Temporal Subjects And this they did by their own sole Authority as before was said ordering the same to be levyed on all such as were refractory by Sequestration Deprivation Suspension Excommunication Ecclesiastical Censures all without relating to any subsequent confirmation by Act of Parliament which they conceiv'd they had no need of Nor finde we any thing of the Convocations of Queen Elizabeths time except that of the year 1562. and that not fairly dealt with neither as is elsewhere shewed though there passed many Canons in the Convocation of the year 1571. and of the year 1585. and the year 1597. all Printed and still publickly extant besides the memorable Convocation of the year 1555. in which the Clergy gave the Queen a Benevolence of 2â— in the pound to be levyed by Ecclesiastical Censures without relating to any subsequent confirmation by Act of Parliament as had accustomably been used in the Grant of Subsidies It might have been expected also that we should have found in a Church History of Britain the several degrees and steps by which the Heterodoxies and Superstitions of the Church of Rome did creep in amongst us and the degrees by which they were ejected and cast out again and the whole Reformation setled upon the Doctrine of the Apostles attended by the Rites and Ceremonies of the Primitive times as also that some honorable mention should be found of those gallant Defences which were made by Dr. Bancroft Dr. Bilson Dr. Bridges Dr. Cosins and divers others against the violent Batteries and Assaults of the Puritan Faction in Queen Elizabeths time and of the learned Writings of B. Buckeridge B. Morton Dr. Suâ—cliff Dr. Burges c. in justification of the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England against the remnants of that scattered and then broken Faction in the time of King Iames of which we have Negry quidem not a word delivered Nor could it stand with his design which will discover it self in part in this Introduction and shall more fully be discovered in the Animadversions that it should be otherwise All which together make it clear and evident that there is too little of the Church or Ecclesiastical History in our Authors Book And that there is too much of the State or Civil History will be easily seen by that unnecessary intermixture of State-Concernments not pertinent to the business which he hath in hand Of this sort to look back no further is the long Will and Testament of King Henry the eighth with his Gloss or Comment on the same taking up three whole sheets at least in which there is not any thing which concerns Religion or which relates unto the Church or Church-affairs although to have the better colour to bring it in he tells us that he hath transcribed it not onely for the rarity thereof but because it contained many passages which might reflect much light upon his Church-History Lib. 5. â—ol 243. Of this sort also is his description of the pomp and order of the Coronation of King Charls which though he doth acknowledge not to be within the Pale and Park of Ecclesiastical History yet he resolves to bring it in because it comes within the Purlews of it as his own words are But for this he hath a better reason then we are aware of that is to say That if hereafter Divine Providence shall assign England another King though the transactions herein be not wholly precedential something of state may be chosen out grateful for imitation Lib. 11. fol. 124. As if the Pomp and order of a Coroâ—nation were not more punctually preserved in the Heralds Office who have the ordering of all things done without the Church and are eye-Witnesses of all which is done within then in our Authors second-hand and imperfect Collections The like may be said also of the quick and active Reigns of King Edward the sixth and Queen Mary in which the whole Body of the reformed Religion was digested setled and destroyed sufficient of it self to make a competent Volumn but contracted by our Author like Homers Iliads in the Nut shell into less then 25 sheets And yet in that small Abstract we finde many Impertinencies as to the work he hath in hand that is to say The great proficiency of King Edward in his Grammar Learning exemplified in three pieces of Latine of his making when he was but eight or nine years old the long Narrative of Sir Edward Mountague chief Iustice of the Common Pleas to vindicate himself from being a voluntary Agent in the business of the Lady Iane Gray the full and punctual relation of Wâ—ats Rebellion and the issue of it though acted upon some false grounds of Civil Interess without relating to Religion or to Church Affairs Infinitum esset â—re per singula It were an infinite labor to look into all particulars of this nature which are found in our Author make up a great part of the Book but we may guess by this brief view as Ex pede Hereulem that his diversion upon Civil Matters and Affairs of State which neither have relation to nor any influence at all upon those of the Church do make up a considerable part of the rest of the Book Which Civil Matters and State-Concernments being discharg'd also as in all reason they ought to be we next proceed to the Church-History it self In which if we should make the like defalkation and expunge every passage which is either positively false or ignorantly mistaken by him there would be very little left to inform the Reader as by the following Animadversions will appear sufficiently 8. But well it were if onely Abberrations from Historical truth were to be met with in our Author In whom we find such a continual vein of Puritanism such dangerous grounds for inconformity and Sedition to be raised upon as easily may pervert the unwary Reader whom the facetiousness of the stile like a hook baited with a painted Fly may be apt to work on Murthering of Kings avowed for necessary prudence as oft as they shall fall into the power of their Subjects Lib. 4 fol. 109. The Coronation of the Kings and consequently their succession to the Crown of England made to depend upon the suffrage and consent of the People Lib. 11. fol. 122. The Sword extorted from the Supream Magistrate and put into the hands of the common People whensoever the Reforming humor shall grow strong amongst them Lib. 9. fol. 51. The Church depriv'd of her Authority in determining controversies of the Faith and a dispute rais'd against that clause of the Atticle in which that Authority is declared whether forg'd or not Lib. 9. f. 73. Her power in making Canons every where prostituted to the lust of the Parliament contrary both to Law and constant practice the Heterodoxies of Wickliff Canoniz'd for Gospel and Calvins Opinions whatsoever they were declar'd for Orthodox the Sabbatarian Rigors published for Divine and Ancient Truths though there be no Antiquity nor Divinity
off so clearly with those evaâ—â—ns which he had put upon the Articles in charge against him or with those touches on the by which are given to the Defendant in the Doctors Answer supposing that the Paper exemplified in the Pamphlet never before publisht as the Authour tels us contain the substance and effect of that which he delivered to the King for his justification as indeed it doth not For the truth is that this Paper was digested by D. Prideaux as soon as he returned to Oxon coppied out and disperst abroad by some of his own party and perswasions to keep up the credit of the cause And though at first it carried the same Title which the Pamphlet gives it viz. The Answer of D. Prideaux to the Information given in against him by D. Heylin yet afterwards upon a melius inquirendum he was otherwise perswaded of it and commonly imputed it to one of Trinity Colledge whom he conceived to have no good affections to him And here I might conclude this point touching the traducing and disturbing of D. Prideaux did I not finde that by the unseasonable publishing of that Antiquated and forgotten Paper the Respondent had not been disturbed and traduced in a far courser manner then he was the Doctor had those passions and infirmities which are incident to other men of lesse ability and having twice before exposed the Respondent to some disadvantages in the point of same and reputation he was the more easily inclined to pursue his blow and render him obnoxious as much as possibly he could to the publike censure The story whereof I shall lay down upon this occasion and hope that I may safely do it without the imputation of affecting the fresh credit of coping with the deceased or purposing any wrong at all unto the reverend name and living fame of that Learned man Proximas egomâ—t sum mihiâ— as the Proverb hath it my own credit is more dear to me then another mans And where I may defend my self with truth and honesty I have no reason to betray both my name and fame by a guilty silence Know then that on tht 24. day of April Anno 1627. I answered in the Divinity Schools at Oxon upon these two Questions viz. An Ecclesia unquam fâ—erit invisibilis And 2. An Ecclesia possit errare Both which I determined in the Negative And in the stating of the first I fell upon a different way from that of D. Prideaux in his Lecture de visibilitate Ecclesiae and other Tractates of and about that time in which the visibility of the Protestant Church and consequently of the renowned Church of England was no otherwise proved then by looking for it into the scattered conventicles of the Berengarians in Italy the Waldenses in France the Wicklifists in England the Hâ—ssites in Bohemia which manner of proceeding not being liked by the Respondent as that which utterly discontinued that succession in the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy which the Church of England claimeth from the very Apostles he rather chose to look for a continual visible Church in Asia Aethiopia Greece Italy yea and Rome it self as also in all the Western Provinces then subject to the power of the Popes thereof And for the proof whereof he shewed First That the Church of England received no succession of doctrine or government from any of the scattered Conventicles before remembred Secondly That the Wicklifsists together which the rest before remembred held many Heterodoxes in Religion as different from the established doctrine of the Church of England as any point which was maintained at that time in the Church of Rome And thirdly That the Learned Writers of that Church Bellarmine himself amongst them have stood up as cordially and stoutly in maintenance of some fundamental Points of the Christian Faith against the Socinians Anabaptists Anti-Trinitarians and other Hereticks of these last ages as any of the Divines and other learned men of the Protestant Churches Which point I closed with these words viz. Vtinam quod ipse de Calvino â—ic semper errasset nobilissimus Cardinalis and this so much displeased the Doctor that as soon as the Respondent had ended his determination he fell most heavily upon him calling him by the odious names of Papicola Bellarminianus Pontificius and I wot not what and bitterly complaining to the younger part of his Audients to whom he made the greatest part of his addresses of the unprofitable pains he had took amongst them if Bellarmine whom he laboured to decry for so many years should now be honoured with the Title of Nobilissimus The like he also did tantaene animis caelestibus irae at another time when the Respondent changed his Copy and acted the part of the Prior Opponent loding the poor young man with so many reproaches that he was branded for a Papist before he understood what Popery was And because this report should not get footing in the Court before him in his first Sermon preached before the King which was in November next following on the words Ioh 4. viz Our Fathers worshiped on this mountain he so declared himself against some errours and corruptions in the Church of Rome that he shewed him to be far enough from any inclinations to the Romish Religion as afterwards in the Year 1638. when that clamour was revived again he gave such satisfaction in his third and fourth Sermon upon the Parable of the Tares that some of the Court who before had been otherwise perswaded of him did not stick to say That he had done more towards the subversion of Popery in those two Sermons then D. Pâ—ideaux had done in all the Sermons which he had ever preached in his life But to proceed the Respondent leaving Oxon within few years after the heat of these reproaches began to cool 〈◊〉 he had reason to conceive that the Doctors 〈◊〉 might in so long a tract of time as from 1627. to 16 〈…〉 cooled also but it happened otherwise For the 〈…〉 being to answer for his degree of Doctor in the 〈…〉 insisted then on the Authority of the Church 〈…〉 he had done on the infallibilâ—ty and visibility of it His Questions these viz. An Eccleâ—ia habeat authoritatem in determinandis â—idei controversâ—â—s 2. Interpretandi Scripturas 3. Discernendi ritus ceremonias All which he held in the Affirmative according to the plain and positive doctrine of the Church of England in the 20. Article which runs thus interminis viz habet Ecclesiae ritas sive ceremonias statuendiâ—us in â—idei controversâ—â—s authoritatem c. but the Doctor was as little pleased with these Questions and the Respondent stating of them as he was with the former And therefore to create to the Respondent the greater odium he openly declared that the Respondent had falsified the publike Doctrine of the Church and charged the Article with that sentence viz. Habet Ecclesia ritus sive Ceremonias c. which
only but as our Author himself confesâ—eth he bâ—th permitted and preserved them who would rebuild the decayed Christian Churches If â—o 〈◊〉 the persons of Christians in the exercise of their Religion to have them near unto him in places of greatest trust and eminence to suffer them to rebuild their Churches and defend them in it be not the 〈◊〉 of some good unto Christianity more then the 〈…〉 harm let our Author carry it and Camden 〈◊〉 the blame of his needless Courtship But this is not the first time in which our Author hath clash with 〈◊〉 and I see it will not be the last by that 〈◊〉 followeth For speaking on the by how Wolve◠〈◊〉 entred into England considering that Merchants would not bring them and that they could not swim over themseâ—ves he addes these words viz. Fol. 25. Which hath prevailed so far with some as to 〈◊〉 this now an Iland originally annext to the Contâ—â—ent It seems that though some so conâ—eive it ye◠〈◊〉 Author doâ—h noâ— And yet he cannot chuse but know that thoâ—e whom he doth passe so slightly over by the name of some as if not woâ—thy to be notified by 〈◊〉 proper names are the most eminent and renowned Antiquaries of these latter times Amongst which if I reckon Camden for one and a chief one too I shoâ—ld but do him right and not wrong the rest Whose arguments to pâ—ove the point he that lists to see may finde them at large laid down in his description of Kent which when our Author can confute as I doâ—bt he cannot he may then slight it over as a thing conceived and conceived only by some men not woâ—th the naming Till then I shall behold it as a matter not coâ—ceived but prov'd and so must he I should here end this Châ—pter and this Book togetheâ— bâ—t thaâ— I finde a trifling errour not worth our notice â—ut that I would set all things right as they come beâ—ore me which is the placing of the Emperoâ— Coâ—stantine in the Catalogue of those who commonly 〈◊〉 uâ—der the name of the nine Worthies and this â—aith he Fol. 39. Is more then comes to the proportion of Britâ—in that amongst but nine in the whole World two should prove Natives of this Iland Constantine and 〈◊〉 That Arthur goes for one of the Worthies I shall eâ—sily grant and I shall grant too that in the opinion of some wâ—iters this Iland gave birth unto aâ—other of them namely Guy of Warwick His Knight Sir Guy one of the nine we touch but by the way saith Warner in his Albions England But in the common estimate they are reckoned thus that is to say three Iewes 1. Ioshua 2. David 3. Iudas Maccabaeus three Gentiles 4. Hector of Troy 5. Alexander the great and 6. Iulius Caesar three Christians 7. Arthur of Britain 8. Charlemain of France and 9. Godfry of Bovillon But I condemn my self for mingling this poor piece of Errantry with such serious matters though the necessity of following my Leader as he goeth may excuse me in it ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Church History OF BRITAIN LIB II. Of the Conversion of the Saxons and that which followed thereupon till the Norman Conquest IN order to the Conversion of the Saxons our Author begins as he had done before in that of the Britans with the unhappy condition of that People in the state of Gentilism in the description whereof he omitteth that which was indeed their greatest unhappiness that is to say their barbarous and inhumane sacrifices of men and women unto two of their Idols For Camden telleth us of their God called Wooden that they used to procure his favour by sacrificing unto him men alive and I have read in Verstegan if my memory fail not a man inferiour to none in the Antiquities of this Nation that at their return from any conquest they us'd to sacrifice the noblest of their Captives to their Idol Thur. In this not much inferior to the Palestinians in their sacâ—ifices to Moloch or to the Carthaginians in the like abominable sacrifices to Saturn or to the Scythians in the like to Diana Taurica or â—inally to the Galls in theirs to Haesus and Tâ—eutaâ—es their own National Deities But not to lay at our Authors charge these small sins of Omission we must next see whether he be not guilty of some sin of Commission also For making a general muster of the Saxon Gods and shewing how they were dispos'd of in relation to the days of the week he concludes it thus Fol. 55. And thus we see the whole week bescattered with Saxon Idols whose Pagan Gods were the God-fathers of the days and gave them their names Not the whole week though the greatest part thereof was thus bescattered Sunday and Munday being so call'd in reference to the Sun and Moon or else in correspondence to the the names of Dies Solis and Dies Lunae which they found given by the Romans at their entrance here For either the Sun and Moon were worshipped by the antient Saxons and then might think themselves neglected in having no place assigned them amongst the rest or else the Saxon Pagan Gods were not the Godfathers to all the days of the week as our Author telleth us As much he seems to be mistaken in their God called Woden of whom thus he telleth us Fol. 54. Woden that is wood fierce or furious giving the denomination to Wednesday or Wodensday Armed cap a pe with military Coronet on his head he was the God of Battail by whose aid and furtherance they hoped to obtain victory correspondent to Mars But Camden sings another song telling us that Wooden was not worshipped for Mars but Mercury Above all other Gods saith he they worshipped Mercury whom they called Wooden whose favour they procured by sacrificing unto him men alive and to him they consecrated the fourth day of the week whereupon we call it at this day Wednesday Thus also in another place Wansdike in the Saxon tongue called Wodenepoic that is to say the Ditch of Wooden or Mercury and as it should seem of Woden that false imagined God and Father of the English-Saxons And herein I shall rather subscribe to Camdens then our Authors judgement For certainly had the Saxons worshipped Wooden as the God of Battail or correspondent unto Mars they would have given him the third day of the week or the day of Mars and not the fourth day of the week or the day of Mercury as they gave Sunday and Munday unto Sol and Luna and Thursday unto Thur whom they worshipped in the place of Iupiter ascribing unto him as the Greeks and Romans did to Iupiter the power of bearing rule in the Air governing Thunder Lightnings Windes Showres fair weather c. as Adam Bremensis a good Writer doth inform us of them And though it may be true which our Author telleth us that by his aid and furtherance they hoped to obtain victory yet this entitleth him
the conditions of those times did afford unto him he addeth that Fol. 129. We must attribute the main to Divine Providâ—â—ce blessing the Gospel A name too high to be bestowed upon the Fancies of a private Man many of whose Opinions were so far from truth so contrary to peace and civil Order so inconsistent with the Government of the Church of Christ as make them utterly unworthy to be look'd on as a part of the Gospel Or if the Doctrines of Wickliffe must be call'd the Gospel what shall become of the Religion then establisht in the Reâ—lâ— of England and in most other parts of the Western woâ—ld Were all but Wickliffes Followers relaps'd to 〈◊〉 were they turn'd Jews or had embrac'd 〈◊〉 of Mahomet If none of these and that they 〈…〉 in the faith of Christ delive ed to them in the Gospels of the four Evangelists and other Apostolical Writers Wickliffes new Doctrines could not challenge the name of Gospel nor ought it to be given to him by the pen of any But such is the humor of some men as to call every separation from the Church of Rome by the name of Gospel the greater the separation is the more pure the Gospel No name but that of Evangelici would content the Germans when they first separated from that Church and reformed their own and Harry Nichols when he separated from the German Churches and became the Father of the Familists bestows the name of Evangelium Regni on his Dreams and Dotages Gospels of this kinde we have had and may have too many quot Capita tot fides as many Gospels in a manner as Sects and Sectaries if this world go on Now as Wickliffes Doctrines are advanc'd to the name of Gospel so his Followers whatsoever they were must be called Gods servants the Bishops being said fol. 151. to be busie in persecuting Gods servants and for what crime soever they were brought to punishment it must be thought they suffered only for the Gospel and the service of God A pregnant evidence whereof we have in the story of Sir Iohn Oldcastle accused in the time of King Harry the fifth for a Design to kill the King and his Brethren actually in Arms against that King in the heâ—â— of 20000 men attainted for the same in open Parliament and condemn'd to die and executed in St. Giles his Fields accordingly as both Sir Roger Acton his principal Counsellor and 37 of his Accomplices had been before For this we have not only the Authority of our common Chronicles Walsingham Stow and many others but the Records of the Tower and Acts of Parliament as is confessed by our Author fol. 168. Yet coming out of Wickliffes Schools and the chief Scholar questionless which was train'd up in them he must be Registred for a Martyr in Fox his Calender And though our Author dares not quit him as he says himself yet such is his tenderness and respect to Wickliffes Gospel that he is loath to load his Memory with causless Crimes fol. 167. taxeth the Clergie of that time for their hatred to him discrediteth the relation of T. Walsingham and all later Authors who are affirm'd to follow him as the Flock their Belweather and finally leaves it as a special verdict to the last day of the Revelation of the righteous Iudgements of God From the Scholar pass we to the Master of whom it is reported in a late Popish Pamphlet that he made a recantation of his Errors and liv'd and dyed confoâ—mable to the Church of Rome This I behold as a notorious falshood an imposture of the Romish party though the argument used by our Authoâ— be not of strength sufficient to inforce me to it If saith he Wickliffe was sufficiently reconcil'd to the Roman faith why was not Rome sufficiently reconciled to him Vsing such cruelty to him many years after his death fol. 171. But this say I is no reason of no force at all Wickliffe might possibly be reconcil'd to the Church of Rome and yet the Minâ—sters of that Church to strike a terror into others might execute that vengeance on him after his decease which they had neither power nor opportunity to do when he was alive Quam vivo iracundiam debuerant in corpus mortâ—i contulerunt And hereof we have a fair example in Marcus Antonius de Dominis Archbishop of Spalato who coming into England 1616. did manifestly oppose the Doctrines of the Church of Rome in some learned Volumes But being cunningly wrought on by some Emâ—ssaries of the Romish party in the year 1622. he went baâ—k to Rome was reconcil'd to that Church and writ the e most reproachfully of the Church of England which notwithstanding he was kept prisoner all the rest of his life and his body burnt to ashes after his decease So then it is no such new matter for a dissenting Christian such as Wickliffe and de Dominis were though branded by the nâ—me of Hereticks to be admitted to a reconciliation with the Church of Rome and yet that Church to carry a revengeful minde towards them when occasion serves And all this while we have expected that our Author would have given us a brief summary of Wickliffes Doctrines that by seeing the Piety and Orthodoxie of his Opinions we might have thought more reverently both of him and his Followers But therein our expectation must remain unsatisfied our Author thinking it more agreeable to his Design to hold the Reader in suspense and conceal this from him dealing herein as the old Germans did with those of other Nations who came to wait upon Valeda a great Queen amongst them not suffering any to have a sight of her to keep them in a greater admiration of her parts and Person Arcebantur aspectu quò plus venerationis inesset as it is in Tacitus The wheat of Wickliffe was so soul so full of chaffe and intermingled with so many and such dangerous Tares that to expose it to the view were to mar the market And therefore our Author having formerly honored his Opinions by the name of Gospel and his followers with the Title of Gods servants as before was noted had reason not to shew them all at once in a lump together that we might think them better and more Orthodox then indeed they were But the best is to save us the trouble of consulting Harpsfield and others who have written of them our Author hath given them us at last on another occasion Lib. 5. fol. 208. many of which the Reader may peruse in these Ammadversions Numb 113. Thus having laid together so much of this present Book as relates to Wickliffe and his followers I must behold the rest in fragments as they lye before me Fol. 152. He lies buried in the South Isle of St. Peters Westminster and since hath got the company of Spencer and Drayton Not Draytons company I am sure whose body was not buryed in the South-Isle of that Church but under the North wall
passing of the Statute of Praemunire were without any further Ratification obligatory to all subjected to their jurisdiction And he hath told us also of such Convocations as had been called between the passing of the Statute of Praemunire and the Act for Submission that they made Canons whiche were binding although none other then Synodical Authority did confirme the same Upon whiâ—â—â—remisses I shall not fear to raise this Syllogism viz That power which the Clergy had in their Convocations before their submission to the King to binde the subject by their Canons and Constitutions without any further Ratification then own Synodicall Authority the same they had when the Kings power signified in his Royal assent was added to them but the Clergy by our Authors own confession had power in their Convocations before their submission to the King to binde the Subject by their Canons and Constitutions without any further ratification then their own Synodical Authority Ergo they had the same power to binde the Subjects when the Kings power signified by the Royal assent was added to them The Minor being granted by our Author as before is shewed the Major is only to be proved And for the proof hereof I am to put the Reader in minde of a Petition or Remonstrance exhibited to the King by the House of Commons Anno 1532. in which they shewed themselves agrieved that the Clergy of this Realm should act Authoritatively and Supremely in the Convocations and they in Parliament do nothing but as it was confirmed and ratified by the Royal assent By which it seems that there was nothing then desired by the House 〈◊〉 â—ommons but that the Convocation should be brought down to the same level with the Houses of Parliament and that their Acts and Constitutions should not binde the Subject as before in their Goods and Possessions untill they were confirmed and ratified by the Regal power The Answer unto which Remonstrance being drawn up by Dr. Gardiner then newly made Bishop of Winchester and allowed of by both Houses of Convocation was by them presented to the King But the King not satisfied with this Answer â—â—solves to bring them to his bent leâ—t else perhaps they might have acted something to the hindrance of his divorce which was at that time in agitation and therefore on the 10 of May he sends a paper to them by Dr. Fox after Bishop of Hereford in which it was peremptorily required That no Constitution or Ordinance shall be hereafter by the Clergy Enacted Promulged or put in Execution unlesse the Kings Highness do approve the same by his high Authority and Royal assent and his advice and favour be also interponed for the execution of every such constitution among his Highnesse Subjects And though the Clergy on the receipt of this paper remov'd first to the Chappel of St. Katherines and after unto that of St. Dunstan to consult about it yet found they no Saint able to inspiâ—e them with a resolution contrary to the Kings desires and therefore upon the Wednesday following being the 15 of the same Moneth they made their absolute submission binding themselves in Verbo Sacerdotii not to make or execute any Canons or other Synodical Constitutions but as they were from time to time enabled by the Kings Authority But this submission being made unto the King in his single person and not as in conjunction with his Houses of Parliament could neither bring the Convocation under the command of Parliaments nor render them obnoxious to the power thereof as indeed it did not But to the contrary hereof it is said by our Author that Fol. 194. He viz. the King by the advice and consent of his Clergy in Convocation and great Councel in Parliament resolved to reform the Church under his inspection from grosse abuses crept into it To this I need no other Answer then our Author himself who though in this place he makes the Parliament to be joyned in Commission with the Convocation as if a joynt Agent in that great business of Reforming the Church yet in another place he tels us another tale For fol. 188. it will appear saith he and I can tell from whom he saith it upon serious examination that there was nothing done in the Reformation of Religion save what was acted by the Clergy in their Convocations or grounded on some Act of theirs precedent to it with the Advice Counsel and Consent of the Bishops and most eminent Churchmen confirmed upon the Postfact and not otherwise by the Civill Sanction according to the usage of the best and happiest times of Christianity So then the Reformation of the Church was acted chiefly by the King with the advice of the Clergy in their Convocation the confirmation on the post-fact by the King in Parliament and that by his leave not in all the Acts and Particulars of it but in some few only for which consult the Tract entituled The Way and Manner of the Reformation of the Church of England Now as our Author makes the Parliament a joynt Assistant with the King in the Reformation so he conferreth on Parliaments the supreme Power of ratifying and confirming all Synodicall Acts. Fol. 199. The Parliament saith he did notifie and declare that Ecclesiasticall power to be in the King which the Pope had formerly unjustly invaded Yet so that they reserved to themselves the confirming power of all Canons Ecclesiastical so that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament But certainly there â—is no such matter in that Act of Parliament in which the submission of the Clergy and the Authority of the King grounded thereupon is notified and recorded to succeeding times nor any such reservation to themselves of a confirming power as our Author speaks of in any Act of Parliament I can knowingly and boldly say it from that time to this Had there been any such Priviledge any such Reservation as is here declared their power in confirming Ecclesiastical Canons had been Lord Paramount to the Kings who could have acted nothing in it but as he was enabled by his Houses of Parliament Nor is this only a new and unheard of Paradox an Heterodoxie as I may call it in point of Law but plainly contrary to the practice of the Kings of England from that time to this there being no Synodical Canons or Constitutions I dare as boldly say this too confirmed in Parliament or any otherwise ratified then by the superadding of the Royal assent For proof whereof look we no further then the Canons of 603 and 640 confirmed by the two Kings respectively and without any other Authority concurring with them in these following words viz. We have therefore for Us our Heirs and lawful Successors of our especial Grace certain knowledge and meer motion given and by these pâ—esents do give our Royal assent according to the foâ—m of the said Statute or Act of Parliament aforesaid to all and every of
Lactantius has it Posterity is too soon taught to follow the ill examples of their Predecessors And though he press it not so home as Clesselius did yet when the gap is once set open and the Hedge of Authority torn down bloodshed and war and other acts of open violence will come in of course So that we may affirm of this dangerous Doctrine as the Sorbonists once did of the Iesuites viz. Videtur in negotio sidei periculosa pacis Ecclesiae perturbativa magis ad destructionem quà m ad aedificationem But I have staid too long upon these first Notes I now proceed unto the rest Fol. 54. This Parliament being very active in matters of Religion the Convocation younger Brother thereunto was little employed and less regarded Our Author follows his design of putting matters of Religion into the power of Parliaments though he hath chosen a very ill Medium to conclude the point This Parliament as active as he seems to make it troubled it self so little with matters of Religion that had it done less it had done just nothing All that it did was the Repealing of some Acts made in the time of Queen Mary and setling matters in the same State in which she found them at her first coming to the Crown The Common Prayer Book being reviewed and fitted to the use of the Church by some godly men appointed by the Queen alone receiv'd no other confirmation in this present Parliament then what it had before in the last years of King Edward The Supremacy was again restor'd as it had been formerly the Title of Supreme head which seem'd offensive unto many of both Religioâ—s being changed into that of Supreme Governor nothing in all this done de novo which could entitle this Parliament to such activity in matters of Religion but that our Author had a minde to undervalue the Convocation as being little imployed and less regarded I grant indeed that the Convocation of that year did only meet for forms sake without acting any thing and there was very good reason for it The Bishops at that time were so â—enaciously addicted to the Church of Rome that they chose all except Anthony Kitchin of Landaffe rather to lose their Bishopricks then take the Oath of Supremacy So that there was little or no hope of doing any thing in Convocation to the Queens content in order to the Reformation of Religion which was then design'd had they been suffered to debate treat and conclude of such particulars as had relation thereunto But we shall see when things are somewhat better setled that the activity of the next Convocation will make amends for the silence and unsignificancy of this In the mean time I would fain know our Authors Reason why speaking of the Convocation and the Parlialiament in the notion of Twins the Convocation must be made the younger Brother Assuredly there had been Convocations in the Church of England some hundreds of years before the name of Parliament had been ever heard of which he that lists to read the collection of Councils published by that learned and industrious Gentleman Sir Henry Spelman cannot but perceive Fol. 71. This year the spire of Poles steeple covered with lead strangely fell on fire More modestly in this then when he formerly ascribes the burning of some great Abbeys to Lightning from heaven And so this steeple was both reported and believed to be fired also it being an ordinary thing in our Common Almanacks till these latter times to count the time among the other Eâ—oches of Computation from the year that St. Paul-steeple was fired with Lightning But afterwards it was acknowledg'd as our Author truly notes to be done by the negligence of a Plummer carelesly leaving his Coles therein â—â—nce which acknowledgement we finde no mention of this accident in our yearly Almanacks But whereas our Author finds no other Benefactors for the repairing of this great Ruine but the Queens bounty and the Clergieâ— Benevolence I must needs tell him that these were only accessories to the principall charge The greatest part hereof or to say better the whole work was by the Queen imposed on the City of London it being affirmed by Iohn Stow that after this mischance the Queens Majesty directed her Letters to Sâ—ow Suâ—veâ— the Maior willing him to take order for the speedy repairing of the same And in pursuance of that order besides what issued from the publick stock in the Chamber of London the Citizens gave first a great Benevolence and after that three Fifteens to be speedily paid What the Queen did in the way of furtherance or the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury in the way of help is to be lookt upon as their free voluntary Act no otherwise obliged thereto but as the publick Honour of the Church and State did invite them to it The Maior and City were the parties upon whom the command was laid as most concerned in the Repair of their own Cathedâ—al Which I thought good to put our Author in minde oâ— as a fault of omission only leaving such use as may be made of the Observation to the 〈◊〉 of others Fol. 71. Here I would fain be informed by some learned men in the Law what needed the restoring of those Children whose â—ather was condemned and died only for Heresie which is conceived a personal crime and not tainting the blâ—nd The Parliament this year had passed an Act for the Restitution in bloud of the children of Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterbury for which our Author as it seems can see no reason in regard he was condemned and died only for Heresie For though saith he this Archbishop was first accused of High-Treason yet it afterward was waved and he tryed upon Heretical opinions But in this our Author is mistaken For though Cranmer was condemned and died for Heresie yet he was not condemned for that only nor was the accusation for Treason wav'd as he saith it was but the conviction of him as an Heretick superadded to it Being accused of High-Treason for subscribing though unwillingly to the Proclamation of the Lady Iane he was committed to the Tower on the 15. of September and on the 13. of November following arraigned at the Guildhall in London and there convicted and condemned together with the said Lady Iane the Lord Guilford Dudley her Husband and the Lord Ambrose Dudley her Husbands Brother Of which four the Lady Iane and her Husband only suffered death on that condemnation the Lord Ambrose Dudley being reprieved for a better fortune and the Archbishop reserved for a moâ—e cruell death For the Queen finding it more satisfactory to the Court of Rome to have him burnt for an Heretick then hanged for a Traytor and being implacably bent against him for his activeness in the Divorce thought good to wave her first proceeding and to have him put to death for Heresie But the Attainder holding still good at the Common-Law there was great reason
â—bâ—tted and confirm'd by his following Doctrines the name of Puritan though first found out to denote such as followed Calvin in dissenting from the Hierarâ—hy in Disciplin and Church-government might not unfitly be applyed to such as maintain'd his Doctrines also But of this Argument enough I shall adde only and so proceed to other businesses that Mr. Fox is brougâ—â— in as required to subscribe to the Canons by Archbishop Parker whereas there were at that time no Canons to subscribe unto nor is it the custom of the Church to require subscription unto Canons but unto those only who consented to the making of them Fol. 9â— John Felton who fastned the Popes Bull to the Palace â—f London being takenâ— and refusing to fly was hanged on a Gibbet before the Popes Palace The Bull here mention'd was that of Pope Pius the fifth for excommunicating Qâ—een Elizabeth which this Iohn Felton a 〈◊〉 Papist had hang'd up at the Gates of the Bishop of Londâ—â—s House that the Subjects might take noâ—â—â—e of it and for that fact was hang'd neer the same 〈…〉 he had offended But why our Author should call the Bishop of Londons House by the name of the Popes 〈◊〉 I do very much wonder unless it were to hold 〈◊〉 with the style of Martin Mar-Prelate and the 〈…〉 Faction Amongst whom nothing was more common then to call all Bishops Petty-Popes more particularly to call the Archbishop of Canterbury the Pope of Lambeth and the Bishop of London Pope of London But I hope more charitably then so being more willing to impure it to the fault of the Printers then the pen of our Author I only adde that to make even with this Iohn Felton a zealous Papist another Iohn Felton of the next age a zealous Puritan committed that execrable murther on the Duke of Buckingham Fol. 98. Against covetous Conformists it was provided that no Spiritual Person Colledge or Hospital shall let lease other then for twenty one years or three lives c. No mention in the Statute of Covernous Conâ—ormists I am sure of that and therefore no provision to be made against them the Coverous Conformist is our Authors own I finde indeed that long and unreasonable Leases had been 〈◊〉 by Colledges Deans and Chapters Parsons Vicarâ— and other â—aving Spiritual promotions which being found to 〈◊〉 the causes of Dilapidations and the decay of all Spiritual Livings and Hospitality and the utter impoverishing of all Successors incumbents in the same the Parliament thought it high time to provide against it In all which Bedroll it were strange if we should finde no Non-conformists who had by this time got a great part of the Church Preferments and were more likely to occasion those diâ—apidations then the regular and conformable Clergy these laâ—â—â— looking on the Church with an eye to succession the former being intent only on the present profit And if we mark it well we shall finde that Coverousness and Non-conformity are so married together that it is not easie to divorce them though here the crime of coverousness be wrongfully charg'd on the Conformists to make them the more odious in the eye of the vulgar Reader High Royalists in one place Covetous Conformists in another are no good signs of true affections to Conformity and much less to Royalty Fol. 121. These Prophesyings were founded on the Apostles Precept For ye may all Prophesie one by one that all may learn and all be comforted but so as to make it out they were fain to make use of humane prudential Additions Not grounded but pretended to be grounded on those words of St. Paul the Prophesying there spoke of not being 〈◊〉 be drawn into example in the change of times when 〈…〉 of the Spirit were more restrain'd and limited then they had been formerly For were they gâ—â—â—nded on that Text it had been somewhat sawcily done to adde their own prudential Additions to the direction and dictamen of the holy Spirit A course much favoured as it seems by Archbishop Grindal whose Letter to the Queen is recommended to the welcom of the pious Reader fol. 122. But both the Queen and her wise Councel conceiv'd otherwise of it looking upon these Prophesyings as likely to prove in fine the â—ane of the Common-wealth as our Author hath it Noâ— did King Iames conceive any better of them as appeareth by the conference at Hampton Court in which it was mov'd by Dr. Reynolds chief of the Millenary party That the Clergy might have meetings once every three weeks and therein to have â—â—â—phesying according as the Reverend Father Archbishop Grindall and other Bishops desired of her late Majesty No said the King looking upon this motion as a preamble to a Scottish Presbytery then Iack and Iâ—m and Will and Dick shall at their pleasures ceâ—â—â—re me and my Councel and all our proceedings then Will shall stand up and say It must be thus then Dick shall reply and say Nay marry but we will have it thus And therefore stay I pray you for one 7 years before you demand that of me and then if you finde me 〈◊〉 and fat and my windepipes stuffed I will perhaps hearken to you for if that government be once up I am sure I shall be kept in breath then shall we all of us have work enough both our hands full But let King Iames and Queen Elizabeth conceive what they will our Author hath declared it to be Gods and the Churches cause fol. 130. And being such it is enough to make any man consident in pleading for it or appearing in it Fol. 135. A loud Parliament is always attended with a silent Convocation as here it came to pass The Activity of the former in Church matters left the latter nothing to do A man would think by this that the Parliament of this year being the 23. of the Queen had done great feats in matters of Religion as making new Aâ—ticles of Faith or confirming Canons or something else of like importance But for all this great cry we have little wool our Author taking notice of nothing else which was done this Parliament but that it was madeâ— eason for the Priests or Jesuites to seduce any of the Queens Subjects to the Romish Religion and for the Subâ—ects to be reconciled to the Church of Rome with other matters nor within the power and cognizance of the Convocation But he conceals another Statute as necessary to the peace and safety of the Church and State as the other was By which it was Enacted that if any person or persons should advisedly devise or write print or set â—orth any manner of Book Rime Ballade Letter or Writing containing any false seditious and sâ—anderous matter to the defamation of the Queens Majesty or to the incouraging stirring or moving of any Inâ—â—â—rection or Rebellion within this Realm c. or that shall procure or cause such Book Rime Ballade c. to be written printed published or set
also I finde in the History of Cambridge about Dr. Baroâ— of whom our Author tels us thus Fol. 125. Hist. Cam. The end of Dr. Peter Baro the Margaret Professor his triennial Lectures began to draw neer C. And not long after the Vniversity intended to cut him off at the just joint when his three yâ—ars should be expired This shews our Author though well travelled in other Countries to be but peregrinus domi a stranger in his own University in which the Margaret Professor is not chosen for three years but for two years only And this appears plainly by the Statutes of that Foundation the precise words whereof are these viz. Et volumus insuper quod de caetero quolibet biennio ultimo die cessationis cujustibet termini ante magnam vacationem Vniversitatis praedictae una habilis apta idonea persona in lectorem lecturae praedictae pro uno biennio integro viz. a festo Nativitatis B. Mariae virginis tunc proximè sequente duntaxat durature eligatur fol. 105. in nigro cedice For this I am beholding to the Author of the Pamphlet called the Observator observed and thank him for it Which said we shall close up this ninth Book with some considerations on these following words which our Author very ingenuously hath laid before us viz. Fol. 233. If we look on the Non-conformists we shall finde all still and quiet who began now to repose themselves in a sad silence especially after the execution of Udal and Penry had so terrified them that though they might have secret dâ—signs we meet not their open and publick motions And to say truth it was high time for them to change their course in which they had so often been foil'd and worsted The learned works of Dr. Bilson after Bishop of Winchester in defence of the Episcopal Government of Dr. Cousins Dean of the Arches in mâ—intenance of the proceedings in â—ourts Ecclesiastical with the two Books of Dr. Bancroft the one discovering the absurdities of the Pretended holy Discipline the other their practices Positions to advance the same gave the first check to their proceedings at the push of pen. All which being publisht An. 1593. were seconded about two years after by the accurate well studied Works of Ric. Hooker then Master of the Temple and Prebend of Canterbury in which he so asserted the whole body of the English Liturgy laid such grounds to found her politie upon that he may justly be affirmed to have struck the last blow in this Quarrel But it was not so much the Arguments of these learned 〈◊〉 as the seasonable execution of some principal sticklers which occasioned the great calm both in Church and State not only for the rest of the Queens time but a long time after For besides that Cartright and some other of the principal and most active Leaders had been imprison'd and proceeded against in the Court of Starchamber the edge of the Statute 23 Eliz. c. 2. which before we spake of had made such terrible work amongst them that they durst no longer venture on their former courses Copping and Thacker hang'd at St. Edmondsbury in Suffolk Barrow and Greenwood executed at Tyburn and Penry at St. Thomas of Waterings Vdal Billot Studley and Bouler condemned to the same death though at last reprieved not to say any thing of Hackeâ— with Coppinger and Arthington his two Propheâ—s as more mad then the rest could not but teach them this sad lesson that 〈◊〉 is no safe dallying with fire nor jesting with edge tools But there are more wayes to the Wood then one and they had wit enough to cast about for some other way sâ—nce the first had fail'd them Hac non successit aliâ tentandum est 〈◊〉 had been learn't in vain if not reducible to practice So that it is no marvel if after this we finde them not in any publick and open motion when wearied with their former blusterings and terrified with the sad remembrâ—nce of such executions they betook themselves to secret and more dark designs Occultior Pompeius Caesare non mesior as it is in Tacitus Pompeys intentions were not less mischievous to the Common-wealth then Caesars were but more closely carried And bâ—cause closely carryed the more likely to have took effect had any but Caesar been the head of the opposite party The Fort that had been found impregnable by open batteries hath been took at last by undermining Nor ever were the Houses of Parliament more like to have been blown up with gunpowder then when the Candle which was to give fire to it was carried by 〈◊〉 in a dark 〈◊〉 Henceforward therefore we shall finde the Brethren 〈◊〉 anothâ—â— ward practising their party underhand working their business into a State-faction and never so dangerously carrying on the 〈◊〉 as when least observed Fill in the end when all preventions were let slip and the danger grown beyond prevention they brought their matters to that end which we shall finde too evidently in the end of this History To which before we can proceed we must look back upon a passage of another 〈◊〉 which without 〈◊〉 the coherencies of the former Observations could not be taken notice of and rectifed in its proper place and is this that followeth Fol. 179. Queen Elizabeth coming to the Crown senâ— for Abbot Fecknam to come to her whom the Messenger found setting of Elms in the Orchard of Westminster Abbey But he would not follow the messenger till first he had finished his Plantation â— The tale goes otherwise by Tradition then is here delivered and well it may For who did ever hear of my Elms in Westminster Orchard or to say truth of any Elms in any Orchard whatsoever of a late Plantation Elms are for Groves and Fields and Forests too cumbersom and over-spreading to be set in Orchards But the tale goes that Abbot Feckâ—anâ— being busied in planting Elms near his Garden wall in the place now 〈◊〉 the Deaâ—s-yard was encountred with one of his acquaintance saying My Lord you may very well save your labour the Bill for dissolving of your Monastery being just now passed To which the good old man unmoved returned this answer that he would go forwards howsoever in his plantation not doubting though it pleased not God to continue it in the state it was but that it would be kept and used as a 〈◊〉 of Learning for all times ensuing Which said our 〈◊〉 need not trouble himself with thinking how his 〈…〉 this day as he seems to do he knows where to finde them ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Tenth Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reign of King James THE Puritan clamors being hush'd and the Papists giving themselves some hopes of better dayes afforded King Iames a quiet entrance to the Crown But scarce was he warm upon the Throne but the Puritans assaulted him with their Petitions and some of the Papists finding their hopes began to fail them turned
their private discontents into open practices endeavouring to settle their Religion by the destruction of the King and the change of Government And first beginning with the Papists because first in time Fol. 5. Watson with William Clark another of his own profession having fancied a Notional Treason imparted it to George Brooks To these he after adds the Lord Cobham a Protestant the Lord Gray of Whaddon a Puritan and Sir Walter Rawleigh an able Statesman and some other Knights In the recital of which names our Author hath committed a double fault the one of omission and the other of commission A fault of omission in leaving out Sir Griffith Markham as much concerned as any of the principal actors design'd to have been Secretary of Estate had the Plot succeeded and finally arraign'd and condemn'd at Winchester as the others were His fault of commission is his calling the Lord Gray by the name of the Lord Gray of Whaddon a fault not easily to be pardon'd in so great an Herald whereas indeed though Whaddon in Buckinghamshire was part of his Estate yet Wilton in Herefordshire was his Barony and antâ—ent Seat his Ancestors being call'd LL. Gray of Wilton to difference them from the Lord Gray of Reuthen the Lord Gray of Codnor c. Having thus satisfied our Author in this particular I would gladly satisfie my self in some others concerning this Treason in which I finde so many persons of such different humors and Religions that it is very hard to think how they could either mingle their interefles or unite their counsels But discontentments make men fuel fit for any fire and discontents had been on purpose put upon some of them the more to estrange them from the King and the King from them And though I am not Oedipus enough for so dark a Sphinx yet others who have had more light into the businesses of that time have made their discontents to grow upon this occasion Sir Robert Cecil then principal Secretary to the Estate fearing the great abilities of Rawleigh and being wearied with the troublesome impertinencies of Gray and Cobham all which had joyned with him in design against the Earl of Essex their common Enemy had done their errand to Kings Iames whose counsels he desired to ingross to himself alone before his coming into England And the Plot took so good effect that when the Lord Cobham went to meet the King as he came towards London the King checked him being then Warden of the Cinqne Ports for his absence from his charge in that dangerous time The Lord Gray was not look'd upon in the Court as he had been formerly there being no longer use of his rashness and praecipitations And the better to discountenance Rawleigh who had been Captain of the Guard to Queen Elizabeth the King bestowed that Office on Sir Thomas Erskin then Vicount Fenton and Captain of his Guard in Scotland All which being publickly observ'd it was no haâ—d matter for George Brook to work upon the weak spiâ—its of Gray and Cobâ—am of which the last was his brother and the first his brothers special friend and by such Artifices as he us'd in laying before them their disgraces and shewing them a way to right themselves to draw them into the confederacy with Clark and Watson And it is possible that they not being substantive enough to stand alone might acquaint Rawleigh with the Plot whose head was able to do more then all their hands But of his actings in it or consenting to it when the paâ—ties were brought unto their Tryal there appear'd no proof but that Cobham in his confession taken before the Lords had accus'd him of it and that not only as an accessary but a principal actor But Cobham not being brought into the open Court to justifie his accusation face to face as the custom as it was thought a good argument by many that Rawleigh was not so criminal in this matter as his Enemies made him And though found guilty by the Jury on no other evidence then a branch of Cobhams confession not so much as subscribed by his hand yet all men were not satisfied in the manner of this proceeding it being then commonly affirm'd that Cobham had retracted his accusation as since it hath been said and printed that in a letter written the night before his Tryal and then sent to the Lordâ—â— he cleared Rawlâ—igh from all manner of Treasons against the King or State for which consult the Observations upon some particular Persons and passages c. printed Anno 1656. But from the practices of the Papists which have led me thus far out of my way it is now time that I proceed to the Petition of the Puritans presented to the King much about that time Fol. 7. This called the Millenary Petition And it was called so because given out to be subscribed by 〈◊〉 thousand hands though it wanted a fourth part of thiâ— number More modest now then they had been in Pâ—â—ries time when in stead of one thousand they threatnâ—â— to bring a Petition which should be presented by the hands of a hundred thousand More modest also in the style and phrase of their Petition and in the subject Mâ—â—ter of it then they had been when Martin Mar Prâ—â—â—rul'd the Rost and would be satisfied with nothing 〈◊〉 the ruine of the English Hierarchy Which notwithstanding the King thought fit to demur upon it and 〈◊〉 commended the answering of their Petition to the Uâ—â—versity of Oxford and was done accordingly The Anâ—â—â— and Petition printed not long after gave the first stopâ—â— this importunity represt more fully by the Conferâ—â—â— at Hampton-Court of which it is told us by our Authâ—â— how some of the Millenary party complained that 〈◊〉 Fol. 21. This Conference was partially set forth only 〈◊〉 Dr. Barlow Dean of Chester their professed Adversaâ—â— to the great disadvantage of their Divines If so 〈◊〉 did it come to pass that none of their Divines thâ—â— present noâ— any other in their behalf did ever manifeâ—â— the world the partialities and falsehoods of it The 〈◊〉 was printed not long after the end of the Conference publickly passing from one hand to another and neâ— convicted of any such crime as it stands charged with 〈◊〉 any one particular pâ—â—â—age to this very day Only pleas'd some of the Zealoâ—s to scatter abroad some triâ—â—ing Papers not amounting to half a sheet amongst them which tended to the holding up of their sinking Party and being brought by Dr. Barlow were by him put in Print and publisht at the end of his Book Vt deterrim comparatione gloriam sibi compararet in the words of Tacitus He could not better manifest his own abilities then by having those weak and imperfect Scribbles for a foil unto them And here before I leave this conference I must make a start to fol. 91. for rectifying a mistake of our Authors which relates unto it Where speaking of Dr. King then Bishop of London and
be true or false I am not able to sâ—y but being generally believ'd I have set it down also Bâ—t my other story is more serious intended for the satisfaction of our Author and the Reader both It was in Nobember Anno 1639. that I receiv'd a message from the Lord Archbishop to attend him the next day at two of the clock in the afternoon The Key being tuâ—n'd which opened the way into his Study I found him sitting in a chair holding a paper in both hands and his eyes so fixt upon that paper that he observ'd me not at my coming in Finding him in that posture I thought it fit and manners to retire again But the noise I made by my retreat bringing him back unto himself he recall'd me again and told me after some short pawse that he well remembred that he had sent for me but could not tell for his life what it was about After which he was pleas'd to say noâ— without tears standing in his eyes that he had then newly receiv'd a letter acquainting him with a Revolt of a Person of some Quality in North-Wales to the Church of Rome that he knew that the increase of Popery by such frequent Revolâ—s would be imputed unto him and his Brethren the Bishops who were all leâ—st guilty of the same that for his part he had done his utmost so far forth as it might consist with the Rules of Prudence and the Pâ—eservation of the Church to suppress that party and to bring the chief sticklers in it to condign punishment to the truth whereof lifting up his wet eyes to Heaven he took God to witness conjuring me as I would answer it to God at the day of Judgement that if ever I came to any of those places which he and his Brethren by reason of their great age were not like to hold long I would imploy all such abilities as God had given me in suppressing that party who by their open undeâ—takings and secret practices were like to be the ruinâ— of this flourishing Church After some words of mine upon that occasion I found some argument to divert him from those sad remembrances and having brought him to some reasonable composedness I took leave for the present and some two or three dayes after waiting on him again he then told me the reason of his sending for me the time before And this I deliver for a truth on the faith of a Christian which I hope will over-ballance any Evidence which hath been brought to prove such Popish inclinations as he stands generally charg'd with in our Authors History Fol. 217. However most apparent it is by many passages in his life that he endeavoured to take up many controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome And this indeed is Novum Crimen that is to say a crime of a new stamp never coyn'd before I thought that when our Saviour said Beati Pacifici it had been sufficient warâ—ant unto any man to endevour Peace to build up the breacheâ— in the Church and to make Ierusalem like a City which is at Vnity in it self especially where it may be done not only salva charitare without breach of charity but salvâ fide too without wrong to the faith The greatest part of the Controversies betwixt us and the Church of Rome not being in the Fundamentals oâ— in any Essential Points in the Christian Religion I cannot otherwise look upon it but as a most Christian pious work to endeavour an atonement in the Sâ—perstructures But hereof our Author seems to doubt first whether 〈◊〉 endeavours to agree and compose the differences be lawâ—ul or not and secondly whether they be possible As for the lawfulness thereof I could never see any reason produc'd against it nor so much as any question made of it till I found it here against the possibility thereof it hath been objected that such and so great is the pride of the Church of Rome that they will condescend to nothing And therefore if any such composition or agreement be made it must not be by their meeting us but our going to them But as our Author sayes that many of the Archbishops equals adjudg'd that design of his to be impossible so I may say without making any such odious Comparisons that many of our Authors betters have thought otherwise of it It was the petulancy of the Puritans on the one side and the pragmaticalness of the Iesuits on the other side which made the breach wider then it was at the first and had those hot spirits on both sides been charm'd a while moderate men might possibly have agreed on such equal terms as would have said a sure Foundation for the Peace of Christendom Now that all those in the Church of Rome are not so stiffly wedded to their own opinions as our Author makes them appears first by the testimony of the Archbishop of Spalato declaring in the High Commission a little before his going hence that he acknowledged the Articles of this Church to be true or profitable at the least and none of them Heretical It appears secondly by a Tractate of Franciscus de Sancta Clara as he calls himself in which he putteth such a gloss upon the nine and thirty Articles of the Church of England as rendreth them not inconsistent with the Doctrines of the Church of Rome And if without prejudice to the truth the Controversies might have been compos'd it is most probable that other Protestant Churches would have sued by their Agents to be included in the Peace if not the Church of England had lost nothing by it as being hated by the Calvinists and not lov'd by the Lutherans But our Author will not here desist so soon hath he forgotten his own rule made in the case of Mr. Love and therefore mustereth up his faults viz. 1. Passion though an human frailty 2. His severity to his predecessor easing him before his time and against his will of his Iurisdiction 3. His over-medling in State-matters 4. His imposing of the Scottish Liturgy Of all which we have spoke so much upon other occasions that is to say num 246. 251. 289. 259. and therefore do not count it necessary to adde any thing here And so I leave him to his rest in the Bosom of Abraham in the land of thâ— Living From the Archbishop of Canterbury I should proceed to Dr. Williams Archbishop of York but that I must first remove a Block which lies in my way Our Author having told us of the making and printing the Directory is not content to let us see the cold entertainment which it found when it came abroad but letâ— us see it in such terms as we did not look for Fol. 222. Such saith he was call it constancy or obstinacy love or doating of the generality of the Nation on the Common Prayer that the Parliament found it fit yea necessary to back their former Ordinance with a second Assuredly the generality of the people of
may affirm of him as the Historian doth of Caiuâ— Câ—â—sar Son of Agrippa and Nephew to the great Augustus viz. Tam varie se gessit ut nec laudaturum magna nec vituperaâ—urum mediocriâ— materia deficiat as my Author hath it And with the same Character accommodated to our Author and this present History I conclude these Notes subjoyning only this old Saying as well for my comfort as defence viz. Truth though it may be blam'd can never be sham'd AN APPENDIX To the fore-going ANIMADVERSIONS CONTAINING THE APOLOGY OF Dr. IOHN COSINS Dean of PETER BVRROVGH In Answer to some Passages in the Church-History of BRITAIN In which He finds himself concerned AN APPENDIX To the fore-going ANIMADVERSIONS c. T IS well known to some in London that the fore-going Animadversions were finished and fitted for the Press before Michaelmas Anno 1657. the reasons why they have lain so long unpublished were these two especially First A Report that the Task was undertaken by a Cambridge man who had more knowledge of the Author whom I had to deale with then I can pretend to and I desired rather that the burthen of it the publick satisfaction to all parties intrusted should be born by any then my self Secondly There was a generall opinion spred abroad in all places to what ends I know not nor much care that the Church Historian was in hand with a Review of the Work before us in which he was resolved to make some fair amends to Truth to correct the errors of his Pen and to make reparation to the injured Clergy and to say truth there was none fitter then himself for that undertaking none fitter to give Plaisters for the broken headâ— then the man that breakâ— them The Poet waâ— right enough in this â—â—m qui mihi vulâ—er◠〈◊〉 Solus Achilleo tollere more potest That is to say None but the man who gave the Wound Achilles like could make it sound But the Reports being thought at last to have somewhat in them of design or artifice to stave off the business I was sollicited with greater importunity to pâ—blish the fore-going Animâ—dversions then I was at firâ—â— to undertake them The Reader notwithstanding will be no looser by this delay For first It gave me leasure and opportunity of bestowing my second thought upon the Animadverâ—â—ons adding here and there some Observations which before were wanting And secondly It brought into my hands the Apâ—logie oâ— Doctor Iohn Cosens Dean of Peterburrough in answer to some passages of our present History directed in the way of a Letter to one Mr. VVarren now deceased with a desire to have them communicated to the Author of some Animadversions upon that History which he was credibly informed by what intelligence I know notâ— to be then in readiness I shall therefore do him so much right as to communicate his Papers to 〈◊〉 publick view First laying down Mr. Fâ—â—â—ers word◠〈◊〉 they lye in his Hiâ—â—ory and then leaving Dr. Cosâ—ns to speak for himself So doing I shall keep my self from engaging upon either â—ide and leave the Reader to judge indifferently between the pâ—rtiâ—â— as h◠〈◊〉 occâ—sion Mr. Fullers Charge on Dr. Cosens Lib 11. fol. 173. DR Cosens soon after was highly accused for Superstition and unjust proceedings against one Mr. Smart on this occasion The Doctor is charged to have set upon the Church of Durham a Mâ—rble Altar with Cherubins which cost two thousand pounds with all the Appurtenances thereof namely a Cope with the Trinity and God the Father in the Figure of an old man another with the Crucifix and Image of Christ with a red Bewd and blew Cap besides he was accused for lighting two hundred Wax Candles about the Altar on Candlâ—maâ— day for forbidding any Psalmes to be sung before or after Sermon though making an Antheme to be sung of the three Kings of Colen by the names of Gasper Balthazar and Melchior and for procuring a consecrated Knife only to cut the Bread at the Communion 35. Mr. Smart a Prebendary of the Church one of grave Aspect and reverend Presence sharply inveighed in a Sermon against these Innovations taking for his Text I hate all those that â—old superâ—â—itioâ—s Vanities but thy Law I love 36. Hereupon he was kâ—pt Prisoner foure Months by the High Commission of York before any Articles were exhibited against him and five Months before any Proctor was allowed him hence was he carried to thâ— High Commission at Lambâ—th and after long trouble remanded to York fined five hundred pounds committed to Prison ordered to recant and for neglect thereof fined again Excommunicated Degraded and Deprived his Damage as brought in amounting to many thousand pounds 37. But now Mr. Rows of the House of Commons bringing up the Charge to the Lords against Dr. Cosens termed Mr. Smart the Protomartyr of England in these latter daies of Persecution and large reparation was allowed to him though he lived not long after to enjoy them Now though none can excuse and defend Dr. Cosens his carriage herein yet this must be reported to his due commendation some yeares after getting over into France he neither joyned with the Church of French Protestants at Charen Town nigh Paris nor kept any Communion with the Papists therein but confined himself to the Church of English Protestants therein where by his pious living constant praying and preaching he reduced some Recusants to and confirmed more Doubters in the Protestant Religion Many were his Encounters with Jesuits and Priests defeating the suspicions of his Foes and exceeding the expectacion of his Friends in the success of such Disputes PARIS April 6. 1658. The Answer of Dr. Cosins to the Charge foregoing Sir I Am glad to hear from you of your safe Arrivall in England and I am to thank both you and other of my Friends that intend to vindicate me from the Injury done no less to Truth then to my self by a passage in Mr. Fullers History which I beleive he inserted there as he doth many things besides upon the false Reports and Informations of other men that were loath to let an old malicious Accusation dye as it might well enough have done if he had not kept it up still alive and recorded it to Posteâ—ity whereof he is so sensible already himself that by his own Letter directed to me more then a year since he offered to make me amends in the next Book he writeâ— but he hath not done it yet Having never been acquainted with him more then by his Books which have many petulant light and indiscreet passages in them I know not how to trust him and therefore if the Authors of the intended Animadversions which you mention will be pleased to do me right you may assure thâ—m there is nothing but Truth in this ensuing Relation Mr. Smart who had been Schoolmaster and after became Prebendery of Durham was an old man of a most froward fierce and unpeaceable Spirit
was I from making any Aâ—theme to be sung of the three Kings of Colen as that I maâ—e iâ— when I first saw it to be torn in pieces and I my selâ— cut it out of the old Song Books belonging to the Choristers School with a Penknife that lay by at my very first coming to reside in that Colledge But sure I was that no such Antheme had been sung in the Qâ—ire during all my time of attendance there nor for ought that any the eldest persons of the Church and Town could tell or ever heard to the contrary for fifâ—y or threescore years before and more 9. That there was indeed an ordinary Knife I confess provided and laid ready among other things belonging to the Administration of the Communion for the cutting of the Bread and divers other uses in the Church Vestry that when the under Officers there had any occasion to use a Knife they might not be put to go to seek one abroad But that it was ever consecrated or so called otherwise then as Mr. Smart and some of his Followers had for their pleasure put that appellâ—tion upon it I never heard nor I believe any body â—lse that lived here among us There were divers other Articles of this nature in the Bill of Complaint whereof Mr. Smart could not prove any one to which I gave the like Answers as I did here to these but Mr. Fullers History makes no mention of them 10. Touching Mr. Smarts Sermon I made answer and submitted his censure to the prudent and religious consideration of the Lords whether he was not justly condemned to be scandalous and seditious by his preaching thereof and I represented many passages in it disagreeable to the Laws of God and his Church and repugnant to the publick Statutes of Parliament 11. For which after we had begun â—o question him in the High Commission Court at Durham where we endeavoured to reduce him to a better mind and to an unity with the Church against which he had so injuriously and intemperatly declaimed I had no further hand or meddling with the prosecution of this maâ—ter in other Courts against him more then that I wrote at the speciall instance of Judge Yelverton a Letter in his behalf to the Archbishop of York and the Commissioners there which I procured the Dean and most of the Prâ—bendaries of Durham to sign and subscribe with me earnestly intreating for him that upon any due sence of his â—ault he might be quietly sent back to us again in hope that he would hereafter live in better peace and concord with us as he promised both judge Yelverton and us to do then he had done before 12. The cruell usage and imprisonment that he suffered whereof Mr. Fuller taketh speciall notice and makes a Marginall mark at it was as I have been credible assured nothing else but a faire and gentle treatment of him in an Officers House at York to whom he was committed for a while and paid little for it Iâ— is the Historians mistake here to say he was carryed â—rom York to Lambeth for he was at his own request sent from Lambeth to York the Fine thâ—t was seâ— up 〈◊〉 him he never paid and by his own wilfull loss of his Church-livings he gained a larger maintenance living at his ease and pleasure by the contribution that he got as a suspended and silenc'd Pâ—eacher though the truth was that having had a Prebend and a Benefice many years together in the Bishoprick of Durham and being alwaies in health he neglected preaching so much at them both and elsewhere besides that he was seldom noted to preach above two Sermons in a year who though he demanded many thousand poundâ— at the Parliament yet by Mr. Fullers leave the Parliament gave him none nor ordered either my self nor any other that he impeacht ever to pay him a Groat only upon Doctor Carrs death who had bâ—en put into hiâ— Prebend place he was sent by the Lords tâ— his Vicâ—rage and his Prebend again which he had little â—â—ill to take because he â—ound but little profit in comparisoâ— of what he hoped to be had by them in the mean while he took up divers great summâ— of monâ—y from some of his Partisans in London and made them believe that the Parliament would pay them all with advantage 13. There is another Marginall Note in Mr. Fuller referring as he saith to my due praise and commendation whereof he makes one part to be that I joyned not with the French Proâ—estants at Charâ—nton since I got over hither into France but I would that he and all the World should know it I never refused to joyn with the Protestants either there or any where else in all â—hings wherein they joyn with the Church of England Many of them have been here at our Church and we have been at theirs I have buried divers of our peopâ—e at Châ—renton and they pâ—rmit us to make use of their pecuâ—iar and decent Saeâ—eâ—erie here in Paris for â—hâ—t purpose which if they did not we â—hould be â—orced to bury our Dead in a Diâ—ch I have Baptized many of their Children at the request of their own Ministers with whom I have good acquaintance and find them â—o be very deserving and learned men great Lovers â—nd Honoureâ—s of our Church notwithstanding the loss which She hath lately received in externall Matâ—ers wherein we are agreed that the Essence of true Religion doth not consist Many of their people and of the best sort and quality among them have frequented our publick Prayers with great reverence and I have delivered tâ—e holy Communion to them according to our own Order which they observed religiously I have Married divers persons of good Condition among them and I have presented some of thâ—ir Sâ—hâ—llars to be ordained Deacons and Priests 〈◊〉 by our own Bishops whereof Monsieur De Tarenne's Chaplain is one and the Duke De la Force's Chaplain another and the Church at Charenton apâ—â—â—ved of it and I preached here publickly at their Ordination Besides I have been as often aâ— I had â—are time from attending our own Congregation to pray and sing Psalmes with them and to heare both the Weekly and the Sunday Sermons at Charenton whither two of my Children also pensioned here in a Protestant Family at Paris have daily repaired for that purpose with the Gentlewoman that governed them All which is abundantly enough to let the World know and see here as it doth what a vain and rash man Mr. Fuller is in his History wherein he hath done Injury to many more besides me some dead and some alive who I hope will represent his unfaithfulness in his own Country both to himself and to others I am only beholden to him for telling the tâ—uâ—h of me in one particular which is that I have by Gods blessing reduced some and preserved many others from communicating with the Papists defending the Truth of our own Religion as I have
al ove one hundred in number forcibly sâ—â—ze upon violently kept out of and driven from the House by the Officers and Souldiers of the Army under Thomas Lord Fairfax c. And thirdly We finde after this that Sir Iohn Temple Sir Martin Lumley Câ—l Booth M. Waller M. Middleton and others were turned back by such Souldiers as were appointed to keep a strict guard at the doors of the House So that the whole number of those who weâ—e imprisoned and kept under restraint or otherwise were debarred and turned back from doing their service in the House waâ— reckoned to amount to an hundred and fourty which comes to thrice as many as the 40 or 50 which our Author speaks of But to proceed the Officers of the Army having thus made themselves Masters of the House of Commons thought fit to make themselves Masters of the City also To which end they ordered two Regiments of Foot and some Troops of Horse to take up Quarters in Pauls Church and Black-fryers on Friday the 8. of the same moneth and on the â—unday following sent diverse Souldriers to be quartered in the Houses of private Citizens which notwithstanding such was their tender care not to give any diâ—turbance to them that lbid Not to fâ—ighten the City the General writes to my Lord Mayor that he had sâ—nt Col. Dean to seize the Treasuries of Haberdashers Goldsmiths and Weavers Halls where they seize on 20000.l that by the Monies he may pay his Armies Arrears The Authour whom our Historian followeth in all these late traverses of State relates this businesse more distinctly and inteâ—ligently then we finde it here viz. That two Regiments of Foot and some Troops of Horse took up Quarters in Pauls and Black-frier and seized upon 20000. l in Weavers Hall which they promised to repay when the Lord Mayor and Common Councell please to bring in the Arrears due from the City They secured likewise the Treasures of Haberdashers and Goldsmiths Hall Here we have first a seizure of the 20000. l in Weavars Hall for the use of 〈◊〉 Army and a securing of the Treasures in the other two that they might not be employed against it The 20000 l. which they found in the first was the remainder of the 200000 l. which was voted to be brought in thither for the raising of a New Presbyterian Army under the command of the Lord Willoughby of Parhâ—â— as Lord Generall and Sir Iohn Maynard as Lieutenant Generall to reduce that Army to conformity which had so successively served under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax But the other two being hard names and not very easie of digestion require somewhat which may make them lighter to the understanding of the vulgar Reader Concerning which we are to know that severall Ordinances were made by the Lords and Commons for sequestring the Estates of all such who had adhered unto the King whom to distinguish them from their own party they called Delinquents and a severe couâ—se was taken in those sequestrations as well in reference to their personall as reall Estates to make them the more considerable in the purse of the Houseâ— But finding no such great profit to come in that way when every Cook who had the dressing of that dish had lickt his fingers as they did expect they were contented to admit them to a Composition These Compositions to be managâ—d at Goldsmiths Hall by a select Committee consisting of severall Members of the House of Commons and some of the most pragmaticall and stiff sort of Citizens the parties to compound had 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. or 7. years purchase according as they either offered themselves voluntarily or came in upon Articlâ—s or were forced to submit to mercy What infinite summes of money were brought in by these compositions he that list to see may finde them both in the severall Items and the summa toâ—â—alâ—s in their printed Tables And yet the payment of these Sums was the least part of the grievance compared unto those heavy clogs which were laid on their Consciences For first No man was admitted to treat with the Committee at Goldsmiths Hall till unlesse he was priviledged and exempt by Articles he had brought a Certificate that he had taken the Negative Oath either before the Committee for the Militia of London or some Committee in the Countrey where he had his â—welling And by this oath he was to swear that he would neither directly nor indirectly adhere unto or wilâ—â—â—gly assist the King in that War or in that cause against the Parliament nor any Forces raised without the consent of the two Houses of Parliament in thâ—t cause or War for which consult the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons bearing date April 5. 1645. And secondly It was Ordered by the said Lords and Commons on the 1. of November 1645. That the Committee of Goldsmiths Hall should have power to tender the Solemn League and Covenant to all persons that come out of the Kings Quarâ—â—â—s to that Committee to compound and to secure such as should refuse to take it until they had conformed thereunto And by that Covenant they were bound to endeavour the extirpation of Popery and Prelacy that is Church-government by Arch-Bishops and Bishops c. and to defend the Kings Person and Authority no otherwise then in order to the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms And if the party to compound were a Romane Catholick there was an Oath of Abjuration to be taken also before any such Sequestration could be taken off if once laid upon him By which he was to swear That he abjured and renounced the Popes Supremacy that he beleeved not there was any Transubstantiation nor Purgatory nor any worship to be given to the consecrated Host Crucifix or Images and that salvation could not be merited by works renouncing and abjuring all Doctrines in defence of thâ—se points To such a miserable necessity had they brought many of that party that they thought if safer as they use to say to trust God with their souls then such unmercifull men with their Lives Fortunes and Estates And yet this was not thought to be a sufficient punishment to them but they must first passe through Hâ—berdashers Hall which is the last of my hard words before they could be free of the Goldsmiths And in that Hall they were to pay the fifth and twentieth parts of their Estates as well real as personall in present money all men being brought within the power of the Committee not only who were called Delinquents but such as had not voluntarily contributed to the Parliament in any place whatsoever as appears by the Order of the Commons bearing date August 25. 1646. By which last clause more Grist was brought unto that Mill then can be easily imagined their Agents being very eager in that pursuit So that it was accounted a great benefit as indeed it was to them who came in upon the Articles of
was not to be found in the whole body of it And for the proof thereof he read the Article out of a Book which lay before him beginning thus Non licet Ecclesia quicquam instituere quod verbo Dei scripto adversetur c. To which the Resâ—ondent readily answered that he perceived by the bignesse of the Book which lay on the Doctors Cushion that he had read that Article out of the Harmony of Confessions publisht at Geneva Anno 1612. which therein followed the Edition of the Articles in the time of King Edward the sixth Anno 1552. in which that sentence was not found but that it was otherwise in the Articles agreed on in the Convocation Anno 156â— to which most of us had subscribed in our severall places but the Doctor still persisting upon that point and the Respondent seeing some unsatisfiednesse in the greatest part of the Auditory he called on one M. Westly who formerly had been his Chamber-Fellow in Magdalenâ— College to step to the next Booksellers Shop for a Book of Articles Which being observed by the Doctor he declared himself very willing to decline any further prosecâ—tion of tâ—at particular and to go on directly to the Disputation But the Respondent was resolved to proceed no further Vsque dum liberaverit animam suam ab ist a calumnia as his own words were till he had freed himself from that odious Calumny but it was not long before the coming of the Book had put an end to that Controversie out of which the Respondent read the Article in the English Tongue in his verbis viz. The Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies and authority in Controversies of faith c. which done he delivered the Book to one of the standers by who desired it of him the Book passing from one hand to another till all men were satisfied And at this point of time it was that the Queens Almoner left the Schools pâ—ofessing afterwards that he could see no hope of a fair Disputation from so foul a beginning and not as being tired with the tedious Preface of the Respondent before the Disputations begun which whether it were tedious or impertinent or not may perhaps be seen hereafter upon this occasion But to proceed upon the breaking of this blow the Doctor fell on roundly to his Argumentation and in the heat thereof insisted upon those extravagant expressions without any such qualification of them as is found in the Paper which made the matter of the Information which is now before us and for which if he received any check from the King at Woodstock it is no more then what he had received at the same place but two years before as afore is said Which notwithstanding the Book of Articles was printed the next Year at Oxon in the Latine tongue according to the Copy in the said Harmony of Confessions or to a corrupt Edition of them Anno 1571. in which that clause had been omitted to the great animation of the Puritan party who then began afresh to call in question the Authority of the Church in the points aforesaid For which as D. Prideaux by whose encouragement it was supposed to have been done received a third check from the Arch-bishop of Canterbury then Chancellor of that University So the Printers were constrained to re-print the Book or that part of it at the least according to the genuine and ancient Copies And here I should have parted with D. Prideaux but that there is somewhat in the Paper as it is now publisht to the world by M. Sanderson which is thought fit to have an answer though not held worthy of that honour when it was secretly disperst in scattered Copies The Paper tels us of a Hissâ— which is supposed to have been given and makes the Doctor sure that such a Hisse was given When the Respondent excluded King and Parliament from being parts of the Church But first The Respondent is as sure that he never excluded King and Parliament from being parts of the Church that is to say of the diffusive body of it but denied them to be members of the Convocation that is to say the Church of England represented in a Nationall Councel to which the power of decreeing Rites and Ceremonies and the Authority of determining Controversies in faith as well as to other Assemblies of that nature is ascribed by the Articles Which as it did deserve no Hisse so the Respondent is assured no such hisse was given when those words were spoken If any hisse were given at all as perhaps there was it might be rather when the Doctor went about to prove that it was not the Convocation but the High Court of Parliament which had the power of ordering matters in the Church in making Canons ordaining Ceremonies and determining Controversies in Religion and could finde out no other medium to make it good but the Authority of Sir Ed. Cooke a learned but meer common Lawyer in one of the Books of his Reports An Argument if by that name it may be called which the Respondent thought not fit to gratifie with a better answer then Non credendum esse quoquo extra artem suam Immediatly whereupon the Doctor gave place to the next Opponent which put an end unto the heats of that Disputation In which if the Doctor did affirm that the Church was Mera Chimaera as it seems he did what other plaister soever he might finde to salve that sore I am sure he could not charge it on the insufficiency of the Respondents answers who kept himself too close to the Churâ—h-Representative consisting of Arch-Bishops Bishops and other of the Clergy in their severall Councels to be beaten from it by any argument which the Doctor had produced against him And thus we have a full relation of the differences between D Prideaux and the Respondent forgotten long agoe by those whom it most concerned and now unseasonably revived revived as little to the honour of the reverend name and living fame of that learned Doctor as D. Bernards publishing the Lord Primates Letters never intended for the Presse hath been unto the honour of that emiâ—nent and pious Prelate But the Squire will not so give over he hath another peece in store which must now be printed though written as long since as any of the Lord Primates Letters or the Doctors Paper and must be printed now to shew what slender account is to be made of his that is to say the Respondents language that ways in reference namely to such eminent persons as he had to deal with For this he is beholden to some friend or other who helpt him to the sight of a Letter writ by D. Haâ—well in the year 1633. in which speaking of M. Heylyn since Doctor whom he stiles The Parton of that pretended Saint George he hath these words of him viz In the second Impression of his Book where he hath occasion to speak of