rather than inches who matters no more engagements dispensed with by his Holines than we doe our Almanacks out of date I should be glad to be informed what we could doe in the case more then cry and complaine to God Allmighty For I doubt they will seldome doe that which Maximilian the first did frequently Deus aeterne nisi vigilares quà m malè esse mundo Morn Myster Iniquit quem regimus nos ego miser venator ebriosus illè ac sceleratus Julius Nay if Governors thinke themselves obliged in conscience and honour to keepe conditions yet it is well known how generally they are influenced by their Clergy so that in all dubious cases and the application of generall rules to particular practises it cannot be exspected but judgement should be given on the Papists side and that the Grandees of the Church should beare them out in it and Jesuits and others Zelots applaude their practises 4. The Papists must have publique places for their Worship not only in all Cities but Villages as we may see in the Articles propounded by the French Now there being by far too few Churches or places for publique Worship in most of our populous and enlarged Cities allready it will not be possible for a great part of our Religion to enjoy the publique Ordinances of God but many will run into profane courses most grow ignorant and careles what Religion they are of and their posterity absolute Papists By which meanes the number of the Reformed decreasing and Papists increasing where at first there was but onely one Church for popery they shall then take more and so continue to inlarge themselves and straten us Nor let any judge these as onely jealousies and feares For if they begin allready to incroach as it is credibly reported from severall places they command and breake Articles heerein when not onely the commands of superiors but common policy requires a most religious observance thereof what shall we thinke they will doe hereafter If they will not now out of hopes to win those to them which yet stand out much les will they when there is no more hope of gaining thereby 5. When popery is the Religion of our Governors who have the disposall of preferments and profits to allure men to their Religion We shall find by wofull experience what by education converse marriages dignities and other worthy advantages many of the ignoranter and looser sort of Protestants will change their profession I say not Religion for that such never had and turne Papists Who is such a stranger in the world as knowes not that by such artifices they have more weakened the Protestants in France than by all their wars and contests with them In so much that of late yeares some wise men of the Reformed Religion there have bene so fear full of its being utterly supplanted that they have required their children by their last will and Testament to leave that Kingdome and setle themselves in these Countries 6. Let the best he supposed that any rationall man can imagine yet will it be bad enough For if the Papists have the Civill power to back them allthough the wiser and better sort it is not to be doubted will be civill yet the the ruder sort will be intollerably insolent And this begins to appear in some places allready where the Popish Inhabitants are more insufferably insulting spightfull and injurious than the French themselves And if they doe this so early while things are doubifull and the issue of the War dubious what may we expect when they are in their high Meridian of succes and glory 7. And lastly if any one thinkes that these are onely needles feares and groundles surmises I shall desire them to peruse the French Embassadors Speech to the Emperors Council Gremonville where he will find this Argument of Religion insisted on to divert the Emperor from our assistance which is well retorted by the ingenious Answerer thereof And inform themselves how fast the Jesuits and other Zealots for the Romish Religion fall off from the House of Austria and Spaint to France in regard of their inability to carry on their designs of the Universall Popish Monarchy and the hopes they have of France's potency to effect it And then let them judge if there be not sufficient ground for all that I have said and much more that might be said upon this Subject Sect. 4 Objections from the danger of losing our Religion under England from the Kings being a Papist designing to set up Popery the increase countenance and tolleration of Papists as also from his joyning with France against us and Church Governement by Bishops all answered But now on the other hand it is by some objected against the English 1. That the King is a Papist in heart and designes to set up the Popish Religion First what the King is in his heart and what he designes is onely knowne to God Almighty who is the searcher of hearts That he is a profest protestant is well knowne And allthough I will not sweare for him nor any man alive that he will not change his Religion yet to me it seems very improbable upon the following grounds 1. He that would not in his minority when under his Mothers education in France K. Charles I. Letters but followed his Fathers instructions of being obedient to her in all things excepting the matter of her Religion I cannot thinke will now in his maturity 2. His withstanding so many temptations wherewith he was environed so long a time together during those many years of his exile wherein neither the friendship of Papists nor unkindness and hard measure he met withal from Protestants could move him Militiere's Victory of the Truth and Bp. Bramhalls Answer makes me think him much more immovable now he is free from those Who that knows those times knows not what designs the Papists had upon him What Perswasions and Arguments they used both by word and writing What Promises they made him of assistance to recover his Kingdoms What Arguments of Interest they prest him with which are usually more prevalent with Princes than the intrinsick Arguments of Religion And if he stood unshaken in all those boysterous blasts shall we thinke he will fall in a calme 3. His rescuing his youngest Brother the Duke of Glocester out of his Mothers hands when her designes appeared for perverting him in his Religion is an evident proofe of the realty of his Profession If any one say it was his Interest for regaining his Kingdoms I say 4. And is it not his Interest also for keeping them Did he gaine them so quickly or are his three Kingdoms so little worth that he should easily hazard them Kings are wiser then to venture their Crownes upon every idle Priests pratles If there were any stronger Arguments now then formerly either for the Popish Religion or from his Interest we had some reason to be jealous that he might change
changes times and seasons and makes friends become enimies and enimâ—es Friends Would not this have been thought incredible to our Ancestors that France and England who raised us should endeavour our ruine And that Spaine and Austria who sought our destruction should ever seek our preservation And all this out of Intrest as I shall shew hereafter those formerly to ballance Spaine's and these now France's greatnes and neither Religion or affection For whosoever thinkes that Spaine and Austria have any kindness for us more than themselves hath a faith far larger than my fancy There is another Objection against our closing with England for Religions-sake from their Episcopall Church-Government which if it were not mentioned by some to the prejudice of my assertion I should have passed over as inconsiderable For. 1. This is onely an accidentall difference in the same Religion and not a different kinde of Religion as Popery is And a difference in the externall forme of Government onely not in the substantialls and vitalls of Religion For we both agree in the same Confession of Faith and in all the essentialls of the Reformed Religion 2. A very great part of the King of England's Subjects are Presbyterians as is well knowne 3. Although Episcopacy be the Church Government setled by Law in the three Kingdoms yet his-Majesty indulges publique liberty to Presbyterians and other Non-conformists So that we need not doubt but he will much more to us that Church Government which is setled amongst us 4. New-England and several other Plantations belonging to his Majesty of great Brittaine have allwayes enjoyed and still do their own Church-Governement freely and therefore we need not feare that ours should be denied us 5. Allthough the Church Governement of these Provinces be Presbyterian yet as to its vitall power and administration in severall places it hath for sundry yeares last past rather been Erastian The Magistrates frequently assuming that power here which the Bishops do there In so much that I question whether the Presbyterians may not have more hopes that their discipline should be raised then feares that it should be ruined under England Gralloe contra Apollodium 1646. Lucti Antistii de Jure Ecclesiasticor l. 1665. Politike discoursen l. 4. over Kerkelike Sacken What crying up the Magistrates power circa sacra and what decrying the Ministers both by word and writing Antistius tells us in the frontispece of his booke that whatever right divine or humane is attributed to the Ministers or they assume to themselves is either falsely and impiously ascribed to them or is onely from the Rulers of the Republique or city where they are setled What applauding of Hobs's Leviathan now translated into Latin and Dutch What frequent interposing in Ecclesiasticall affaires and how miserably the honest Minister in the Hague was handled may be seen in Aitzma Many were afraid of a storme falling upon the. Ministers if our enemies had not faln upon us What crossing the Churches in the Election of their Pastors and exercise of their Governement hath been at Rotterdam and other places is too well knowne and being reformed I wish what 's past might be buried in oblivion And thus I have vindicated my first Argument from Religion and shall endeavour to compensate my prolixity heerein with more brevity in the rest Concluding that if we cannot defend the true reformed Religion we profes nor will not secure it the best we can we may call our Country Ichabod for the glory is departed from these Netherlands Sect. 5. The second Argument taken from Liberty Wherein the different kinds and degrees of Liberty under all sorts of Governement are declared and the probability of our enjoying greater freedome under England than France argued IT will further appeare our interest to be under England rather than France in regard of our Liberty Which next to true Religion and life is the greatest blessing bestowed on man-kind Now for our clearer proceeding herein we must 1. Shew what kind of Liberty is here meant 2. Wherein it consists and the measures thereof 3. Accommodate these to the matter in hand For the first We meane not here Personall Liberty either morally considered in opposition to coaction or civilly either in opposition to confinement as we usually take it or to slavery as the Civilians 2. Nor Civil Liberty as opposed to Monarchie Institut l. 1. tit 32 as the Greeke and Latin Historians frequently with which Tacitus begins his Annals Vrbem Romam à Principio Reges habuere libertatem consulatum L. Brutus instituit For I well know that to whomsoever we submit this liberty is lost Much less 3. For Licentiousness For subjection to Lawes and Government is so far from being inconsistent with liberty that it is the onely means of its preservation For without this what are Kingdoms and States but great butcheries of men and publick robberies of propriety where the strongest arme and longest sword sweeps away all So boundless is mans villany and his lusts so ragingly restless that we have no other choyce left us but either be subject to Law or slaves to licentiousness As Tully sayes well Pro Cluent Legum ideirco omnes servi sumus ut liberiesse possimus But 4. That publick liberty which a people have under their Government of what kind soever it is as it is taken in opposition to publick oppression Which is of divers sorts and different degrees in regard of our persons priviledges and proprieties When a people are neither oppressed by usurpation without colour of Law nor by extortion under pretext thereof Which is an invaluable mercy to those that injoy it though rightly valued by few except those that want it And hath been so highly praised by all sorts of writers hat it is better to be silent then briefe in its commendations Now Secondly wherein this consists and how to measure the same is harder to discover and determine in regard we can meet with no guides that have gone this way For the Civil Law which is copious concerning all other Dominions is silent in this of Soveraignty and being calculated for the Meridian of Monarchs leaves them free to make their Subjects so more or less at their pleasure Historians onely relate what freedom such and such people had under such and such Rulers and the Writers of Policy and particular Republicks compare the peoples liberty under the several forms of Government and commend this or that State for the same And these are all the helps we have which are in the next degree to nothing We will therefore pass them all by and freely follow our own judgment in shewing joyntly both the nature of liberty and the measures thereof But we must necessarily here premise 1. That though all ought to pay the homage of subjection to that lawful government under which they live yet none ought so to be wedded to any forme as to think the subjects of all others not free Which Aristotle long since
into her hands as she was offered the absolut protection of these Provinces But that is not so clear to me nor will be so I think to others who rightly consider the circumstances of those times for we must not judge by the following wherein this Common-wealth grew up beyond all expectation under such Wars as many feared would have been our destruction But yet though she refused for several reasons both of Conscience and State mentioned by Cambden in her Annals A.D. 1575. yet it plainly appears by the forementioned places in Thuanus that rather than the French should she would have done it And could she have foreseen what we have known I am apt to think she would have adventured it although I must tell you it would have been a great venture Spain being both so potent at that time and spightful against her as was quickly after perceived by the Spanish Armado in 88. and besides the enmity of Spain she had thereby incur'd the envy of France infallibly and was uncertain not only of success in the War but of what support of men and money especially the Dutch should be able to contribute for the carrying on the War which was easily foreseen would be long and bloody Nor can any one think that England is not sensible of the danger they are in if we be under France that either considers the Reasons of State or obeserved that which was obvious to every eye and that is how the English was startled at the progress of France What posting was made too and again Was not the Lord Vicount of Hallifax hasted over when they feared their approach to Vtrecht And hearing it was over was not his Grace the Duke of Buckingham the Lord Arlington with several other Commissioners posted after At which time having the honour to wait on my Lord of Hallifax and telling him the Town talk of the D. of Buckingham c. coming through the Fleet and being gone to the Hague he could scarce credit it having not had the least notice thereof they coming away in such haste for fear the French should overrun all And no wonder if we consider the Consequences thereof for England which are so great that they had better lose either Scotland or Ireland And if any English think I overlash I shall desire them first carefully to compute these several particulars and then censure 1. The loss that the King will have in his Customs and the Kingdom in their Trade which neither of those Nations can compensate 2. The constant charges of maintaining a Navy which that Kingdom must be at to maintain their traffick far greater than will secure them against either of those Kingdoms 3. The great injuries they are always liable unto from such potent enemies by Sea as the French and Dutch conjoined more than from the other by Sea and Land 4. The Wars that are likely to fall upon them in a few years both by Sea and perhaps Land also which would prove far heavier than either of those Kingdoms can make with them 5. The hazard they run of being baffled and beat out of their Trade by such a War It is true this is not so easie as many of the Dutch imagine as I have already proved nor yet so difficult much less impossible as perhaps some of the English may fancy I shall not now stand to draw these out of their close order into an open yet if any of the English think me weak in this I have a Reserve which I think will sufficiently secure me from being routed It will be said to me why then should England commence this War Truly let me say it freely for I know it that the scale of War very hardly cast that of peace and the difference was so small that it came upon two or three grains only I have weighed this as exactly as I possibly could first distinguishing pretexts from real causes and then distinctly considering these one by one There were these 5 variously discoursed of His Majesties designing to introduce the Popish Religion to alter the government of those Kingdoms to revenge himself upon us to advance the Prince of Orange and the Interest of the Kingdom of England For the two first which made the loudest noise in some mens mouths I soon found them frivolous and only calumnies cast out by his enemies at home and abroad to make the King odious and his People jealous As to that of changing Religion I have formerly shewn and I think sufficiently that he neither will nor can if he would effect it As for the 2d I considered the Kings years as being past any such youthful and vain ambition his being destitute of a Child that can challenge the Crown his former miseries and sufferings by War and his wisdom too great to set upon a design so wholly impracticable especially in England and Scotland For by the constitution of his Kingdoms though he have the Militis for the execution of the Laws authority without power being a vain scare crow and insufficient to suppress the audacious exorbitances of the multitude yet the people have the purse to ballance that power and whence then would he pay his Armies Nor let any one stop me with saying the Long Parliament contested with his Father for the Militia for that was only temporary they challenging it only for that time of the danger they apprehended in the Kingdom and not as their constant right and not belonging to the Crown as may be seen by those who will rightly read their Declarations which they published to the world concerning that War collected and printed together by Husbands at London 1642. And besides this a Parliament in being though not sitting which hath some kind of radical power though not to be exerted but when legally congregated But suppose them dissolved it being in the Kings power to do it at his pleasure yet hath he not the City of London on his back and both Kingdoms about him to oppose him especially considering that the jealousie of Popery would be taken into the quarrel And what Ministers of State durst suggest such designs they know well the maxim of the Commons and their practice as the great means of preserving their freedom is to ruine such as would infringe their Liberty And that they are so jealous of and zealous for their rights herein that some of them still have the courage and resolution to venture their own heads to break the necks of such men and such defigns as would prejudice their Priviledges I have observed in the Histories of former times and in my own time also that there were seldom any of the noblest Stags of State how much soever imparked in the Kings favour and how strongly soever impaled with power but if the Commons of England singled him out and set upon him though he might hold them at an abay for some time yet they still hunted him down at last And for the King to think of making himself
outwardly each for their own ends yet that it is not so cordiall and firme as many amongst us feare it is And to say the truth the consideration hereof was the first dawning of hopes I had for the Protestant Intrest and the good of these Countries Now allthough I could mention some more private expostulations and perhaps some of their Articles allthough I could by no means ever procure from either side the knowledge of them all yet I thinke it not fit to mention these but such things onely as are publick and others as well as my self may know if they use their eye-sight and observation Let us then omitting all secrets and mysteries of State which yet are the best grounds to make a judgement when certainely knowne we will onely mention such things as are publickly apparent but being not considered in subordination to Reasons of State were unusefull to the most for the end I have observed them When all Europe stood in doubt what England would doe and all men on their tiptoes with expectation to see whether War or Peace betwixt that Kingdome and these Countries upon the Smyrna's Fleet returne the doubts of many were then decided The Saturday morning early after the fight the Fiscale sent his footman to tell me they had fought with some generalls thereof and that the Fleet was before the Land I must confes I stood amazed at Holmes's furious folly who had orders onely to bring them up not to commence a War the Declaration thereof being not published allthough to those that would not submit to such orders it was all one in effect though not in formalities which are the greatest plea that I know of that the English have for that Action Upon this I began to consider the Reasons of State as to England both domestick and forreign For I reasoned thus if this friendship be so firme that England will goe through with France in all their great designes I must make other measures then I had formerly done But still finding all Reasons of State against this and those jealousies of changing Religion and the Government in those Kingdoms frivolous as I have demonstrated I found allso thereby stronger grounds of hope for the Protestant Religion and the common Intrest of Europe and that it was onely a temporary friendship out of some particular peake or designe against these Provinces which would have an end when satisfaction therein was given to that Crowne Whilst I am busy in ballancing all the Reasons of State for those Kingdoms and likewise for their Intrest abroad as comprehensively as I could the Protestants Intrest the Triple Alliance the greatnes of France the danger of England c. comes the English Declaration of War to mine hands but without a particular date contrary to practise but wisely to colour what Holmes had done Which having diligently perused what I desired first to see I found last to my great satisfaction and that is that they would support the peace made at Aix la Chappelle or Aken and notwithstanding the prosecution of this War will maintaine the true intent and scope of the said Treaty and that in all their Alliances which they have or shall make in the progres of this War they have and will take care to preserve the ends thereof inviolable unles provoked to the contrary Whereby I was fully confirmed in my former opinion so that I will now proceed to relate such things which have publickly past in the management of this War that are sufficient I thinke to enduce those that are unprejudiced though perhaps not to convince the obstinate to be of the same opinion with my selfe and that the friendship of England and France is not so firme as they have feared Premising that though all States as Gamesters must and will be cautious in their playing their parts yet there appeared still more then ordinary jealousies of each others friendship all along in the management of this War 1. It is observeable that though France is the Principall in the War yet they were so diffident of England that they would have them first to begin it that so they might see them certainly engaged against us 2. When they are both engaged they trust not one another without great Hostages as it were on both sides the French Squadron of Ships with the English and the Duke of Monmouth with the body of an Army with the French 3. That body of the English which doubtles should have remained together under their owne generall Officers conjoyned with the French Armie we know was not trusted by the French so to doe but were mingled here and there under the principall command of the French Generalls 4. The Fleet wherein the English had the principall share of power and command onely faced ours at first in point of Honour yet attacqued them not though they had the wind whereby they might easily have done it at their pleasure and also to their Advantage but stood over againe to the English coast Which fooles thought was want of valour but wise men will judge it reason of State that they might stay and observe what succes the French had by Land And had not we fallen upon them for Reasons of State in those circumstances and Government of these Provines that are well knowne I thinke they would have done as litle as they could for France to have fought us to this day 5. After that fight though they knew severall of our Ships were laid up and some thousands of men called out of the Fleet yet notwithstanding all the Summer after for many weeks they attempted nothing against us with their Fleet. Intending doubtles to doe their owne worke as they then saw France did theirs 6. How the English were startled at the French's coming to Vtrecht was very apparent which we have formerly mentioned 7. Why might not England as well as the rest of the World thinke that Wesel Rijnberg Skenker-sconse and the rest of our strong out Garrisons might give the French sufficient worke and the French on the contrary who had laid their traines before hand know that when they came to fire them there was no feare they would mis and they should faile of having those places Yea why may they not designe by this meanes to breake both our powers so by Sea that they may rise up to contend with either of us I am sure these things are very usuall with Princes and States and examples of this kind are infinite Why may we not then thinke that England might hereby designe to breake France's power by Land and France Englands power and ours also by Sea How often these two Crowns have played such like games with one another formerly when England had sooting in France is apparent from the Histories of both Nations But we will speake of that which more nearly concerns our selves and within our own knowledge In our first War with England I observed what influence Don Alonzo the Resident for Spaine at
change the Water and Weather may be our Walls of Defence Difficulties Dissentions and Distractions may befal our Enemies One thing or other may fall out so far to our advantage that we may retrench our selves in safety though we should not recover our former Greatness 4. Nor can it reasonably be thought that any will give themselves over to another so as to part with their Religious and Civil Interests and be in no better a capacity then a conquered people who though they are not made absolute slaves yet are usually sore opprest by the Conqueror But onely to part with their Supremacy and the Appendixes thereunto under which they may live as free Protestant Subjects If any object this is not practicable in regard of the Treaty betwixt the two Crowns of England and France I answer 1. Who knows that except a few of their Cabinet Counsel 2. This supposes that they have divided the Lions Skin before he be slain which to me is very doubtful For although two such mighty Potentates might upon rational grounds think themselves able to master this Commonwealth before they began the War yet so many are the unexpected accidents and the events of War so doubtfull that few have bene knowne to divide the spoile before they had won the battell or the Country before they had triumphed in the War lest they being frustrated of their hoped succes should becom a scorne and contempt to the world We have sufficient reason to thinke that neither England will permit France nor France England to have these Countries entirely and can we then thinke that they should agree upon this before hand if others will ghues I have the same liberty whereby I thinke that when time which is the revealer of secrets brings the Treaty to light it will appeare that the French should hold us in by Land and the English by Sea till they had brought us to their owne termes of France keeping such places above as may be thought most conducible to the inlarging his Conquests and keeping us under and England by Sea as may secure his desired Trade and Navall expences and that neither of them should have these Maritime Provinces entirely for that was for the one to make the other his Master and absolute Soveraigne at Sea by such an accession of strength nor yet divided for that would be a continuall bone of contention betwixt them 3. Those that suppose this repertition generally say that Zeeland is to be English and if so the objection is answered For if each must conquer their part by their owne Armes as many imagine who can thinke that any will be at the expence of so much blood and treasure besides the hazard of succes for that which they can have upon honourable termes Or if they proceed joyntly with their Armes to obtaine their designes we cannot thinke the one will obstruct the other in that which is agreed upon by them both And this way I suppose they take because in a joynt War the succes is common to both and the advantage redounds to each according to their former accord and was it otherwise here England attacquing us onely by Sea might get nothing by Land and France all Which I cannot imagine to be so agreed upon whatsoever the issue may be For I cannot thinke the English such fooles to fight onely for blowes and to set up the French to their owne destruction But let their agreement be what it will for the places they conquer yet it cannot bind or determine us how to dispose of our selves before we are conquered All free States and Cities v. Grot. de Jare bel pac l. 1. c. 3. §. 8. l. 2. c. 6. l. 3 c. 20. §. 5. may upon what conditions they please yeeld the Soverainty over them and their owne subjection to whom they please And allthough such proffers have sometimes been refused in regard of Wars and other evill consequences which might attend them yet here the acceptance is not to be doubted of seeing this is the Helena for which they fight If any shall ask how this is to be effected I answer Non est deliberandum de modo priusquam constat de re If any grant that it is to be done it is as much as I undertake If God in his all-wise and righteous Providence suffer us to be brought so low that we cannot longer withstand our enemies let those in supreme authority take care for the manner of performance as to the time in which treating whereby and conditions whereupon they will yield their Supremacy and Government It being my work only to shew that it is our Interest in such a case to make choice of England rather then France or any other Potentate whatsoever Sect. 2. Arguments to prove the Hypothesis the first whereof is from our Religious Concernments wherein is shewn how great a support Religion is to a State and how greatly it concern us to secure our Religion HAving now truly related Matter of Fact and clearly stated the Question I shall proceed to prove the same viz. That in case of inability to defend our selves it is our Interest to be under the English rather than the French First in regard of Religion Which as it is of cheifest concernment so deserves to have the precedence of all other considerations The very Heathens accounted this their cheif Interest and therefore above all to be secured and defended The Romans saying was Pro aris focis therein giving Religion the preference of all their civil concernments And if we Christians do not the more is our sin and the greater our shame It is so well known how the Heathens of old and Turks of later times have valued their several false Religions how their first Founders Legislators and Magistrates have made Religion both the Basis upon which they founded their Kingdoms and Commonwealths and the cheif Pillars to support them and how zealous the common people have been for their Superstitions That I cannot but wonder that Christians should be such Gallices for the true Religion and Gospel of Christ and fear that Turks and Heathens will rise up in judgment against us and condemn us for our indifferency herein But if examples would either sway us or shame us I need not go so far for them our own Ancestors are abundantly sufficient I am sure if the History of former times deceive me not Religion was the cheif inducement to them to begin that hazardous War with Spain And had such an impression upon them that they freely ventured their lives and estates for this especially although I know there were many other grievances insisted on to justifie that War Had they thought that their Posterity should have made so light of Religion and Liberty which cost them so dear as many we see in those places over who have so lightly parted with both in a great measure I perswade my self they would never have commenced such a War but the sincerer
But 5. It is apparently against his Interest not onely in regard of the danger he might incur of losing his Crownes but the great loss which would inevitably accrew to him by this change The danger we cannot imagine to be small if we rightly consider those Kingdoms I have had an accompt having been a little curious in those enquiries of 1100000 of his Subjects that by Interest and Inclination were carried counter to the Court. Under these five Heads 1. The Purchasers of Crowne and Church Lands that are now restored and they outed 2. Soldiers and Seamen that had fought against him by Sea and Land 3. Magistrates and Ministers that were removed and turned out of their places 4. Commonwealths Men that were Anti-monarchicall in their judgments 5. Fanaticks properly so called as Anabaptists Fifth Monarchy Men Quakers c. And though I could perhaps give as good a guess as another at the rest of the Substantiall Protestants that are of the Episcopall perswasion yet that needs not now These you must thinke however divided in their Interests Judgments and Affections and many of them no doubt very Loyal to his Majesty yet without all doubt would joyne against Popery and never willingly submit themselves to that yoke of bondage Nay some perhaps would be glad of such an Argument and Plea to the people and the Demagogues gaine thereby no small number of Proselytes to their Party if his Majesty was once a declared Papist And as his danger you see is great so his loss I am sure could not be small 1. Of his Honour not onely in changing that Religion he hath now so long profest and blurring the faire copy which his Father hath set him but in admitting the Popes Supremacy which hath beene so Injurious to the dignities of Emperors Kings and Princes that their complaints how they have beene plagued by the Popes are infinite 2. Of his profit and revenues Vid. Bodin de Rep. l. 1 c. 9. in regard that the Peter-pence or Tenths of Livings and other Contributions paid formerly to the Pope are by Law annexed to the Crowne and paid accordingly to the King 3. Of his Subjects affections wherein his safety especially consists For a Prince that hath the hearts of his people hath their purses and persons at his service and raignes more happily by their love then all his owne power though never so great If we therefore consider his education in and his long profession of the protestant Religion his honour and intrest ingaging him to persevere therein I should thinke no man need feare his changing it for the Popish the fopperies whereof he hath so fully both seen and knowne I might ad to these that which further satisfies me that having been at Bruxels Colen and most of those places where his Majesty during his exile did reside I can say bona fide that in all the variety of companies and converse I was ever in I never heard any probable grounds from any one intelligent person that toucht much les stain'd his Majesties reputation in this particular But I will not impose this upon others though it moves me to say the more because I am not willing to annex my name to what I have written Not that I am ashamed to owne what I conceive to be the reall truth which I have published in this treatise to the world and can make good much more largely but because I know who I am and that my name can ad no estimation to this politicall discourse but rather perhaps prejudice some who knowes me not and are used to judge of writings by their authors whereas those that will impartially search after truth must have regard to things not persons and to what is written and not the writers thereof As for his setting up popery I neither thinke that he will for the foregoing reasons nor if he would that he can for these following especially 1. The Protestant Religion is setled in all his Kingdomes by their fundamentall lawes which the King cannot repeale It is true he hath the executive power of the lawes and so can suspend the execution of penalties but cannot rescind any one law much lesse make new ones without the consent of Parliament in his respective Kingdomes And absolute Soveraingty is not there in use For power paramount to all lawes carries too great a top-saile for an English bottom wherein the Subjects liberties are shipt as well as Coesar and his fortunes 2. The lands and revenues formerly supporting the Romish Religion which are many and great are in the possession of the nobility and gentry for the most part and have beene bought by them of the Crowne at the dissolution of Abbies Monasteries c. And the purchases confirmed by law And can we thinke that they will be ever induced to part with them againe or enact any such lawes as shall tend to their owne ruine and the utter undoing of their families If there was so much danger and difficulty to wrest them out of the hands of the poore Votaries as the Histories of those times tell us What will there be to recover them from the powerfull Nobility and Gentry who legally possessing them will doubtless defend them so that none shall deprive them thereof that have not better courage and sharper Swords then they 3. The great disparity in the number of Protestants and Papists There being not one family of a hundred in England and Scotland Popish and in many and great Parishes not a Papist Now what greater madness can we imagine than that his Majesty should adventure to rely upon the Papists alone against all the Protestants of the three Nations Though their numbers are greater then formerly yet are they comparatively small as we have said to those that profes the Reformed Religion So that it can never enter into my braine that such folly should enter into any Princes brest much les one who hath suffered so much by the former divisions of his Kingdoms 4. The vast difference between a people enlightned by the Gospel and well grounded in their Religion and an ignorant and unprincipled people For the generality of the common people brought up in ignorance as they usually are under Popery are more subject to receive impressions from their Teachers and so by degrees change their Profession Whereas those who are assured from the Word of God that they are in the right will by no means be induced to the same And usually the more force is used the more obstinate they are For a setled Conscience despises dainger and defies all the terrors and torments that their cruellest adversaries can invent If in lesser differences of Church-government the King hath found it so difficult that after all the coercive Lawes and other meanes he hath used he tells the world 't is evident by the sad experience of twelve yeares that there is very little fruit of all those forceable courses Declar. March 15. 1672. what shall we think
shall be able to pursue them And indeed such is the growing greatnes of that Kingdome that it is become formidable to all Europe I need not insist on this the World is sufficiently sensible of it but it may be worth our pains to enquire into the causes thereof France formerly had severall boundaries to their Ambition which by degrees they have broken downe Severall Dukes on the one side that of Normandie Comines 1 6. c. 3. and the English after who for 400 years together latè dominati sunt in Gallia till Charles the 7. his time and that of Bretagnie till Charles the 8 gained it to the Crowne of France by the marriage of Anne Daughter of Francis the 2. the last Duke thereof and on the other side the Dukes of Bungundie till Lewis the 11. who after the death of Charles the last Duke slaine at the Battell of Nancey seized thereon and united it to the Crowne of France These three Potentates kept the French Kings continually under by their Confederations and Wars against that Kingdome Which Bands they having once broke they became at liberty to get more elbow-room in the World and become the largest compactest and strongest Kingdom of Europe were it not that their owne intestine Divisions and frequent Civil Wars hath often weakned them After France had arrived at this greatnes the following Kings Charles the 8. Lewis the 12. and Francis the first fruitlesly spent the Kingdoms strength in their Wars in Italy till Francis and Charles the 5. became competitors for the Empire and Spaine and France a fit match for each other in power Since which time such mighty contests have been betwixt those two Kingdoms as have filled all Europe with terror and amazement and all Historians with their Actions But how France hath so far prevailed as we see at present is partly by our owne and partly by the English fault we by Commission and they by Omission as we shall with what brevity we can make apparent in regard it may be usefull to us both During the reigne of Charles the 5. and Francis aforesaid the Reformation of Religion begun which occasioned great alterations to the Kingdom of France and to the Kings of Spaine in these Low Countries Wherein the Crowne of Spaine continued to prosecute their intrest in breaking downe the power of France by all means possible and especially by joyning with the Guisian faction which stiled themselves the Holy-League under pretense of opposing the Protestants Those great contests which the severall factions in France clothed with the glorious mantle of Religion are well knowne to those that are conversant in their Histories and are particularly declared by many but best in my judgement on the Protestants side by Beza the Author though not named of those 15 Bookes he stiles Commentariorum de Statu Religionis Reip. in Regno Galliae sub Henrico 2. Franciso 2. Carolo 9. Henrico 3. And on the Papists by Davila in his excellent Historie of the Civil Wars of France In which Contests in the Reigns of the four forementioned Kings the Successors of Francis the 1 and in the times of Henry the 4. who succeded them the Protestants called there Hugonots got into their Possession above 300 Garrisons and Forts in that Kingdome On the otherhand France was not asleep or awanting to prosecute their intrest in fomenting promoting and carrying on those divisions in these Low Countries to breake downe the power of Spaine into whose hands they had fallen by marriage as we have said and to remove the obstacle which these Provinces constantly were to their advancing their designes For which end they continually assisted us and whilst they pretended to fight our Battells at our charges they really fought their owne And lest the House of Austria so nearly allied to Spaine should afford them further assistance they ingage Sweden to invade the Empire and give the Emperor worke at home allowing A. D. 1631. Gustavus Adolphus 300000. Franks for levying an Army and a Million yearly for paying them every Frank being two Shillings sterling as in the years 1625. and 1635. they fathering all the Empire did on Spaine engaged us allso in more firme and constant Leagues against them This being the true State of those times between those two Crownes we therein thus doubly miscarried and erred both in our Civil and Religious Intrest First in that we thought we could never bring Spaine low enough nor assist France sufficiently against them In this blind zeale we went a great deale too far though nothing the length that France desired For had we listned to their suggestions we had to this day continued our Wars with Spaine and so have done their worke for them What arts France used to disswade us from peace with Spaine may be seen in their Historian Priol De Rebus Gallicis L. 10. as well as our owne concerning the Treaty of Munster But the States seeing the successes of France of whose greatnes they now at last and indeed too late became jealous to which they were the more awakened by the French approaches towards us in Flanders and taking of Dunkirke it being their owne proverb Aye le Francois pour ton Amy non pas pour ton voisin they resolve to take the opportunity which was put into their hands by Spaine who despairing of peace with France sought nothing more then to take off their confederates the Swede and these united Provinces especially by concluding a peace with us and procuring one allso between the Empire and Sweden For knowing their owne weaknes and great worke on their hands by the revolt of Portugall Rebellion in Catalonia the doubtfull condition of Naples the frequent losses they had received and their want of men and money to war every where they offerd us equall conditiors and we privately without the knowledge either of the French Plenipotentiaries or the Mediators Chigie from the Pope and Contaren from the State of Venice except them at last and a peace is made betwixt us at Munster January 30. 1648. and quickly after between the Empire and Sueden at Osnaburg August the 6. in the same yeare By which meanes Spaine was freed from our Wars had opportunity of Prosecuting theirs against Portugall and of creating France trouble at home by joyning with the Condean fact on in the greatnes of Mazarine and the minoritie of his present Majesty This peace so stuck on the Cardinals stomack that neither He nor that Kingdome have ever digested it but because we would not war for them any longer resolved they would war against us at last though if we had not done that too long they had never done this so succesfully Secondly we help forward France's greatnes and our owne destruction by helping to destroy the Protestant Intrest in that Kingdome For as France had the power of Spaine to keep them in on every side so they had allso a curb of the Protestants at home to check them
in their exorbitant designes Who from the beginning of the Reformation under Francis the first Henry the 2d and Francis the 2d had growne to that strength and greatnes that they grew formidable to the Crowne of France And notwithstanding the Massacre of Merindel and Chabries A. D. 1545. and the 8 several civill Wars that was made against them by Charles the 9 and 3 by Henry the 3 the great Massacre at Paris 1572. yet God so blest them and multiplied them that in the yeare 1560 there was reckoned above 1250 Churches of them and by their severall capitulations with the two forementioned Kings at the end of their civill Wars and the Connivance of Henry the 4 formerly Head of their party they got 300 at least Garrisons and forts for their defense which he used to call the Common-wealth of Rochel that and Montauban being their principall places of strength From whom they obteined severall immunities but especially that of the liberty of their Religion which he confirmed to them by the ratification of the severall concessions of his Predecessors in the Edict of Nantes 1598 passed in the Parliament of Paris February the 25 in the following yeare Allthough the promulgation thereof out of respect to Cardinal Medices was deferd till March the 2. 1599. Which he then vehemently prest begining his speech with a strange prodigie that had fallen out betwixt Himselfe and the Duke of Guise 26 yeares before who being about to play at tables in the presence of many Nobles there appeard drops of blood which though once and againe wiped off yet new still were perceived and none knew whence there being not any in the roome that bled which he then declared for a sad omen of much blood that should be shed betwixt them two which having accordingly happend to his great grief he desired to take away all further occasions of their civill Wars by publishing that edict c. which may be seen in Thuanus Lib. 122. This great King by name and merit having fought 140 battels and skirmishes with his owne hands beleagured 300 Cities and forts was no sooner shine by the dagger of that Rascally villane Ravillac in the midst of his greatest glory and designes But his Son and Successor Lewis the 13. confirmes the same May the 22. 1610 wherein he acknowledges that Experience having taught the Kings his Predecessors that the fury and violence of Armes had not onely been unprofitable to draw their subjects to the Romane Church but was rather hurtfull which made them have recourse by a more happy Counsel to mildnes granting them the exercise of the Reformed Religion they professed in whose imitation his father Henry the 4 had made the Edict of Nantes to reconcile all his loving subjects the observation whereof had setled and assured quiet amongst them which had ever since continued without interruption And declares that though that Edict be perpotual and irrevocable and by that meanes hath no need to be confirmed by any new declarations yet to the end his subjects may be assured of his love and intention to have the said Edict inviolably kept being made for the good and quiet of his subjects therefore it is ordained by him with the advice of the Queen Regent Princes of the blood c. that the same be kept inviolably and those that shall infringe it severely punished as troublers of the publick peace of the Kingdome c. Yet notwithstanding all this the King being provoked by them is induced much against his inclination to War against them whom he declared Rebels 1621. and tooke many of their cautionary Townes from them yet this was at last composed and they reserved Rochel and severall other places still for their defence But afterwards at the instigation of Cardinal Richelieu not out of any zeale for his Religion being called the Hugonot Cardinal but of Policy to free France from their feares of the Protestant party at home with much regret the King makes War against them againe 1625. and sent to the States for Twenty sayle of Men of War according to the late Treaty which was assented unto though with great reluctancy and they was sent under Admiral Hauthain which were especially instrumentall of ruining the Protestants power at Sea and of Rochel aftewards and consequently all the power that party had left under the Duke of Rohan with nere 50 places for their Protection All their Cautionary Townes being dismantled and they having no other shelter but the shaddow of the Almighty and their Kings clemency left them to flie unto for their defence So that as I wish we had otherwise imployed our power so I pray as Schookius * Imperium maritimum c. 27. in our first War with England Deum rego fillis nepotibus non imputet quae a parentibus facta fuerunt that God may not lay this sin to our charge The Protestants having thus made their last will and Testament whereby the Crowne became sole heir and executor of all they had Lewis the last thereby became the greatest Monarch since Charles the Great his predecessors having reduced the many Provinces dismemberd from France by Hugh Capet into one entire body and he all the parts thereof to the entire subjection of the Crowne and that Kingdome at liberty to look abroad and carry on their designes where they please having for this end gained 3 keys to their neighbor Kingdoms Pignerol to enter Italy Brisack Germany and Perpignan Spaine We have seene how we have gon against our intrest in overdoing our worke le ts now see how England have been no les guilty in not doing their duty wherein they have not onely been greatly awanting to themselves but more to the Protestant intrest in Europe The Protestants in France having by Armes Treaties Concessions and Confirmations of severall Kings obteined that strength which we have declared There could be nothing more clearly the intrest of all those of the Reformed Religion and especially their Neighbors then to support them in their just rights Which Queen Elizabeth and her Council so well understood that though she had assisted these Provinces both with money and men considerably whereby she had drawne upon her a War with Spaine which was very costly to her and allso occasioned the Rebellion in Ireland which to reduce stood Her and her Kingdom of England in 4 yeares time no les if we take Morisons accompt then 1198000 L. Sterling yet she neglects not to supply Henry of Navar against the Guisian league and faction for the support of the Protestants with 101560 franks for the Baron of of Donna to raise an Army in Germany A. D. 1587 for his service and 71165 besides 20000 she spent in sending 4000 men under the conduct and command of the Lord Willoughby A. 1589. and 33333 to levy an Army under the Prince of Anhalt Camdeni Annales 1590. for the service and as much money she lent Navar himselfe the following yeare
1590 and continually upon all occasions supported him and the intrest of the Reformed Religion in those Kingdoms so that she was publickly prayed for by the Hugonots as their Protectoresse No sooner was this great Princesse dead whose glory yet will never dye Lib. 129. being accounted by her very enemies the Guisians the most glorious that ever swayed Scepter gloriosissima omnium quoe unquam sceptrum gestarunt foelicissima famina as Thuanus tells us adding many great elogiums of her and conluding none ever was or will be like her of that sex and King James called in to succeed in that Crowne but the French though they had underhand opposed the conjunction of those two Kingdoms all they could having still made use of Scotland formerly in their Wars with England for a diversion to them by setting them upon entring that Kingdom at the back doore betwixt them and as loath allso that such an accession of power should accrew to their old enemies the English yet now they are the first that come with a splendid Embassage to welcome him to his new Crownes This King if he had had as much of the Lions courage as he had of the soxes cunning and Kingcraft as he called it how happy had it bene both for his owne family and his Kingdoms But as he was the occasion of the sad disasters that happend to both as is shewne not only by the Historians but particular Authors in the English tongue Rushworth Welden Osburne c. so I shall now briefly shew how he occasioned many and great irreparable losses to the Protestant intrest abroad especially by his pusillanimity How he perswaded this Republick to a 12 yeares Truce with Spaine and how prejudiciall it was to these Provinces is well knowne How earnestly he was prest to assist his son the Palsgrave both by forreigne Princes abroad and his Parliaments at home I need not mention nor how he spent more in Embassies their traines and Treaties then would have done his worke with men of Armes and traines of Artillery I shall onely speak of that relating to the French Protestants as the proper subject of my discourse When Lewis the 13 set upon reducing the Cautionary Townes which the Protestants had in his Kingdome by the grants of severall Kings as we have said and the distressed sought to the Crowne of England for Reliefe K. James according to his usuall custom onely imployes Embassadors the Lord Herbert once and againe whom the French delayd with words till they had done their worke For knowing King James's temper too well Luynes the High Constable of France Howels Hist of Lewis 13. A. 1621. being appointed to give Herbert audience first sets a Gentleman of the Reformed Religion behind the hangings that being an eare-witness of what past might relate to the Reformists what small grounds of hope they had of having succors from the Crowne of England and then in stead of hearkning to his Embassage in a most insolent manner affronted both his Master and himself with menaces which when he could not brooke but roundly replyed His Master then knew what he had to doe and offered the Constable who was chollerick thereat the satisfaction of his Sword the French Embassador misrepresents what past to K. James and procures Herbert to be called home and the Earle of Carlile is sent in his place to as little purpose as before Nor was this the worst for the Duke of Guise obteined 8 English sayle of men of War to joyne with him against the Rochellers and them of the Religion to distres them by Sea as the Count of Soissons did by Land for which the Duke of Buckingham was after questioned in Parliament and thus the greatest part of the Protestants power was broke downe and had been wholy but that the French had not then time by reason of the Spanish worke in the Valtolin so that a peace was skind over for a small time till they had leisure to open the wound againe and make the poore Patients bleed their last These things caused great complaints of England every where amongst them of the Reformed Religion and occasioned Deodate's saying that King Jame's sins of omission were greater then all his Predecessors sins of Commission Though the pacification was published at Montpellier yet Richelieu being made Minister of State and chief Director of affaires in France A. 1624 he made it his first worke to go on with the designe of destroying the Protestants power in that Kingdome and though the King was against it at first yet the Cardinal carried it on at last so that afterwards he said He had taken Rochel in spight of three Kings meaning his owne England and Spaine For the accomplishing this worke the Eagle-eyed Richelieu foreseeing that England and these States might stand in his way and obstruct him he resolves to charme us both to a compliance For which end France makes a stricter league with these Vnited Provinces affords us 1600000 franks yearly for the two next following to be repaid the two next years after our peace with Spain agrees for ships for their service c. And for England though they knew K. James would not disturb their designes yet not knowing what the Prince of Wales might doe there were meanes used to ingage him by a Match with Henriette the onely Daughter then unmarried of Henry the 4. K. Iames who was desirous to match his onely son Considerably had for 9 or 10 year beene Courting of Spaine to this purpose that so with one he might have the Palatinate restored to the Palsgrave and the Prince of Wales having past through France incognito into Spaine to make love personally to the Infanta and see with his owne eyes if fame belied not her beauty and being there still delayed but not denyed the Spanish desiring to see all the Daughters of France first matcht to prevent an alliance betwixt England and that Kingdome and the busines of the Palatinate still kept in suspence he is commanded home by his Father K. James But having seen the Lady Henriette at a maske in his passage through France under the notion of an English Gentleman and being taken with her beauty more then the Infanta's overtures are made of a Marriage with her and though some in the French Council were rather for her matching to Lorraigne that so those Territories might be gained to France which had been long troublesom to them yet this reason of State of obliging him not to interrupt their designe of ruining the Protestants and prevent his marrying with Spaine prevailed and in 9 moneths time a Match is concluded Richelieu thinking France secure of these two they most feared falls to worke to reduce the Hugonots Cautionary Townes Upon which Soubeze and Blankart goe for England to implore K. Charles his Father K. Iames being then dead his assistance This good King thinks himselfe obliged in conscience and honour notwithstanding his marriage with the King of
France's sister to support them And indeed so he was for the Ambassadors and Agents of the Crowne of England had become Caution to those of the Religion for the King of France's performance with them He therfore sends 150 sayle of ships and an Army of 10000 men under the Command of the Duke of Buckingham to take off that odium which was upon him in England for what was formerly done under K. Iames. Who published a Manifesto in the K. of Englands name July the 21. 1627. declaring that though there were other grounds sufficient for a War as the abuse of the English Merchants their ships and goods seized on and the extraordinary equipping for Sea in France yet that the sole cause of the War was the Crowne of France's not performing of Articles with those of the Reformed Religion This expedition and the causes of its miscarriage is writ by a learned pen * Expeditio in Ream Insulam authore Edovardo Herbert Baronc de Cherbury and well knowne from the moderne Histories of both Kingdoms The French and English both proceed the former in carrying on the latter to prevent if possible their designes For which end K. Charles sent the Earle of Denbigh with another Fleet which was able to effect nothing and the Earle of Linzey with the last Buckingham being assasinated by Felton the day before he was to embarke But before Linzey came such stupendous workes were raised of which Bertius hath writ a particular booke and so pallisadoed that the Cardinall sent to the English Admirall that he should have a pasport with 6 of his ablest Commanders to come a shore and view the works and if they thought Rochel relievable he would raise lost Rochel upon which followed the Duke of Rohan and the rest of the Reformists compliance the dismantling of their remaining Garrisons above 40 whereof Mantauban was the last and a peace with England and those of the Reformed Religion in France Since which time what mighty dessignes have been contrived and carried on by the two Cardinalls Richelieu and Mazarine for that Kingdome abroad whose plots they are still pursuing is not unknowne to those that are curiously inquisitive How the former wrought the revolt of Portugal the Rebellion in Catalonia the carrying on the Wars in these Countries to bring downe Spaine set on foot and fomented the distractions of Great Britaigne first by the Scots and afterwards by other means to give England worke at home tamperd with Wallesteyne for betraying the Imperiall Army for whose death he most pastionately wept failing thereby of his hopes of France's speedy comeing to the Empire engaged Sweden to serve their ends in Germany tooke Pignerol to keep Italy in aw Lorraigne is taken the Dukes of Savoy Mantua and Modena are wholly at France's service and the Princes Electors especially the Ecclesiasticall rather courting the favour of that Crown then the Imperiall This was the true State of France at the death of Richelieu in 42 and the King his Master who quickly followed him May 14. 1643. the same day of the yeare his father died and wherein he was Crowned Which I have beene the larger in first because t is for the most part the same now and in severall things greater than then especially by their alliance with England and success against these and the Spanish Netherlands and 2. that it might appeare how far they have overgrowne Spaine in power that so the world may be awakend and see to lop off their superfluous bowes lest they grow in time like Nebuchadnezars tree so great that they overshadow us all For Mazarine succeeding Richelieu as Minister of State who was his onely Scholler that proved his paralel to which two Clergy-men let me say it for it is a truth though I know the Laity may stomack it France owes their present greatnes the first 5 yeares after till 48 that tumultuous Nation was never wiselier governed in the non-age of their Soveraigne and though in the next lustre or five yeares following till 53 they had some aguish fits that shaked them in their civill wars yet they soone recovered thereof and have ever since growne stronger and stronger So that it was high time for the Neighbour Nations no longer to dance after the fidle of France And the States saw this and therefore made peace as I have said but England herein offended againe and prevaricated in the common intrest of Europe Let me shew how briefly because it may satisfie perhaps the curiosity of some that have wondred at it as much as my selfe in regard they have been ignorant of the true grounds thereof When Cromwel the Hanibal of the English Common-wealth and immortal enimie and Terror to Rome came to have the power of those three Kingdoms in his hands he saw it necessary to engage those Nations and imploy his Armies in a forreigne War for without an Army he could not maintaine the power he had got and without imploying them he could not quietly enjoy it Armies being like raised them and besides this necessity of intrest his own inclination strongly carried him and perhaps some extravagant hopes to pull downe the Pope for he once said to Lambert were I as young as you I should not doubt to knock at the gates of Rome before I died Spaine and France both courted him knowing what mettal his sword was made of and his Iron-sides wore of which competition he made his advantage obteining such conditions of France as were a wonder to all that understood the maxims of their Government That which most inclined him to the French was that he judged Spaine and Austria the two strongest Hornes of Antichrist whose fall was come as one of his Prophets whom I could name inspired him and that France might be brought to renounce Rome intending withall to get such places in Flanders and over against the coast of England that he might keep the Dutch in aw and with a few of his Ships command a toll for the passage in the Channel as the Dane did in the Sound A League thereofore is made with France March 23. 1657 for a yeare and renewed the next by Lockard his Ambassador who for his parts and sagacity was so acceptable to Mazarine that he had more acces to him and busines with him then all the Ambassadors at Paris besides These two Cromwel and the Cardinal the stronglier to carry on their designes take in the King of Sweden for a third into their confederacy Christina having resigned that Crowne and wandring about like a blazing Comet and these three Leagued together made the Triumvirate of those times Sweden was to pluck the plumes of the Roman Eagle when he had clipt the wings of his Neighbours that they might not fly upon the prey he left behind Wherein Oliver so concerned himself that when the Dane had got the Dutch for his second he sent Montague to boye up Swedens sinking intrest in the Sound and they were so neere