may teach all Parliaments in the times succeeding to be more carefull in their Councils and use more moderation in pursuance of them especially when they meet with an armed power for fear they should not onely interrupt but cut off that spring from whence the Blessings both of Peace and Happinesse have formerly been derâ—…ved on this Church and State No man can love his Fâ—…tters though they be of Gold If therefore Parliaments should finde no way to preserve the Liberty of the peoplâ—… but to put fetters on the Prince or Power that calls them if from being Counsellors at the best they shall prove Controulers they must blame no body but themselves In the meane time that saying of Paterculus may be worth their noting Non turpe est ab eo vinci quem vincere esset nefas it iâ—… no shame saith he to submit to those whom it were sinne to overcome To which he answered that he ever was and woâ—…ld be ready to give an account of his sayings and doings in that place whensoever he should be called unto it by that House where as he taketh it he was onely to be questioned This is the first seed of that Doctâ—…ine which after took such deep root in the Houses of Parliament viz. that no member ought to be questioned for any thing said or done in Paâ—…liament but by the order of the House of which he was a Member And to this resolution the Judges of this time seemed to give some countenance who having before declared in favour of the House of Commons that by the Arresting of Digges and Eliot the whole House was under an Arrest did now declare that the Star Chamber in which Court the King intended to proceed against them had no Jurisdiction over offences done in Parliament But this was onely in an extra-judiciall way being interrogative to that purpose by the King at Greenwich as our Author â—…elleth us Fol. 106. For the same Judges sitting on the seat of Judicature where â—…hey were to act upon their Oathes could finde both Law and Reason too to bring their crimes within the cognisance of the Courts of Justice And severall Fines accordingly were imposed upon them most of which were paid and the Gentlemen afterwards released from their Imprisonments If any of them did refuse to pay such Fines as were set upon them they were men either of decayed or of small estates and so not able to make payment of the Fines imposed Surpassing exultation there was thereat all the Court kept Jubile c. And there was very good reason for it not onely that the Court should keep a Jubile at the birth of the Prince but that surpassing exultation should be thereat in all honest hearts But I can tell you it was otherwise with too many of the Puritane party who had layed their line another way and desired not that the King should have any Children insomuch that at a great Feast in Friday street when some of the company shewed great joy at the news of the Queens fiâ—…st being with Childe a leading man of that Faction whom I could name were it worth the while did not stick to say That he could see no such cause of joy for the Queens being with Childe but God had already better provided for us than we had deserved in giving such a hopefull Progenie by the Queen of Bohemia brought up in the Reformed Religion whereas it was uncertain what Religion the Kings Children would follow being brought up under a Mother so devoted to the Church of Rome And I remember very well that being at a Town one daies jurney from London when the newes came of the Princes birth there was great joy shewed by all the rest of the Parish in causing Bonefires to be made and the Bells to be rung and sending Victuals unto those of the younger sort who were most busily imployed in that publick joy But so that from the rest of the houses being of the Presbyterian or Puritane partie there came neither man nor childe nor wood nor victuals their doors being shut close all that Evening as in a time of generall mourning and disconsolation Where was an old skulking Statute long since out of use though not out of force c. The Statute which our Author means was made in the first year of Edward the second and made more for the benefit and ease of the subject than for the advantage of the King This Statute requiring nonâ—… to take the Order of Knighthood but such as had Twenty pounds per annum of clear yearly rent whereas before that time all men of Fifteen pound rent per annum were required to take it This proves it to be very old but why my Author should call it a skulking Statute I can see no reason considering that it lay not hidden under the rubbâ—…sh of Antiquity but was an open printed Statute not onely to be seen in the Collection of the Statutes and the Books at large but in the Abridgements of the same and being a Statute still in force as our Author â—…elleth us might lawfully be put in practise whensoever the necessities of the King should invite him to it But whereas our Author telleth us that the persons mentioned in that Statute were not required to be made Knights as was vulgarly supposed but onely ad arma gerenda to bear Armes and thereupon telleth us a story of a Sword and a Surcoat to be given unto them I rather shall believe the plaine words of the Statute than his interpreâ—…ation of it The Title of it is in Latine Statutum de Militibus or a Statute for Knights as the English hath it the words as followeth viz. Our Soveraign Lord the King hath granted that all such as ought to be Knights and be not and have been distrained to take upon them the Order of Knighthood before the Feast of the Nativity of our Lord shall have respect to take upon them the foresaid Armes of Knighthood untill the Utas of S. Hilarie c. where certainly to be made Knights to take upon them the Order of Knighthood and the Armes of Knighthood are somewhat more than onely and simply to bear Armes as he faine would have it were it no otherwise than so there were some hundred thousands of none or very little estate as fit or fitter to bear Armes than men of Twenty pound rent per annum which was a plentifull revenue as the times then were and fitter it had been to have called such men unto a generall Muster in their severall Counties than to command them to attend at a Coronation Nor had the Sages of the Law been capable of excuse for their false translations if they should render ad arma militiae gerenda for so I think the Latine hath it though the most significant word thereof be left out by our Author by taking on them the Armes of Knighthood if there were nothing more intended than the bearing of
ejus nemo sensit nisi aut levatione periculi aut accessione dignitatis that no body ever found her power but either in lessening his deserved punishments or adding some respects to him for his well-deservings Nor seemed the question in the sense of many which was the Traytour but which was the most That is to say whether the Duke of Buckingham or the Earle of Bristol were the greater Traytour though it appeareth not for any thing which our Authour tells us that any treason was proved against either of them For had the Duke proved his Charge of Treason against the Earle he had both power and opportunity enough to have wrought his ruine or had the Earle proved the like Charge against the Duke the Commons needed not have troubled themselves with a new Impeachment containing nothing but Encroachments on the Royall favour and some miscarriages which at another time and in another man would have been connived at Our Author gives us a sull Copie of the Earles Charge against the Duke but of the Dukes Charge against the Earle whether out of Partiality or want of Information he affords us nothing I shall therefore adde so much in the way of supplement as to subjoyn three or four of the principall Articles of the Charge against him leaving them here as they were left in the House of Peers without any further prosecution than the Narrative onely It was then charged upon the Earle 1. That having certified King James by several Letters out of Spain that the Treaty of the Match was in a very good forwardnesse the Prince at his arrivall there found it nothing so there being little done in relation to it 2. That in the time of his negotiation by Letters unto his late Majesty and otherwise he counselled and perswaded the said Kings Majesty to set at liberty the Jesuits and Priests of the Romish Religion and to grant and allow unto the Papists and Professours of the same a free toleration and silencing the Laws made and studing in force against them 3. That at the Princes coming into Spain the said Earle of Bristol cunningly falsly and traiterously moved and perswaded the Prince being then in the power of a forreign King of the Romish Religion to change his Religion and used many dangerous and subtile insinuations to that effect 4. That in pursuance of the said trayterous designe he used these words unto the Prince That the State of England did never any great thing but when they were under the obedience of the Pope of Rome and that it was impossible they should doe anything of note otherwise 5. That a Proposition being made by the King of Spaine touching the Palatinate which was That the eldest Son of the Prince Palatine should marry with the Emperours Daughter but must be bred up in the Emperours Court the said Earle delivered his opinion That he thought it unreasonable And when the danger was presented in regard of the alteration of the young Princes Religion which must needs follow thereupon the said Earle answered That without some great action the peace of Christendome would never be had Comparing these with those that were charged upon the Duke it will appeare that they both concurred in one designe which was to â—…ender each oâ—…her suspected in matter of Loyalty Religion though by so doing they made good sport to all their Enemies and the world to boot Many good men as our Authour calls them being passing jocund at the contest But it was resolved by the Judges that by their Restraint i. e. the Restraint of Sir Dudley Diggs and Sir John Eliot no reason being given to the House for it the whole House was Arrested The Judges were wise men and would not strive against the stream as the saying is for otherwise I can see no reason of their resolute precedents to the contrary there are many in the times foregoing of which I shall instance in two onely and those two in a Parliament held in the 35 year of the so much celebrated Reigne of Queen Elizabeth The first is this Mr. Peter Wentworth and Sir Henry Bromely delivered a Petition to the Lord Keeper desiring the Lords of the Upper House to be Suppliants with them of the Lower House unto Her Majesty for entailing of the succession of the Crown whereof a Bill was ready drawn by them Her Majesty was highly displeased herewith as contrary to Her former strait command and charged the Councell to call the parties before them Sir Thomas Henage being then Vice-Chamberlaine and one of the Lords of the Privie Councell sent for them and after speech with them commanded them to foâ—…ar the Parliament and not to go out of their severall lodgings After they were called before the Lord Treasurer the Lord Buckhurst and Sir Thomas Henage Mr. Wentworth was committed by them to the Tower Sir Henry Bromely with Master Richard Stevens to whom Sir Henry Bromely had imparted the matter were sent to the Fleet as also Mr. Welch the other Knight for Worcestershire In the same Parliament one Mr. Morrice Attorney of the Dutchy of Lancaster who is to be my second instance moved against the hard courses of the Bâ—…shops Ordinaries and other Ecclesiâ—…sticall Judges in their Courts used towards sundry learned and godly Ministers and Preachers and spake against subseription and oathes and offered a Bill to be read against Imprisonment for refusall of such Oathes which comming to the Queens knowledge and Mr. Coke afterwards Sir Edward Coke then Speaker of the House of Commons being sent for and admonished not to admit of that or any such Bills if they should be offered the said Mr. Morrice as I have been credibly informed was taken out of the House by Sergeant at the Armes but howsoever sure I am that he was committed unto Prison for the said Attempt And when it was moved in the House by one Mr. Wroth that they might be humble Suitors to Her Majesty that she would be pleased to set at liberty those Members of the House that were restrained To this it was answered by all the Privy Counsellours which were then Members of the House that Her Majesty had committed them for causes best known to Her selfe and to presse Her Highnesse with this suit would but hinder them whose good is sought That the House must not call the Queen to accompt for what shâ—… doth of her Royall Authority That the causes for which they were restrained may be high and dangerous That Her Majesty lâ—…h no such questions neither doth it become the House to search into such mattâ—…rs Whereupon the House desisted from interposing any further in their behaâ—…f And thus we see that no fewer than five Members that is to say Wentworth Welch Bromely Stevens and Mâ—…rrice â—…ut off at one time from the House of Commons without any remedy or any Declâ—…ration of the Judges that any such Arrest as is here pretended was layd upon the House by their Imprisonment So
which followed viz Since with this yeare thy name doth so agree Then shall this yeare to thâ—… most fatall bee And in the upshot were fined as was reported six thousand pounds And this is all the City suffered for Lambs death not that they payed six thousand pounds or â—…t any such Fine was imposed upon them but that they were abused with this false Report But to say truth I hope my Masters of the City will excuse me for it a fine of 60000 li. had been little enough to expiate such a dangerous Riot and so viâ—…e muâ—…r in which both Mayor and Magistrates had contracted a double guilt Fiâ—…t in not taking care to suppresse the Râ—…ot which in a discontented and uâ—…quiet City might have gathered strength and put the whole Kingdom into blood before its time And â—…econdly in not taking order to prevent the murder or bring the Malefactors to the Bâ—…rre of Justice The punâ—…shment of the principall Actors in this barbarous Tragedy mighâ—… possibly have preserved the life of the Duke of Buckingham and had the City smarted for not doing their duty it might in probability have prevented the like Riot at Edinburgh Non ibi consistunt exempla ubi coeperunt saith the Court-Historian Examples seldome â—…nd where they take beginning but eiâ—…her first or last will finde many followers And though Lamb might deserve a farre greater punishment than the fury of an ungovâ—…rned Multitude could 〈◊〉 upon him yet suffering without Form of Law it may very well be said that he suffered unjuftly and that it was no small peece of injustice that there was no more justice done in revâ—…nge thereof Connivance at great crimes adds authority to them and makes a Prince lose more in strength than it gets in love For howsoever maâ—…ers of Grace and Favour may oblige some particular persons yet it is justice impartiall and equall justice that gives satisfaction unto all and is the chief supporter of the Royall Throne God hath not put the sword into the hands of the supreme powers that they should bear the same in vain or use it only for a shew or a signe of soverâ—…ignty for then a scabbard with a pair of hilts would have served the turn In his Will he bequeathed to his Dutchess the fourth part of his Lands for her Joyntâ—… And that was no grâ—…t Joynture for so great a Lady I never heard that the whole estate in lands which the Duke died dâ—…d of of his own purchasing or procuring under two great Princes came to Foure thousand pounds per annum which is a very strong Argument that he was not covetous or did abuse his Masters favours to his own enriching And though hee had Three hundred thousand pounds in Jewels as our Authour tells us yet taking back the sixty thousand pounds which he owed at his death two hundred forty thousand pounds is the whole remainder a pretty Aldâ—…ans Estate and but hardly that Compare this poor pittance of the Dukes with the vast Estate of Cardinall Ricâ—… the favourite and great Minister of the late French King and it will seem no greater than the Widows mitâ—… in respect of the large and cost y Offerings of the Scribes and Phaâ—… The Cardinals Estate being valued at the time of his death at sixty millions of Franks in rents and monies which amount unto six millions of pounds in our English estimate whereas the Dukes amounted not to a full third part of one million onely Such was the end of this great Duke not known to me either in his Fâ—…owns or his Favours nec beneficio nec injuria notus in the words of Tacitus and therefore whatsoever I have written in relation to him will be imputed as I hope to my love to truth not my affections to his person His body was from thence conveyed to Portsmouth and there hung in chains but by some stole and conveyed away Gibbet and all Our Authour is deceived in this for I both saw the whole Gibbet standing and some part of the body hanging on it about three years after the people being so well satisfied with the death of the Duke that though they liked the murder they had no such care of the Wretch that did it That which might possibly 〈◊〉 him was the lâ—…ke injury done by some Puritanicall Zealots to the publick Justice in taking down by stealth the body of Enoch ap Evans that furious Welch-man who killed his Mother and his Brother for kneeling at the blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper and for those 〈◊〉 factâ—… was hangâ—…d in chains not farre from Shrewsbury The Narrative whereof was published in print by one Mr. Studly and to him I refâ—… the Reader if he desire any farther satisfaction in it After this Mr. Montague ' s Booke called Appello Caesarem was called in by Proclamation This Proclamation beareth date the 17th day of January In which it was to be observed that the Book is not charged with any false Doctrine but for being the first cause of those disputes and differences which have since much troubled the quiet of the Church His Majesty hoping that the occasion being taken away mâ—… would no longer trouble themselves with such unnecessary disputations Whether His Hiâ—… did well in doing no more if the Book contained any false Doctâ—… in it or in doing so much if it were done only to please the Parliament as our Authour telâ—… us I take not upon me to determine Buâ—… certainly it never falleth out well with Christian Princes when they make Religion bend to Policy and so it hapned to this King the calling in of Montague's Book and the advancing of Dr. Barnaby Potter a thorow-paced Calvinian unto the 〈◊〉 of Carlâ—…sle at the same time also could not get him any love in the hearts of His people who looked upon those Acts no otherwise than as tricks of King craft So true is that of the wise Historian whom I named last inviso sâ—…mel Principe 〈◊〉 bene facta ceu male facta premunt that is to say when Pâ—…inces once are in discredit with their Subjects as well their good actions as their bad are all counted grievances For 〈◊〉 informations were very pregnant that notwithstanding the Resolution of the Archbishop of Canterbury and other reverend Bishops and Divines assembled at 〈◊〉 Anno 1595. c. Our Authour in this Folio gives me work enough by setting out the large spreading of Arminianisme and the great growth of Popery in the Church of England First for Arminianisme hee telleth us that the proofs thereof were very pregnant How so Because the nine Articles made at Lambeth had not of late been so much set by as he and the Committee for Religion did desire they should Why mâ—…n The Articles of Lambeth were never looked on as the Doctrine of the Church of England nor intended to be so looked on by the men that made them though our Authour please to tell us in following words
Authour may declare them for the Doctrine of the Church of England and traduce all men for Arminians which subscribe not to them Thirdly in the last place we are to see what moved King James to recommend these Articles to the Church of Ireland and afterwards to the Assembly at Dort And herein we must understand that Dr. James Montague at that Kings first entrance on this Crown was made Dean of the Chappell which place he held not onely when he was Bishop of Wells but of Winchester also who being a great stickler in the quarrels at Cambridge and a great master in the art of Insinuation had cunningly fashioned King James unto these opinions to which the Kings education in the Kirk of Scotland had before inclined him So that it was no very hard matter for him having an Archbishop also of his own perswasions to make use of the Kings authority for recommending those nine Articles to the Church of Ireland which he found would not be admitted in the Church of England Besides the Irish Nation at that time were most tenâ—…ciously addicted to the Eâ—…rours and corâ—…uptions of the Church of Rome and therefore must be bended to the other extreme before they could be strait and Orthoâ—…ox in these points of Doctrine which reason might work much upon the spirit of that King who used in all his Government as a piece of King-crafâ—… to ballance one extreme by the other countenancing the Papist against the Puritanâ—… and the Puritane sometimes against the Papist that betwixt both the true Religion and the Professours of it might be kâ—…pt in saâ—…ety On what accompt these nine Articles were commended to the Assembly at Dort we have shewed before and upon what accompt they were abolished in the Church of Ireland we shalâ—… see hereafter In the mean time our Author telleth us that By the prevalency of the Bishops of London and Westminster the Orthodox party were depressed the truth they served was scarce able to protect them to impunity A man would think our Author were Chairman at the least in a Committee for Religion for he not onely takes upon him to declare who are Orthodox in point of Faith and what is truth and not truth in matter of controversie but censureth two great Bishops both of them Counsellors of State for depressing both This savoureth more of the party than of the Historian whom it might better have become to have told us onely that a Controversie being raised in matters of a Scholasticall nature those Bishops favoured the one party more than they did the other and not have layd it down so majesterially that they disfavoured the Orthodox party and deprest the truth or that the truth they served was scarce able to protect them to impunity A very heavy Charge which hath no truth in it For I am very confident that neither of these Bishops did ever draw any man within the danger of punishment in relation only to their Tenets in the present Controversies if they managed them with that prudence and moderation which became men studiously affected to the Gospel of Peace or were not otherwise guilty of creating disturbances in the Church or ruptures in the body of the Common-wealth On which occasions if they came within the danger of 〈◊〉 censures or fell into the power of the High Commission it was no reason that their Tenets in the other points were they as true as truth it selfe should give them any impunity or free them from the punishment which they had deserved But it hath been the constant artifice of the Churches Enemies not to ascribâ—… the punishment of Factions and scismaticall persons to the proper cause but to their orthodoxie in Religion and zeal against Popish superstitions that so they might increase the number of Saints and Confessours against the next coming out of the Book of Martyrs But Arminianisme being as some say but a bridge to Popery we will pâ—…sse with our Authour over that Bridge to the hazard which was feared from Rome and that he telleth us came two waies First By the uncontrouled preaching of severall points tending and warping that way by Montague Goodman Cozens and others And here againe I thinke out Authour is mistaken For neither Montague nor Cozens were questioned for preaching any thing which warped toward Popery but the one of them for writing the Book called Appello Caesarem the other for publishing a Body of Devotions according to the Hours of Prayer in neither of which an equall and judicious Reader will finde any Popery unlesse it be such part-boyled Popery as our Authour speaks of whereof more anon And as for Goodman our Authour might have called him Bishop Goodman though now he be but Goodman Bishop as he calls himselfe though he preached something once which might warp toward Popery yet he did not preach it uncontrouled being not onely questioned for it but sentenced to a Recantation before the King He telleth us of some others but he names them not and till he names them he saies nothing which requires an Answer So that the first fear which flowed from Rome being ebbed again we next proceed unto the second which came saith he from The audacious obtruding of divers superstitious ceremonies by the Prelates as erecting of fixed Altars the dapping and cringing towards them and the standing up at Gloria Patri Our Authour is more out in this than in that before for I am confident that no Bishop in the times he speaks of did either command the erecting of fixed Altars or the bowing or cringing towards them nor have I heard by any credible report that any such fixed Altars were erected as he chargeth on them So that I might here end this observation without farther trouble But because the placing of the Communion Table Altar-wise did carry some resemblance to the Altars used in the Church of Rome and that some such thing was done in some Churches much about this time I shall here shew upon what reasons it was done and how farre they that did it might be justified in it The Reader therefore is to know that by the late neglect of decency and good order in most Parish Churches of this Land the Communion Table had been very much profaned by sitting on it scribling and casting hats upon it in Sermon-time at other times by passing the Parish accompts and disputing businesses of like nature to the great scandall and dishonour of our Religion For remedy and redresse whereof it seemed good unto some Bishops and other Ordinaries out of a pious zeal to the Churches honour and for the more reverent administration of the holy Sacrament to gâ—…ve way that the Commun on Table might be removed from the body of the Chancel where of late it stood and placed at the East end thereof all along the wall in the same place and posture as the Altars had been scituated in the former times For which permission I doubt not but
first yeare of the payment of Ship-money the Writs were not issued to all the Counties of England as our Author telleth us but onely to the Maritime Counties which lying all along the shore were most exposed unto the danger of a forraign Enemy But proof being had that the preparations of that yeare were not great enough for the ends intended in the next yeare and not before the like Writs issued out to all Counties in England that is to say Anno 1636. the whole charge layed upon the subject upon that occasion amounting to 2360001. or there abouts which being in lieu of all payments came but to twenty thousand pounds a month and not fully that Neverthelesse the King upon the Arch-Bishops intreaty granted them exemption I never heard that any such exemption was desired by the Clergy but sure I am that no such exemption was ever granted it being as great an indiscretion in them to seek it as it would have been a hinderance to the publick service if they had obtained it The favour which the Arch-Bishop procured for them was no more then this that on complaint made by some of the Clergy how unreasonably they were rated by their neighbours some of them at a sixt some at a fourth part of the Taxe which had been layed upon the Parish he obtained Letters from the King to all the Sheriffes of Englâ—…nd requiring that the Clergy possessed of Parsonages should not be taxed above a tenth part of the Land rate of their severall Parishes and that consideration should be had of Vicars accordingly Which though it were a great and a royall favour such as became a nursing Father of the Church yet wâ—…s it no exemption as our Author calls it unlesse he meaneth an exemptien from the Aâ—…bitrary power of coveâ—…ous and malitious neighbours as indeed it was But our Author goes back to the Attorney of whom he telleth us that He became aâ—…â—…inent instrument both of good and ill and of which most is a great question to the Kings Prerâ—…gative I thinke no question need be made in this particular The Ship money had as faire a triall in the Courts of Westm. as any Cause that ever came before those Judges And as for other projects and Court suites he used first to consult the Law the Kings Honour and the publick good before he would passe any of them insomuch that he was more cursed by the Courtiers I speake this on my certaine knowledge for dashing some of their designes and putting many difficulties upon others of them then any man can possibly imagine of a publick Minister And whereas our Author telleth us in that which followeth that he was drawn into the Kings service by the lure of advancement I am confident on the other side that it was rather a contemplation of doing his duty to the King then any thought of advancement by it which drew him to accept that office so much sought by others in managing whereof he declined so much private business to attend the King and attended that with such an eye to his Masters honour that I may very safely say he did not gaine so much in the whole time of his service as his Predecessors or Successors did after in any one yeare of their imployment But in regard 〈◊〉 came without Credentiall Letters from the Queen of Sweden he denied him audience whereupon he returned in some disgust In this short passage there are more mistakes then lines For first it is not likely that young Oxenstâ—… whom he speakes of came without Credentiall Letters being treated as he was in the quality of an Embassador which without such Letters had not been Secondly I am sure that he had a publick and solemne audience my curiosity carrying me to the Court that day not so much to see the Formalities of such Receptions to wâ—…ch I could not be a â—…nger as to behold the Son oâ—… so wise a Father who had so long with so much pâ—…udence and successe conducted the affaâ—…s of the Crown of Sweden Thirdly If he departed in some disgust as by accepting of a rich Ring from King Lewis of France and refusing 〈◊〉 present of better value â—…offered by King Charles it was thought he did it was not because he was denied a publick audience but because he had proposed some things to the King for carrying on the war in Germany in behalfe of the Swedes which the King thought not fit to consent unto being then in hopes of some accommodation to be made with the Emperor touching the Palatinate At the same time there was also a Synod assembled wherein the bodie of Articles formed by that Church Anno 1615. were repealed and in their places were substituted the 39. Articles of the Church of England intending to create an uniformity of beliefe between both Churches And certainly the designe was pious and the reasons prevalent first in relation to the Papists who made great aime at it that in the Churches of three Kingdomes united all under one chiefe Governour there should be three severall and distinct and in some points contrary Confessions yet all pretending unto one and the same Religion next in relation to the Puritanes who in the controverted points about Predestination and the Lords day-Sabbath when they had nothing else to say did use to fly for refuge to the Articles of the Church of Ireland where the Predestinarian Doctrines and Sabbatarian speculations had found entertainment aud thesâ—… and none but thesâ—… found themselves grieved and troubled at the alteration Nor was this alteration made by the hand of power but the power of reason The matter being canvased and debated in the Convocation there before it was put unto the vote and being put unto the vote notwithstanding the strong interposition of the Lord Primate of Armagh was carried by the farre greater part of voyces for the Church of England But all the service they did this Summer was inconsiderable in regard they never came to engagement onely their formidable appearance secured the Seas from those Petit Larcenies and Piracies wherewith they were formerly so molested Had this been all their service had been very considerable the clearing the Sea of Pyrates being of so great benefit and consequence to the trade and flourishing of this Kingdome For by this meanes and the well-setled peace which we had at home the greatest part of the wealth in these parts of Christendome was carryed up the Thames and managed in the City of London But this was not all The King by this Formidable appearancâ—… as our Author calls it regained the Dominion of the Sea which had been lately hazarded if not wholly lost insomuch as the Kâ—…ng of Spaine thought it his best and safest wâ—…y to send the money designed for the payment of his Armies in Flanders in the Ships of English Merchants onely By meanes whereof there was brought yearly into England between 2 3 hundred thousand pound in uncoyned Bullion
Enterprise upon the Dukes default I bâ—…lieve not so For though Sir Robert were Vice-Admirall and had the subordinate power to the Duke of Buckingham in all things which concerned that Office yet in the present Enterprise he had not any thing at all to pretend unto the Lord Admirall himselfe not acting in occasionall services or great employments at the Sea in regard of his Office but as he is impowred by special Commission from the King which he may grant to any other as He sees cause for it A thing so obvious in the course of our English stories that I need bring no examples of it to confirm this truth And the first thing resolved upon was His solemne Initiation into Regality and setting the Crown upon His head As solâ—…mne as the King esteemed it yet our Authour as it seems thinks more poorly of it For he not onely censureth it for a vanity though a serious vanity but thinks that Kâ—…ngs are idle in it though idle to some better purpose than in 〈◊〉 and Dances Are not all Christian Kâ—…ngs wiâ—…h whom the Rites of Coronation are accounted sacred much concerned in this and the Scriptures more are not the Ceremonies of Anointing and Crowning Kings of great antiquâ—…ty in all Nations throughout the World directed by the holy Spirit in the Book of God exempl fiâ—…d in Saul David Solomon but most particularly in the inauguration of Jehoash the 2 of Kings 11. 12. where it is said that Jehojada the high Priest brought forth the Kings son and put the Crown upon him and gave him the testimonies and they made him King and anointed him and clapt their hands and said GOD SAVE THE KING Was this a Pageant think we of tâ—…e high Priests making to delight the Souldiery or a solemnity and ceremony of Gods own appointing to distinguish his Vicegerents from inferiour persons and strike a veneration towards them in all sorts of men whether Priests or people He that shall look upon the Coronation of our Saviour the placing of the Crown upon his head and putting the Scepter into his hands and bowing of the knee before him with this acclamation Haile King of the Jewes will therein finde a pattern for the Inauguration of a Christian King In which there is not any thing of a serious vanity as our Authour calls it but a grave pious and religious conformity to the Investiture and Coronation of their supreme Lord. I could enlarge upon this subjâ—…ct but that I think better of our Authour than some of our Historians doe of Henry Duke of Buckingham of whom it is observed that at the Coronation of King Richard the third he cast many a squint eye upon the Crown as if he thought it might be set on a fitter head But our Authour passeth from the Coronation to the following Parliament In order whereunto he tellâ—… us that The Lord Keeper Williams was displaced and his place was disposed of to Sir Thomas Coventrie Our Authour is here out again in his Temporalities the Lord Keeper Williams not being displaced betwixt the Coronation and the following Parliament but some months before For the Great Seale was taken from him in October three moneths and more before the day of the Coronation Sir Thomas Coventrie sitting in 〈◊〉 as Lord Keeper both in the Michaelmas Term at Reading and in the Candlemas Term at Westminster The like mistake he gives us in his Temporalities touching Bâ—…shop Land whom he makes Bishop of Bathe and Wells at the time of his afflâ—…cting in the Coronation whereas indeed he was at that time Bishop of St. Davids onely and not translated to the Bishoprick of Bathe and Wells till September following And that I may not trouble my self with the like observation at another time though there be many more of this nature to be troubled with I shall crave leave to step forth to Fol. 96. where it is said That the Articles of Lambeth were so well approved of by King James as he first sent them fiâ—…st to the Synod of Dort as the Doctrine of our Church where they were asserted by the suffrage of our British Divines and after that commended them to the Convocation held in Ireland to be asserted amongst the Articles of Religion established Anno 1615. and accordingly they were This is a very strange Hysteron Proteron setting the cart before the horse as we use to say For certainly the Articles of Lambeth being made part of the Confession of the Church of Ireland Anno 1615. as indeed they were could not before that time be sent to the Assembly or Synod at Dort which was not held till three years after Anno 1618. And this I take to be from what more than a superannuating as to call it in his Temporalities though he be confident in his Preface that he stands secure not onely from substantiall falshoods but even from circumstantiall also in assigning all both things and actions their proper times How ill this confidence is grounded we have seen in part and shall see more hereof hereafter as occasion serveth Who loved the Bishop if Fame belies her not better than was fit I think our Authour with more prudence might have spared this Note especially having Fame onely for the ground thereof which is so infamousâ—…n â—…n Historian as a learned Gentleman hath well noted that no wise man would build on the credit of it If Fames and Libels should once passe for Hâ—…storicall truths few Kings or Favorites or Ministers of great affairs or indeed who else would goe with honour to their graves or live with glory in the mouthes of the next Posterities Wilson a creature and dependent of the Earle of Warwicke whom you accuse elsewhere of partiality in the businesse of the Earl of Essex leaves the like stain upon his Lady but out of zeale to the good cause indevoureth to acquit the Bâ—…shop from the guilt thereof by saying that he was Eunuchus ab utero an Eunuch from his Mothers wombe which all that knew that Prelate most extremely laughed at And what had he for his authority but Famâ—… and Libels purposely scattered and divulged amongst the people to disgrace that Family by the malitious Contrivers of the Publique ruine The honour of Ladies in the generall is a tender point not easily repaired if wronged and therefore to be left untouched or most gently handled For which cause possibly S. 〈◊〉 adviseth that we give honour to the Woman as the weaker vessell and weaker vessels if once crackt by ungentle handling are either utterly broken or not easily mended And for this Lady in particular whom these two Authours tosse on the breath of Fame I never heard but that she was a person of great parts and honour and one that never did ill offices to any man during the time of her great power and favour both with King and Queen So that we may affirme of her as the Historian doth of Livia that great Emperours Wife Potentiam