of all France it self I may with confidence affirm that I have given more sight to that Eye more life and spirit to that Soul then hath been hitherto communicated in the English Tongue The Realm of France surveyed in the four principal Provinces and the chief Cities of the whole gives a good colour to the title and yet the title hath more colour to insist upon then the description of these Cities and those principal Provinces can contribute towards it For though I have described those four Provinces only in the way of Chorography yet I have took a general and a full Survey of the State of France in reference to the Court the Church and the Civil State which are the three main limbs of all Bodies Politick and took it in so full a manner as I think none and am assured that very few have done before me If it be said that my stay was not long enough to render me exact and punctual in my observations I hope it will be said withall that the lesse my stay was my diligence must be the greater and that I husbanded my time to the best advantage For knowing that we could not stay there longer then our money lasted and that we carried not the wealth of the Indies with us I was resolved to give my self as little rest as the necessities of nature could dispense withall and so to work my self into the good opinions of some principal persons of that nation who were best able to inform me as might in short space furnish me with such instructions as others with a greater expence both of time and money could not so readily attain By this accommodating of my self unto the humours of some men and a resolution not to be wanting to that curiosity which I carryed with me there was nothing which I desired to know and there was nothing which I desired not to know but what was readily imparted to me both with love and chearfulnesse Cur nescire pudens prave quam discere mallem I alwaies looked upon it as a greater shame to be ignorant of any thing then to be taught by any body and therefore made such use of men of both Religions as were most likely to acquaint me with the counsels of their severall parties Nor was I purse-bound when I had occasion to see any of those Rarities Reliques and matters of more true antiquity which either their Religious Houses Churches Colledges yea or the Court it self could present unto me Money is never better spent then wen it is layed out in the buying of knowledge In the last place it may be said that many things have hapned both in the Court and State of France many great revolutions and alterations in the face thereof since I digested the Relation of this Journey for my own contentment which makes this publication the more unseasonable and my consent unto it subject to the greater censure which notwithstanding I conceive that the discourse will be as usefull to the ingenuous Reader as if it had gone sheet by sheet from the Pen to the Presse and had been offered to him in that point of time when it took life from me The learned labours of Pausanias in his Chorography of Greece are as delightful now to the studious Reader as formerly to the best wits of Rome or Athens Nor need we doubt but that the description of the Netherlands by Lewis Guicciardine and of the Isles of Britain by our famous Camden will yeeld as great profit and contentment to future Ages as to the men that knew the Authors The Realm of France is still the same the temperature of the air and soyl the same the humours and affections of the people still the same the Fractions of the Church as great the Government as Regal or despotical now as when the Author was amongst them The Cities stand in the same places which before they stood in and the Rivers keep the same channels which before they had no alteration in the natural parts of that great body and not much in the politick neither The change which since hath hapned by the Death of the King being rather in the person of the Prince then the form of Government Affairs of State then managed by a Queen-Mother and a Cardinal favourite as they are at this present The King in his Majority then but not much versed or studied in his own concernments as he is at this present the Realm divided then into parties and factions though not into the same factions as it is at this present and finally the English then in as high esteem by reason of the alliance then newly made between the Princes as they can possibly be now by reason of the late concluded peace betwixt the Nations Nor hath there hapned any thing not reconcilable to the present times but the almost miraculous birth of the King and his Brother after 20 years barrennesse and the mariage of the Monsieur with Montpensiers Daughter contrary to the generall expectation of all that people and for the first I think I may be bold to say of the world besides These reasons as they may excuse this publication in reference to the work it self so there is one which serves to justifie it in respect of the Author that is to say the manifesting of this truth to all which shall peruse these papers that he is still of the same Judgement and opinion in matters of Religion Gods worship and the government of holy Church of which he was 30 years agoe when the Relation of the first Journey was fashioned by him that he hath stood his ground in all those revolutions both of Church and State which have hapned since that he now holds no other Tenets then those to which he hath been principled by education and confirmed by study and finally that such opinions as he holds be they right or wrong he brought to the Court with him and took not from thence So that whatsoever other imputation may be charged upon him he cannot be accused for a time-server but alwaies constant to himself in all times the same Qualis ab incepto processerâ—… in the Poets language the same man then as now without alteration Compare my late book upon the Creed with these present Journals and it will easily be seen that in all points wherein I have occasion to declare my Judgement I am nothing altered that neither the temptations of preferment nor that great turn both in the publick and my own affairs which hath hapned since have made me other then I was at the very first It 's true in reading over these papers as they were sent to the Presse I found some things which I could willingly have rectified as they passed my hands but that I chose rather to let them go with some Petit errors then alter any thing in the Copy which might give any the least occasion to this misconceit that the work went not to the Presse as it
chapter in the interim untill he mought be fully informed what Lawes c. were meet and fit to be established for the good government of the said Island in causes Ecclesiaftical c. to grant commission c. to exercise the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction there according to cerâ—aid instructions signed with our royal hand to continue only untill we might establish c. as it followeth in the Original By this Interim there was a clause in force whereby it was permitted to the Ministers not to bid holydaies or use the Crosse in Baptism or wear the Surplice or to exact it of the people that they kneel at the Communion In other matters it little differed from the Canons afterwards established and now in being in that Island Thus fortified with power and furnished with instructions home cometh the new Dean into his Countrey and in a frequent assembly of the three Estates takes full possession of his place and office Nor found he any opposition till he began to exercise his Jurisdiction At what time Sir John Herault then Bayliffe of the Island and to whom his Majesty had given the title of St. Saviour not pleased to see so many causes drawn from his Tribunal made head against him But this disgust was quickly over-blown and the Bailiffe for four years suspended by his Majesty from the executing of his office This done his fellow Ministers were called together and he imparted unto them his instructions All of them seeming well contented with the Jurisdiction De la place excepted who much impatient as commonly the miscarrying of our hopes as much torments us as the losse of a possession to see himself deluded forsook the Countrey But to the Liturgie they thought they had no cause to give admission nay that they had good cause unto the contrary viz. as not being desired by them in their addresse and having been for fifty years at least a stranger in the Islands a thing also much stomacked and opposed by many learned men in England and not imposed as yet upon the Scots which people in so many other particulars had been brought unto conformity with the English In the end having six moneths allowed them to deliberate frangi pertinaciam suam passi sunt they were content to bend and yeeld unto it upon such qualifications of it as in the instructions were permitted A duty carelesly discharged and as it were by halfs by many of them those viz of the ancient bâ—…eed which have so been wedded to a voluntary frame and fabrick of devotion but punctually observed by those of the lesser standing as having good acquaintance with it here in England and not possâ—…ssed with any contrary opinion whereby it might be prejudiced And now there wanted nothing to perfect the intentions of his Majesty and to restore unto the Island the ancient face and being of a Church but only that the Policy thereof was something temporary and not yet established in the rule and Canon But long it was not ere this also was effected and a fixt Law prescribed of Government Ecclesiastical Which what it is by what means it was agreed on how crossed and how established his Majesties own Letters Patents can best instruct us and to them wholly I referre the honour of the relation CHAP. VII The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey together with the Kings Letters Patents for the autborising of the same JAMES by the grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland defender of the faith c. To our right trusty and well beloved Counseller the reverend father in God Lancâ—…lot Bishop of Winton and to our trusty and well beloved Sir John Peyton Knight Governour of the Isle of Jarsey and to the Governour of the said Isle for the time being and to the Bailiffe and Jurates of the said Isle for the time being to whom it shall or may appertain Greeting Whereas we held it fitting heretofore upon the admission of the now Dean of that Island unto his place in the interim untill we might be fully informed what Lawes Canons or Constitutions were meet and fit to be made and established for the good government of the Island in causes Ecclesiasticall appertaining to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction to command the said Bishop of Winton Ordinary of the said Island to grant his Commission unto David bandâ—…ell nâ—…w Dean of the same Island to exercise the juâ—…isdictionâ—…here â—…here according to certain instructions signed with our â—…oyall hand to continue only till we might establish such Constitutions Rules Canons and Ordinances as we intended to settle for the regular government of that our Island in all Ecclesiasticall causes conformed to the Ecclesiasticall goâ—…nment established in our Realm of England as near as conveniently might be And whereas also to that our purpose and pleasure was that the said Dean with what convenient speed he might after such authority given unto him as aâ—…aid and after his arrivall into that Island and the publick notice given of that his admission unto the said office should together with the Ministers of this our Island consider of such Canons and Constitutions as might be fitly accomâ—…dated to the circumstances of time and place and persons whom they concern and that the same should be put in good order and intimated by the Governour Baâ—…e and Jurates of that our Island that they might offer to us and our Councell such acceptions and give such reformations touching the same as they should think good And whereas the said Dean and Ministers did conceive certain Canons and presentâ—…d the same unto us on the one part and on the other part the said Bailisfe and Jurates excepting against the same did send and depuâ—…e Sir Philip de Caâ—…ter et Knight Joshuaâ—… de Carteret and Philip de Carteret Esquires three of the Jurates and Justices of our said Isle all which parties appeared before our right trusty and well beloved Counsellers the most reverend father in God the Lord Archbishop of Câ—…rbury the Right reverend father in God the Lord Bishop of Lincolne Lord Keeper of the Geat Seal of England and the Right reverend father in God the said Lord Bishop of Winton to whom we granted commission to examine the same who have have accordingly heard the said parties at large read and examined corrected and amended the said Canons and have now made report unto us under their hands that by a mutuall consent of the said Deputies and Deâ—…n of our Island thâ—…y have reduced the said Canons and Constitutions Eccleâ—…sticall into such order as in their judgements may well stand with the estate of that Island Know ye therefore that we out of our Princely care of the quiet and peaceable government of all our Dominions especialy affecting the peace of the Church and the establishment of true Religion and â—…lesiasticall 〈◊〉 in one uniforme order and course throughout all our Realms and Dominions so happily unitâ—…d under us as their Supreme Governor on earth
Spain more Catholick then the King The happinesse of the English Subjects A congratulation nnto England The conclusion of the first Journey p. 258. GUERNZEY and JARSEY OR THE SIXTH BOOK The Entrance 1 The occasion of c. 2 Introduction to this work 3 The Dedication 4 and Method of the whole The beginning continuance of our voyage with the most remarkable passages which happened in it The mercenary falsnesse of the Dutch exemplified in the dealing of a man of warre p. 179. CHAP. I. 1 Of the convenient situation and 2 condition of these Islands in the generall 3 Alderney and 4 Serke 5 The notable stratagem whereby this latter was recovered from the French 6 Of Guernzey 7 and the smaller Isles neer unto it 8 Our Lady of â—…hu 9 The road and 10 the Castle of Cornet 11 The Trade and 12 Priviledges of this people 13 Of Jarsey and 14 the strengths about it 15 The Island why so poor and populous 16 Gavelkind and the nature of it 17 The Governours and other the Kings Officers The 18 Politie and 19 administration of justice in both Islands 20 The Assembly of the Three Estates 21 Courts Presidiall in France what they are 22 The election of the Justices 23 and the Oath taken at their admission 24 Of their Advocates or Pleaders and the number of them 25 The number of Atturneys once limited in England 26 A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey p. 292. CHAP. II. 1 The City and Diâ—…cesse of Constance 2 The condition of these Islands under that Government 3 Churches appropriated what they were 4 The Black Book of Constance 5 That called 〈◊〉 day 6 The suppression of Priors Aliens 7 Priours Dâ—…tive how they dâ—…ffered from the Conventuals 8 The conditiâ—…n of the e Churches after the suppression 9 A Diagram of the 〈◊〉 then aâ—…lotted to each severall Parish together with the Ministers and Justices now being 10 What is meant by Champarte desarts and French querrui 11 The alteration of Religion in these Islands 12 Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary The Authors indignation at it expressed in a Poeticall rapture 13 The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Winton and for what reasons p. 313. CHAP. III. 1 The condition of Geneva under their Bishop 2 The alteration there both in Politie and 3 in Religion 4 The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither 5 The conception 6 birth and 7 growth of the New Discipline 8 The quality of Lay-elders 9 The different proceedings of Calvin 10 and Beza in the propagation of that cause 11 Both of them enemies to the Church of England 12 The first enrtance of this Platforme into the Islands 13 A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hillaries 14 The letters of the Councell to that purpose 15 The tumults raised in England by the brethren 16 Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands p. 327. CHAP. IV. The Discipline Ecclesiasticall according as it hath been in practise of the Church after the Reformation of the same by the Ministers Elders and Deacons of the Isles of Guernzev Jarsey Serke and Alderney confirmed by the authority and in the presence of the Governours of the same Isles in a Syned â—…den in Gueâ—…nzey the 28 of June 1576. And afterwards revived by the said Ministers and Elders and confirmed by the said Governours in a Synod holden also in Guernzey the 11 12 13 14 15 and 17. days of October 1597. p. 338. CHAP. V. 1 Annotations on the Discipline 2 N place in it for the Kings Supremacy 3 Their love to Parity as wâ—…ll in the State as in the Church 4 The covering of the head a sign of liberty 5 The right hand of fellowship 6 Agenda what it is in the notion of the Church The intâ—…usion of the Eldership into Domestical affairs 7 Millets câ—…se 8 The brethren 〈◊〉 in giving names to children 9 〈◊〉 blâ—…ng Communions 10 The holy Discipline made a thâ—…d note of the 〈◊〉 11 Marriage at certain times prohibited by the Discipline 12 Dead bodies anciently not interred in Cities 13 The Baptism of â—…els 14 The brethren under pretence of scandal 〈◊〉 upon the civil Courts 15 The Discipline incroacheth on our Church by stealth 16 A caution to the Prelates p. 364. CHAP. VI. 1 King James how affected to this Platform 2 He confirms the Discipline in both Islands 3 And for what 〈◊〉 4 Sir John Peyton sent Governour into Jâ—…rsey 5 His Articles against the Ministers there 6 And the proceedings thereupon 7 The distracted estate of the Church and Miniâ—…y in that Island 8 They refer themselves unto the King 9 The Inhabitants of Jarsey petition for the English Discipline 10 A reference of both parties to the Councell 11 The restitution of the Dean 12 The Interim of Germany what it was 13 The Interim of Jarsey 14 The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Common prayer 15 The establishment of the new Canons 378. CHAP. VII The Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiasticall for the Church Discipline of Jarsey together with the Kings Letters Patents for the authorising of the same p. 390. CHAP. VIII 1 For what cause it pleased his Majesty to begin with Jarsey 2 A representation of such motives whereon the like may be effected in the Isle of Guernzey 3 The indignity done by a Minister hereof to the Church of England 4 The calling of the Ministers in some reformed Churches how defensible 5 The circumstances both of time and persons how ready for an alteration 6 The grievances of the Ministery against the Magistrates 7 〈◊〉 of such means as may be fittest in the managing of this design 8 The subm ssion of the Author and the work unto his Lordship The 〈◊〉 of the whole Our return to England p 412. ERRATA Besides the errors of the Copy the Reader is of course to look for some from the Prosse which the hast made for preventing the false impressions hath more increased then any negligence of the Workman which the Reader is desired to amend in this manner following PAge 4. l. 27. r. Le Main p. 5. l. 13. r. â—…ocorum p. 7 l 15. r. qui. p. 10. l. 22. r. the predecessor to the same Hen y. p. 11. l. 17. del in p. 13 8 〈◊〉 pacâ—… ibid. l. 35. r. 〈◊〉 p. 19. l 26. r. Evenlode p. 31 l. 8. r. fourth p. 39. l 25 p. 108. 9 〈◊〉 interview p. 49. l. 3. r. then ibid l 4. r. as at ibid. l. 9. r. her own thoughts p. 52. l. 1. r. Cumrye p. 60 l. 28. r. En lay ibid. l. 35 r. Troy s. p. 69 l 26. del now p. 95. l. 17. r born p. 96. l. 19 r. abolished p. 99. l. 20. r Treasurirer p. 100. l. 1. r. visible p. 121. l. 12. r. Chastres p 123 l. 1 r. as much hugged ibid. l 26. r. I
had been bought out of the State to make their particular misery the greater and so the corruption remaineth unalâ—…d This Town as it is sweetly seated in respâ—…ct of the air so is it finely convenienced with walks of which the chief are that next unto Paris Gate having the wall on one hand and a rank of palm-trees on the other the second that near unto the Bridge having the water pleasingly running on both sides and a third which is indeed the principal on the east side of the City It is called the Palle Malle â—…rom an exercise of that name much used in this Kingdome a very Gentleman like sport not over violent and such as affordâ—…th good opportunity of discourse as they walk from one mark to the other Into this walk which is of a wonderful length and beauty you shall have a clear evening empty all the Town the aged peâ—…ple borrowing legs to carry them and the younger armes to guide them If any young Dame or Monsieur walk thither single they will quickly finde some or other to link with them though perhaps such with whom they have no familiarity Thus do they measure and re-measure the length of the Palle Malle not minding the shutting in of the day till darkness hath taken away the sense of blushing At all hours of the night be it warm and dry you shall be sure to finde them there thus coupled and if at the years end there be found more children then fathers in the Town this walk and the night are suspected shrewdly to be accessaries A greater inconvenience in my opinion then an English kisse There is yet a fourth walk in this Town called L'Estapp a walk principally frequented by Merchants who here meet to conferre of their occasions It lyeth before the house of Mr. Le Comte de St. Paul the Governour and reacheth up to the Cloyster of St. Croix of the building of which Chuâ—…ch I could never yet hear or read of any thing but that which is meerly fabulâ—…us for the Citizens report that long since time out of mindâ—… thâ—…e appeared a vision to an holy Monk which lived thâ—…reabouts and bad him dig deep in such a place where he should finde a piece of the holy Crosse charging him to preserve that blessed relique in great honour and to cause a Church to be built in that place where it had been buâ—…d upon this warning the Church was founded but at whose charges they could not enform me so that all which I could learn concerning the foundation of this Church is that it was erected only by Superstition and a lie The Supâ—…stition is apparent in their woâ—…shipping of such rotten stickâ—… as they imagine to be remnants of the Crosse their calling of it holy and dedicating of this Church unto it Nay they have consecrated unto it two holy daiâ—…s one in May and the other in September and are bound to salute it as often as they see it in the streets or the high waies with these words Ave salus totius saeculi arbor salutifera Horrible blasphemy and never heard but under Antichrist Cruces subeundas esse non adorandas being the lesson of the Ancients As for the miracle I account it as others of the same stamp â—…qually false and ridiculous This Church in the year 1562. was defaced aâ—…d â—…ined by the Hugâ—…nots who had entred the Town under the conduct of the Pâ—…ince of Câ—…nde An action little â—…vouring of humanity and lesse of Religion the very Heathens themselves never demolishing any of the Churches of those Towns which they had taken But in this action the Hugonots conâ—…ulted only with â—…ashnesse and a zealous sury thinking no title so glorious as to be called the Scâ—…urge of Papists and the overthrowers of Popish Churches Quid facerent hostes capta crudelius â—…be The most barbarous enemy in the world could not more 〈◊〉 exercised their malice on the vanquished and this I 〈◊〉 my sâ—… had been the fate of most of our Churches 〈◊〉 tha 〈◊〉 had got the upper hand of us But this Church notâ—…anding is likely now to survive their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Henry the 4. began the repairing of it and his Son Lewis hath since continued so that the quire is now quite finished and the workmen are in hand with the rest What should move the Hugonots to this execution I cannot say unlesse it were a hate which they bare unto the name and perhaps that not unlikely We read how the Romans having expelled their Kings banished also Gollatinus their Consul a man in whom they could finde no fault but this that his surname was Tarquin tantum ob nomen genus regium saith Florus afterwards quam invisum regis nomen is very frequent in the stories of those times Amongst those which had been of the conspiracy against Julius Caesar there was one named Cinna a name so odious amongst the people that meeting by chance with one of Caesar's chief friends and hearing that his name was Cinna they presently murthered him in the place for which cause one 〈◊〉 which was also the name of one of the Conspirators published a writing of his name and pedegree shewing therein that he neither was the traytor nor any kin to him The reason of his action Dion giveth us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quod Cinua nominis causa occideretur With a like hate it may be were the French Protestants possessed against the name of the Crosse for they not only ruined this temple but beat down also all those little crossets betwixt Mont Martre and St. Denis though now King Lewis hath caused them to be re-edified And what troubles the French party here in England have raised because of that harmlesse ceremony of the crosse Notius est quam ut stilo egeat and therefore I omit it This Church is the seat of a Bishop who acknowledgeth the Archbishop of Sens for his Metropolitan The present Bishop is named Francisâ—…us d' Aubespine said to be a worthy Scholar and a sound Polititian though he were never graduated further then the arts Of his revenue I could learn nothing but of his priviledge this namely that at the first entrance of every new Bishop into this Church he hath the liberty of setting free any of the prisoners of the Gaole though their crime be never so mortall For the original of this indulgence we are beholding to St. Aignan once Bishop here and who defended the City against Attila the Hunne At his first entrance into the town saith the story after he was invested Bishop he besought Agrippinâ—… the Governour that for his sake he would let loose all his prisoners ut omnes quos pro variis criminibus poenalis carcer detinebat inclusos in sui introitus gratiam redderet absolutos when the Governour had heard his request he denied it and presently a stone falleth upon his head no man knew from whence wounded and terrified with this the Governor granteth his desire
him at his entrances into Paâ—…is The cloth of estate carryed over the King by the Provost and Fsâ—…evins is his see No man can be the Kings spurmakâ—…r his Sâ—…ith or have any place in the Kings Stables but from him and the like This place to note so much by the way was taken out of the Constables office Comes stabuli is the true name to whom it properly belonged in the time of Charles VII Besides this he hath a Pension of 500000 Crowns yearly and had an office given him which he sold for 100000 Crowns in ready money A good fortune for one who the other day was but the Kings Page And to say truth he is as yet but a little better being only removed from his servant to be his play-fellow With the affairs of State he intermedleth not if he should he might expect the Queen mother should say to him what Apollo in Ovid did to Cupid Tibi quid cum fortibus armis Mipuer ista decent humeros gestamina nostros For indeed first during her Sons minority and after since her reintegration with him she hath made her self so absolute a mistresse of his mind that he hath intrusted to her the entire conduct of all his most weighty affaires For her assistant in the managing of her greatest business she hath peeced her self to the strongest side of the State the Church having principally since the death of the Marshal D'Ancre I mean assumed to her counsels the Cardinall of Richileiu a man of no great birth were Nobility the greatest parentage but otherwise to be ranked amongst the noblest Of a sound reach he is and a close brain one exceedingly well mixt of a lay understanding and a Church habit one that is compleatly skilled in the art of mâ—…n and a perfect master of his own mind and affections him the Queen useth as her Counsellour to keep out frailty and the Kings name as her countenance to keep off envie She is of a Florentine wit and hath in her all the virtues of Katharine de Medices her Ancestor in her Regency and some also of her vices only her designes tend not to the ruine of the Kingdome and her children Joan de Seirres telleth us in his Inventaire of France how the Queen Katharine suffered her son Henry III. a devout and a supple Prince to spend his most dangerous times even uncontrouled upon his beadâ—… whilest in the mean time she usurped the Government of the Realm Like it is that Queen Mary hath learned so much of her Kinswoman as to permit this son of hers to spend his time also amongst his play-fellowes and the birds that she may the more securely manage the State at her discretion Andto say nothing of her untrue or misbecoming her vertue she hath notably well discharged her ambition the Realm of France being never more quietly and evenly governed then first during her Regencie and now during the time of her favour with the King For during his minority she carryed her self so fairly between the factions of the Court that she was of all sides honoured the time of this Marquesse D' Ancre only excepted and for the differences in Religion her most earnest desire was not â—…o oppresse the Protestants insomuch that the war raised against them during the command of Mr. Luynes was presently after his death and her restoring into grace ended An heroicall Lady and worthy the report of posterity the frailties and weaknesse of her as a woman not being accounted hers but her sexes CHAP. II. Two Religions strugling in France like the two twins in the womb of Rebecca The comparison between them two and those in the generall A more particular survey of the Papists Church in France in Policie Priviledge and Revenue The complaint of the Clergy to the King The acknowledgment of the French Church to the Pope meerly titular The pragmatick sanction Maxima tua fatuitas and Conventui Tridentino severally written to the Pope and Trent Councell The tedious quarrell about Investitures Four things propounded by the Parliament to the Jesuites The French Bishops not to medle with Fryers their lives and land The ignorance of the French Priests The Chanoins Latine in Orleans The French not hard to be converted if plausibly bumoured c. FRom the Court of the King of France I cannot better provide for my self then to have recourse to the King of heaven and though the Poet meant not Exeat aula qui vult esse pius in that sense yet will it be no treason for me to apply it so And even in this the Church which should be like the Coat of its Redeemer without seam do I finde rents and factions and of the two these in the Church more dangerous then those in the Louure I know the story of Rebecca and of the children strugling in her is generally applyed to the births and contentions of the Law and the Gospel in particular we may make use of it in expressing the State of the Church and Religions of France â—…r certain it is that here were divers pangs in the womb of the French Church before it was delivered And first she was delivered of Esau the Popish faith being first after the strugling countenanced by authority And he came out red all over like an hairy garment saith the text which very appositely expresseth the bloudy and rough condition of the French Papists at the birth of the Reformation before experience and long acquaintance had bred a liking between them And after came his Brother out which laid hold on Esaus heel and his name was called Jacob wherein is described the quality of the Protestant party which though confirmed by publick Edict after the other yet hath it divers times endevoured and will perhaps one day effect the tripping up of the others heels And Esau saith Moses was a cunning hunter a man of the field and Jacob a plain man dwelling in tents in which words the comparison is made exact A cunning hunter in the Scripture signifieth a man of art and power mingled as when 〈◊〉 in Genesis 10. is termed a mighty hunter Such is the Papist a side of greater strength and subtility a side of war and of the field on the other side the Protestants are a plain race of men simple in their actions without craft and fraudulent behaviours and dwelling in tents that is having no certain abiding place no Province which they can call theirs but living dispersed and scattered over the Countrey which in the phrase of the Scripture is dwelling in tents As for the other words differencing the two brethren and the elder shall serve the younger they are rather to be accounted a Prophesie then a Character we must therefore leave the analogie it holds with this Rebecca of France and her two children to the event and to prayer For a more particular insight into the strength and subtilty of this Esau we must consider it in the three main particular strengths of
learned in their studies and excâ—…eding painfull in their calling By the fiâ—…st they confute the ignorance of the Roman Clergy by the second their lazinesse And questionlesse it behoveth them so to be for living in a Countrey â—…ull of opposition they are enforced to a necessity of book-learning to maintain the cause and being continually as it were beset with spies they do the oftner â—…requent the Pulpits to hold up their credits The maintenance which is allotted to them scarce amounteth to a competency though by that name they please to call it With receiving of tithes they never meddle and therefore in their Schismaticall tracts of Divinity they do hardly allow of the paying of them Some of them hold that they were Jewish and abrogated with the Law Others think them to be meerly jure humano and yet that they may lawfully be accepted where they are tendred It is well known yet that there are some amongst them which will commend grapes though they cannot reach them This competence may come unto 40 or 50 l. yearly or a little more Bâ—…za that great and famous Preacher of Geneva had but 80 l. a year and about that rate was Peter de Moulins pension when he Preached at Charenton These stipends are partly payed by the King and partly raised by way of Collection So the Ministers of these Churches are much of the nature with the English Lecturers As for the Tithes they belong to the severall Parish Priests in whose Precincts they are due and they I 'le warrant you according to the little learning which they have will maintain them to be jure divino The Sermons of the French are very plain and home-spun little in them of the Fathers and lesse of humane learning it being concluded in the Synod of Gappe that only the Scriptures should be used in their Pulpits They consist much of Exhortation and Use and of nothing in a manner which concerneth knowledge a ready way to raise up and edifie the Will and Affections but withal to starve the understanding For the education of them being children they have private Schools when they are better grown they may have â—…ree recourse unto any of the French Academies besides the new University of Saumur which is wholly theirs and is the chiefe place of their study CHAP. IV. The connexion between the Church and Common-wealth in generall A transition to the particular of France The Government there meerly regall A mixt forme of Government most commendable The Kings Patents for Offices Monopolies above the censure of Parliament The strange office intended to Mr. Luynes The Kings gifts and expences The Chamber of Accounts France divided into three sorts of people The Conventus Ordinum nothing but a title The inequality of the Nobles and Commons in France The Kings power how much respected by the Princes The powerablenesse of that rank The formall execution done on them The multitude and confusion of Nobility King James defended A censure of the French Heralds The command of the French Nobles over their Tenants Their priviledges gibbets and other Regalia They conspire with the King to undoe the Commons HAving thus spoken of the Churches I must now treat a little of the Common-wealth Religion is as the soul of a State Policy as the body we can hardly discourse of the one without a relation to the other if we do we commit a wilfull murder in thus destroying a republick The Common-wealth without the Church is but a carkasse a thing inanimate The Church without the Common-wealth is as it were anima separata the joyning of them together maketh of both one flourishing and permanent body and therefore as they are in nature so in my relation Connubio jungam stabili Moreover such a secret sympathy there is between them such a necessary dependance of one upon the other that we may say of them what Tully doth of two twins in his book De fato Eodem tempore â—…orum morbus gravesoit eodem levatur They grow sick and well at the same time and commonly run out their races at the same instant There is besides the general râ—…spect of each to other a more particular band betwixt them hâ—…re in France which is a likenâ—…sse and resemblance In the Church of France we have found an head and a body this body again divided into two parts the Catholick and the Protâ—…stant the head is in his own opinion and the minds of many others of a power unlimited yet the Catholick party hath strongly curbed it And of the two parts of the body we see the Papists 〈◊〉 and in triumph whilest that of the Protestant is in misery and affliction Thus is it also in the body Politick The King in his own conceit boundlesse and omnipotent is yet aâ—…onted by his Nobles which Nobles enjoy all the freedome of riches and happinesse the poor Paisants in the mean time living in drudgery and bondage For the government of the King is meerly indeed regal or to give it the true name despoticall though the Câ—…untrey be his wife and all the people are his children yet doâ—…h he neither govern as an husband or a father he accounteth of them all as of his servants and therefore commandeth them as a Master In his Edicts which he over frequenly sendeth ab ut he never mentioneth the good will of his Subjects nor the approbation of his Councell but concludeth all of them in this forme Car tell est nostre plaisir Sic volo sic 〈◊〉 A forme of government very prone to degenerate into a tyranny if the Princes had not oftentimes strength and will to make resistance But this is not the vice of the entire and Soveraign Monarchy alone which the Greek call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the other two good formes of regiment being subject also to the same frailty Thus in the reading of Histories have we observed an Aristocracie to have been frequently â—…rupted into an Oligarchie and a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Common-wealth properly so called into a Democratie For as in the body naturall the purest complexions are lesse lasting but easily broken and subject to alteration so is it in the body Civill the pure and unmixt formes of Government though perfect and absolute in their kinds are yet of little continuance and very subject to change into its opposite They therefore which have written of Republicks do most applaud and commend the mixt manner of rule which is equally compounded of the Kingdome and the Politeia because in these the Kings have all the power belonging to their title without prejudice to the populacie In these there is referred to the King absolute Majesty to the Nobles convenient authority to the People an incorrupted liberty all in a just and equall proportion Every one of these is like the Empire of Rome as it was moderated by Nerva Qui res olim dissociabiles miscuerat principatum libertatem wherein the Soveraignty of one endamaged
Churches That done I shall draw down the successe of their affairs from the beginning of the Reformation in matters of Religion to the accomplishment of that innovation which they had made in point of discipline and therein the full platforme or discipline it self according as by Snape and Cartwright it was established in their Synods In the third place I shall shew your Lordship by what degrees and means the Ministers and Church of Jâ—…rsey were perswaded to conforme unto the discipline of England together with a copy of those Canons and constitutions Ecclesiasticall whereby the Church and Ministery of that Island is now governed Lâ—…st of all I shall commence a suit unto your Lordship in the name of those of Guernzey for their little sister which hath no breasts that by your Lordships place and â—…ower the one Island may confâ—…rme unto the other and both to England In which I shall exhibit unto your Lordship a just survey of such motives which may have most sway with you in the surthering of a work so commendable and shall adventure also upon such particulars as may conduce to the advancing of the businesse Not that therein I shall presume positively to advise your Lordship or to direct you in the reâ—…diest way for the accomplishment of this designe but that by this propounding of mine own conceits I may excite your Lordship to have recourse unto the excellent treasures of your own mind and thence to fashion such particulars for this purpose as may be most agreeable to your Lordships wisdome In order whereunto your Lordship may be pleased to câ—…ll to mind that on provocation given unto the French at the Isle of Rhe the King received advertisement of some reciprocâ—…ll affront intended by the French on the Islâ—…s of Jarsey and Guernzey with others thereupon appendant the only remainders of the Dukedome of Normandy in the power of the English and that for the preventing of such inconveniences as might follow on it it was thought good to send the Earl of Danby then Governour of the Isle of Guernzey with a considerable supply of Men and Armes and Ammunition to make good those Islands by fortifying and assuring them against all invasions This order signified to his Lordship about the beginning of December anno 1628. he chearfully embraced the service and prepared accordingly But being deserted by his own Chaplaines in regard of the extremity of the season and the visible danger of the enterprise he proposed the businesse of that attendance unto me not otherwise relating to him then as to an honourable friend in whom he found as great a readinesse and resolution as he â—…ound coldnesse in the other According to his Lordships summons I attended him in his Majesties house of St. James a little before the Feast of Christmas but neither the Ships money nor other necessaries being at that time brought together I was dismissed again at the end of the Holydayes untill a further intimation of his Lordships pleasure Toward the latter end of February I received a positive command to attend his Lordship on Friday the 20 of that month at the house of Mr. Arthur Brumfeild in the Parish of Tichfeild near the Sea situate between Portsmouth and South-hampton whither accordingly I went and where I found a very chearfull entertainment It was a full week after that before we heard of his Lordships coming and yet his Lordship was fain to tarry two or three dayes before he had any advertisement that his Ships Men and Ammunition which he thought to have found there in readinesse were Anchored in the road of Portsmouth News whereof being brought unto us on the Monday morning we spent the remainder of that day in preparations for our Journey and taking leave of those good friends by whom we were so kindly entertained and welcomed On Tuesday March the 3. about ten in the morning we went aboard his Majesties Ship called the Assurance being a Ship of 800 tun furnished with 42 pieces of Ordinance and very well manned with valiant and expert Sailors welcomed aboard after the fashion of the Sea with all the thunder and lightning which the whole Navy could afford from their severall Ships Our whole Navy consisted of five Vessels that â—…s to say the Assurance spoken of before two of his Majesties Pinnaces called the Whelps a Catch of his Majesties called the Minikin and a Merchants ship called the Charles which carryed the Armes and Ammunition for the use of the Islands Aboard the Ships were stowed about 400 foot with their severall Officers two Companies whereof under the command of Collonell Pipernell if I remember his name aright and Lieutenant Câ—…llonell Francis Connisby were intended for the Isle of Guernzey the other two under the command of Lieutenant Collonell Francis Rainford and Captain William Killegre for the Isle of Jarsâ—…y The Admirall of our Navy but in subordination to his Lordship when he was aâ—… Sea was Sir Henry Palmer one of the Admirals or the Narrow-seas All of them men of note in their severall wayes and most of them of as much gallantry and ingenuity as either their own birth or education in the Schoole of war could invest them with The Sea was very calme and quiet and the little breath of winde we had made us move so slowly that the afternoon was almost spent before we had passed through the Needles a dangerous passage at all times except to such only who being well skilled in these sharpe points and those dreadâ—…ull fragments of the Rocks which so intituled them could â—…ear a steady course between them Scylla and Charybdis in old times nothing more terrible to the unskilled Mariners of those dayes then those Rocks to ours Being got beyond them at the last though we had got more Sea roome we had little more winde which made us move as slowly as before we did so that we spent the greatest part of the night with no swifter motion then what was given us by the tide About 3 of the clock in the morning we had winde enough but we had it directly in our teeth which would have quickly brought us to the place we had parted from if a great Miste arising together with the Sun had not induced our Mariners to keep themselves aloofe in the open Sea for fear of falling on those Rocks wherewith the Southside of the Wight is made unaccessable About 2 of the clock in the afternoon the winds turning somewhat Eastward we made on again but with so little speed and to so little purpose that all that night we were fain to lie at Hull as the Mariners phrase it without any sensible moving either backward or forward but so uneasily withall that it must be a very great tempest indeed which gives a passenger a more sickly and unpleasing motion For my part I had found my self good Sea-proof in my Voyage to France and was not much troubled with those disturbances to which the greatest part of our Land-men were
this people conceiving rightly that multitudes of Lawyers occasion multitudes of businesse or according to that meâ—…ry saying of old Haywood The more Spaniels in the fiâ—…ld the more game Of these advocate two of them which are as we call them here in England the Kings Attorney or Solliciteur are called Advocati stipulantes the others Advocati postulantes Yet have they not by any order confined themselves to this number but may enlarge them according to occasion though it haâ—… not been a Solâ—…cisme or a novâ—…lty were the number limited For it appeareth in the Parliament Recordâ—… that Edwaâ—…d 〈◊〉 first â—…strained the number both of Counsellers and Atturneys unto 140 for all England though he also left authority in the Lord Chief Justice to enlarge it as appeareth in the said Records Anno 20. Rotul 5. in dorso de apprenticiis attornatis in these words following D. Rex injunxit Joh. de Metingham he was made chief Justice of the Commâ—…n Pleas in the 18 of this King sociis suis quod ipsi per eorum discretionem provideant ordinent certum numerum in quolibet Comitatu de melioribus legalioribus libentius addiscentibus sec. quod intellexeâ—…int quod curiae suae populo de regno melius valere poterit c. Et videtur regi ejus concilio quod septies viginti sufficere poterint Apponant tamen praefati justiciarii plures si viderint esse faciendum vel numerum anticipent c. Thus he wisely and happily foreseeing those many inconveniences which arise upon the multitudes of such as apply themselves unto the Lawes and carefully providing for the remedy But of this as also of these Islands and of their manner of Govenment I have now said sufficient yet no more then what may fairly bring your Lordship on to the main of my discourse and Argument viz. the Estate and condition of their Churches I shall here only adde a Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of the Isle of Jarsey for of those of Guernzey notwithstanding all my paines and diligence I could finde no such certain conâ—…at which is this that followeth A Catalogue of the Governours and Bailiffs of Jarsey Bailiffs Governours 1301 Pierre Vigeure Edw. II. Otho de Grandison Sr. des Iâ—…es 1389 Geofr la Hague Edw. III. Edm. de Cheynie Gard des Isles 1345 Guill Hastings Thom. de Ferrer Capt. des Isles 1352 Rog. Powderham  1363 Raoul L. Empriere  1367 Rich de St. Martyn  1368 Iean de St. Martyn   Rich le Peâ—…il  1370 Jean de St. Martyn   Jean Cokerill  1382 Tho. Brasdefer Hen. IV. Edw. D. of York 1396 Geâ—…fr Brasdefer V. Jean D. of Bedford 1414. 1405 Guill de Laick  1408 Tho. Daniel VI. Hum. D. of Glocester 1439. 1414 Jean Poingt dexter  1433 Jean Bernard Kt.  1436 Jean l' Empriere  1444 Jean Payne  1446 Regin de Carteret  1453 Jâ—…an Poingt dâ—…xter Edw IV. Sir Rich. Harliston 1462 Nicol. Mourin  1485 Guill de Harvy Angl. Hen. VII Mathew Baker Esq 1488 Clem. le Hardy Tho. Overcy Esq 1494 Jean Nicols David Philips Esq 1496 Jean l' Empriere  1515 Hel de Carteret Hen. VIII Sir Hugh Vaugâ—…an 1524 Helier de la Râ—…q Sir Aâ—…ony Uâ—…erell   1526. Râ—…ch Bailiffs Governours 1526 Rich Mabon  1528 Jasper Penn. Angl.  1562 Hostes Nicolle Edw. VI Edw. D. of Somers L Protect  Jean du Maresque Cornish  Geo. Pawlet Angl. Ma. R. Sir Hugh Pawlet 1516 Jean Herault Kt. Eliza. R. Sir Aimer Paulet 1622 Guill Parkhurst Sir Antho. Pawlett 16 Philip de Carteret Kt. Sir Walt. Raleigh now living ann 1644.  Jac. Sir Joh. Peiton S. a Cross ingrailed O.   Car. Sir Tho. Jermin now living Further then this I shall not trouble your Lordship with the Estate of these Islands in reference either unto Naturall or Civill Concernments This being enough to serve for a foundation to that superstructure which I am now to raise upon it CHAP. II. 1 The City and Diocese of Constance 2 The condition of these Islands under that Governmint 3 Churches appropriated what they were 4 The Black Book of Constance 5 That called Domes day 6 The suppression of Priours Aliens 7 Priours Dative how they differed from the Conventualls 8 The condition of these Churches after the suppression 9 A Diagram of the Revenue then allotted to each severall Parish together with the Ministers and Justices now being 10 What is meant by Champarte desarts and French querrui 11 The alteration of Religion in these Islands 12 Persecution here in the days of Queen Mary The Authors indignation at it expressed in a Poeticall rapture 13 The Islands annexed for ever to the Diocese of Winton and for what reasons BUt before we enter on that Argument The estate and condition of their Churches a little must be said of their Mother-City to whom they once did owe Canonicall obedience A City in the opinion of some once called Augusta Romanduorum and after took the name of Constance from Constantine the great who repaired and beautified it Others make it to be built in the place of an old standing campe and that this is it which is called Constâ—…ntia castra in Ammian Marcellinus Meantesque protinus prope castra Constantia funduntur in Mare lib 15. To leave this controversie to the French certain it is that it hath been and yet is a City of good repute the County of Constantine one of the seven Bailiwicks of Normandy being beholding to it for a nâ—…me As for the Town it self it is at this day accounted for a 〈◊〉 but more famous for the Bishoprick the first Bishop of it as the Roman Martyrologie and on the 23 if my memory â—…ail not of September dâ—…h inâ—…ruct us being one Paternus Du Chesne in his book of French Antiquities attributes this honour to St. Ereptiolus the man aâ—… he conjectures that first converted it into the faith his next successors being St. Fxuperance St. Leonard and St Lo which last is said to have lived in the year 473. By this account it is a City of good age yet not so old but that it still continues beautiâ—…ull The Cathedrall here one of the fairest and well built pieces in all Normandy and yeelding a â—…air prospect even as far as to these Islands The Church it may be raised to that magnificent height that so the Bishop might with greater ease survey his 〈◊〉 A Diocese containing antiently a good part of Countrey Constantine and these Islands where now we are For the better executing of his Episcopall â—…sdiction in these places divided by the Sea from the main body of his charge he had a Surrogat or Substitute whom they called a Dean in each Island one His office consisting as I guesse at it by the jurisdiction of that of a Chancellour and an A chdeacon mixt it being in his
faculty to give institution and induction to give sentence in cases appertaining to Ecclesiasticall cognisance to approve of Wils and wiâ—…hall to hold his vâ—…ations The revenue fit to entertain a man of that condition viz. the best benefice in each Island the profits ariseing from the Court and a proportion of tithes allotted out of many of the Parishes He of the Isle of Guernzey over and above this the liâ—…le Isâ—… of Lehu of which in the laâ—… Chapter and when the â—…ouses of Reâ—…gion as they called them were suppressed an allowance of an hundred quarters of Wheat Guernzey measure paid him by the Kings receiver for his Tiâ—… I say Guernzey measure because it is a measure diffeâ—…ent from ours their quarter being no more then five of our bushels or 〈◊〉 The Ministery at that time not answerable in number to the Parishes and those few very wealthy the Religious houses having all the Prediall tiâ—…hes appropriated unto them and they serving many of the Cures by some one of their own body liâ—…nced for that purpose Now those Churches or Tiâ—…hes rather were called Appropriated to digresse a little by the way by which the Patrons Papali authoritate intercedente c. the Popes authority intervening and the consent of the King and Diocesan first obtained were for ever annexed and as it were incorporated into such Colledges Monasteries and other foundations as were but sparingly endowed At this day being irremediably and ever aliened from the Church we call them by as fit a name Impropriations For the rating of these Benefices in the payment of their first fruits and tenths or Annats there was a note or taxe in the Bishops Register which they called the Black book of Constance like as we in England the Black book of the Exchequer A Taxe which continued constantly upon Record till their disjoyning from that Diocese as the rule of their payments and the Bishops dues And as your Lordship well knowes not much unlike that course there is alwayes a Proviso in the grant of Subsidies by the English Clergie That the rate taxation valuation and estimation now remaining on Record in his Majesties Court of Exchequer for the payment of a perpetuall Disme or Tenth granted unto King Henry the VIII of worthy memory in the 26 year of his Reign concerning such promotions as now be in the hands of the Clergie shall onely be followed and observed A course learnt by our great Prelates in the taxing of their Clergie from the example of Augustus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his taxing of the World For it is reported of him by Co. Tacitus that he had written a book with his owne hand in quo opes publicae continebantur wherein he had a particular estimate of all the Provinces in that large Empire what Tributes and Imposts they brought in what Armies they maintained c. and what went also in Largesse and Pensions out of the publick finances This Providence also exactly imitated by our Norman 〈◊〉 who had taken such a speciall survey of his nâ—…w 〈◊〉 that there was not one hide of Land in all the Râ—…alme but he knew the yearly Rent and owner of it how many plow-lands what Pastures â—…nnes and Marishes what Woods Parkes Farmâ—…s and Tâ—…nements were in 〈◊〉 shire and what every one was worth This Censuall Roll the English generally call Doomesdâ—…y bâ—…ok aâ—… that as some suppose because the judgemâ—…nt aâ—…d 〈◊〉 of it was as impossible to be declined as that in the day of doome Sic cum orta suerit 〈◊〉 de â—…is rebus quae 〈◊〉 continentur cum ventum fuerit ad librum ejus 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 nâ—…n poteâ—… vel impune declinari so mine Authour O hers conceive it to be corruptly called the â—…ook of Doomes-day for the Book of Domus dei or the Domus-dei book as being by the 〈◊〉 laid up in the Maison dieu or Gods-house in Winchester A book carefully preserved and that under three Keyes in his 〈◊〉 es Exchequer not to be lookâ—…ed into under the price of a Noble nor any line of it to be transcribed without the payment of a 〈◊〉 Tanta est authoritas vetustatis So grâ—…at respect do we yeeld unto antiquity But to return again to my Churches whom I left in bondage under their severall Pâ—…iories and other the Religious houses I will first free them from that yoak which the supâ—…rstition of their Patâ—…ons had put upon them So it was that those Houses of Religion in these Islâ—…ds were not absolute foundations of themselves but dependent on and as it were the 〈◊〉 of some greater Abby or Monastâ—…ry in France In this condition they continued â—…ill the beginning of the Râ—…ign of Kinâ—… Henâ—… the V. who purposing a war agaiâ—…st the French thâ—…ught fit â—…o cut of all â—…lpes and succours as they had â—…om England at that time â—…ull of Priors Aliens and strangers posseâ—…d of Beneficâ—…s To this end it was enacted viz. Whereas there were divers French men beneficed and preferred to Priories and Abbies within this Realm whereby the treasures of the Realm were transported and the counsels of the King and the secrets of the Realm disclosed unto the Kings enemies to the great damage of the King and of the Realm that therefore all Priors Aâ—…ns and other French men beneficed should avoid the Realm exceâ—…pt only Priors Conventuals such as have instiâ—uâ—ion and induction and this also with a Proviso that they be Catholick and give sufficient surety that they shall not disclose the counsels of the King or of the Realm so the Statute 1 Hen 5. cap. 7. This also noted to us by Pol. Vergil ad Reip. commodum 〈◊〉 est ut post haec ejusmodi externis hominibus nullus Anglicani sacerdotii possessio traderetur Upon which point of statute the Britons belonging to the Queen Dowager the widow once of John de Montfort Duke of Bretagne were also expelled the Land by Act of Parliament 3. Hen. 5. cap 3. By this means the Priors Aâ—…ens being banished their possessions fell into the Kings hands as in England so also in these Islâ—nds and their houses being all suppressed they became an accession to the patrimony Royall the demaine as our Lawyers call it of the Crown These Priors Aliens thus exiled were properly called Priors Dative and removeable but never such Aliens never so removeable as they were now made by this Statute What the condition of these Priors was and wherein they differed from those which are called above by the name of Priors Conventuals I cannot better tell then in the words of an other of our Statutes that namely of the 27 of Hen. 8. cap. The Parliament had given unto the King all Abbies Priories and Religious houses whatsoever not being above the value 2â—… l. in the old rent Provided alwayes saith the letter of the Law that this Act c. shall not extend nor be prejudiciall to any Abbots or Proirs of any Monastery
spoyles whereof they held it fit to enrich their Governments Matters not possible to be effected had he of Constance continued in his place and power But of this more in the next Chapter CHAP. III. 1 The condition of Geneva under their Bishop 2 The alteration there both in Politie and 3 in Religion 4 The state of that Church before the coming of Calvin thither 5 The conception 6 birth and 7 growth of the New Discipline 8 The quality of Lay-elders 9 The different proceedings of Calvin 10 and Beza in the propagation of that cause 11 Both of them enemies to the Church of England 12 The first entrance of this platforme into the Islands 13 A permission of it by the Queen and the Councell in St. Peters and St. Hilaries 14 The letters of the Councell to that purpose 15 The tumults raised in England by the brethren 16 Snape and Cartwright establish the new Discipline in the rest of the Islands THus having shewed unto your Lordship the affairs and condition of these Churches till the Reformation of Religion I come next in the course of my designe unto that Innovation made amongst them in the point of Discipline For the more happy dispatch of which businesse I must crave leave to ascend a little higher into the story of change then the introduction of it into those little Islands So doing I shall give your Lordship better satisfaction then if I should immediately descend upon that Argument the rather because I shall deliver nothing in this discourse not warranted to be by the chief contrivâ—…rs â—…f â—…he 〈◊〉 To begin thâ—…n with the first originall and commencement of it so it is that it took the first beginâ—…ing at a City of the Allobroges or Savoyards called Geneva and by that name mentioned in the 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 Commentaries A Town situate at the end of Lacus Lemannus and divided by Rhodanus or Rhosne into two parts Belonging formerly in the Soveraignty of it to the Duke of Savoy but in the profits and possession to their Bâ—…shop and homager of that Dukedome To this Bishop then there appertained not only an Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction as Governour of the Church under the Archbishop of Vienna in Daulphinoys his Metropolitane but a 〈◊〉 also temporall as Lord and Master of the Town under the protection of the Duke of Savoy This granted by the testimony of Calvin in his Epistle unto Cardinall Sadolet dated the last of August 1539. Habebat sane saith he jus gladii alias civilis jurisdictionis partes but as he conceived I know not on what grounds Magistratui ereptas fraudulently taken from the Civill Magistrate In this condition it continued till the year 1528. when those of Berne after a publick disputation held had made an alteration in Religion At that time Viret and Farellus men studious of the Reformation had gotten footing in Geneva and diligently there sollicited the cause and entertainment of it But this proposall not plausibly accepted by the Bishop they dealt with those of the lower rank amongst whom they had gotten most credit and taking opportunity by the actions and example of those of Berne they compelled the Bishop and his Clergy to abandon the Town and after proceeded to the reforming of his Church This also avowed by Calvin in his Epistle to the said Cardinall viz. That the Church had been reformed and setled before his coming into those quarters by Viret and Farellus and that he only had approved of their prâ—…ceedings Sed quia quae a Vireto Farello facta essent suffragio meo comprobavi c. as he there hath it Nor did they only in that tumult alter the Doctrine and orders of the Church but changed also the Government of the Town disclaiming all alleagiance eiâ—…her to their Bishop or their Duke and standing on their own liberty as a â—…ree City And for this also they are indebted to the active counsels of Farellus For thus Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers of Zurich dated the 26 of November 1553. Cum â—…ic nuper esset frater noster Farellus â—…ui se totos debent c. and anone after Sed deplâ—…randa est senatus nostri caecitas quod libertatis suae patrem c. speaking of their ingratitude to thâ—…s Farellus The power and dominion of that City thus put into the hands of the common people and all things left at liberty and randome it could not be expected that there should any discipline be observed or good order in the Church The Common councell of the Town disposed of it as they pleased and if any crime which antiently belonged to Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction did hap to be committed it was punished by order from that Councell No censures Ecclesiasticall no sentence of Excommunication thought on at that time either here at Geneva or in any other of the popular Churches Si quidem excommunicationi in aliis Ecclesiis nullus locus as Beza hath it in the life of Calvin And the same Calvin in his Epistle to the Ministers of Zurich affirmes no lesse in these words viz. Nec me latet pios doctos esse homines quibus sub principibus Christianis non videtur esse necessaria Excommunicatio so he Thus was it with the Church and City of Geneva at the first coming of Calvin to them a man of excellent abilities and one that had attained a good repute in many places of the French dominions Not finding that assurance in the Realm of France he resolved to place himselfe at Basil or at Strasburg But taking Geneva in his way upon the importunity of Farellus he condescended to make that place the scene of his endeavours and his assent once known he was admitted straight to be one of their ordinary preachers and their Divinity reader Mens Aug. anno 1536. This done he presently negotiates with the people publickly to abjure the Papacy nor so only but as Beza hath it in his life Quod doctrinam disciplinam capitibus aliquot comprehensam admitterent that they also should give way to such a discipline which he and his associates had agreed on A matter at the last effected but not without much difficulty and on the 20 of July anno 1537. the whole City bound themselves by oath accordingly which discipline of what quality it was I cannot learn sure I am it had no affinity with that in use amongst the antients For thus himself in his Epistle above mentioned unto Sâ—…dolet Disciplinam qualem vetus habuit Ecclesia apud nos non esse dicis neque nos diffitemur The Discipline hitherto was only in conception before it came unto maturity and ready for the birth the people weary of this new yoak began to murmur and he resolutely bent not to vary from his first purpose was in that discontentment banished the Town together with Farellus and Coraldus his colleagues anno 1538. Three years or thereabouts he continued in this exile
love to Parity as well in the State as in the Church 4 The covering of the head a sign of liberty 5 The right hands of fellowship 6 Agenda what it is in the notion of the Church The intrusion of the Eldership into Domestical affairs 7 Millets case 8 The brethren superstitious in giving names to children 9 Ambling Communions 10 The holy Discipline made a a third note of the Church 11 Marriage at certain times prohibited by the Discipline 12 Dead bodies anciently not interred in Cities 13 The Baptism of Bels. 14 The brethren under pretence of scandal usurp upon the civil Courts 15 The Dâ—…scipline incroacheth on our Church by stealth 16 A caution to the Prelates SIc nata Romana superstitio quâ—…rum ritus si percenseas ridenda quam multa multa etiam miserandâ—… sunt as in an equal case Minutius This is that Helena which lately had almost occasioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to put all the cities of our Greece into combustion This that Lemanian Idol before which all the Churches of the world were commanded to fall down and worship this that so holy Discipline so essential to the constitution of a Church that without it Faith and the Sacraments were to be judged unprofitable Egregiam vero laudem spolia ampla How infiniâ—…ely are we obliged to those most excellent contrivers that first exhibited unto the world so neat a model of Church Government with what praises must we celebrate the memory of those which with such violent industry endevoured to impose upon the world these 〈◊〉 inventions But this I leave unto your Lordship to determine proceeding to some scattered Annnotations on the precedent text wherein I shall not censure their devices but expound them Cap. 1. 3. As bearing chief stroke in the Civil Gâ—…ernment For in the Government Ecclesiastical they dâ—…cline his judgemâ—…nt as incompetent An excellent instance whereof we have in the particular of David Blâ—…cke a Minister of Scâ—…land who having in a Sermon traduced the person and government of the King was by the King commanded to appear before him But on the other 〈◊〉 the Church revoked the cause unto their tribunal jussit eum judicium illud declinare saith mine Author True it is that in the next chaptâ—…r they afford him â—…er to correct Blasphemers Atheists and Idolaters but this only as the executioners of their decrees and in the punishment of such whom their assemblies have condemned On the other side they take unto themselves the designation of all those which bear publick office in the Church Chap. 3 7. The appointing and proclaiming all publick fasts Chap. 11. 1. The presidency in their Assemblies Chap. 16. 1. The calling of their Councels Chap. 19. 20. Matters in which consists the life of Soveraignty No marvell then iâ—… that pâ—…rty so much dislâ—…ke the Supremacy of Princes in cauâ—…es Ecclesiastical as being ex diametro opposed to the Consistorian Monarchy A lesson taught them by their first Patriarch in his Commentaries on the 7. chapter of the Prophet Amos vers 13. in these words and in this particular Qui tâ—…pere 〈◊〉 Henriâ—…um Angliae understand the 8. of the name certe fuerunt homines inconsiderati dedeâ—…t enim illi summam rerum omnium potestatem hoc me graviâ—…er 〈◊〉 vulneravit After wards he is content to permit them so much power as is granted them in the 2 chapter of this Book of Discipline but yâ—…t will not have then deal too much in spiritualities Hâ—… saâ—…th he sâ—…ere requiritur a regilus ut gladio quo 〈◊〉 sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cultum dei asseâ—…endum Sed interea sunt homines inconfiderati qui saciunt eos nimis spirituales So he and so his followers since Chap. 3. 4. No Church officer shall or ought to pretend any superiority or doâ—…inion over his companions And in the chapt 1. 2. No â—…ne Church shall pretend c. And this indeed this parity is that which all their 〈◊〉 did so mainly drive at these mâ—…n concâ—…g of Religion as Philosophers of friendship cum 〈◊〉 semper pares aut inveniâ—…t â—…ut faciat as in Minutius A parity by those of this party so earnestly affected in the Church the better to introduce it also into the State This was it which principally occasioned G. Buchanan in the Epistle before his libellous Book De jure regni to reckon those common titles of Majesty and Highnesse usually attributed unto Princes inter barbarismos Aulicos amongst the solecisms and absurdities of Courtship This was it which taught Paraeus and the rest that there was a power in the inferiour Magistrates to restrain the person of the Prince and in some cases to depose him This was it which often moved the Scottish Ministery to put the sword into the hands of the multitude and I am verily perswaded that there is no one thing which maketh the brethren so affected to our Parliaments as this that it is a body wherein the Commons have so much sway Chap. 3. 6. Shall first subscribe to the confession of the Faith used in the reformed Churches But the reformed Churches are very many and their confessions in some points very different The Lutheran Confessions are for consubstantiation and ubiquity the English is for Homilies for Bishops for the Kings Supremacy and so not likely to be intended The confession then here intended must be that only of Geneva which Church alone is thought by some of them to have been rightly and perfectly reformed Chap. 4. 1. To propose the Word of God The fashion of it this such as by study have enabled themselves for the holy Ministery upon the vacancy of any Church have by the Collâ—…quie some time appointed to make 〈◊〉 as they call it of their giâ—…t The day come and the Coâ—…oquie assembled they design him a particular place of Scripture for the ground of his discouâ—…se which done and the proponent for so they 〈◊〉 him commanded to withdraw they passe their censures on him every one of them in their order if they approve oâ—… him they then send him also to propose unto the people as in the second Article Chap. 4. â—… And that barehâ—…led And this it may be because Candidates 〈◊〉 because not yet initiated For themselves having once attained the honour to be Masters in Israel they permit their heads to be warmly covered a thing not in use only by the Ministers of the Geneva way but as my self have seen it among the Priâ—…sts and Jesuites I know the putting on of the hat is a sign of liberty that the Laconians being made free Denizens of Laâ—…demon would never go into the battâ—…il nisi pileati without their hats and that the Gent. of Rome did use to manumit their slaves by giving them a cap whereupon ad pileum vocare is as much as to sâ—…t one fâ—…ee Yâ—…t on the other side I think it liâ—…tle â—…judicial to that liberty not to make such full use of it in the
neither grow upon us by cunning or connivence CHAP. VI. 1 King James how affected to this Platform 2 He confirmes the Discipline in both Islands 3 And for what reasons 4 Sir John Peyton sent Governour into Jarzey 5 His Articles against the Ministers there 6 And the proceedings thereupon 7 The distracted esâ—…ate of the Church and Ministery in that Island 8 They referre themselves unto the King 9 The Inhabitants of Jarzey petition for the English Discipline 10 A reference of both parties to the Councell 11 The restitution of the Dean 12 The Interim of Germanie what it was 13 The Interim of Jarzey 14 The exceptions of the Ministery against the Book of Common-prayer 15 The establâ—…shment of the new Canons IN this state and under this Government continued those 〈◊〉 till the happy entrance of Kâ—…ng James upon the Monarchy of England A Prince of whom the brethren conceived no small hopes as one that had continually been brought up by and amongst those of that faction and had so ost confirmed their much desired Presbyteries But when once he had set foot in England where he was sure to meet with quiet men and more obedience he quickly made them see that of his favour to that party they had made themselves too large a promise For in the conference at Hampton Court he publickly prosessed that howsoever he lived among Puriâ—…ans and was kept for the most part as a ward under them yet ever since he was of the age of â—…en years old he ever disliked their opinions and as the Saviour of the world had said though he lived among them â—…e was not of them In this conference also that so memorized Apophthegm of his Majesty No Bishop no King and anon after My Lords the Bishops saith he I may thank ye that these men the Puritans plead thus for my Supremacy Add to this that his Majesty had alwaies fostred in himself a pious purpose not only of reducing all his Realms and Dominions into one uniform order and course of discipline which thing himself avoweth in his Letters Patents unto those of Jarzey but also to establish in all the reformed Churches if possibly it might be done together with unity of Religion and uniformity of devotion For which cause he had commanded the English Liturgie to be translated into the Latine and also into most of the national Languages round about us by that and other more private means to bring them into a love and good opinion of our Government which he oftentimes acknowledged to have been approved by manifold blessings from God himself A heroick purpose and worthy of the Prince from whom it came This notwithstanding that he was enclined the other way yet upon suit made by those of these Islands he confirmed unto them their present orders by a Letter under his private Seal dated the 8. of August in the first year of his reign in England which Letters were communicated in the Synod at St. Hilaries the 18. of September 1605. the Letter written in the French Tongue but the tenor of them was as followeth James by the Grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland c. unto all those whom these presents shall concern greeting Whereas we our selves and the Lords of our Councell have been given to understand that it pleased God to put it into the heart of the late Queen our most dear sister to permit and allow unto the Isles of Jarzey and Guernsey parcel of our Dutchy of Normandy the use of the Government of the reformed Churches in the said Dutchy whereof they have stood possessed until our coming to this Crown for this couse we desiring to follow the pious example of our said Sister in this behalf as well for the advancement of the glory of Almighty God as for the edification of his Church do will and ordain that our said 〈◊〉 shall quietly enjoy their said liberty in the use of the Ecclesiastical Discipline there now established forbidding any one to give them any trouble or impeachment as long as they contain themselves in our obedience and attâ—mpt not any thing against the pure and sacred Word of God Given at our Palace at Hampton Court the 8. day of August Anno Dom. 1603. and of our reign in England the first Signed above James R. The reasons which moved this Prince to assâ—…nt unto a form of Government which he liked not was partly an ancient â—…ule and precept of his own viz. That Princâ—…s at their first entrance to a Crown ought not to innovate the government presently established But the principal cause indeed was desire not to discourage the 〈◊〉 in their beginnings or to lay open too much of his intents at once unto them For since the year 1595. his Majâ—…sty wearied with the 〈◊〉 of the Discipline in that Church established had much busied himself in restoring thâ—…ir anâ—…nt place and power unto the Bishops He had already brought that work so forwards that the Scottish Ministers had admitted of 13 Commissioners which was the antient number of the Bishops to have suffrage in the Parliament and to represent in that Assembly the body of the Clergy and that their place should be perpetual Thus far with some trouble but much art he had prevailed on that unquiet and unruly company and therefore had he denied the Islanders an allowance of their Discipline he had only taught the Scottish Ministery what to trust to An allowance whereof he after made especial use in his proceedings with that people For thus his Majesty in a Declaration concerning such of the Scottish Ministers as lay attainted of High Treason Anno 1606. viz. And as we have ever regarded carefully how convenient it is to maintain every Countrey in that form of Government which is fittest and can best agree with the constitution thereof and how dangerous alterations are without good advice and mature deliberation and that even in matters of order of the Church in some small Island under our Dominions we have abstained from suffering any alteration So we doubt not c as it there followeth in the words of the Declaration On these reasons or on some other not within the power of my conjecture this Discipline was permiâ—…ed in these Islands though long it did not continue with them For presently upon his Majesties comming to the Crown Sir Walter Raleigh then Governor of Jarzey was 〈◊〉 of Treason on which attaindure this with others of his places fell actually into the Kings disposing upon this variancy it pleased his Majesty to depute the present Governor Sir John Peiton to that 〈◊〉 A 〈◊〉 not over forward in himself to pursue the projects of the Powlets his 〈◊〉 for Sir W. Raleigh had but a little while possessed the place and it may well be furnished also with some secret instructions from the King not to be too indulgâ—…nt to that party Whether that so it was or not I cannot say Sure I am that he omitted no
woman during her divorce he shall have recourse to the Secular power CHAP. VI. Of Ministers Article I. 1. NO man that is unfit to teach or not able to preach the word of God shall be admitted to any Benefice within the Isle or which hath not received imposition of hands and been ordained according to the forme used in the Church of England II. 2. None of them either Dean or Minister shall at the same time hold two Benefices unlesse it be in time of vacancy and only the Natives of the Isle shall be advanced to these preferments III. 3. The Ministers every Sunday after morning prayer shall expound some place of holy Scripture and in the afternoon shall handle some of the points of Christian Religion contained in the Catechism in the Book of Common-prayers IV. 4 In their Prayers they shall observe the titles due unto the King acknowledging him the Supreme governour under Christ in all causes and over all persons as well Ecclesiasticall as Civill recommending unto God the prosperity of his person and royall posterity V. 5. Every Minister shall carefully regard that modesty and gravity of apparell which belongs unto his function and may preserve the honour due unto his person and shall be also circumspect in the whole carriage of their lives to keep themselves from such company actions and haunts which may bring unto them any blame or blemish Nor shall they dishonour their calling by Gaming Alehouses â—…suries guilds or occupations not convenient for their function but shall endevor to excell all others in purity of life in gravity and virtue VI. 6. They shall keep carefully a Register of Christnings Marriages and Burials and shall duely publish upon the day appointed to them the Ordinances of the Courts such as are sent unâ—… them signed by the Dean and have been delivered to them fifteen dayes before the publication VII 7. The Ministers shall have notice in convenient time of such Funerals as shall be in their Parishes at which they shall assist and shall observe the forme prescribed in the book of Common-prayers No man shall be interred within the Church without the leave of the Minister who shall have regard unto the quality and condition of the persons as also unto those which are benefactours unto the Church CHAP. VII Of the Dean Article I. 1. THe Dean shall be a Minister of the word being a Master of the Arts or Graduate at the least in the Civill Lawes having ability to exercise that office of good life and conversation as also well affected to Religion and the service of God II. 2. The Dean in all causes handled at the Court shall demand the advice and opinion of the Ministers which shall then be present III. 3. There shall appertain unto him the cognisance of all matters which concern the service of God the preaching of the Word the administration of the Sacraments Matrimoniall causes the â—…xamination and censure of all Papists Recusants Hereticks Idolaters and Schismaticks persons perjured in causes Ecclesiasticall Blasphemers those which have recourse to Wizards incestuous persons Adulterers Fornicators ordinary drunkards and publick profaners of the Lords day as also the profanation of the Churches and Church-yards misprisionâ—… and offences committed in the Court or against any officers thereof in the execution of the mandats of the Court and also of Divorces and separations a thoro mensa together with a power to censure and punish them according unto the Lawes Ecclesiasticall without any hindrance to the power of the Civill Magistrate in regard of temporall correction for the said crimes IV. 4. The Dean accompanied with two or three of the Ministers once in two years shall visite every Parish in his own person and shall take order that there be a Sermon every visitation day either by himself or some other by him appointed Which Visitation shall be made for the ordering of all things appertaining to the Churches in the service of God and the administration of the Sacraments as also that they be provided of Church-wardens that the Church and Church-yards and dwellings of the Ministers be kept in reparations And farther he shall then receive information of the said Church-wardens or in their default of the Ministers of all offences and abuses which need to be reformed whether in the Minister the officers of the Church or any other of the Parish And the said Dean in lieu of the said visitation shall receive 4 s. pay out of the Treasures of the Church for every time V. 5. In the vacancy of any Benefice either by death or otherwise the Dean shall give present order that the profits of it be sequestred to the end that out of the revenue oâ—… it the Cure may be supplyed as also that the widow and children of the deceased may be satisfied according to the time of his service and the custome of the Isle excepting such necessary deductions as must be made for dilapidations in case any be He shall also give convenient time to the widow of the deceased to provide her of an house and shall dispose the residue unto the next Incumbent for which the Sequestrator shall be accomptant VI. 6. In the same case of vacancy if within six months the Governour do not present a Clerk unto the Reverend father in God the Bishop of Winton or if that See be void to the most Reverend father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury to be admitted and instituted to the said Benefice then shall the Dean give notice of the time of the vacancy unto the said Lords the Bishop and Archbishop whereby it is in the lapse that so it may be by them collated And then if any one be offered to them the Dean shall give a testimony of the Demeanure and sufficiency of the party to be approved by them before he put him into actuall possession of the said Benefice VII 7. The Dean shall have the Registring and Probate of Testaments which be approved by the seal of his office and afterwards enregistred He shall also have the registring of the Inventories of the moveable goods of Orphanes which he shall carefully record to give copies of them at all times and as often as he is required Also he shall give letters of administration of the goods of Intestates dying without heirs of their body to the next of kindred VIII 8. They which have the keeping of the Will whether he be Heir Executor or any other shall transcribe and bring iâ—… unto the Dean within one moneth in default whereof he shall be brought by processe into the Court and be constrained to pay double charges And the said Dean for the said Testaments Inventories and Letters of administration shall have such fees as are specified in a Table for this purpose IX 9. All legacies moveable made unto the Church the Ministers Schools or to the poor shall be of the cognisance of the Dean but upon any opposition made concerning the validity of the Will
treat first of it with my Lord the Governour that he may make plain the way before you and facilitate the businesse or whether it may be thought most proper that some negotiate with the people and the Jurates to commence a suit in this behalf unto the Councell or whether that the Ministers themselves in this conjuncture of time oppressed as they conceive it by the Civill Magistrates encroaching on them may not with great facility be perswaded to sollicite for a change who can so well determine as your Lordship whom long experience and naturall abilities have made perfect in these arts Only let me beseech your Lordships leave to enjoy mine own folly and for a while to act my part to read my lecture though Hannibal and Roscius be in presence At such time as by the Ministers his Lordship was petitioned to resolve upon some course for their relief they made request to me to sollicite for them their desires to be a remembrancer for them to his Lordship To which I answered that I could direct them in a way which should for ever â—…ee them from that yoak which so much they feared and if they would vouchsafe to see my Chamber I would there impart it A motion not made unto the wals or lost in the proposall for down unto my Lodging they descended and there we joyned our selves in Councell The Petitioners were five in number viz. De la March Millet Pâ—…ard Picote and De la Place my self alone and nâ—…t provided save in Wine and Sider for their entertainment But as Lactantius in an equall case Necâ—…sse est ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 boâ—…itas faciat eloquentem presuming on the goodnesse of my cause but more upon their ignorance I was resolved to bid them battail Immediately upon the opening of the Counsell I was importuned my opinion whereto I freely made them answer the only course whereby they might subsist entire and fâ—…ee from bondage was to address themselves to his Majesty for the restitution of the Dean But this say they is Physick worse then the disease and thereupon the battails began to joyn with greater violence with violence it was and therefore as we are instructed in Philosophy of no long continuance for presently upon the first encounter their ranks were broken and their forces disunited Picote for his part protested that he had alwayes been an enemy to Lay Elders and that he could not see by what authority of Scripture they were permitted in the Churches Perchard was well enough content that the dispensing of the poor mans box might be committed unto others and that the Deacons as being a degree or step unto the Ministery might be employed about the treasures of salvation Millet stood silent all the while and as I think reserved himself to try the fortune of another day De la March and De la Place this De la Place is he who abandoned Jarsey upon his failing of the Deanship what they could not make good by reason supplied by obstinacy In my life I never knew men more willing to betray a cause or lesse able to maintain it My inference hereupon is this that if his Majesty should signifie unto them that it is his royall pleasure to admit a Dean among them or else repair unto the Court to give a reasoâ—… of their reâ—…usall they sooner would forsake and quit their cause then either be resolved to agree about it or venture to defend it If I were sure to make no use of Logick till these men shal run the hazard of a disputation I would presently go and burn my Aristotle To draw unto an end for I have been too tedious to your Lordship Before I pluck off my disguise and leave the stage whereon I act I coulâ—… me thinks add somewhat here about the choicing of a man most fit for this authority In which particular as I stand well affected to Perchard for a moderate and quiet man so hath he also a good repute in all the Island both for his vein of Preaching his liberall hospitality and plausible demeanor Or if your Lordship think a forainer more fit there being now the Parish of St. Saviours void and so full room for that induction I durst propose to you Olivier of Jarsey a man which I perswade my self I may say safely not inferiour unto any of both Islands in point of Scholarship and well affected to the English form of Government Add to this that already he is acquainted with the nature of the place as having executed the office of the Commissary or Subdean ever since the introduction of the charge and therefore not to seek in the managing and cariage of his jurisdiction But good God! what follies do we dayly run into when we conceive our selves to be disguised and that our actions are not noted It is therefore high time for me to unmaske my self and humbly crave your Lordships pardon that under any habit I should take upon me to advise A further plaudite then this I do not seek for then that you will vouchsafe to excuse my boldnesse though not allow it the rather because a zeal unto the beauteous uniformity of the Church did prompt me to it But this and this discourse such as it is I consecrate unto your Lordship for whose honour next under Gods I have principally pursued this argument For my self it will be unto me sufficient glory that I had any though the least hand in such a pious work and shall be happy if in this or in any other your Lordships counsels for the Churches peace I may be worthy of imployment Nor need your Lordship fear that in the prosecution of this project you may be charged with an innovation To pursue this purpose is not to introduce a novelty but to restore a Discipline to revive the perfect service of God which so long hath been to say the best of it in a Lethargy and to make the Jerusalem of the English Empire like a City which is at unity within it self Sic nova dum condis revocas vir summe priora Debentur quae sunt quaeque â—…uere tibi Si priscis servatur honos te Praeside templis Et casa tam culto sub Jove numen habet Thus Reverend Lord to you Churches both old and new Do owe themselves since by your pious care New ones are built and old ones in repaire Thus by your carefull zâ—…al Unto the Churches weal As the old Temples do preserve their glories So private houses have their Oratories It is now time to acquaint your Lordship with the successe and safety of our return all things being done and suâ—…ly setled for the peace and security of those Islands which was the only cause of our voyage thither Concerning which your Lordship may be pleased to know in a word that the crossnesse of the winds and roughnesse of the water detained us some dâ—…yes longer in Castle Cornet then we had intended but at the last on Thursday Aprill 2. being Maundy Thursday anno 1629. we went aboard our Ships and hoised sail for England It was full noon before we were under sail and yet we made such good way that at my waking the next morning we were come neer the Town of Peal and landed safely the same day in the Bay of Teichfeild where we first took Ship his Lordship being desirous to repose himself with the said Mr. Bromfeild till the Feast of Easter being passed over might render him more capable to pursue his Journey And now I am safely come into my Countrey where according to the custome of the Antients I offer up my thanksgiving to the God of the waters and testifie before his Altars the gratefull acknowledgement of a safe voyage and a prosperous return blessings which I never merited Me tabula sacer Votiva paries indicat uvida Suspendisse potenti Vestimenta maris Deo My Votive Table on the Sacred wall Doth plainly testifie to all That I those gratefull vowes have paid Which in the tumults of the deep I made To him that doth the Seas command And holds the waters in his hand The End of the Last Book and the Second Journey P. 4. â—… 27. 5 l. 10. 〈◊〉 l. 17. P. 7. l 26. P. 8. 17. P. 34. l. 2 5 l. 25. 64. l. 1. 〈◊〉 â—… 38. P. 243. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 The City and 2 The condition of these Islands under that Government 3 Churches appropriated what they were 4 The black book of Constance 5 6 The 〈◊〉 of Priors Aliens 7 Priors dative hâ—w they differed from Conventuals 8 The condition of these Churches after that suppression 9 The Diagram * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 †St. 〈◊〉 dâ—…â—…oys 10 What is meant by Dâ—…ts French Querrui and by Champart 11 The alteration of Religion in these Islands 12 〈◊〉 here in the dayes of Q 〈◊〉 â—…3 The Islâ—…nds annâ—…xed for ever unto the Diocese of 〈◊〉 and for what Reasons 1 The condition of Geneva under their Biâ—…hop 2 The alteration there both in Religion and â—… in Polity 4 The estate of that Church 〈◊〉 the coming of Calvin thither 5 The conception 6 The Birth â—…nd 7 Growth of the new Discipline 8 The quality of Lay-Elders 9 The different prâ—…ceeding of 〈◊〉 10 〈◊〉 in the propagation of that câ—…use * V. cap. 5 â—… 11 Bâ—…h of these 〈◊〉 to the Church of England 12 Tâ—…â—…st 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…h Islands 13 A permission of it by the Queen c. 14 The Letters of the Councell to that purpose 15 The tumults raised in England by 〈◊〉 Brethren