vse the same prudently when need is for couering of the said secrecy but is bound also in conscience thervnto vnder greiuous sinne when by no other meanes of silence diuersiō or euasion the said secrecy can be concealed 4. And in this al Schole-Deuines whatsoeuer do agree as hath byn said and namely all those whome before we haue mentioned in the precedent Chapter and first point therof and among other M. Mortons Genesius in like manner is with vs against him whom he hath picked out as singular and single among all Catholicke writers in this behalfe denying the lawfulnes of Equiuocation in sundry other Cases but in this granting and auouching the same with great asseueration in these wordes Deus Ecclesia ipsaque ratio naturalis arcanum sacrae confessionis quod multis scriptis legibus nominatim est sancitum tam sanctum esse voluerunt vt in nulla prudenti modò coacta sic cognitorum peccatorum inficiatione possit esse vel periurium vel mandacium propter Sacramenti huius maiestatem maximam publicamque Religionis Christianae perturbationem God and the 〈◊〉 and naturall reason it selfe would haue this secret of holy Confession to be so inuiolable which is established also by many written lawes of the Church as by no denyall of sinnes so knowne in confession so it be prudently done and vpon compulsion can there be either periury or lying both in regard of the Maiesty of this Sacrament of Confession and of the great and publicke perturbation of Christian Religion which would otherwise ensue if matters reuealed in confession might at any time vpon any occasion be vttered againe So he Holding as you see that no denyall of matters heard or knowne by confession in what sort soeuer can be a lye or periurie the
Wherfore these strangers are wont to demaund whether there be any learned men indeed in these three facultyes now in our Vniuersities and whether any be studyed in Schoole-Deuinity and the Lawes either Ciuill or Canon for if there be it seemes impossible to them that such a booke should be suffered to come forth so full of ignorance as this is For say they if they had read or looked ouer but these heads in the said sciences to wit of the nature of truth and lyinge of the lawfullnes of dissimulation in certaine cases both in wordes works as namely in stratagemes of war of the lawfulnes of couering some truth vpon iust occasion in the Canon law out of S. Augustine of 〈◊〉 malus and Dolus 〈◊〉 or vtilis in the same law out of S. Hierome and other Fathers of the cases wherin a man may sweare or not sweare lawfully or not be bound to keep his oath of the question whether God can deceiue or any man else by his spirit of the limitations of an accuser and defendant of the obligation of a witnes to vtter deny or dissemble the truth of the office of a Iudge Aduocate or Solicitour in accusation or defence of any body of the cases wherin secresy is necessarily to be obserued by all lawfull meanes both in out of confession and diuers other such like heades of doctrine as occurre daylie in all the foresaid three faculties and in the common vse of mans life these learned men affirme that it is impossible for our Vniuersity-Doctors to haue read and weighed them but they must confesse the lawfulnes of Equiuocation in diuers cases and that it may be without lying which is lawfull in no case nor for any cause whatsoeuer Wherof they inferre that either their sciences are not studyed in our Vniuersites or that the students profit little in them or that the worst learned of all are suffered to write bookes which thing for that it appertayneth to the disgrace of your so famous Schooles I thought it one sufficiēt cause amongst the rest to dedicate this Answere vnto yow 5. My third reason was to moue yow by this occasion to consider more attentiuely what manner of men they be for the most part that write in England at this day how shallow in the matters they take vpō them to make bookes of but especially to wish yow that when any booke commeth forth yow would but examine the truth of the citations which are alleadged by them for this only would be sufficient to informe and satisfie yow where the truth is And so I desire no more but your attention in this one point for the decision of the controuersie betweene me and Thomas Morton for if yow find him to haue dealt sincerly in alleaging his Authors I am content he haue the victory though he haue behaued himself otherwise neuer so weakly For triall of which point I remit my self to that which I haue handled afterward more plentifully and perticularly in the 2. 6. and 12. Chapters of purpose 6. But yet for that since the writing of the ensuing Preface I haue read and pervsed two Epistles of his last booke intituled A full satisfaction the one to the Kings Maiesty the other to the seduced brethren as scornfully he calleth the Catholickes which Epistles haue as much gaule in them as the mans dispitefull stomake could vtter I shall pray yow to haue patience with me if I runne ouer briefly certaine notes out of the said Epistles wherby yow may partly take notice of the mans talent in writing but especially in raylinge vntill yow come vnto a more full view therof in the sequele of this our Answere that doth ensue 7. Thus then he beginneth with his Maiesty within some halfe dosen lines after the entrance of his Epistle Innocency saith he which though naked was neuer ashamed hath charged me to manifest my self vnto your Highnes and togeather with my Aduersarye to appeale vnto your incōparable wisdome which I doe in so constant assurance of an vpright cōscience as that I shal willingly remit that iust aduantage which the difference of comparison both betweene a legitimate or conformable subiect and a person suspiciously degenerate as also betweene a Minister of simple truth and a professed Equiuocator doth offer vnto me Heere yow see him vaunt of sundry points as first of his naked innocency which we haue afterwards to his greater shame so cloathed with the foule ragges of his lying and most deceiptfull dealing as she may no more be called a naked but rather a clouted innocency if innocency at all and not rather malicious nocencie intending to wound and iniury the iust and such as are faultles and innocent in deed 8 Secondly he appealeth to his Maiestyes incōparable wisdome as yow see in the constant assurance of an vpright conscience but we haue shewed throughout this whole worke that nothing is further of from this fellow then any conscience at all for that we haue taken him in so many wilfull falsifications and corruptions wherin he could not but know that he did lye and falsify as besides all other examples layd forth in sundry seuerall partes of this Answere I haue byn forced to make a speciall Chapter therof which is the sixt of this ensuring worke where as also in the 4. Paragraph of the 2. Chapter and els where the Reader shall fynd such store of testimonyes against the vprightnes of this mans conscience as I dare assure my selfe he will leese with indifferent men the constant assurance of honesty howsoeuer in his owne opinion he may hold the same assurance for other matters 9. Thirdly he saith to his Maiesty he doth willingly remit that iust aduantage which the difference of a legitimate and conformable subiect and a person suspiciously degenerate doth offer vnto him wherin what he would say I do rather ghesse by discourse then vnderstand by the sense of his wordes For I imagine that the Minister would say that he is ready and prest to conforme himselfe to any thing that the State or Prince shall appoint him as well in Religion as in other matters whatsoeuer and that therin cōsisteth his vprightnes of conscience to wit to be conformable And for that his aduersary shewing himselfe perhaps more scrupulous and timerous in certayne pointes concerning his soule or conscience and not so conformable therfore he calleth him suspiciously degenerate and no legitimate and conformable subiect which whither it tendeth and towardes what gate of Atheisme or Herodianisme euery man that hath Iudgement and conscience in deed will easily discerne 10. But of all the rest the fourth point is the most ridiculous wherin he intituleth himselfe A minister of simple truth and his aduersary A professed Equiuocator wheras I haue shewed in the 7. and 12. Chapters of this Answere first that such as grant the lawfulnes of Equiuocation in some limited cases are farre more seuere rigorous against al kynd of lying in
aud sinfull And that Catholickes only vse the first in 〈◊〉 cases and with circumstances and limitations But T. 〈◊〉 and his followes 〈◊〉 the first do vse 〈◊〉 the second which is false and lying 〈◊〉 Chap. XII pag. 483. The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 in some Protestant 〈◊〉 Bishops § 1. pag. 490. Six argumentes of M. Iewell Superintendent of 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 in this case § 2. pag. 493. Six examples of M. 〈◊〉 particular Equiuocation § 3. pag. 504. The vse of Equiuocating in English Protestantes-Ministers § 4. pag. 517. The vse of Equiuocation in Laymen Knightes § 5. p. 529. The Conclusion of the whole 〈◊〉 with a briefe exhortation 〈◊〉 Catholickes not to vse the liberty of Equiuocation 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 cases but where some 〈◊〉 occasion induceth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Table of the particular matters 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 TO ALL TRVE-HARTED ENGLISH-MEN That loue the honour safety and best good of their Nation Prince and Countrey THE PREFACE OF THE PRESENT DIVISION AND DISAGREEMENT About matters of Religion in England and of many importune exasperations vsed by diuers sortes of men to encrease the same and namely by this Minister T. M. his iniurious Libell I DOE not see deare Countreymen why I may not iustly our tymes circumstances therof considered begin these my first lynes of Preface with those wordes of Complaint and Admiration of the Poet Lucan wherby in few verses he comprehended and laid forth the rufull state of the rented Common-welth and Romane Empire by ciuill warres saying Bella per Aemathios plusquam ciuilia campos Iusque datum sceleri canimus populumque potētem In sua victrici conuersum viscera dextra 2. For if heere we change but Thessalian fieldes into English land and the Poets singing into our weeping and wailing all the rest agreeth most aptly if our diuision be not more rufull and lamentable then that of the Romanes For first our wars may truly be said to be plus quam ciuilia more then ciuill in that they are not only internall but domesticall also in such sorte as no one Prouince no one towne no one village no one howse or family is lightly to be found where some parte or other of this warre and dissention vpon difference of Religion taketh not some holde The Father somewhere accusing or suspecting his children the children flying or fearing their Father the Mother entring into 〈◊〉 with her daughter the daughter not trusting or confiding in her Mother the brother impugning his brother and wife complaining of 〈◊〉 husband the friend breaking with his friend and the neerest of kyn with those whome lawe of nature bandof bloud did most straitly combine knit togeather 3. Neither is this warre ended only in wordes or in bare debate of mindes iudgements willes and affections but it breaketh forth also into workes and hostile actions to the sight and admiration of all the worlde no aduersary Camps or armies standing more watchfull and distrustfull one of an other or vsing more stratagems of discouery spiery preuention or impugnation the one against the other then we among our selues wherof our continuall searches priuy intelligences bloudy and desperate conspiracies apprehensions imprisonments tortures arraignementes condemnations and executions are most loath some and lamentable witnesses 4 And as for Ius datum sceleri neuer could it be spoken so properly in the Romans misery as in ours when in deed though in some different sense that which was ius before is now scelus to uvitt that which was law right and equity under Catholicke Religion is now offensiue and punishable by the lawes of Protestants that which was then piety is now iniquity that which by them was vsed for deuotion is now scorned for superstition that which they reuerenced for highest Religion is now held in contempt and greatest derision such as then should haue byn hated and punished for hereticks are now esteemed for Christian and best reformed Catholicks and they vvhich in those dayes vvere called Catholicks as vvell by their enemyes as themselues and sate in iudgement vpon the rest are now brought into iudgement vnder them vvhose iudges at that tyme they vvere in the self same cause right and lawe being changed vvith the tyme and equity vvith mens affections articles of olde faith become crymes of new treason and finally all so inuerted and turned vpside downe and the differences so pursued vvith such hostile emnity of exulcerated mindes as the Poets conclusion falleth vpon vs euidently in the eye of all Christendome that vve being a potent people and dreadfull otherwise to all our neighbours haue turned our victorious hands into our owne bowels by this disunion in Religion and therby haue iust cause to feare the euent and inference threatned by our Sauiour except his holy hand protect vs that Euery Kingdome deuided in it selfe shall come to desolation 5. And that vvhich most encreaseth the feeling of this misery is that no man endeauoreth to mollify matters but all to exasperate no man applieth lenitiues but all corrosiues no man powreth in vvyne or oyle into the wound but all salte and vinegar no man byndeth vp or fomenteth but euery one seeketh to crush bruze and breake more all cry and clap their hands to exulceration saying with the children of Edom in the day of Hierusalems affliction Exinanite exinanite vsque ad fundamentum in ea Pull her downc pull her downe euen vnto the foundation 6. And to this effect haue vve heard and seene many speeches and sermons made sundry Bookes and pamphlets cast abroad or set forth in print some before the late cruell and hatefull conspiracy which might perhaps be some incitation to the designemēt or hastening therof and some presently therupon not only to exaggerate that fact whose atrocity by it self is such as scarsely it leaueth any place to exaggeration but also to extend and draw out the hatred and participation therof to others of the same Religion most innocent therin yea vnto the whole multitude so far as in them lieth a matter of exorbitant iniustice and intemperate malice 7. Of the former sorte of bookes and pamphlets we haue seene one set forth the yeare past by Thomas Hamond intituled The late Commotion of certeine Papists in Hereford Shire about the buriall of one Alice VVellington Recusant after the Popish manner in the tovvne of Alens-moore tvvo miles frō Hereford c. VVhich thing though it were but the fact of a few poore countrey people Catholickly affected as most are knowne to be in those partes to bury the said Alice and that in a sorte they were forced therunto least the dead corps should rot aboue ground the Minister of the place most obstinatly refusing to bury the same and that some other false companion in like manner is thought to haue byn set a worke to induce them into that trap as since hath byn vnderstood yet was the matter so exaggerated euery where
preuented in like occasions to wit that multitudes are not to be put in despaire no nor particuler men into extreame exasperation without hope of remedy for that despaire is the mother of precipitation extreme exasperation is the next dore to fury No counsaile no reason no regard of Religion nor other respect humaine or deuine holdeth place when men grow desperate all stringes of hope are cut of We see by experience that the least and weakest wormes of the earth which cannot abide the looke of a man yet when they are extremely pressed and put in despaire of escape they turne and leape in mans face it selfe which otherwise they so 〈◊〉 feare and dread 4. Wherfore seing this dangerous stickler would put this extreme despaire into so many thousandes of his Maiesties subiectes yow 〈◊〉 imagine what good seruice he meaneth to do him therby and what pay he deserueth for his labour Surely if a great rich man whose wealth lay in his flocke of sheepe had neuer so faire and fawning a dog following neuer so diligently his trencher and playing neuer so many flattering trickes before him yet if togeather with this he had that other currish quality also as to woory his maisters sheepe disseuer his fold disperse his flock and driue them into flight and precipitation it is like that his Maister out of his wisedome though otherwise he were delighted with his officious fawning would rather hange such a dog then aduenture to suffer so great and important losses by him And no Iesse is to be expected of the great equity prudence of our great Monarch when he shall well consider of the cause and consequence therof 5. And thus much of the malice and pernicious sequele of this assertion let vs see somewhat now also of the folly falsity therof To which effect I would first enquire if it be so that subiectes of different Religions are not comportable togeather vnder a Prince that is of one of those Religions for so must the question be proposed if we will handle it in generall then how doe the Iewes Christians liue togeather vnder many Christian Princes in Germany and Italy vnder the state of Venice yea vnder the Pope himselfe how doe Christians and Turkes liue togeather vnder the Turkish Emperour of Constantinople as also vnder the Persian without persecution for their Religion how did Catholickes and Arrians liue so many yeares togeather vnder Arrian Kinges and Emperours in old times both in Spaine and els 〈◊〉 how doe Catholickes and Protestantes liue togeather at this day vnder the most Christian King of France vnder the great King of Polonia and vnder the German Emperour in diuers partes of his dominions all Catholicke Princes and in the free-cityes of the Empyre And in particuler is to be considered that the Hussites haue liued now some hundreds of yeares in Bohemia vnder the Cathòlicke Princes and Emperours Lordes of that Countrey with such freedome of conuersation with Catholicke subiectes and vnion of obedience to the said Princes as at this day in the great Citty of Praga where the Emperour commonly resideth and where Catholicks 〈◊〉 wholy gouerne there is not so much as one 〈◊〉 Church knowne to be in the handes of any Catholicke Pastor of that citty but all are Hussites that haue the ordinary charges of soules and Catholickes for seruice sermons and Sacraments doe repaire only to monasteries according to ancient agreementes and conuentions betweene them though in number the said Catholickes be many times more then the other and haue all the gouernment and Commaundry in their handes as hath byn said These are demonstratiue proofes ad hominem and cannot be denied and consequently doe conuince that this make-bate Ministers proposition is false in generall That subiects of different religion may not liue togeather in 〈◊〉 peace if their gouernours will permit them Now if he can alleadge any seuerall weighty causes why this generall assertion holdeth not or may not holde in the particuler case of English Catholiks and Protestants vnder our present King we shall discusse them also and see how much they weigh 6. He pretendeth ten seuerall reasons in his pamphlet for causes of this incompossibility and therof doth his whole inuectiue consist Eight of them appertaine to doctrine and practice of rebellion in vs as he auoucheth and the other two vnto doubtfull speech or Equiuocation Of which later point hauing touched somewhat in the precedent Preface being to haue occasion to doe the same againe more largely afterward wee shall now consider principally of the former concerning doctrine and practice of quiet or vnquiet peaceable or dangerous humours behauiours of subiects both Catholicke Protestant 7. And as for Catholickes the Minister in all his eight reasons bringeth out nothing of nouelty against vs but only such pointes of doctrine as himselfe doth consesse and expresly proue that they were held and recevued in our publique schooles aboue foure hundred yeares gone as namely in his first reason For that we hold Protestants for hereticks so farre forth as they decline and differ obstinately from the receyued doctrine and sense of the Roman Catholicke Church and consequently that being Hereticks they are not true Christians nor can haue true faith in any one article of Christian beliefe and that the punishment determined by the ancient Canon lawes which are many and grieuous both spirituall temporall do or may therby light vpon them And in his second third and fourth reasons that wee teach That the Bishop of Rome as spirituall head of the vniuersall Church hath power aboue temporall Princes and may procure to let the Election and succession of such as are opposite or enemies to Catholicke Religion and that in some cases he may dissolue oathes of obediēce and the like 8. And further yet in his fifth sixt seauenth and eight reasons that in certaine occasions and vpon certaine necessities for preuenting of greater euils imminent to any Countrey Kingdome or common wealth especially if they be spirituall and appertaine to the saluation of soules the same high Pastour may restraine resist or punish the enormous excesses of temporall Princes if any such fall out by Censures excommunication depriuation or deposition though this not but vpon true iust and vrgent causes when other means cannot preuaile for auoiding those euerlasting euils 9. All which doctrines for this is the summe of all he saith or alleadgeth do cōteine as yow see no new matter of malice against Protestant Princes inuented by vs for that the Minister himselfe as now we haue said confesseth that for these three or foure later hundred yeares these positions haue byn generally receiued by all the vniuersall Church and face of Christendome so as being established so many hundred yeares before Protestants were borne or named in the world they could not be made or inuented against them in particuler but only are drawne vnto them at this time by
the malicious application of this Minister to make the diuorce before mencioned betweene our Prince and vs to seeme remedilesse For if the doctrine approued and receyued so many ages before this difference of Religion was heard of shall be laid vnto vs now for matter of vndutifulnes with which doctrine notwithstanding our Auncestors liued most peaceably and duetifully for many hundred yeares as good subiectes vnder his Maiesties 〈◊〉 both in England Scotland what fault can this be in vs now or what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is it in the Minister to obiect it against vs yea to make a criminall accusation therof in this his calumnious libell against all Catholikes of our Countrey whatsoeuer 10. If we consider their doctrines and positions togeather with their practice and exercise concerning this point of quiet obedience and subiection euen from these later times of Luther Zuinglius and 〈◊〉 beginninges of innouation we shall find an other manner of nouelty to contemplate and another sorte of dangers for Princes to tremble at For if in steed of Rebellious doctrine of the 〈◊〉 Church which is the title of this aduersaries pamphlet wee should set downe the positions and practice of the Geneuian Church and Caluinian sect planted and directed therby we should easely see what were the difference as the whole world both may and doth For that concerning their positions and doctrine that touch this point they are extant in their owne bookes not wronge or drawne by strained inferences as our Ministers Calumniations are against Catholicks in this place but plainely cleerely and Categorically set downe by their owne pen testified and put in print by their owne writers and especially by one in England that is now in highest dignity vnder his Maiesty and another in place of some dignity also by his office who out of their owne bookes cited particulerly by them relate these and other like positions That Princes may be restrained by force pursued iudged and punished by the people excommunicated depriued deposed and cast into hell by the Ministers arraigned condemned and put to death by the inferiour Magistrates whensoeuer in their opinion he becommeth a 〈◊〉 or opposite to the ghospell which in effect falleth out to be so often as these head-strong new brethren shall mislike of his or her gouernement thinke them worthy to be remoued 11. And if to the testimony of our English Protestant writers in this point any be desirous to haue ad ioined the suffrages in like manner of externe authors of the same Religion concerning the same article about the lawfulnes of violent vsage towardes Princes in cases by them prescribed let them read Bezae himselfe in his Apology to the Bishop Claudius de Sainctes in defence and praise of Pultrot that murdered traiterously the famous great Duke of Guise his Maiesties great vncle and supreme Generall of all the French forces as also the discourse of the French famous Minister Suriau otherwise calling himselfe Rosier in his Booke of Reasons why it was lawfull for any of his 〈◊〉 brethren to kill as he saith Charles the ninth King of France and his mother if they would not obey the Caluinian Ghospell as both Launay Belsorest other French writers in their Histories do relate To which effect also was written that notorious and seditious booke intituled 〈◊〉 matin and others by the brethren of the ghospell yea aboue others that most dangerous firebrand by Orsinus Hoto man and the rest of Geneua allowed also by 〈◊〉 intitu led Vindiciaecontra Tyrannos The reuenge vpō Tyrantes conteyning a most shameles publique approbation of all desperate of all villanous attemptes whatsoeuer made or to be made by their brethren against lawfull Princes vnder the name of Tyrantes whensoeuer it might seeme to be done in fauour of their ghospell 12. So as now after all this manifest assertiue doctrine of theirs knowne and confessed in the world and practised by them in so many places for so many yeares in so notorious manner as no man can deny it for this Minister to come peeping forth with certaine poore illations strained inferences against Catholiks for that in certaine cases they acknowledge power to remaine in the head of the Church by way of Canonicall lawes and publique iudgment to restraine exorbitant outragious excesses of Princes when they shall fall out is a ridiculous kind of byting at the heele while the other do strike at the head and so will it also appeare if we obserue the euētes themselues for that heere in this place our Minister for example 〈◊〉 only foure factes or processes of Popes to wit two of Gregories the seauenth and ninth and other two of Pius and Sixtus the fifth who in so many ages haue giuen sentence of depriuation against Princes wheras if we consider but this one age only which hath passed since Luther began and not yet one whole age we shall find many more Princes deposed slaine molested or violated by Protestant people then by all Popes put togeather since the beginning of Pope-dome haue byn troubled or Censured which is a markeable point and not lightly to be passed ouer by prudent Princes for that the reason herof is that the one side proceedeth by lawe publique iudgement and mature deliberation the other by popular mutiny rash and temerarious precipitation And this of doctrine in this place vntill we come to the fourth Chapter where much more is to be added to this effect 13. But if we should come now from doctrine to action and examples of the exercise therof in this behalfe there were no end of the narration and there is no man or woman lightly of any yeares or vnderstanding in publique affaires whose mind and memory is not full of them For who remembreth not what passed in Germany presently almost vpon the beginning of Luthers doctrine at the least not aboue 7. or 8. yeares after to wit from the yeare 〈◊〉 testified aswell by Sleidan and other Protestant Authors as by those that were Catholicke how the new brethrē incited by this new doctrine again 〈◊〉 their Princes both temporall and spirituall tooke armes and entred into tumult and rebellion with such violence and headlong pertinacy throughout al that countrey as in one Prouince only there were aboue two hundred Monasteries and Castels taken razed and spoiled and aboue an hundred and thirty thousand people slaine this was for that beginning which fire once enkindled and the humour of sedition once setled in the heades o that Hereticall faction neuer ceased afterward but continued more or lesse still against 〈◊〉 Emperour Charles the 〈◊〉 vnder diuers deuises and pretences of the 〈◊〉 association and the like vntill more then twenty yeares after to wit vntill the yeare 1546. wherin he was forced to take in hand that great and dangerous warre Luther himselfe 〈◊〉 yet aliue against the Duke of Saxonie Marques of 〈◊〉 and other Protestant Princes whome he subdued therin but not without
Protestant party to flatter and deceiue her with false oathes and 〈◊〉 she promised that she would not but he arriuing the next day after the Bishop vnto her at 〈◊〉 in France made so great promises oathes and protestations vnto her as by little and little gate credit with her and so returned into Scotland by England where he had his full instructions yow must thinke to dispose the mindes of all sortes to receiue and obey the said Queene after his and their fashion and agreement for which good office she gaue him soone 〈◊〉 her returne the Earledome of Murrey and committed the cheife Gouernement of the Realme vnto him But what effectes ensued we shall now in few wordes declare 21. When vpon the yeare 1563. which was two yeares after her returne to Scotland she resolued by consent of her Parlament to marry her knisman the Lord Darley newly made 〈◊〉 of Rosse and Duke of Albany this Earle of Murrey made a leagne of his confederates against the same pretending that it would be in 〈◊〉 of their Religion and brake into open warres against them both saith Holinshed and when they were pressed by the Kinges and Queenes forces they had alwaies their refuge into England and their counsaile and direction both thence and from their Ministers that neuer parted from them how to prosecute their matters against their Princes wherof the first point was to abuse the yong Kinges credulity and to set him against the Queene and hence ensued that strange and horrible act of entring her priuy chamber when she was at supper vpon the fourth of march 1566. in the company of the 〈◊〉 of Murton the Lordes Ruthen and Lindsey all Protestantes and armed who saluted her first with this greeting she being great with child That they would no longer suffer her to haue the gouerning of the Realme nor to abuse them as hitherto she had done And then pulled violently from her her Secretary Dauid which stood there present seruing her at table and for his refuge tooke hold of her gowne which they cut of and slew him with many stabbes to such fright of the afflicted Queene as it was no lesse then a miracle that she had not perished therwith or miscaried of her child which was his Maiesty that now gouerneth England hauing six monethes gone with the same This was done at a Parlament when all the Protestant confederates met togeather and tooke as yow must thinke the ghostly counsaile of their good Ministers for so holy an enterprise And vpon the 20. of Iune next was the Prince borne which thing not pleasing some that there should remaine any yssue of that family which they desired to extinguish the said King his Maiesties Father was most cruelly murthered in Edenbrough on the tenth of February next ensuing 22. Nor did the matter cease heere but rather now ascended to the greatest height of malicious Treason 〈◊〉 euer perhaps hath byn vsed against any crowned Prince in the world for that these Lordes of the Congregatiō as they called themselues that is to say Religious Rebels congregated against their sworne Prince gathering forces togeather laid violent handes on her Maiesties person first at Carbar-hill by Edenbrough when confidently she presumed as to her subiectes to goe vnto them and treate of peace and then casting her into prison depriued her of her Crowne set vp against her the name of her dearest iewell the yonge Prince not yet a yeare old made Regent her greatest enemy the Earle of Murrey her bastard traiterous brother held Parlamentes made lawes debarred her the sight of her sonne for euer and finally waging open warre against her and ouerthrowing her forces in the feild she being present forced her into England and there following her also procured vnto her the greatest disgraces dishonoured her with the foulest reportes defamed her with the most spitefull sermons bookes and printed libelles and finally oppressed her with the most notorious open iniuries that euer were cast vpon a person of her Maiesties quality dignity And all this without any scruple or remorse of conscience at all nay all was auerred to be done according to the very rule of the Ghospell for the Ghospell and this by all the Ministers both of Scotland and England 23. And thus much of the second Queene Mary of Scotland brought to her ruine by the Euangelicall obedience of these new Ghospellers but as for the yong Prince her Noble sonne whome she loued most dearely aboue all earthly creatures and neuer was permitted so much as to embrace or see him more afterward what passed in this time by the same sorte of mē both during his minority and afterward what cōtentions 〈◊〉 warres 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what murthers what conspir cies Rebellions and violences were vsed were ouerlong to recount in this place the Histories are full and the 〈◊〉 made and set forth in print by the foresaid 〈◊〉 Authour of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his sixt Chapter and 〈◊〉 booke against the 〈◊〉 doth touch many 〈◊〉 pointes of diuers notorious 〈◊〉 and violences offered by them and their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Kinges person state and dignity as their taking his authority vpon them his surpriz and restraint at Rutheuen vpon the yeare 1582. the brethrens allowing and authorizing the same afterward expresly against the Kinges declaration to the contrary 24. The 〈◊〉 also against his person at Striueling vpon the yeare 1584. and many railing speaches sermons and bookes against him and his gouernment made in England to disgrace him and namely the seditious preaching of Dauison and other Scottish Ministers against 〈◊〉 in London in the Church of the Old-Iury and this being in the moneth of May it followed in Nouember after that these Ministers with their complices returning into Scotland with aide from England though this circumstance the Author con ealeth as not making for his purpose they gat ten thousand Rebelles togeather and 〈◊〉 their tentes before the towne of Striueling whither the King was retired to fortify himselfe in the Castle making proclamations in their owne names and there draue at length his Maiesty to yeald his person into their handes with the liues of his dearest friendes and was depriued also by them of his old guard and a 〈◊〉 put vpon him All which actes were not only defended afterward by the chiefe Ministers of that Realme but the King himselfe was called in like manner Ieroboam by them and threatned to be rooted out as Ieroboams race was if he continued in the course he held and many other like 〈◊〉 by them committed which for breuityes sake I forbeare to recount in this place 25. Now then to returne againe to our former ponderation set downe in the beginning of this Chapter let euery sage and prudent Prince consider and weigh with himselfe which of these two waies which of these two people which of these two groundes of doctrine which of these two methodes of practice which of these
Protestants But the Romish Seminaries and Iesuites doe so ergo This is his reason and manner of reasoning and in this sorte goe all the rest ech thing with his ergo that yow may know that the learned man hath studied Logicke or rather sophistry to set downe all in forme of syllogisme And to proue his propositions or premisses in this first argument he vseth two meanes first to cite the hard speeches of certaine Catholicke writers against the Caluinian faith as though it were none at all but rather infidelity wherin we shall see after what great store of Protestant writers they haue also with them in that point the other medium is a certeine odious enumeration of the penalties inflicted by Church-lawes and Canons of old time vpon heresy and Hereticks in generall all which T. M. will needes apply to himself and to English Protestantes at this day to breake therby all ciuill association with vs that are Catholickes but both the one and the other are proofes of no validity Let vs begin with the first 4. He citeth the wordes of Andreas Iurgiuicius Canon of Cracouia in Polonia affirming that Protestantes doe holde no one article of the Apostles Creed to wit rightly and entierly Of M. VVright in his articles teaching Protestantes to haue no faith no Religion no Christ. Of M. Reynoldes entituling his booke Caluino-Turcismus Of D. Gifford in the preface to the said booke auouching the pretented now Ghospel of Caluin in many things to be worse and more wicked then the Turkes Alcaron And finally of Antonius Posseuinus who wrote a booke De Atheismis Protestantium Of the Atheismes or pointes of doctrine leading to Atheisme which are taught by diuers Protestants especially by Caluin and his followers 5. Out of all which speeches T. M. inferreth the generall meaning of vs Catholicks to be That all humane society with Protestantes must be vtterly dissolued which is vtterly false and a meere mistaking For these speeches proue only that there cà be no society 〈◊〉 Catholickes and Protestants in their doctrine beliefe but not in life manners conuersation which is the point in question so as T. M. inferreth here quid pro quo And if he will heare one of his owne brethren hold this position also That there can be no vnion society or conformity betweene their our doctrine pretended by some let him read VVilliam Perkins epistle to S. VVilliam Bowes in the preface of his reformed or rather deformed Catholicke where he reprehendeth the new brethren of France and some also in England for giuing hope of this vnion So as in this point we agree that no agreement can be in Religion but in conuersatiō there may as we haue shewed by many examples in the precedent Chapter of people of different Religion that liue togeather at this day in vnion of obedience and quiet subiection vnder the 〈◊〉 Turke and Christian Emperour as also vnder the great Kings of France Polonia and other Princes Fondly then doth T. M. inferre the incompossibility of cohabitation conuersation out of the insociability of their doctrine and Religion 6. Now as for the hard and harsh speeches of the Authors alleadged though vnto many they may seeme somewhat sharpe exaggerations yet vnto him that shall consider well the matter in hand and the accustomed phrases of ancient Fathers in like occasions it will appeare far otherwise For first 〈◊〉 his meaning is nothing else as appeareth by his booke but that in all and euery article of the Creed Caluinistes haue innouated and altered somewhat in the true sense therof and added particuler errours of their owne as yow shall heare afterward proued and declared more largely out of the 〈◊〉 and assertions of diuers great Lutheran Protestants that hold Caluinists to haue peruerted all the articles of the said Creed Of which point our learned countriman M. VVilliam Reinoldes that had bvn diuers yeares a Protestant and Preacher of that doctrine after long study to proue the same by many demonstrations resolued to write a whole booke That Caluinistes belieue no one article of the Apostles Creed but afterwardes turned the same into that other worke entituled Caluino-Turcismus which is held by strangers to be one of the most learned that hath byn written of this kinde of controuersy in our age and M. Sutcliffe hath made himself ridiculous by attempting to answere the same 7. Those wordes also of M. VVright if he vsed them that Hereticks haue no faith no Religion no Christ but are meere infideles doe conteine an ancient position of Catholicke doctrine deliuered in schooles and Fathers writings against old Heretickes many hundred yeares before the name of Protestantes was heard of in the world so that this cannot be of malice properly against them The famous doctor S. Thomas aboue three hundred yeares gone hath this Question in his Treatise of faith Whether he that 〈◊〉 obstinatly in one point or article of his beliefe doth leese his whole faith in all the rest and holdeth yea alleadging for the same inuincible reasons And the same Doctor in like manner proposeth another question to wit which of three sinnes belonging to infidelity is most grieuous Iudaisme Paganisme or Heresy resolueth the question thus That albeit in some respects the former two may be thought more grieuous in that they deny more points of faith yet absolutely in regarde of the malice and obstinacy of an Hereticke that knew once the Catholicke truth and now wilfully impugneth the same against the iudgement of the vniuersall visible Church his sinne and damnation is much more grieuous and hereupon the ancient Fathers doe euery where aggrauate the heynousnes of this sinne aboue all other sinnes and in particuler doe deny them to be Christians but rather to be Infideles and worse then Infideles as now by S. Thomas hath byn said which is most conforme to the writinges of the Apostles themselues and Apostolicke men who detested this sinne in the highest degree as might largely be shewed out of their workes euen to the horror of the Reader if this place did beare it That seuere speach of S. Paul may be sufficient for all the rest exhorting his disciple Titus to auoide an hereticall man after one or two reprehensions knowing that such a one is subuerted and sinneth as damned by his owne iudgment Which is neuer found written of other sortes of Infideles 8. No man then ought to be offended with these earnest and sharpe speeches where heresy or the presumption therof is in question for that nothing is more dreadfull to Catholicke people then the very name and apprehension of heresy howsoeuer in our vnfortunate daies it be made a matter of dispute only or table-talke by many now in England and he that will see store of proofes and reasons laied togeather by the foresaid learned man M. Reynoldes to proue that the heresies of these
there heere any word peculiar of a Protestant Prince or of his succession nay doth not the text speake plainly of making a King where none is doth it not speake also indifferently of all sortes of Religion of what side soeuer the truth be How then can this malicious cauilling Minister expect to be trusted hereafter or how may any man thinke that he speaketh or writeth out of conscience seing him to vse such grosse shiftes and falshoodes in so manifest and important a matter It is no marueyle that he set not his name at large to his booke as not desirous to haue the dew praise of such desert To the rest of his reasons §. 3. BVt let vs passe a little further in these his deuises for much I may not both in regarde of the breuity which I haue designedvnto my self for the loathsomnes I take of such vncharitable railings as in steed of reasons he casteth forth with no greater authority then of his owne assertion or rather calumniation 37. As for example in his fourth reason he subsumeth in his minor proposition thus But all Popish Priests 〈◊〉 dissolue the oath of obedience to all Protestant Gouernours And in the fifth But all Popish Priestes defend violent deposing of Kinges and Emperours And in the sixt But all Popish Priestes are guylty of intending designing or practising murther of Princes And in the seauenth But all Popish Priestes doe iustify the actes of treason and 〈◊〉 parricides And yet further in the eight But all Popish Priestes professe Rebellion as soone as they can presume of their strength In the ninth likewise But all Popish Priestes are guylty of 〈◊〉 for denying or violating with men of diuerse Religion And lastly in histenth But all Romish Priestes ex officio that is to say as they are Priestes must and doe professe such seditious 〈◊〉 as thereby they are desperate traitors 〈◊〉 38. And is it possible for any tongue though borrowed from hell it self and embrewed with neuer so virulent or serpentine prison to vtter more precipitate malice then this His propositions yow see are generall in all these assertions to wit that al Catholicke Priestes are guilty in all these accusations and the nature as yow know of a generall proposition is such as if any one instance may be giuen to the contrary it ouerthroweth the whole And is it probable thinke yow that no one Priest may be found in England or elswhere deuoide of all these heynons accusations or of any one of them Surely I am of opinion that there will hardly be found any man so passionate on his owneside which in this case will not condemne him of passion precipitation and conscienceles calumniation And we on the other side may well vrge to the contrary that no one Priest hath truely hitherto byn conuinced to haue treated or conspired or giuen consent to the Princes death in all the long raigne of the Queene past no not Ballard himself who only can be named to haue byn condemned for this pretence though in deed his crime was as of all the 14. Gentlemen that died with him rather to haue deliuered Queene Mary out of prison then to depriue Q. Elizabeth of her life and so they protested at their deathes 39. But leauing this let vs come to examine some of the pointes themselues that are obiected they are all if yow consider them well but little buddes and branches deduced from one and the selfe same roote of the Popes authority and consequently but minced-meates made out in different seruices by the cunning cookery of T. M. to feede the phantasies of such as hunger after variety of calumniations against the Catholicke doctrine For what great difference is there for example sake betweene that which is treated in the fourth reason of sreeing subiectes from their obedience to Princes the other of the fifth about Deposing Princes or that of the sixt and seauenth of designing their deathes and of iustifying treasons against the same And so in the ninth of oathes euacuated which was handled before vnder other tearmes in the fourth reason wherby appeareth that this mans purpose was as before I haue noted to straine matters to the vttermost and to set out as many shewes of inconueniences dangers and damages to ensue by our doctrine of Papall authority as either his wit could deuise or his malice vtter 40. And yet the seely fellow did not consider one instance vnanswerable that might be giuen to all these his inuentions which is the experience of so many ages both in England other Kingdoms round about vs wherin the Kings and Princes haue raigned prosperously and doe at this day notwithstanding this doctrine and vse of the Popes power this not only Catholicke Princes but diuers Protestant Potentates in like manner for any thing that Popes haue done or attempted against them For what hath any Pope done against the Protestant Kings of Denmarke in this our age what against those of Sweueland either Father or Sonne though the later doth offer open iniury to a Catholicke King the true inheritor what against the Dukes of Saxony the Count Palatines and Protestant Princes of the Empire notwithstanding the said Electors whole authority in that action was giuen them by the Sea Apostolicke and consequently doth depend therof what against diuers other particular Princes both of the Empire and otherwise who haue in this our age departed from the obedience of that Sea how many hath it molested censured deposed or troubled for the same 41. And that which is most of all to our purpose at this time what manner of proceeding hath the same Sea Apostolicke vsed towardes the Kingdome of Scotland and his Maiesty that now ruleth also the scepter of England for the space of 36. yeares wherin he raigned from an infant after the iniust deposition of his mother by her Protestant subiects did the Sea of Rome or any Bishop therof euer goe about to hurt or preiudice him Or is it not well knowne that diuers Popes did endeauour to doe good and friendly actions for the preseruation of his safty when it was many times put in ieopardy by the Protestant party And among other I can well remember that about the yeare 1585. when his Maiesty was besieged by them in his towne and castle of Striueling and driuen to yeeld vnto them both his owne royall person and amongst other articles this as the Protestant History it self doth recount it was one That his Maiesties olde guarde was to be remoued and another placed by them the Pope then liuing hearing therof by his Maiesties Embassador in France the Archbishop of Glasco and others he was so moued with compassion as he offered an honorable contribution towards the preseruation of his Maiesties person in that case and especially for maintenance of a trusty guard about the same the like good will in other lesse occasions haue other Popes shewed in like manner So as all
Protestantes that follow Caluins doctrine prosessed enemies of Iesus Christ al which being Ministers and zealous professors of Luthers new Ghospell cannot be imagined by Protestantes to haue byn so much abandoned by the Holy Ghost as to giue this deliberate Censure of their brethren in profession if it were false or else must we thinke that they had neuer the true spirit of God in them wherof which soeuer our Minister granteth he is in the brakes And thus much of Lutherane Protestantes 9. Next to this where the danger without cōparison is farre greater the Answerer obiecteth to our Minister the opinion of the Puritanes to wit the more zealous part of the Caluinian profession it self who affirme in the name of all their brethren whome they say to be thousands that the ordinary Protestantes of England are not only in errour and Heresy but are plaine Infidelles and that it is infidelity to goe to their Churches and that it was a damnable sinne in the Parliament yea more heinous then that of Sodom and Gomorrha to cōfirme such an erroneous Religion And the same and other like censures of theirs are related in my Lord of Canterbury his booke of Dangerous positions and the occasion and foundation of this censure and iudgment is set downe of late very cleerly in the preface to the answere to Syr Edward Cookes Reports where is shewed why supposing the groūdes of both Religions and differences especially in the origen of Ecclesiasticall power which giueth essence to the true Church they cannot be but as heathens publicans and Infidelles the one to the other 9. Now then how doe yow thinke that T. M. shifteth of this charge No otherwise then the former by granting the matter but inueigheth against the men This writer and you saith he may ioine fellowship yow dedicate your booke to the King he to the Parliament he pretendeth the consent of a thousand yow of a thousand thousandes he for all his consent is not many and yow for ought you will pretend but one c. So he But what is all this to the purpose He granteth the point in question that English Protestantes are held for Heretickes in the science conscience of Puritanes so as both by enemies and friendes they are thought to be in an euill case And truly this is much plainer dealing in cōfessing a truth that they be in deed at such debate amōg themselues in the very substance and essence of their Religion then that of Deane Sutcliffe who hauing taken vpon him these yeares past to returne A full and round answere for so he intituleth his booke to the VVarn-word of N. D. euen as now T. M. doth his A full satisfaction when he came to the purpose he was so far from being full round as to foure whole Chapters which the other had made of this matter to shew the dissentiō of Protestants among themselues the condemnation of Caluinistes by all other Protestant sectes of our time he answered not twice foure lines to all the said discourses testimonies examples and demonstrations but dissembling al as though no such thing had byn written by his aduersary at last in the end of a Chapter brake forth into the deniall of any such different names or sectes at all saying Neither doe we acknowledge the names of Lutheranes Caluinistes Zuinglians or Puritanes but only doe call our selues Christians c. VVe say further that the Churches of Germany France and England agree albeit priuate men hold priuate opinions 10. Thus Deane Sutcliffe and by this audacity yow may know the Deane for that no man els I thinke could without blushing haue denied the notice of so notorious names and differences or so boldly haue affirmed that all the Protestant Churches of Geneua France and England did agree notwithstanding that priuate men held priuate opinions so as belike Churches may agree without men to wit in their walles and windowes but these are escapes fit for M. Sutcliffe and so to him I leaue them 11. But yet the moderate Answerer goeth one step neerer vnto T. M. and telleth him that a great learned man of his owne side a rare linguist a long traueller trained much in Geneua and other Citties of Germany highly commended by M. VVillet in his printed workes and admired by others to wit M. Hugh Broughton hauing considered well of our ordinary Protestantes Religion condemned the same of infinite errours Heresies in a certaine aduertisement published in print vpon the yeare of Christ 1604. giuing grieuous curses of Anathema Maranatha to the same to diuers Bishops in particuler as namely to M. VVhitgift late Archbishop of Canterbury and to M. Bilson yet Bishop of VVinchester affirming further that their Bible after their translation and by their corrupt notes thervnto is made worse and more dangerous then the Turkes Alcaron and causeth many millions to run to eternall flames that he hath found the text of the old Testament only peruerted in eight hundred and eight and forty seuerall places and other like pointes whervnto I finde T. M. to answere nothing in effect touching the matter it self in question either by deniall of the thing or otherwise but only ascribing it to passion and lack of iudgment in him which the other perhaps will retourne to him againe But let vs hear our Ministers wordes to his aduersary 12. VVhat modesty saith he can this be in you to obiect vnto vs a man whome you know to be sequestred from vs rather by impotency of passion then by any difference of Religion And is not this a very substantiall answere Is not this a full satisfaction according to the title of his booke and was not the censure of the Puritanes cast of a little before in regard of like passion And all the Lutheran Protestantes of Tubinga before that againe vpon pretence of like passion as writing in the spirit of contradiction and contention What triall what witnes can haue place if this kind of answering may be admitted But it is sufficient to me that by confession of our Minister himselfe their Religion is held for error Heresy and infidelity not only by Catholickes or Papistes as they call them but also by Protestantes themselues both Lutheranes and Puritanes and some learned also of their owne proper sect which is a pittifull confession if we consider of it well and no lesse dishonorable preiudiciall vnto them to haue the name of Heretike ascribed laid vpon them aswell by friendes as enemies as it is honourable and comfortable vnto vs to be called Catholickes according to S. Augustines obseruation not only by freindes but also by our enemies And thus much of the first Question The second Question about seditious Doctrine §. 2. 13. ALl our contention hitherto in this point hauing byn whether truly really the doctrine of Catholickes or Protestantes be more peaceable or seditious in it self or more dāgerous or secure
yow see besides the flat deniall both of King and Queenes supremacy it conuinceth plainly that which our Minister T. M. before denied And so with this conuiction in the sight of all his Brethren we leaue him But yet let vs heare what he saith to some other particulers before by vs obiected 36. To that then of Syr Thomas VVyat the Duke of 〈◊〉 and others he answereth diuersly First the History relateth saith he the pretence of VVyat thus A proclamation against the Queenes marriage desiring all Englishmen to ioine for defence of the Realme c. then that in Queene Maries oration against VVyat there is not to be fond saith he any scruple concerning the cause of Religion thirdly that no Minister of the Ghospell was brought in question as a Commotioner in that cause Lastly if intent might answere for Protestantes accused in that name then is it plaine that it was not Religion If for VVyat and his fellowes it is plaine it was not against the Queene or State but for both So he In all which different clauses of his answer consider if any one be in it self true for as for the first and second though VVyat pretendeth in his proclamation the said marriage with Spaine to be the chiefe cause yet not alone but that the Queene and Counsell saith Fox would also by this marriage as he affirmed bring vpon the Realme miserable seruitude and establishe Popish Religion 37. And the same Fox relateth Queene Maries wordes in her oration thus That the matter of the marriage is but a Spanish cloake saith shee to couer their protensed purpose against our Religion So as in these two pointes the Minister lieth openly but more in the last that VVyats attempt was not against Queene Mary or the state but for both for that Queene Mary in the same oration as both Fox and Holinshead doe iointly relate affirmed VVyats answere to haue byn to Syr Edward Hastinges and Syr Thomas Corn-wallis sent from her vnto them which he also at his arraignment confessed that he and his would haue the gouernance of her person the keeping of the Tower and the placing of her Counsellours And as for the other point whether any Ministers were called in question as Commotioners in that attempt importeth little for so much as no man can doubt but that the Commotion being so generall and for Religion as Fox affirmeth all Ministers hartes and tongues were therin in secret and their handes in like manner so far forth as they durst which being well knowne to Queene Mary her Counsell caused them to proceed against the principall soone after in matter of Religion preferring therin the iniury done to God before the iniuries offered to her self though Doctor Sanders doe affirme that diuers chiefe of the new Clergy amōg them Doctor Cranmer were conuinced to haue conspired in that Rebellion And by this we see how well the Minister hath iustified his Protestantes in this point It is euen as good as their iustification by only faith which maketh them lesse iustifiable then before Let vs passe to some other examples and se what he saith to the Rebellion of Protestantes in other countreys 38. To that which hath byn proposed of Scotland both by the moderate Answerer and by my self also in my first Chapter of this Treatise of so great and intolerable insolencies vsed in Scotland by Protestant-Ministers and their Disciples against Grand-mother Mother Father and sonne all lawfull Princes violated by them he yeeldeth no other answer or satisfaction but that which before hath byn recited that in a Parlament vpon the yeare 1584. the Chronicle of Buchanan was called in by the said Parlament the Kinges highnes then being about eighteene yeares old But what is this to the purpose Did this alter their doctrine or manner of Rebellious proceeding therevpon which they had vsed both against his Maiesty in the time of his minority and against his Mother and Grand-mother before him and against him after this Statute published No truly but they were more earnest in their sedition afterward then before for that the very next yeare after they caused that notorious surprise to be made vpon his Royall person at Striueling before mentioned in the first Chapter of this Treatise 39. Iames Gibson also one of the chief Ministers being called before his Maiesty and priuy Counsell vpon the one and twentith of December 1585. vsed intollerable speech vnto his highnes calling him Persecutour and comparing him to Ieroboam threating his rooting out and the like which his Maiesty can best remember So as such doctrine and such practice being held by them their new Ghospelling Brethren of Scotland in those dayes it is a simple satisfaction for our Minister to come forth now with a reuocation of Buchanans Chronicle as though that did remedy the matter or as though that reuocation had byn made by them I meane the Ministers repentant for their former doctrine and not rather by the Ciuill Magistrate impugned and resisted by the other And this for the present of Scotland 40. To the examples of France alledged by the Answerer of infinite rebellions made by the Protestants for many yeares togeather against sundry Crowned Princes of that Realm of which attempts many were so barbarous as without horrour they cannot be vttered And one French writer affirmeth that within the compasse of one yeare which was 1562. two and fourty thousand Priestes Religious and Ecclesiasticall persons were most desperately murdered aboue twenty thousand Churches cast on the grounde and within the compasse of ten yeares by the witnes of a Protestant writer Colignius two millions of men were slaine two thousand Monasteries ouerthrowne nine hundred hospitalles destroyed aboue two hundred Citties Castelles ruined vnder one only K. Henry the third To all this I say he answereth that according to the Historicall Collections which he hath seene of French affaires the fault of all this is to be laid vpon the house of Guise who being strangers sought to suppresse the natural Princes of the bloud Royal in France as also to oppresse the Ghospellers But suppose this were true which I hold to be most false slaūderous yet could not this particuler passion of the house of Guise make lawfull the Protestants Rebellion against their naturall lawfull Kinges no more then if now in England the Catholikes or Puritanes should rebell against his Maiesty for that some noble man or men of the Counsell were knowne to be their enemies 41. To the examples of Caluin and Beza in Geneua both for doctrine and practize he answereth first for doctrine granting Caluins sentence to be That when a King vsurpeth Gods throne he looseth hu Royalty And againe If the King exalt himself to Godes throne and commaundeth any thing contra Deum against God then to pull him downe Moreouer he granteth that Caluin vseth this phrase That when a King doth so behaue himself we
report the state therof the conclusion will be that yow may rather proue those Bishops to haue byn iniuriously ambitious then the Citty Rebellious So he 47. This is his faithfull reply and full satisfaction according to the title of his booke And now consider good Reader what honest men these two Ministers are that so contradict the one the other and that vpon conference togeather for thy deceipt and cosenage for euen now yow heard Doctour Sutcliffe to affirme that the Bishop of Geneua had byn temporall Prince for many hundred yeares and that vpon the preaching of Farellus Caluin and others they chaunged their Monarchy into a popular State and that himself misliked the same according to the groundes of deuinity and how then doth he say heere to his fellow Minister Morton that the Bishop of Geneua was neuer there Prince and that the state of the towne was a free State of it self Can these thinges stād togeather Morton saith moreouer he could not finde Sutcliffes booke which truly is a thing very strāge there being so many thousandes printed of them in England but more strange it is that Deane Sutcliffe should so soone forget his owne booke and what he wrote therin so egregiously cosin his Brother-Minister in their priuate conference as to make him belieue and vtter now in print quid pro quo and chalke for cheese as he doth But it cannot seeme probable that Morton belieued it himself but rather would make the simple Reader belieue the same and so dazell his eyes for his deceipt this is their manner of dealing in most matters where fraude may be vsed 48. It were ouer long to looke into all other examples obiected by the moderate answerer how they ar replied vnto by T. M. As for example the known reuoltes and Rebellions of Flanders and of those States against their lawfull Princes and so many outrages committed therin for almost now forty yeares if not more the bloudy tumultes in Germany and Switzerland vpon Luther and Zuinglius their doctrine wherin Zuinglius himself the head stirrer was slaine the like in Denmark for expelling Catholicke Religion and bringing in of Lutheranisme the manifest Rebellion intrusion and oppression of Duke Charles in Sweueland against his Nephew the King of Polonia lawfull Inheritour of those States enduring vnto these daies as also the open warres of Boscaine and his fellowes in Hungary against the Emperour in fauour of Protestant Religion and of the Turke himself whose Confederates they confesse themselues to be 49. Into these other examples as I said time will not permit vs to enter with any length nor will it be to any purpose for that we shall finde them as sleightely answered or shifted of as the rest before For vnto the first and last of Flanders and Hungary the Minister answereth in effect nothing at all and I meruaile not if he answered this with silence seing he answered all the tumultes of Scotland for so many yeares continued by saying only as yow haue heard That Buchanans Chronicle was recalled by an act of Parlament 50. To the other of Germany and Luthers seditious proceedinges both in wordes writinges and deedes wherin it is obiected among many other thinges that he censured both K. Henry of England and many other Princes with intolerable insolent and vile speaches affirming them vnworthy of all gouerment that Protestantes handes must be imbrued with bloud that thervpon ensued most bloudy warres throughout Germany and almost all Christendome besides Munsters Rebellions also in the same countries who preached that Rebellion against Catholicke Princes for Religion was to be called The warre of God and that he had 〈◊〉 commandement from God to that effect whervpon ensued the slaughter of a hundred thirty thousand men in three monethes c. To the first of Luther he answereth very sagely in these wordes Luthers literall censure of wordes will be partly confessed but the other of swordes which drew bloud can neuer be proued Yow see vpon what pointes of desperate deniall he standeth and yow may remember how cleerly the matter hath byn proued before and what is extant in most writers of our time about the same 51. The other of Munster he reiecteth as not being of his Religion yet no man can deny but that he was of Luthers schoole and spronge out of the first seed and spirit of that new Ghospell but hard it is to discerne who be brethren and who be not when it standeth for their commodity to acknowledge or deny one the other Heere yow see he denieth Munster acknowledgeth Luther to be of their Ghospell and fraternity and yet no man doth reiect them more contemptuosly or condemneth them more seriously for Heretikes then Luther himselfe as before out of his owne wordes yow haue heard To the stirres in Switzerland raised by Zuinglius who was slaine also in the feild he saith in like manner nothing and little more to Denmarke but that now all is quiet there and Lutherane Religion in full possession but he telleth vs not by what styrres and tumultes the same was brought in 52. To that of Sueueland and the open Rebellion of those Kingdomes he findeth only this shift to put of the matter It was saith he the demaund of the whole state for defence of their countrey priuiledges liberties and fruition of Religion can any Papist call this Rebellion No truely Syr in your sense who doe call the state whatsoeuer multitude of people doth rebell against their Princes for the liberty of your Ghospel for so yow called the party Protestant of Scotland if yow remember the Lordes of the Congregation and the state of the Realme and the other party that stood with the Queene was called a faction and so likewise in France and Flanders Germany and Sueueland those that tooke exceptions first and then armes against their Princes are called the State or States vnited Prouinces those of the Religion and by other like titles of honour and the other part or rather body it selfe hath the name of Enemies Persecutors Tyrantes Papistes and other odious appellations But I would make this demaund how came 〈◊〉 particuler men to be States to be called the Common-wealth were they not first subiectes And did they not first withdraw themselues from the obedience of their lawfull Princes by sleightes dissimulations pretence of greiuances liberty of Ghospell and the like deuises vntill at last they fell to open armes May not any number of rebells make themselues a state in this sense But I will vrge yow no further for that I well see yow cannot answere to driue yow beyond the wall is to small purpose I haue compassion of yow A BRIEF CENSVRE IS GIVEN OF A NEVV TREATISE set forth by T.M. INTITVLED A Confutation of the Popes Supremacy as supreme head of Rebellion c. Annexed to his former iustification of Protestant-Princes for matters of Rebellion CHAP. V. THis Minister Thomas
Morton not content after the pretended confirmation of his first discouery and reasons therof to haue added a second Treatise conteyning as he saith A Iustification of Protestantes against imputations of disobedience and Rebellion against temporall Princes either in doctrine or practice both which you haue heard now how substātially he hath performed he thought good also to ad a third Treatise though nothing needfull to the argument in hand which he intituleth A confutation of the principles of Romish doctrine in two pointes first concerning the Pope supreame head of Rebellion and secondly the impious conceipt of Equiuocation And forasmuch as of the second point which is Equiuocation we are to treat more largly in the ensuing Chapters and that the first seemed to me impertinent to be treated againe seuerally in this place the substance therof hauing byn touched sufficiently forasmuch as belongeth to this affaire in the former Chapters especially the second I had purposed once to passe it ouer without any answere at all as indeed not deseruing any it being only a certaine disorderly hudling togeather of peeces and parcelles of other mens collections about that matter better handled by themselues But yet considering afterward the speciall manner of this mans treating the same matters both in regard of fraude and simplicity though contrary the one to the other I iudged it not amisse to giue the Reader some tast therof in this one Chapter wherby he may be able to frame a iudgment of the rest and of the exorbitant veine of this mans writing 2. First then he beginneth the very first lines of his first Chapter with these wordes This pretended predominance saith he of the Pope in temporall causes whether directly or indirectly considered in which diuision of gouerning the Romish schoole is at this day extreamly deuided if it be from God it will sure plead Scriptum est c. By which sole entrance yow may take a scantling of the mās discretion for it cannot be denied I thinke except we deny the Ghospell but that Scriptum est was pleaded also by the diuell and not only by God as in like manner it hath byn by all Hereticks the diuels cheif Chaplains since that time and consequently it was no good exordium to build all vpon this foundation 3. Secondly it is not true that the Romish schole is so extreamly deuided in this diuision of gouerning directly or indirectly as the Minister would make it for the question is not at all of gouerning but how the right to gouerne in temporall causes was deliuered by Christ to S. Peter and his Successours whether directly togeather with the spiritual gouernment ouer soules or els indirectly and by a certaine consequence when the said spirituall gouernment is letted and impugned as before hath byn declared In which difference of opinions there is no such extremity of diuision among Catholickes as this man would haue men thinke for that all doe agree in the substance of the thing it self that the Pope hath this authority from God Iure diuino in certaine cases whether directly or indirectly that little importeth to this our controuersy with the Protestantes who deny both the one and the other And so much for that 4. The next sentence or obiection after the former preface which is the very first of his discourse is framed by him but yet in our name vnder the title of the Romane pretence in these wordes The high Priestes in the old Testament saith he were supreame in ciuill causes ergo they ought to be so also in the new for which he citeth one Carerius a Lawier that wrote of late in Padua De potestate Romani Pontificis defending the former opinion of Canonistes for direct dominion citeth his wordes in Latin thus Dico Pontificem in veteri Testamento fuisse Rege maiorem And Englisheth the same as before yow haue heard that the high Priest was supreame in ciuill causes which wordes of ciuill causes he putteth in of his owne and if yow marke them doe marre the whole market for that Carerius hath them not either in wordes or sense but teacheth the plaine cōtrary in all his discourse to wit that he meaneth in matters appertaining to Religion and Preisthood and not of temporall principality which this Author granteth to haue byn greater in the old Testament in dealing with Ecclesiasticall men matters then in the new to that effect is he cited presently after by the Minister himself contrary to that which heere he feigneth him to say But let vs heare the wordes of Carerius Tertiò dico saith he etiam in Testamento veteri fuisse Pontificem Rege maiorem quod quidem probatur c. Thirdly I say that the high Priest was greater also in the old Testament then the King which is proued first out of the 27. Chapter of Numbers where it is appointed by God that Iosue and all the people should be directed by the word of the high Priest Eleazar saying whē any thing is to be done let Eleazar the high Priest consult with God and at his word aswell Iosue as all the children of Israell and whole multitude shall goe forth and come in c. And secondly the same is proued out of the fourth of Leuiticus where foure kind of Sacrifices being ordained according to the dignity of the persons the first two are of a calfe for the high Priest commonwealth the third and fourth of a hee and shee-goat for the Prince and priuate persons Wherby Carerius inferreth a most certaine dignity and preheminence of the Priestes state aboue the temporall Prince though he say not in ciuill causes as this Minister doth bely him 5. And wheras Carerius had said in two former Answeres first that in the old Testament Ecclesiasticall and secular iurisdiction were not so distinct but that both might be in some cases in the King and secondly that in the new law the spirituall power was more eminent then in the old he commeth thirdly to say that in the old law the High Priest in some respectes was greater also then the King which cannot be vnderstood of ciuill power except the Author will be contrary to himself And therfore that clause was very falsly and perfidiously thrust in by the Minister and this with so much the lesse shame for that in the end of the same Chapter he citeth the same Author to the plaine contrary sense saying In veteri lege Regnum erat substantiuum sacerdotium adiectiuum c. That in the old law the Kingdome was the substantiue that stood of it self and Preisthood was the adiectiue that leaned theron but contrary-wise in the new law Preisthood and spirituall iurisdiction is the substantiue or principall in gouernment and temporall principality is the adiectiue depending therof for direction and assistance the one both by nature and Godes law being subordinate to the other to wit the temporall to the
doth not this man know that the difference betweene a good and bad gouernment a true King and a Tyrant consisteth in this that the one raigneth for his owne good the other for the good of his subiects What impiety were it to affirme this defect to be in Christes Kingly gouernment and consequētly what folly is it to bring in such reasons But let vs see what he saith further 21. Christ saith he as Priest is suppliant to his Father as King he is predominant ouer all powers and principalities equally with his Father But now wee haue shewed before that there be two partes or functions of Priesthood the one towardes God to be suppliant by sacrifice and intercession the other to be predominant ouer men by spirituall gouernment vpon their soules and that both these doe agree to Christ in respect of his high Priesthood and as he is man and much more the other of his temporall Kingdome so as to make him equall to his Father in this as T. M. doth is an impious absurdity for that vnder his Fathers vniuersall Kingdome Christ himself is also conteined as a subiect according to those wordes of graduation in S. Paul Omnia vestra sunt c. vos autem Christi Christus autem Dei All thinges are yours life death the world thinges past thinges to come and yow are of Christ Christ of God that is to say all thinges for Christ are subiect to yow so you are and ought to be subiect to Christ and Christ to God his Father Now then see how wisely this man frameth his foresaid maine Conclusion that as in Christ his Kingdome had the preheminence of his Priesthood which is false as we haue shewed so must it hold also among men that Kingly power be preferred before Priestly temporall before spirituall Of which opinion S. Chrysostome doth thinke that no man but mad or furious can be Equidem saith he neminem existere talem dixerim nisi si quis furiarum aestu percitus sit I cannot thinke any man to be of this opinion to preferre temporall authority before spirituall except a man should become mad with the rage of furies And so to S. Chrysostome I leaue our Minister to be charmed from these kinde of Hereticall furies THE SECOND PART OF THIS CHAPTER CONTEYNING Three particular kindes of proofes alledged by T. M. against the Popes Supremacy to vvit Of the new and old Testament and from reason it self ALl this that hitherto hath byn treated by our Aduersary hath byn by way as it were of preamble or preface for abasing Priesthood as you haue seene euen in Christ himself therby to subiect the same in Christians to temporall authority but about this point I wish the Reader to looke ouer the forenamed two Chapters of the late Answere to Syr Edward Cooke I meane the second and fourth and I suppose he will remaine satisfied in the preheminency of the one aboue the other Now notwithstanding for the second part of this Chapter we shall bring into a short view the principall pointes hādled by T. M. in this his confutation of the Popes Supremacy And albeit you may easily make a coniecture of what substance it is like to be by that which already you haue seéne discussed yet shall we descend to some principall particulars for that he reduceth in effect all his proofes to three chief heades the first concerning the state of the Sinagogue vnder the Iewes the second of the Christian Church vnder the new Testament the third by reason common to them both From the State of the old Testament §. 1. 23. FOr the first he setteth downe as argumentes of ours for licencing Popes to kill Princes a large list of Kinges and Princes deposed murthered or molested vnder the old Testament as though we did found our doctrine theron for which cause he giueth the title of Romish pretence to the said list alledging therin fourteene seuerall examples as Saul deposed by the Prophet Samuel Roboam by the Prophet Achia the Queene Athalia by the chief Priest Iehoida King Antiochus resisted and driuen out of his Dominion ouer Iury by the Priest Mathathias and the Machabees his children the Priestes of Baal and other Ministers of the King slaine by the Prophets Elias Elizeus the great Captaine Holofernes by Iudith King Eglon by Ahod Sisera by Iabel Queene Iezabel by Iehu at the appointmēt of the Prophet Elizeus with seauenty children of King Achab the death of King Achab who was slaine also miserably himself by Godes appointment the Prophetes prediction King Amon slaine by his owne seruantes for his wickednes to whome we may ad the death of King Agag by the commaundement of Samuel the Prophet the slaughter of King Ioas by his owne seruantes And lastly King Ozias for exercising the Priestes office and function was by the high Priest depriued of his Kingdome 24. And when he had set downe all this ranke of these vnfortunate Princes their deathes and depositions as though we had delighted therin or proposed all that heere is said to be imitated he saith Heere we heare nothing but fighting dispossessing and killing of Kinges those cheifly by Priestes and Prophetes of God in the old Testament propounded to the Prelates of the new to teach them to erect their Miters aboue Crownes Doe yow see the malice of the man If himself hath gathered together this Catalogue of Princes that came to ill endes were slaine or deposed is it maruaile though he heare nothing but that himself liketh to lay forth 25. The difference and comparison of Miters and Crownes is fond and ridiculous and brought in only to make the matter it self odious for the true comparison is only betweene spirituall and temporal authority the one apperteyning to soules the other to bodies the one called heauenly the other earthly the one proper to Priestes the other to ciuill Princes as before yow haue heard declared out of ancient Fathers who notwithstanding were neuer reprehended nor called into enuy for erecting Miters aboue Crownes in that sense as this prophane Calumniator doth heere vrge and exaggerate 26. And as for this whole matter of the examples out of the old Testamēt our principall question being only as before we haue declared VVhether God hath left any lawfull meanes for restrayning euill Princes in certaine cases of extreame danger and whether Priestes also and Prelates in Christian Religion but especially the highest Priest may deale therin These examples are fraudulently heaped and hudled togeather by T. M. as though all were equally stood vpon by Catholicke writers and this to the end that he may giue himself matter to answere afterward as he doth by distinguishing that all doe not proue the self same thing nor were equally lawfull nor done by equall authority or approbation nor appertaine equally to the matter we haue in hād which Catholicke writers also doe say and haue taught him to
of the Church therin which should be a greater sinne but yet is not necessary for that the perfect nature of Heresy is consummated by knowing that it is against the Church and for that this notice or knowledge belongeth to the vnderstanding therfore Vasquez holdeth that the last perfection or consummation of this sinne is in the vnderstanding and not in the will not meaning to exclude therby obstinacy of the wil as ignorantly T.M. doth when he saith wee may not be ignorant but to shew in what power of the minde the last perfection consummation of this heinous sinne consisteth to wit that a man may be a perfect and consummate Hereticke by holding obstinatly any opinion against the doctrine of the Church after wee once know it to be against the said Churches doctrine though we haue not that further malice also of expresse will and purpose to contradict therby the said Church but only we hold the same for that the opinion pleaseth vs or is profitable or honorable to vs or therby to contradict another or some such like inducement according to those wordes of S. Augustine to Honoratus Haereticus est qui alicuius temporalis commodi maximè gloriae principatusque sui gratia falsas ac nouas opiniones vel gignit vel sequitur An Hereticke is he who in respect of some temporall commodity but especially for his owne glory and preheminence doth beget or follow false and new opinions 45. The same S. Augustine also against the Donatistes proposeth this example Constituamus saith he aliquem sentire de Christo quod Photinus c. Let vs imagine one to thinke of Christ as Photinus the Hereticke did perswading himself that it is the Catholicke faith c. istum nondū Haereticum dico saith he nisi manifestata sibi doctrina Catholicae fidei resistere maluerit illud quod tenebat elegerit I doe not yet say that this man is an 〈◊〉 vntill after that the doctrine of the Catholicke faith being opened vnto him he shall choose notwithstanding to resist and to hold by choice that which before he held by errour In which wordes S. Augustine doth euidently declare how necessary both knowledge will are vnto Heresy and consequently how absurd and ridiculous the assertion of M. Morton is that Heresy being a vice proper to the vnderstanding may denominate the subiect whatsoeuer an Hereticke without obstinacy of will For 〈◊〉 we grant with all Deuines that Heresy is in the vnderstanding as in her subiect and so is faith also that is her opposite and further that her last perfection and consummation is from the foresaid knowledge in the vnderstanding as Vasquez doth explane it yet doth not Vasquez or any Deuine els exclude the necessity of pertinacity also and election in the will consequently both his wordes and meaning haue byn euidently falsified and calumniated by T. M. and so much of this first charge wherby yow may see what bookes might be made against him if we would follow his steppes in all his fraudulent traces But yet let vs see somewhat more in this very leaf and page 46. For within few lines after he beginneth his third Chapter with these wordes That is only true Religion say your Romish Doctors which is taught in the Romish Church therfore whosoeuer mainteineth any doctrine cōdemned in that Church must be accompted an obstinate Hereticke And in the margent he citeth Cunerus alledging his Latin wordes thus Haec est Religionis sola ratio vt omnes intelligant sic simpliciter esse credendum atque loquendum quemadmodum Romana Ecclesia credendum esse docet ac praedicat Which wordes if they were truly alledged out of the Author yet were they not truly translated for if by only true Religion a corrupt translation of Religionis solaratio be applied to particuler positions and articles of Religion then we grant that such true Religion may be also among Hereticks not only taught in the Roman Church for that as S. Augustine well noteth Heretickes also hold many articles of true Catholicke Religion but heere the corruption and falsification goeth yet further and it is worthy the noting for that Cunerus hauing 〈◊〉 largely against the insurrections and Rebellions of those of Holland and Zeland for cause of Religion and other pretences against their lawfull King taketh vpon him in his thirteenth Chapter to lay downe some meanes how in his opinion those dissentions may be compounded giuing this title to the said Chapter Quae sit vera componendi dissidij 〈◊〉 what is the true way of composing this dissention and then after some discourse setteth downe this conclusion Haec igitur in Religione concordiae sola est ratio vt omnes pio ac simplici animo purè integrè sic sapiant viuant loquantur ac praedicent quemadmodum sancta Catholica Romana Ecclesia quae Dei prouidentia magistra veritatis Orbi praeposita est docet loquitur praedicat This therfore in Religion is the only way of concord that all men with a pious simple minde doe wholy and purely conceaue liue speake preach as the holy Catholicke Roman Church which God by his prouidence hath giuen for a teacher of truth vnto the whole world doth teach speake and preach 47. And now consider yow this dealing that wheras B. Cunerus saith haec est in Religione cocordiae sola ratio this is the only way of concord in Religion this man alledgeth it in his margent haec est Religionis sola ratio this is the only way of Religion as though concord and Religion were al one then by another tricke of crafty translation in his English text that is only true Religion as though true Religion and the way or meanes to come to true Religion were not different and then for all the rest how it is mangled and how many wordes and sentences are put in by this Minister which are none of Cunerus and how many of his altered and put out is easy for the Reader to see by comparing the 〈◊〉 o Latin textes before alleadged and therby to consider how facile a matter it is for this fellow to deuide our tongues A course saith he which I professe in all disputes when he deuideth and separateth the wordes from their Authors and the sense from the wordes and the whole drift from them both a very fine course and fit for a man of his profession But let vs proceed 48. In the very next page he going about to make vs odious by our seuere censuring of Heretickes putteth downe first these wordes of Alphonsus de Castro He that vnderstanding any opinion to be expressely condemned by the Church shall hold the same is to be accompted an obstinate Hereticke Wherupon M. Morton playeth his pageant thus VVhat obstinate It may be some doe but doubtingly defend it what will yow iudge of these wherunto he answereth out of
made But he will replye perhaps that S. Augustine saith he could not say nescio I know not whether he be dead or aliue which is allowed by vs in some Equiuocations as in the precedent Chapter hath byn said But to this I answere that this case is not like those for that heere is no 〈◊〉 demand no force no compulsion no iniurie offred and consequently no right of vsing such euasion foriust defence for so much as this is in common conuersation from which we haue exempted before the vse of Equiuocations albeit we haue heard also out of the same S. Augustine himselfe Aliud est mentiri aliud veritatem celare It is one thing to lye and another thing to couer a truth without lying S. Augustine speaketh against the first and so do we and consequently this example proueth nothing 32. His second is out of the same Father in another worke of like argument where he putteth the example of a certain Bishop of Tagaste in Africa named Firmus who in time of the Pagan Emperours hauing hidden a man that fledd to his refuge answered the Emperours officers that came to seeke him nec prodam nec mentiar I will neither bewray him neither will I make a ly and so was content rather to suffer tormentes then he would do either for which S. Augugustine greatly commendeth him and so was he worthy for it was indeed an heroicall act And if therin he did more resolutly then he was bound as many priests in England haue done that presently vpon their apprehension haue confessed themselues to be priestes it inferreth no law that all men are bound to do the like For as the lawe it selfe saith Cuique licet de iure suo cedere It is lawfull for euery man to yeeld of his owne right what he please as S. Paul though in one place he saith that it is lawfull for him that scrueth the Altar to liue by the Altar and that he which soweth spirituall thinges may well reape temporall yet of himselfe he saith that he did it not nor would do it and that he would rather dye then loose this glory to wit of not hauing vsed his right therin This was perfection in that glorious Apostle but not obligation and though it edifye all yet it byndeth not any to the necessarie imitation therof but he that will and the like we may say of the renowned fact of Bishop Firmus His third example of Pagan writers he setteth downe in these wordes out of Cicero §. 7. 33. THERE was a man saith he who togeather with mine other prisoners being dismissed out of the prison of Carthage vpon his oath that he within a prefixed time should returne againe As soone as he was out of prisō he returned as though he had forgot somthing and by by departeth home to Rome where he stayed beyond the time appointed answering that he was freed from his oath but see now the opinion of his owne Countryman Cicero concerning this Equiuocation of returne This was not well done saith Tullie for that craft in an oath doth not lessen but make the periury more heynous Wherfore the graue Senators of Rome sent this Coseming mate backe againe to the prison of Hannibal their enemy from whome he had escaped c. 34. Thus relateth Morton the case and then maketh this malicious conclusion against vs This was the honestie of the ancient heathenish Rome which must ryse vp in iudgement against this present Rome to condemne it which hath changed that faithfull Roman faith in fidem Punicam into Carthaginian faith which now by custome of speach is taken for perfidiousnes it selfe And would not yow thinke that Morton did hold himselfe very free from this perfidiousnes that obiecteth the same so freely against vs And not only against vs but to the whole Church of Rome it selfe and to the vniuersall Catholike Religiō conioyned therwith Marke then the deportment of this man in this one poynt and if yow knew him not before learne to know him by this 35. First then I would haue some Grammer-scholler that studyeth Tullies Offices to turne to the places heere quoted and comparing them with that which this Minister setteth downe in English consider how they hange togeather and how he picketh out one sentence in one place another in another leapeth forth and backe to make some coherence of speach contrary to the Authors order sense and method as is ridiculous to behold and fit for the Cosening mate of whom he talketh in his text And secondly after this is to be noted that he setteth downe the narration it selfe of ten men deliuered vpon their oath by Hannibal not as Cicero doth out of two historio graphers Polybius and Accilius and in particuler against the faith of both their histories and Tullies asseueration which saith that those ten were dismissed by Hannibal out of his campe post Cannensem pugnam after the famous battle of Canna in Apulia Morton ignorantly saith they were dismissed out of the prison of Carthage wheras they of all liklihood had neuer seene Carthage in their lyues 36. But the most notorious Cosenage is that he peruerteth all Cicero his meaning wordes sense and discourse in this matter alleadging them quite contrary to himselfe as before yow haue heard him do many other Authors so as he belyeth and corrupteth them all both prophane and dyuine And if in this one poynt he can deliuer himselfe from Punica fides I will say he playeth the man indeed For first Cicero whom heere he would seeme to bring against vs doth fully agree with vs for that we say in the case of those ten Romanes deliuered by Hannibal vpon their oath to returne againe if they should not obteyne that which they were sent for which was to persuade the Senate to redeeme diuers thousands of other Roman souldiers whom Hannibal had taken in the said victory at Canna we hold I say first that if they swore absolutely to returne againe if they obteyned not their sute they were bound truly to performe the same and secondly that they being now iustly by law of armes prisoners of Hannibal they were bound to sweare sincerely to his intention and not to any other reserued meaning of their owne as in the former chapter hath byn declared And this very same doctryne also 〈◊〉 Cicero by light of nature in these wordes perfidiously cut of and left out by this Minister Morton in the very same place out of which he taketh the rest 37. Est autem saith he ius etiam bellicum fidesque iurisiurandi saepe hosti seruanda quod enim ita iuratum est vt mens conciperet fieri oportere id seruandum est quod aliter id si non feceris nullum periurium est There is 〈◊〉 a law of armes saith he and a faith in our swearing to be obserued oftentymes euen vnto our enemy for that which is so sworne
any other faith but that which all Christian Churches haue but only that there is greater deuotion in them and greater simplicity to beleeue 71. These are S. Hieroms wordes which if Syr Francis had set downe wholy and simply as the lye in him he saw how they would make against him in diuers poynts and therfore he willingly and wittingly cut of both the beginning and ending as yow haue heard applied the midst to a wrong sense neuer thought of by the Author himselfe And the same is proued against him in the allegation of many other Authors as of S. Augustine pag. 18. of S. Bede and Arnobius pag. 34. 35. and of S. Chrysostome pag. 52. all to one end corruptly and fraudulently alleadged for some shew of proofe that publike seruice ought to be in vulgar tongues only which yet being truly examined make nothing for his purpose but quite contrary And thus much in this place for the first Knight 72. As concerning the second Knight Syr Philip Mornay his case is notorious that hauing published a great booke full of authorities against the Masse vpon the yeare 1599. seeming to shew great learning therin the same was fond afterward to be so full of deceipts and wilfull falsifications as a very learned man Monsieur Peron then Bishop of Eureux and now Cardinall made publike offer to proue aboue fiue hundred such wilfull falsifications to be in that booke requesting also by humble suite his Maiesty of France to command publike triall with his presence as at length it was effectuated in the presence of the King and great parte of his 〈◊〉 and other learned men on both sides vpon the yeare 1600. and 4. of May as appeareth both by the Kings owne letter extant in print as also by the publike Acts set forth by the approbation of the said King and his Counsell 73. In this Conserence of tryall fiue hundred wilfull falsifications being obiected as I said to this Knight and when the tyme grew neere three score 〈◊〉 exhibited vnto him by the said Bishop out of which to make his choise for the first dayes tryall the said Syr Philip Mornay choise 19. of those which he thought himselfe best able to defend or excuse and of this number also he placed in the first ranke such as seemed to him to be of least enormity wherof notwithstāding the straitnes of tyme permitting only 9. to be handled he was conuinced publikely in all and euery one of them and had sentence geuen against him by the Iudges as well Protestants chosen of his side as the other that were of the Bishops Religion the summe wherof I shall briefly touch in this place 74. The first was that he had falsified the Schole-Doctor Ioannes Scotus alleadging him as though he had doubted of the Reall-presence for that hauing proposed the question whether Christ were really in the Sacrament vnder the formes of bread and wyne he did according to the fashion of Scholes make arguments to the contrary saying Videtur quòd non it seemeth that he is not so there for these and these reasons which afterwards he solueth and holdeth the contrary position for true and Catholike to wit that Christs body is really there wherupon the sentence of the Iudges was that Mōsieur Plessis in this matter had taken the obiection of Scotus for his resolution 75. The second falsification wherof he was conuinced was that he had alledged Bishop Durandus an other Scholasticall Author very fraudulently about the controuersie of Transubstantiation affirming him to say and hold for his owne position that which he cyteth only as an obiection out of an other and answereth the same The third and fourth falsifications were that he had corrupted plainly S. Chrysostome in two seuerall places by him alledged about prayer for the dead producing two particuler testimonyes out of him quite contrary to his owne meaning and expresse wordes The fifth was out of S. Hierome about praying to Saints The sixth out of S. Cyrill about honouring the holy Crosse. The seauenth out of the Code or Imperiall lawes about painting or keruing the signe of the said Crosse. The eight out of S. Bernard about honouring our blessed Lady The ninth and last of an authority of Theodorete about Images 76. All which places being diligently examined and Syr Philipp Mornay suffred to say and alledge what he could for his defence or euasion he was conuinced manifestly by the said Bishop of Eureux and sentenced by all the Iudges to haue committed falfification and vntrue dealing in them all And the like would the said Bishop haue shewed declared in all the rest to the number of fiue hundred if the said Mornay could haue byn brought to haue continued the combat which he would not as yow may see in the said publike Acts printed in French vpon the yeare 1601. with approbation of the King himselfe And he that will see more particulers of this in the English tōgue may read a Treatise or relation therof set forth in the yeare 1604. taken out of the foresaid French publike Acts of the said tryall And so this shall serue for this French Knight wherby yow may see the conformity of spirit in them all when occasion is offered to Equiuocate in the worst sense 77. Our last example then shall be of S. Edward Cooke lately the Kings Attorney who hauing taken vpon him these yeares past to be both a sharpe writer and earnest actor against Catholiks seemeth therwith to haue drunke also of this spirite in such aboundant measure as he is like in tyme to ouer-runne all the rest if he go forward as he hath begonne For that being admonished not long agoe by one that answered his last booke of Reportes of diuers notorious his excesses committed in this kind he is men say so farre of from correcting or amēding the same as he hath not only in a late large declamatiō against Catholicks in a charge giuē by him at Norwich repeated and auouched againe the same excesses but hath 〈◊〉 others also therunto of much more apparant falsity As for example he was admonished among other points that it was a notorious vntruth which he had writen and printed that for the first ten yeares of Queene Elizabeths raigne no one person of what religion or sect so euer did refuse to go to the Protestants Church and seruice which the Answerer confuteth so clearly and by so many witnesses as a man would haue thought that the matter would neuer haue byn mencioned more for very shame and yet now they say that the Attorney being made a Iudge hath not only repeated the same but auouched it also againe with such asseueration in his foresaid Charge as if it had neuer byn controlled or proued false 78. Nay further they write that he adioyned with like asseueration diuers other things no lesse apparātly false then this as for example
gather saith he that the vse of the Crosse is commendable because of myracles done by the same reason the 〈◊〉 and thiefe may defend and maintayne their vnlawfull doinges because as great or greater miracles be wrought by them So he And do yow not thinke that he knew himselfe heere to lye and egregiously to Equiuocate in the worst sense And yet 〈◊〉 wheras the ancient Father S. Cyrill writing against Iulian the Apostata that obiected to Christians the vse of making the signe of the Crosse vpon their forheades and setting vp the same vpon their doores answered That such speach of the Apostata proceeded of wicked thoughtes and sauoured so extreme ignorance and that the said Salutare signum healthfull signe of the Crosse so are his reuerend wordes was made by the Christians in remembrāce of Christes benefites exhibited in his sacred 〈◊〉 c. M. 〈◊〉 teacheth his hearer that this was spokē by S. Cyrill to excuse the Christians and couer their fault as though in deed S. Cyrill had bene of the same mynd with Iulian the Apostata and had misliked the making of that signe as he did which is manifestly false and a great slander to the said holy Father And what then will yow say of this Ministers Equiuocating spirite in the worst kynd of 〈◊〉 55. The third example we shall take out of the writings of Meridith Hanmer and M. VVilliam Charke Ministers who being charged with a certayne pernicious doctrine 〈◊〉 Martyn Luther whom they earnestly defended and not being other wise able to escape vsed both of them a notorious Equiuocation in this kynd of lying The doctrine of Luther was this That if any woman saith he cannot or will not proue by order of lawe the insufficiency of her husband let her request at his hands a diuorce or els by his consent let her priuily lye with his brother or with some other man And this doctrine being obiected to these two ministers Hanmer thought best yow may imagine by what Equiuocation vtterly to deny the thing as neuer written or spoken by Luther inueighing greatly against Catholickes for raising such a slaunder vpō him but Charke doubting least he should be conuinced with Luthers owne booke and Edition of VVittenberge durst not stand to this Equiuocation but deuised another farre worse to wit that Luther gaue this Counsell when he was yet a Papist and therfore saith he if any shame be in this doctrine it lighteth vpon yow and not vpon vs. 56. But two things do conuince this of a notable wilfull vntruth The first for that the tyme and yeare being considered wherin Luther wrote this Sermon it appeareth euidently that he had left long before the Catholicke vnion though yet himselfe said in this place that he remayned still with some feare and dread of Antichrist which he meant in respect that it was yet doubtfull vnto him whether the Protection of the Duke of Saxonie would be sufficient for his defence against the Pope Emperour and other Catholicke Princes that sought to haue him punished but when in Processe of time he perceyued in deed that he was secure then he said he would giue other counsell Consilium tale iam tum impertij saith he cum adhuc me detineret pauor Antichristi nunc verò secùs longè animus esset I gaue such Counsell when I was yet vnder some feare of Antichrist but now my mynd should be to giue farre other counsell And heere VVilliam Charke breaketh of and leaueth out the wordes of Luther that immediatly follow and do solue the case which are these Talique marito qui adeò mulierem deludat dolis vehementius lanificium immissa manu conuellerem c. That laying my handes vpon the lockes of such a husband that should so craftily deceyue a woman I would vehemently shake or pull him by the lockes So he And what will yow say now of the craftie Equiuocation of these two Ministers which of them had least conscience either he that knowing it to be so yet denyed that Luther had any such wordes or the other that confessing the wordes wittingly peruerted the sense by cutting of that which should make all cleare 57. And I might cyte also an other like deceiptfull Equiuocation of VVilliam Charke not farre from the same place where being pressed with sundry arguments that proue concupiscence in the regenerate to be no sinne if consent be not giuen thervnto and namely by the Authority of S. Augustine saying Concupiscentia non est peccatum quando illi ad illicita opera non consentitur Concupiscence is not sinne when consent is not giuen thervnto for working thinges that be vnlawfull he to auoyd this authority of S. Augustine forgeth a place of the same Doctor to the contrarie thus S. Augustines place saith he is expounded by himselfe afterward where he saith Concupiscence is not so forgiuen in baptisme that it is not sinne but that it is not imputed as sinne and cyteth for his proofe the same booke of S. Augustine De nuptiis concupiscentia Cap. 23. 25. But if yow looke vpon the places yow shall fynd that the Minister hath heere of his owne foysted in the chiefe word that maketh or marreth all to wit peccatum sinne for that S. Augustines wordes are these Ad haec respondetur dimitti concupiscentiam carnis in baptismo non vt non sit sed vt in peccatum non imputetur quamuis reatu suo iam soluto maret tamen c. To this is answered saith S. Augustine that the Cōcupiscence of the flesh is forgiuen in baptisme not so that it is not or remayneth not but that it is not imputed vnto sinne it remayneth still though the guylt therof be taken away So he And was not this a subtile Equiuocation to make in a trice S. Augustine to be contrary to himselfe 58. The fourth example shall be of an other Minister VVilliam Perkins who though he wrote since the other yet in diuer points hath he out-gone them as well in this of false Equiuocation as in the deepe humour of phantasy by which he hath writen and published many bookes with strāge tytles some of them conteyning matter that neyther he nor his reader I 〈◊〉 say do vnderstand as namely about the Concatenation or tying together of causes of mans prodestination or reprobation and the like but among other his pretiest fancy was to write a booke calling it Areformed Catholicke which was in deed that which by Logitians is tearmed Implicatioin adiecto An implicancy or contradiction of the one word to the other for that he which is a Catholicke if we speake of 〈◊〉 belonging to doctrine and beliefe and not to manners cannot be reformed the essence of Catholicke Religion consisting in this that all and euery point of the receyued Christian faith be belieued and nothing more or lesse so as if any point must be added taken away altered or reformed it is not
Catholicke and consequently A reformed Catholicke in matters of faith must needs be A deformed Catholicke such a 〈◊〉 as Perkins in deed describeth that admitteth one two three foure more or lesse points of the common Catholicke receaued Religion and yet starteth from the fifth or sixt as himselfe best liketh and this calleth Perkins A reformed Catholicke when the belieuer chooseth to belieue or leaue what points do please him best which choise we say is properly heresy for that an Hereticke is a Chooser as the Greeke word importeth and this heresy or choice in matters of beliefe doth Perkins professe to teach his hearer saying That he will shew them how neare they may come vnto the Romane faith and yet not iumpe with it which is a doctrine common to all hereticks and heresies that euer were for that all haue agreed with the Catholicke faith in some points for that otherwise it should be Apostacy and not heresy if they denyed all yea the Turkes and Mores at this day do hold some points of Christian Religion with the Catholickes but for that neither they nor heretickes do hold all therfore they are no true Catholickes but such Reformed Catholickes as VVilliam Perkins would teach his disciples to be to wit properly Heretikes by their choise of religion 59. And to the end we may see not only the mans folly in choosing his argument but his falshood also in prosecuting the same I shall lay forth one only example out of his very first Chapter that beginneth with his ordinary argument of the VVhore of Babylon and by this one example let the reader iudge whether he be not a fit Chaplyn for that honest woman iflying cosenage and calumniation be propertyes of her profession For that hauing spent many impertinent wordes to shew that the impieties prophesied by S. Iohn of the said VVhore of Babylon and Saincts of God to be slayne by her was not meant of the persecution of Rome vnder the Pagan Emperors but of the Church of Rome now vnder the Christian Bishopps and Popes he hath these wordes 60. This exposition saith he of the Apocalips besydes the Authority of the text hath also the fauour and defence of ancient and learned men Bernard saith They are the Ministers of Christ but they serue Antichrist And againe the beast spoken of in the Apocalips to which a mouth is giuen to speake blasphemies and to make warre with the Saints of God is now gotten into Peters Chaire as a lyon prepared to his pray It wil be said that Bernard speaketh these later wordes of one that came to the Popedome by intrusion or vsurpation It is true in deed but wherfore was he an vsurper He rendreth a reason therof in the same place bycause the Antipope called Innocētius was chosen by the Kings of Alemaine France England Scotland Spaine Hierusalem with consent of the whole Clergy and people in these nations and the other was not And thus Bernard hath giuen his verdict that not only this vsurper but all the Popes for this many yeares are the beast in the Apocalips because now they are only chosen by the Colledg of Cardinals c. Thus he 61. And now how many 〈◊〉 decepts and falsities there be in this litle narration is easie for any man to see admyre and detest that will but looke vpō the places of S. Bernard by himselfe quoted For in the first place out of his 33. Sermon vpon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where he saith They are the Ministers of Christ but do serue Antichrist he speaketh against the vices of the Clergy especially of France where he liued in his dayes And that it is not meant particulerly of the pope S. Bernardes owne words do shew in that ve y place saying They will be and are Prelates of Churches Deanes Archdeacons Bishopps Archbishopps so as this is falsely brought in to proue any speciall thing against Rome or the Pope and much more wickedly alledged to proue Perkins his exposition of the Apocalips against Christian Rome to be true in S. Bernardes sense which he neuer thought of or by any least cogitation admitted as by the whole course of his writings to the contrary is euident no man more extolling the dignity of the Pope and Sea of Rome then he euen then when most he reprehendeth euill lyfe and manners 62. But the other that followeth is much more fraudulenty alledged For if S. Bernard complained greatly that in his tyme one Petrus Leonis an vsurper and Antipope being chosen by the 〈◊〉 lesse number of Cardinals voyces did by violence notwithstanding thrust himselfe into the Chaire of Peter and playe therin the parte of Antichrist what was this in preiudice of the true Pope Innocentius the second whome Saint Bernard doth call Christs Vicar and highly commendeth him as lawfully chosen by the maior part of the Colledge of Cardinals and exhorteth all Christian Kings to obey and follow him as their high and true lawfull vniuersall pastor So as heere 〈◊〉 Perkins maketh a notorious lye in saying that Innocentius by S. Bernards iudgement was an Antipope wheras he proued him expresly in the places heere alleadged to be the true Pope and Vicar of Christ and Petrus 〈◊〉 to be the Antipope Numquid saith he non omnes Principes cognouerunt quia ipse est verè Dei electus Francorum Anglorum Hispanorum postremò Romanorum Rex Innocentium in Papam suscipiunt recognoscunt 〈◊〉 Episcopum animarum suarum Do not all Princes know that Innocentius is truly the elected of God The Kinges of France England Spaine and 〈◊〉 do receyue Innocentius for Pope and do acknowledge him to be the singular Bishop of their soules 63. Secondly he lyeth much more apparantly when he saith that Innocentius was chosen by the said Kings of Alemaine France England c. wheras S. Bernard saith not that he was chosen by them but that he was accepted followed obeyed by them as true Pope after his election Alemaniae saith he Angliae Franciae Scotiae Hispaniarum 〈◊〉 Reges cum vniuerso clero populis fauent adhaerent Domino Innocentio tanquam filij Patri tanquam capiti membra The Kings of Germany France England Scotland Spaine and Hierusalem togeather with their whole Clergy and people do fauour and adhere to Pope 〈◊〉 he doth not say they choose him as children to their Father and as members to their head 64. Thirdly Perkins lyeth most desperately of all in his last conclusion 〈◊〉 And thus Bernard hath giuen his verdict that not only this vsurper but that all the Popes for 〈◊〉 many yeares are the beast in the 〈◊〉 because now they are only chosen by the Colledge of Cardinals This I say is a notorious lye for that S. Bernard giueth no such verdict but alloweth well the election of Innocentius by the said Cardinals saying Meritò autem illum 〈◊〉 Ecclesia cuius opinio clarior electio sanior