of the Romish Party We cannot but look upon Petrus Oxoniensis a Doctor of Salamanca in the Year 1479 as a Disciple of the Albigenses in divers Points especially those nine Conclusions which this Author was forced to retract by Sixtus IV th's Order who authorized the Archbishop of Toledo to condemn them Any Man that reads these nine Propositions which Caranza sets down would think that it was only these Opinions that offenced the Archbishop of Toledo but if we will but read the Bull of Sixtus IV which has been published by Alphonsus à Castro we shall find that this Doctor opposed many other Points of Popery The Pope's Words which are very remarkable are these Et alias propositiones quas propter earum enormitatem ut illi qui de eis notitiam habent obliviscantur earum qui de eis notitiam non habent ex praesentibus non instruantur in eis silentio praetermittendas duximus And there are other Propositions which are of so foul a Nature that we think it convenient to pass them over in silence that so those who know them may forget them and those that do not know them may not be instructed in them by these our Letters CONCLVSION THese are the Remarks I thought fit to make upon the History of the Churches of the Albigenses I suppose the Reader will own that I have deduced their Succession from the Apostles and their Independence on the See of Rome with care enough tho the Barbarity of the Enemies of the Truth has done its utmost Endeavours to abolish all the Monuments which these illustrious Witnesses of it had left in these Diocesses Neither do I believe that the Bishop of Meaux will have any pretence for the future to accuse them of Manicheism nor to reproach the Protestants that they can find no other Predecessors in Antiquity but a parcel of Men whose Doctrine and Lives were equally execrable Nothing but a Spirit animated with such a Rage and Fury as produc'd those Crusades can obstinately maintain such horrid Calumnies after all that we have here alledged for their Justification I might perhaps have been more particular in the Accounts which I have given of the bad Construction the Inquisitors have put upon their Belief but besides that I have sufficiently discovered the Injustice of these Ministers of Hell who is there amongst the Protestants nay amongst the very Papists themselves that is not fully convinc'd of the Iniquity and profound Malice of these Hearts of Tygers who under the name of Defenders of the Christian Faith have rack'd their Brains to blacken the most innocent Lives of the most religious Christians and who have made it their Diversion to exterminate them by the most dismal Torments The Bishop of Meaux may write as long as he pleases to maintain these diabolical Calumnies I am persuaded that if any equitable Members of his Communion will take the pains to compare the Carriage of the Heathens towards the Primitive Christians with the Behaviour of his Church under Innocent III and Gregory IX against the Albigenses and the Patience of the Albigenses slandered and persecuted by the Church of Rome with the Condition of the Primitive Church persecuted and slandered by the Heathens they will find it as difficult to look upon the Church of Rome as the Daughter of the Primitive Church as it will be easy for them to acknowledg the Albigenses as the genuine Off-spring of those Primitive Christians I did not think it necessary for my Design to tie my self Step by Step to every particular which I might justly have found fault with in the Book where the Bishop of Meaux handles the History of the Albigenses It is an endless Labour to trace a Man that follows false Guides and who hath nothing new besides the Art and turn of Expression and because the naked Truth hath always the better of Works of this nature it is sufficient to set it in a clear Light for the extinguishing that false Lustre which Men bestow upon Lies by Ornaments put upon them only to hide their Deformity And it is my Hope after all that as God hath illustriously displayed the Care of his Providence in raising the Church of Piedmont from those Ruins under which the Spirit of Persecution thought for ever to have buried it so he will be pleased to vouchsafe the same Protection to those desolate Flocks whom the Violence of the Romish Party hath constrain'd to dissemble their Faith by making a Show of embracing the Roman Religion to avoid the Extremities of their Persecution One would think that that God who hath wrought so many Wonders for their Preservation so many Ages together and who even then when they seem'd reduc'd to nothing by the bloody Vigilance of the Inquisitors who Age after Age have gleaned this Field after the barbarous Rage of the Crusades was over should be unwilling to suffer this oppressed Light to be wholly extinguished but that he will make these his Witnesses rise from their Graves now after the Church of Rome has signaliz'd her Joy for their Death and Destruction God of his great Mercy be pleased to restore to these afflicted Flocks the same Joy and the same Comfort which their Ancestors felt at the time of the Reformation when they gave such publick Evidence of their Zeal and entred by Crowds into the Bosom of the Reformed Church whose Principles they had maintained so many Ages before the Reformation and to open the Eyes of their Persecutors giving them Grace to acknowledg that they fight against God whilst they strive to force Mens Consciences and to engage the People to own that Religion as Divine which is only the Product of human Policy the very Sink of the Corruptions of these last Times and the Off-spring of the Spirit of Error EXTRACTS OF Several Trials OF SOME Pretended Hereticks in the Diocess of SARVM Taken out of an old Register IN the Name of the Holy Trinite Fadir Son and Holy Goste his blessed Modir and al the Holy Compeny of Hevyn We Austyn Stere of Herry Benette of Spene William Brigger of Thachum Richard Hignell William Priour and Richard Goddard of Newbery and every of us severally in the Diocess of Sarum gretely noted defamed detecte and to you Reverend Fadir in God Thomas by God's Grace Bishop of Sarum our Iugge and Ordinarie denownced for untrew belevyng Men and also that we and every of us shold hold afferme teche and defende openly and prively Heresies Errours singular Opinions and false Doctrines contrarie to the commen Doctrine of our Modir Holy Church and with Subtilites eville soundyng and deceyveable to the Ere 's of true sympille understanding Cristen People which be to us and every of us severelly nowe by your Auctorite procedyng of Office promoted judicially objected First That I Augustyn Stere have hold affermed and seyd that the Church of Criste is but a Sinagoge and an House of Marchandise and that Pristis be but Scribis
alio p. 33. l. 22. r. Ecclesiae Catholicae cap. 34. p. 37. l. 24. r. being ill advised p. 39. l. 7. from the bottom for That great Emperor r. Maximus the Emperor Page 47. l. 19. after mentem add Nam taliter ferme omnes agunt ut eos non tam putes antea poenitentiam criminum egisse quam postea ipsius poenitentiae poenitere nec tam prius poenituisse quod male vixerint quam postea quod se promiserint bene esse victuros Novum prorsus conversionis genus licita non faciunt illicita committunt Temperant à concubitu non temperant à rapina Quid agis stultae persuasio Peccata interdixit Deus non Matrimonia non conveniunt studiis vestris sactae vestra non debetis esse amici criminum qui dicitis vos sectatores esse virtutum Who under a shew of Religion are Slaves to the Vices of this World who having taken upon themselves a Title of Holiness after the Reproaches and Scandals of former Crimes do not alter their Lives by a new Conversation but change their Names by a new Profession and thinking that the Sum of the Worship of God lies more in their Clothes than their Actions they have only changed their Garments not their Minds for they do almost all things c. P. 62. l. 4. from bott for the Prayer r. Prayers p. 69. l. 3. r. use of again p. 70. l. 4. r. find solved in P. 78. l. 32. once mentioned should be in Italick p. 81. l. 19. from concerning Expositors to which sort of Writings must be struck out and these Words put in The blessed Father Augustin has told us that we ought to have quite another Opinion of Expositions than that which you hold who in his Book against Faustas the Manichee speaks not only of those which have been blamed by Learned Men but also of those which have been approved of after this manner Which sort of Writings c. P. 88. l. 11. dele giving that account of p. 113. l. 18. r. continual p. 141. l. 5. dele of p. 156. l. 18. f. Hours r. Times p. 180. l. 7. r. the conduct p. 183. l. 13. r. Heresies p. 206. col 1. l. 17. for Anglicâ which seems to be a Mistake either in the Copy or in the Original MS. r. Angelicâ l. 26. f. sine r. sive p. 208. col 1. l. 5. f. enim r. eum p. 227. l. 15. dele P. 248. l. 10. r. Stere of **** THE CONTENTS CHAP. I. COncerning the Original of the Churches of Gallia Narbonensis and Aquitain Page 1 CHAP. II. The Faith of the Church of the Gauls in the Second Century Page 7 CHAP. III. The Faith of Gallia Aquitanica and Narbonensis in the Fourth Century Page 14 CHAP. IV. An Examination of the Opinions of Vigilantius Page 21 CHAP. V. The State of the Churches of Aquitain and Narbon in the Fifth Century Page 35 CHAP. VI. The State of these Diocesses in the Sixth Century Page 53 CHAP. VII The State of the Diocesses of Aquitain and Narbon in the Seventh Century Page 60 CHAP. VIII The Opinion of the Churches of Aquitain and Narbon in the Eighth Century Page 72 CHAP. IX The Faith of the Churches of Aquitain and Narbon in the Ninth Century Page 79 CHAP. X. The State of these Diocesses in the Tenth Century Page 89 CHAP. XI The Beginning of the Manichees in Aquitain and the State of those Churches as to Religion in that Age Page 95 CHAP. XII That these Diocesses continued independent of the Popes until the Beginning of the Twelfth Century Page 102 CHAP. XIII Of the Opposition that was made by a Part of these Churches to the Attempts of the Popes and of their Separation from the Communion of Rome before Peter Waldo Page 112 CHAP. XIV Of the Opinions of Peter de Bruis and Henry and their Disciples and whether they were Manichees or not Page 121 CHAP. XV. That it doth not appear from the Conference of Alby that the Albigenses were Manichees Page 131 CHAP. XVI The Albigenses justified by a Conference whereof we have an Account written by Bernard of Foncaud Page 140 CHAP. XVII The Calumnies raised against the Albigenses refuted by the Conference at Montreal Page 153 CHAP. XVIII Reflections on the Convictions of Manicheism which were said to be proved upon the Albigenses Page 160 CHAP. XIX Whether the Albigenses were Manichees because they accused the Pope of being the Antichrist Page 173 CHAP. XX. Of the Morals of the Albigenses and of their Ecclesiastical Government Page 180 CHAP. XXI Concerning the Persecutions which the Albigenses have suffered from the Pope and his Party Page 190 CHAP. XXII That the Doctrine of the Albigenses spread it self in England and continued there till the time of the Reformation Page 201 The Petition of the LOLLARDS Page 205 CHAP. XXIII Of the Doctrine of Wicklef and his Disciples in England Page 222 CHAP. XXIV Of the Calumnies that have been unjustly charged upon Wicklef by the Papists Page 227 CHAP. XXV That the Doctrine of the Albigenses was propagated in Spain and that it continued there till the Reformation Page 237 CONCLUSION Page 245 Extracts of several Trials of some pretended Hereticks in the Diocess of Sarum Taken out of an old Register Page 248 REMARKS UPON THE Ecclesiastical History OF THE Ancient Churches OF THE Country of the Albigenses CHAP. I. Concerning the Original of the Churches of Gallia Narbonensis and Aquitain BEfore the Gauls were entirely reduc'd by Cesar under the Power of the Roman Empire and after that under the said Emperor Gallia was commonly divided into two Parts whereof the one was called Braccata the other Comata Gallia Braccata contained not only that part of Italy which is beyond the Alps and was named Cisalpina but also Gallia Narbonensis whereof Vienna was the Capital City The other to wit Gallia Comata was divided into three parts the first whereof was called Belgica the other Celtica and the third Aquitain But Augustus being absolute Master of Gaule made some Alteration in this Division for he extended the Bounds of Aquitain by restraining those of Celtica and distinguished Aquitain into three Provinces whereof the first and second were on this side of the Garonne and reached to the Loyre the third reached from the Garonne to the Pyrenean Mountains Bourges and Bourdeaux were the Mother-Cities of the first and second of these Provinces and Eulse or Eaulse was the Metropolis of the third which City having been destroyed by the Wars Ausch succeeded her in that Dignity As for Gallia Narbonensis which at first was only a Province whereof Vienna was the Capital City Augustus was pleased to take that Honour from her to bestow it upon Lions which seemed to him more commodious to be made the Seat of Government This Province was afterward changed by being divided into four Parts viz. into Narbonensis Viennensis the Maritime Alps and the Greek Alps. And after this Division Narbonensis was
again subdivided into two parts the first and second as may be seen since the fourth Century It was needful at the entrance of this Discourse to give the Reader this short Draught of the Countries that went under the Name of Gallia to give him an Idea of that part of them where we intend to shew him the Continuation of that Church which gave birth to the Albigenses and furnished the West with Witnesses of so great weight against the Corruptions of the Romish Party and indeed though the Visi-Gothes who cut off these Provinces from the Roman Empire and afterwards the French who destroyed the Visi-Gothes in the time of Clovis made very great Changes in this Division of Gallia Narbonensis and Aquitain yet we may exactly observe that the Church of these Provinces hath well nigh always made a distinct Body by her Synods and Canons It is a matter of Difficulty precisely to fix the first Rise of these Churches I own that some Greek Fathers have believ'd that St. Luke and Crescens Disciples of St. Paul did preach the Gospel in Gallia but that which engaged them in this Opinion seems of little or no solidity And the Galatia mention'd by St. Paul in the second of Timothy doth not signify Gallia but a Province of the lesser Asia as the learned Petavius acknowledgeth Others have believed that St. Paul himself preached the Gospel in these Provinces as he passed through them in his way to Spain where the fourth Century took it for granted that he preached the Gospel but neither doth this seem grounded upon sufficient Authority and we do not find that the antient Authors of these Countries did ever maintain any such thing Should we indeed as to this Point give credit to the most part of the Romish Legends to which Baronius in his Annals pays too great a Deference it would be an easy matter to give to the most part of these Churches a most august Original We might suppose that St. Peter and St. Paul were the Founders of them by the Ministry of their Disciples or that Clement Bishop of Rome sent them thither almost immediately after the Martyrdom of the Apostles St. Peter and St. Paul They tell us that Paul was the first Bishop of Narbon Saturninus of Tholouse Martialis of Limoges Frontinus of Perigueux Vincentius of Daeqs Georgius of Puy Eutropius of Xaintes Much like as for some Ages since in most of the other Churches of France they suppose that the first Bishops were sent them by the same Apostles or by their first Successors But we meet with nothing but Falsities in these pretended Traditions and it is impossible to reconcile them with what Sulpicius Severus and Gregorius Turonensis tell us concerning the Rise of Christian Religion among the Gauls The former of these distinctly assures us that Gaule never had any Martyrs before the Empire of Aurelius Son of Antoninus Hist lib. 2. Sub Aurelio Antonini filio Persecutio quinta agitata ac tunc primum inter Gallias Martyria visa serius trans Alpes Dei Religione suscepta The fifth Persecution was carried on under Antonine's Son and then first were Martyrdoms seen among the Gauls the Divine Religion having been later entertained beyond the Alps. This single Period of Severus gives Sentence against all those pretended Martyrs wherewith the Churches of France have fill'd their Breviaries The latter tells us plainly that it was not till the Empire of Decius about the year 250 that the City of Tholouse had for her first Bishop Saturninus who was sent from Rome in company of six others into the Country of the Gauls to preach the Gospel to wit Gatian at Tours Trophimus at Arles Paul at Narbon Dionysius at Paris Austremoine at Clermont and Martialis at Limoges This is that which is clearly proved from the Acts of the Martyrdom of St. Saturninus cited by Gregory Bishop of Tours These Testimonies of two antient Authors the one of the 5 th Century and the other more antient viz. the same who wrote the Martyrdom of St. Saturninus have made such an Impression upon some of the Learnedest Men of the Roman Communion viz. upon Bosquet Bishop of Montpellier Sirmond and Launoy the famous Doctor of the Faculty of Paris as to make them with Scorn reject those Legends which ascribe more antient Founders to these Churches notwithstanding that they are the greatest Ornament of the Breviaries of the Gallican Church and that they cannot lose their Credit without shaking the belief of abundance of Miracles and the Authority of a great number of Devotions And indeed what reason is there to own a Tradition for authentick which we scarcely find back'd with any Witness for the space of above 700 years Besides don't we know that it was the Dispute about Precedency between the Churches in the 8 th and 9 th Century and which we find lasted till the 12 th that engaged the several Parties to devise this great Antiquity and boldly change that which before had been the current Belief of their Churches because it did not answer their Pretensions nor comport with their Vanity to substitute instead thereof fabulous Originals under whose shelter they might maintain a Dispute with more advantage against those that were on even ground with them But however it be difficult to fix the certain Original of these Churches for the Gothick Liturgy which was used in these Provinces assures us that St. Saturninus came from Smyrna from whence it should seem that the first Founders of the Churches of Lions and Vienna came likewise yet thus much we may assert that the Gospel soon took deep root there My Design is not to refute here what the Authors of the Legends have inserted in their fabulous Relations concerning the Establishment of the Christian Religion in these Provinces and the Character of the Piety of those first Founders of Christianity of their Precepts and of their Miracles Indeed there is reason to deplore either the boundless Impudence of the Pastors of the Roman Communion in obtruding such palpable Falsities or the prodigious Stupidity of the People of that Church who feed themselves with Stories more fabulous than those of Amadis of Gaul and make them the Subject of their Devotion We read in the Life of St. Martialis that after the Saint had converted Limoges he there consecrated Churches to the Honour of Jesus Christ of the H. Virgin and St. Stephen whose Cousin he was We read that he raised to Life the Priests of the Idol whom God had struck dead with a Clap of Thunder for their poisoning St. Martialis and that after their Resurrection he converted them We find that he admitted to the Vow of Virginity a Person called Valeria who some time after having had her Head cut off by order of the Duke of Guienne whose Courtship she had slighted immediately took up her Head and carried it to St. Martialis as he was saying Mass We find him there going to Rome to give an account to
be wholly uncertain Gregorius Turonensis who often mentions him as his Friend never gives him any other Title but that of Priest However it be it appears by his Writings that he was very far from Popery in these following Articles 1. He never in the Life of St. Martin attributes to that holy Man that upon any occasion he prayed to the Saints for the working of his Miracles This we may see in his Relation of St. Martin's raising a Child to Life 2. He looks upon all Bishops as the Vicars of St. Peter accordingly he saith to the Bishop of Metz Apparet Petri vos meruisse vices It appears you have deserved to be St. Peter's Vicar 3. We meet with nothing more commonly in the Epitaphs which he made than this Notion that deceased Believers are in Heaven from such Expressions as these Hunc tenet ulna Dei Inter Apostolicos credimus esse choros Non hanc flere decet quam Paradisus habet Accordingly also he maintains that Abraham's Bosom is the Heavenly Glory Lastly It appears from an Exposition he hath made on the Apostles Creed that he owned no Doctrines besides those contained in that ancient Formulary as Articles of his Faith because he makes no mention at all of those new Articles which the Church of Rome hath added to that Creed and which she imposeth on her People as another part of that which makes the Object of Faith It cannot be denied but that the Spirit of Superstition had already made a considerable Progress in all places we meet with an illustrious Example thereof in the Diocess of Marseilles which joined to Gallia Narbonensis The People there began to render a religious Worship to Images whereupon Serenus the Bishop of Marseilles was forced to follow the Method of St. Epiphanius in breaking the Images to pieces which drew upon him the Censures of Gregory I. who exhorts him to erect them again though he commends him for having opposed himself to their Adoration and exhorts him carefully to instruct the People to prevent their falling again into Idolatry And it is natural to conclude that this Excess of the People met with the same Checks in many other places CHAP. VII The State of the Diocesses of Aquitain and Narbon in the Seventh Century I am come to the Seventh Century of which I have two pieces of great Authority to produce The first concerns the Purity of these Diocesses in regard to their Faith There was a Council held at Toledo in the Year 633 whereat Silva Bishop of Narbon assisted in the Name of the Bishops of Gallia Narbonensis and they began the Synod with a Confession of Faith which shews beyond all Controversy that nothing was look'd upon by them as an Article of Faith that was not received for such in the Creed of the ancient Christians for there was not so much as one Word to be found there of all those Articles which the Church of Rome imposeth upon those of her Communion as an Addition to the primitive Faith The second regards the Practice of the publick Acts of Religion and that is the Gothick Liturgy which of a long time was used in these Diocesses wherefore to make a fuller Discovery of the Religion of these Provinces it will be of Importance to make some Remarks upon this Liturgy which was in use there It is not probable that all the Parts of it are of equal Antiquity as may be seen by the Office of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin in Soul and Body which was rejected in France as a thing uncertain towards the end of the 9 th Century according to the Testimony of Vsuardus One may make the same Judgment of divers other Offices which are found in this Gothick Liturgy the Barbarism which appears in all its parts sufficiently shows its Age In the mean time such as it is it does not want the Marks of a considerable Purity which it seems obliged Gregory VII to abolish and suppress it with all his Might 1. We find in it the Recital of the Apostles Creed as the only Profession of Faith which the Churches of these Provinces required of those who would be Partakers of her Communion 2. We don't find in it any Prayer address'd to Saints It supposeth all along from one end to the other that the Saints pray in general for the Church and on this Ground it is that therein they desire God to have regard to their Prayers and to receive their Intercession their Suffrages and so forth There is no greater stress laid upon the Power of the Blessed Virgin with God than on that of the Patriarchs and Apostles yea of the Anchorets and Virgins True it is that there is a solemn Commemoration of divers Saints but it may easily be perceived that it is only done out of a Design to glorify God by representing to themselves their Examples and forming or disposing themselves to imitate them This is done in the Office of St. Forrestus and Ferucio We find divers Confessions to God before the Liturgy but none at all made to Angels to the Blessed Virgin or Saints as at this day is done in the Romish Mass 3. We find there no particular Distinction for the Bishop of Rome only that the Bishop of the City of Rome is called the first of Bishops Mabillon in his Preface triumphs because of this Title but he is extreamly out in his account for hath the first Bishop any Jurisdiction over the second the second over the third We find there the Prayer for the Feast of St. Peter but with a Clause which Mabillon owns to be found in all the ancient Missals and is struck out of the Roman Liturgy in order to extend the Papal Monarchy over all the Earth We do not find therein the least Foot-step of Prayers for the Pope which shews that the Decree of the Council of Vaison wherein it was ordained that Prayers should be made to God for the Bishop of Rome was not observed throughout Gaul yea what is more the same Liturgy gives the Title of Head of the Church to St. Paul as well as to St. Peter We find therein no Adoration of the Cross on Good-Friday 4. We find therein an Office for St. Saturninus Bishop of Tholouse who is looked upon as come from the Eastern Parts in the place of St. Peter which shews that all the Bishops of France considered themselves as the Vicars of St. Peter as well as the Bishop of Rome Si quidem ipse Pontifex tuus ab Orientis partibus in urbem Tolosatium destinatus Roma Garonae invicem Petri tui tam Cathedram quam Martyrium consummavit For this your Bishop being sent from the East to Tholouse instead of Rome has now upon the Garonne filled the Chair and consummated the Martyrdom of your Peter 5. We find therein that the Confession of St. Peter was the Foundation of the Church and the Festival of his Chair is
out of Paradise and by a Virgin we have found eternal Life 12. That he did not believe we ought to have recourse to the Intercession of Saints can be invincibly demonstrated from hence because he did not believe that the Faithful should see the Face of God before the Day of Judgment lib. 5. c. 3. 13. He plainly asserts that the Apostolical Succession is of no Consideration without the Truth of Doctrine Lib. 4. c. 43. so far was he from making it a bar to hinder Believers from examining the Doctrine propounded to them 14. He maintains that the Gates of Heaven were open'd to Jesus Christ because of the Assumption of his Flesh so far was he from believing that his glorified Body could penetrate Bodies Lib. 3. c. 18. lib. 4. c. 66. He asserts that Jesus Christ at his being born opened the Blessed Virgin 's Womb lib. 4. c. 66. which the Church of Rome condemns for divers Reasons And for as much as he holds the Holy Ghost to be the Food of Life lib. 4. c. 75. accordingly he maintains c. 2. lib. 5. that our Bodies are nourished by the Creatures of God received in the Eucharist and that they receive growth by them He distinctly asserts that the Sacrament of the Eucharist as to its Substance consists of Bread and Wine which are the Creatures of God which he receives as Oblations of a different kind from the Sacrifices of the old Testament and indeed in case he had otherwise conceived the matter he would have favoured the Opinion of the Gnosticks who pretending that the Work of the Creation was not the Work of the Father of our Lord Jesus Christ could never have lighted upon a more comfortable Doctrine than that of Transubstantiation by means of which the Nature of Bread and Wine would be destroyed by Jesus Christ in the Sacrament and nothing left but the Accidents that is to say meer Fantomes without any thing of Reality L. 4. c. 34 57. In like manner we find him asserting lib. 5. c. 33. that what Jesus Christ gave to his Disciples in the Cup was the Generation or Product of the Vine 15. We see clearly from what Eusebius has preserved of St. Irenaeus that the Variety in observing a Fast before Easter was very great and that there was no Law of the Apostles or of Jesus Christ injoining it every one using it according to his own free Will and Devotion We find also that whatsoever Respect St. Irenaeus had for the Church of Rome he was no more inclined to be led by her sole Authority than St. Polycarp was whom he much commends and if he considered her as an Apostolick Church yet he never attributed to her any Authority over the other Flocks of the Lord. I will not dissemble that St. Irenaeus seems somewhat at a loss about the state of Believers after Death but to this it is sufficient to say 1. That we find in St. Irenaeus an Abridgment of the Faith almost in the same form that we find it in the Apostles Creed as it is called 2. That if we do not agree to all the Opinions of St. Irenaeus about the State of Souls after Death 't is certain that the Doctors of the Church of Rome do at least reject as many Articles as we do yea and more too From what I have said we may however perceive what was the State of the Christian Religion in Gaul a little after the middle of the second Century which is the time wherein St. Irenaeus lived and flourished I wish I could produce for the following Century as Authentick a Witness concerning the State of the Churches in this part of Gaul but indeed though there were diverse famous Writers whose Works are cited by St. Jerome yet there is in a manner nothing of them left to us I know there are some who believe that Victorinus was Bishop of Poictiers in the third Century but this is not found true for it is certain that he was Bishop of Passau Patavionensis and not Pictaviensis so that we must proceed to those who can inform us of the State of this part of Gaul during the fourth Century CHAP. III. The Faith of Gallia Aquitanica and Narbonensis in the Fourth Century ST Hilary Bishop of Poictiers a famous Confessor in the Persecution which the Arians stirr'd up against the Orthodox can afford us much Light concerning the State and Faith of these Diocesses This great Man was married as he who published his Works at Paris owns after the famous Baptista Mantuanus observing that the Law for the Celibacy of the Clergy was not yet introduced and that before that time as St. Jerom expresseth it they rather made choice of married Persons than unmarried because the former were judged more proper for the Functions of the Holy Ministry But this is not the only Article wherein he differ'd from Popery as well as the Church of Aquitain 1. He counts the Canonical Books as we do and plainly holds them for Apocryphal which we reject as we find in the Preface to his Commentary upon the Book of Psalms 2. He lays it down for an Error and piece of Impiety to look upon the Scripture as imperfect in Psalm 118. Lit. Vau. 3. He asserts that Ignorance is not capable of excusing Men seeing the Scripture is proposed to us as the Rule of our Faith and Manners Non habet veniam ignoratio voluntatis quia sub scientiae facultate nescire repudiatae magis quam non repertae scientiae est reatus Ob id enim longe à Peccatoribus salus quia non exquisierint Justificationes Dei Nam utique non ob aliud consignatae literis manent quam ut ad universorum scientiam notionemque defluerent Ignorance of the Divine Will gives no Excuse because to be ignorant when we may learn makes us guilty of rejecting Knowledg rather than missing of it For therefore is Salvation far from Sinners because they search not after that which justifies before God and which indeed is for no other reason preserv'd in Writing but that it might be derived to the Knowledg and Understanding of all This is a Stile and these are Maxims very different from those of the Church of Rome 4. He affirms that we are to be ignorant of whatsoever the Scripture doth not teach us and after having asserted that it is the Character of Hereticks to conceal the Holy Scripture fol. 204. he maintains that it is another Mark of Heresy to believe beyond what the Gospel teacheth us Tu qui ultra Evangelium sapis necesse est ut aliis alibi arcanorum doctrinis cognitionem Paterni nominis adeptus sis Thou who art wise beyond the Gospel it must needs be that thou hast elsewhere by other secret Doctrines attained the Knowledg of God the Father fol. 132. 5. He asserts that it was the Will of God that the Scripture should be plain and clear Quantae enim potuit Dominus verborum simplicitate
but that the Bishop of Meaux stops us to reflect upon the History and Doctrine of Vigilantius whose Name is too famous and his Memory too unworthily torn by that Bishop not to afford him that Defence which his Zeal against Superstition doth justly deserve CHAP. IV. An Examination of the Opinions of Vigilantius VIgilantius was born in Aquitain as is proved by de Marca in a Dissertation of his which is not yet published and Priest in the Diocess of Barcelona he had contracted a particular Friendship with St. Paulinus who was ordained Priest at Barcelona St. Paulinus recommended him in particular to St. Jerome as he passed through Campania where St. Paulinus was Bishop in his way to Jerusalem St. Jerome received him with all the Affection possible in the Year 394. and calls him the Holy Priest Vigilantius in his 13 th Epistle to St. Paulinus He made no long stay in the Holy Land it is probable that the Disputes about Origenism which troubled that Province obliged him to return the sooner St. Jerom seems to insinuate that Vigilantius had been gained by Rufinus Enemy to St. Jerom and that after Vigilantius was come into Egypt and in some other Provinces he accused St. Jerom for having too great a Liking for the Writings of Origen c. decrying him every-where as an Origenist This was the true Cause of the Hate and Rage of St. Jerom against Vigilantius whereof we have a very sensible Instance in his 75 th Epistle which he wrote against Vigilantius about the Year 397. where he treats him with the greatest Indignity Vigilantius being returned into Gaul seems to have made his abode there and to have published a certain Treatise about the Year 406. against the worshipping of Relicks which about 60 Years before was introduced into the Church St. Jerom being informed hereof had an Occasion offered him of defending the Superstition of the common People against the Censures of Vigilantius and of unloading against him the most injurious Language that Hatred could inspire The Writers of the Church of Rome have not been wanting long since to draw their Advantage from these Invectives of St. Jerom against the Protestants and never speak of Vigilantius but as a Heretick The Bishop of Meaux hath carefully traced their Steps he tells us therefore after his manner very confidently that even in the fourth Century the most clear-sighted of all the rest there was found but one only Vigilantius who opposed himself against the Honours given to the Saints and the worshipping of their Relicks yet he is look'd upon by the Protestants as the Person who has preserved the Depositum that is to say the Succession of the Apostolical Doctrine and is preferred by them to St. Jerom who hath the whole Church for him This of Necessity obligeth us to take a particular view of the Opinions of Vigilantius I shall not make a stop to invalidate what the Bishop saith that Vigilantius wrote in the fourth Century nor at his endeavouring to cloak the Notion of his Church concerning the religious Worship they give to Saints and to Relicks under the indeterminate Expression of the Honours of Saints and the Worship of Relicks But to come to the thing it self I maintain that if Vigilantius had the Misfortune of falling under the Displeasure of St. Jerom by the Censure he pronounced against the popular Superstition of rendring various Honours to the Relicks of Saints yet was he never condemned by the Church that then was nor treated as an Heretick Gennadius owns that Vigilantius had an elegant Stile and that his Zeal for Religion had engaged him to write I own that he charges him with a Mistake in his Explication of the second Vision of Daniel and in some other Articles for which he reckoneth him amongst Hereticks But we are to take notice 1 st that Gennadius wrote an hundred Years after Vigilantius and so follows the Judgment St. Jerom had given before of him 2 dly That he calls these Articles Heretical after the manner of ancient Authors who very frankly bestowed the Name of Heresy on every thing that displeased them though it had never been condemned by the Scripture nor rejected by the Body of the Church 3 dly That he look'd upon these pretended Heresies as of very small Importance because he speaks of an absurd Explication of the second Vision of Daniel which St. Jerom had revived as of an Error more considerable than those of Vigilantius which he does not express and mentions them as Trifles However be it as it will if the Bishop of Meaux maintains these two things 1 st That Vigilantius was the only Man that opposed the Honours of the Saints and the Worship of Relicks and 2 dly That St. Jerom had the whole Church on his side in his Answer I maintain against the Bishop that either he is deceived himself or was willing to deceive his Reader in both these things The Falsity of the first will appear to every one that can read St. Jerom's Book against Vigilantius St. Jerom himself witnesseth that the holy Bishop in whose Diocess Vigilantius was a Priest that is to say the Bishop of Barcelona was of Vigilantius's Opinion so that we have already discovered one Bishop whom St. Jerom endeavoured to conceal from us but we shall find a greater number whom St. Jerom himself owns to have approved Vigilantius's Opinion lest we should imagine that Vigilantius and his Bishop were Schismaticks O horrible saith St. Jerom some Bishops also are said to be Partakers of his Crimes And we may judg of St. Jerom's Moderation by that which follows Si tamen Episcopi nominandi sunt qui non ordinant Diaconos nisi primo uxores duxerint nulli caelibi credentes pudicitiam If we may call them Bishops who ordain none to be Deacons except they be married not trusting the Chastity of any unmarried Person What then shall we conclude that so many Churches whose Bishops and Priests were all married had no lawful Bishops or Priests Can any thing be conceived more extravagant than this To this Acknowledgment of St. Jerom we may add what he saith himself on the 65 th Chapter of Isaiah for he owns that Vigilantius's blaming of that popular Superstition had induced divers Persons in Gaul to abstain from frequenting the Churches of the Martyrs and to withdraw themselves from the Prayers that were made there The Falsity of the second Article will be no less evident if we examine the manner of St. Jerom's defending himself against Vigilantius for though he had undertaken to run down Vigilantius yet after all he agrees with him in the main St. Jerom owns in his 53 d Epistle which he writes to Riparius that Vigilantius had writ twice against the Worship of Relicks and that he called those that adored them Cinerarii and Idolaters qui mortuorum hominum ossa venerarentur who did honour the Bones of dead Men for which St. Jerom calls him a Samaritan and a Jew because he counted
Power into Spain to examine those that were Hereticks and being found such to take away their Lives and Estates Neither was it to be doubted but that this Storm would have reach'd the greatest part of Believers because of the small Distinction made between them and the other for then they judged Persons only by the Eye esteeming them Hereticks from their pale Looks or Habit rather than by their Faith He afterwards shews the Horror that St. Martin had conceived against these kind of Proceedings There was nothing he was more concerned about Illa praecipua cura ne Tribuni cum jure gladiorum ad Hispanias mitterentur Than to prevent the Tribunes being sent into Spain with the Power of the Sword He renounced Communion with these sanguinary Bishops but not long after to avoid a greater Mischief he was obliged to give up that Point though he still refused to subscribe to the Condemnation of the Priscillianists Hujus diei communionem Martinus iniit satius aestimans ad horam cedere quam his non consulere quorum cervicibus gladius imminebat veruntamen summâ vi Episcopis nitentibus ut communionem illam subscriptione firmaret extorqueri non potuit Martin communicated with them at that time thinking it better for a while to give way to them than not to provide for their Safety who had the Sword hanging over them But yet though the Bishops used their utmost Endeavours to make him ratify his communicating with them by his Subscription they could never bring him to it If we consult Vincentius Lirinensis and Cassian they will afford us much Light as to the State of these Diocesses Vincentius a Priest of the Monastery of Lerins is one of those who can best inform us what was esteemed Orthodox in these Churches Indeed we find all the peculiar Doctrines of the Church of Rome are condemned in the Maxims that he solidly asserts in the 28 th Chapter of his Commonitorium where he maintains that the Church may every day make a further Progress in the Knowledg of Truth and all this without making any Innovation Crescat igitur oportet multum vehementerque proficiat tam singulorum quam omnium tam unius hominis quam totius Ecclesiae aetatum ac saeculorum gradibus intelligentia scientia sapientia sed in suo duntaxat genere in eodem se dogmate eodem sensu eademque sententia The Understanding Knowledg and Wisdom as well of every singular Person as of the whole Church ought to grow and greatly increase according to the several Degrees of Times and Ages but every one in his own way that is to say in the same Doctrine in the same Sense and the same Judgment 2. He in the same place exclaims against all new Doctrines and new Names and yet owns that the Church acquires daily more Light in matters of Religion Sed ita tamen ut vere profectus sit ille fidei non permutatio But yet so that this is really an Advancement not a Change of Faith 3. He reduces all that we ought to believe to the Rule of Faith and declares what is the true use and the true Authority of the Doctors of the Church Quae tamen antiqua sanctorum Patrum consensio non in omnibus divinae legis quaestiunculis sed solum certè praecipuè in fidei regula magno nobis studio investiganda est sequenda Quibus tamen Patribus hâc lege credendum est ut quicquid vel omnes vel plures uno eodemque sensu manifestè frequenter perseveranter velut quodam consentiente sibi magistrorum consilio accipiendo tenendo tradendo firmaverint id pro indubitato certo ratoque habeatur But yet this primitive Consent of the Holy Fathers is not to be inquired after and followed as to the lesser Questions of Divine Law alike but especially if not only in the Rule of Faith Which Fathers we may give full Credit to on this Condition that whatsoever all or the most of them do in the same sense manifestly frequently and constantly maintain as in a Council of Masters agreeing together by their receiving holding and delivering the same that ought to be esteemed unquestionable certain and firm 4. He lays down a Method how we may dispute with the Church of Rome about the Errors she has drawn from Antiquity by reducing the whole Dispute to the Scripture Atque ideo quascunque illas antiquiores vel Schismatum vel Haereseωn profanitates nullo modo nos oportet nisi aut sola si opus est Scripturarum authoritate convincere aut certe jam antiquitus universalibus Sacerdotum Catholicorum Conciliis convictas damnatasque vitare Wherefore we are no other way to convict all ancient Errors of Schism or Heresy but either if need be by the sole Authority of Scripture or else to avoid them as already condemned by the universal Councils of Catholick Priests 5. He excellently explains the Use of Tradition without derogating any thing from the Sufficiency of Scripture Diximus in superioribus hanc fuisse semper esse hodieque Catholicorum consuetudinem ut fidem veram duobus istis mediis adprobent primum Divini Canonis authoritate deinde Ecclesiae traditione non quia Canon solus non sibi ad universa sufficiat sed quia verba Divina pro suo plerique arbitratis interpretantes varias opiniones erroresque concipiant atque ideo necesse sit ut ad unam Ecclesiastici sensus regulam scripturae coelestis intelligentia dirigatur in iis duntaxat praecipuè quaestionibus quibus totius Catholici dogmatis fundamenta nituntur We have said before that this hath been and still is the Custom of Catholicks to prove the true Faith two ways 1 st by the Authority of the Divine Canon And 2 dly by the Churches Tradition not as if the Canon were not of it self sufficient but because most Men interpret Scripture according to their own private Fancy which has given occasion to various Opinions and Errors Wherefore it is needful that the Understanding of Holy Scripture be regulated by one single Determination of the Church and particularly in those Questions on which the Foundations of all Catholick Doctrine rest Lastly He desires that universal Consent may be taken only from such a Tradition as he authorizeth Item diximus in ipsa rursus Ecclesia universitatis pariter ac antiquitatis consensionem spectari oportere ne aut ab unitatis integritate in partem schismatis abrumpamur aut à vetustatis religione in Haereseωn novitates praecipitemur We have said also that in the Church we are to have an Eye to the Consent of Universality and Antiquity that wee be not rent from the entire Union into a Schism or be cast headlong from the Religion of the Ancients into the Novelties of Heresy There needs little more than these Maxims to secure a Church where they are taught from those Corruptions into which the Church of
Marca hath been forc'd to acknowledg This is what I thought might be observ'd concerning this Gothick Liturgy which was used amongst the Visi-goths and which mentions no Saint of later standing than St. Leodegarius who died in the year 677. Now because Pope Adrian the First engaged Charlemain to abolish the Galliean Liturgy which was very different from the Roman endeavouring by this means to subject the Gallican Churches to himself under the plausible pretence of making them more uniform with the Church of Rome Gregory VII th undertook to suppress the Gothick Liturgy which was not less but rather more different because the Popes after Adrian I. had made great Changes in the Roman Liturgy and had enrich'd it with many Novelties which the Ages after Gregory the First had produc'd in Religion However it be thus much is evident from what I have observed at the beginning of this Chapter that in the VII th Century in which this Liturgy was in use in these Diocesses there was nothing less known than the Romish Religion as it concerns those Articles which the Protestants reject as Novelties But let us proceed to take a view of the State of these Diocesses in the 8 th Century CHAP. VIII The Opinion of the Churches of Aquitain and Narbon in the Eighth Century THere was no part of Gaul so shaken and laid waste by the Wars as Aquitain and Gallia Narbonensis were in the 8 th Century Though all France suffer'd in some measure yet these two Provinces were during a long series of Years the Theatre of War and Calamity However we may say that these Mishaps serv'd only to awaken the Zeal of these People and to make them the more sensible of the Aversion they ought to have to the Idolatry which reigned in the East and which it seems God was willing to punish with the Scourge of the Saracens the great Enemies of Images and Idolatry For not only did the Bishops of these Diocesses preserve their Purity in the Faith which they made appear at the end of this Century by their opposing the Opinions of Felix Bishop of Vrgel and of Elippandus Arch-bishop of Toledo who revived Nestorianism but they also gave a publick Testimony of their Aversion to the worshipping of Images which the Popes asserted in Conjunction with those of the East The Judgment of these Diocesses concerning Images appear'd in Publick when their Deputies assisted at the Council of Francfort which condemned the 2 d Council of Nice notwithstanding that it had been approved by the Pope The 2 d Council of Nice had in the year 787 ordain'd the Adoration of Images under the Penalty of being Anathematiz'd The East was entirely over-run with this Superstition and what we have already seen of Serenus Bishop of Marseille makes it evident that it had likewise made great Progress in the West Charlemain and the whole Body of the Western Churches if we except Rome and some Partisans of the Pope in Italy were desirous to stop this torrent England condemned the Decrees of the Nicene Council and censured them by the Pen of the famous Alcuin His Writings were subscribed by all the Bishops of England and sent to Charlemain This great Emperor thereupon in the year 794 assembled at Francfort a Council of the Bishops under his Government that is those of Italy Aquitain and Provence as well to condemn Elipandus Arch-bishop of Toledo and Felix Bishop of Vrgel as to make an enquiry into the Acts of the 2 d Council of Nice They were examin'd in presence of the Pope's Legats And this Council finding that the 2 d Council of Nice had Anathematized all those who refused to render to the Images of the Saints the Worship and Adoration which are only due to the Trinity she denied the Service and Adoration of Images despised the Nicene Acts and condemned those who received them Now that we may exactly know the Opinions which obtain'd in these Diocesses whose Bishops approved the Book of Charlemain the Reader needs only consider carefully the Positions of Charlemain against several Opinions which have since prevailed in the Church of Rome 1. In his Preface he expresly rejects Traditions when he saith That as for themselves they were content with Prophetical Evangelical and Apostolick Writings 2. He maintains That we are principally to believe the truth of the Hebrew Original Hebraeae veritati potissimum fides adhibenda est Thus he expresseth himself by way of opposition to Translations and the vulgar Latin in particular 3. He lays it down for a Rule that God alone is the lawful Object of religious Worship It is no small Error to serve any thing with religious Worship besides him who saith Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God and him only shalt thou serve And he repeats this afterwards Neither do we read that any thing is to be worshipped besides God because it is written Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God and him only shalt thou serve 4. Would we know his Opinion concerning the Worship which at this day is given to Angels and Saints We may find it Lib. 1. cap. 9. p. 69. Moreover saith he for as much as we see that John in the Revelation is restrain'd by the Angel from worshipping him and that Peter the Pastor of the Church forbad the Worship of the Centurion and that the chosen Vessel together with Barnabas with a strong Opposition rejected the Adorations of the Lycaonians we are without doubt to conclude from these Examples that Adoration which only belongs to God who alone is to be worshipp'd and alone to be serv'd is not to be rendred to any Creature whatsoever except only by way of Salutation to express our Humility So afterwards The Gospel-Rule of the Doctrine of the Prophets and Apostles which is sometimes recommended to us in the Words of our Lord himself and sometimes by Examples sometimes is represented to us by Oracles either more obscure or more plain and open sometimes is taught in plain and other-times in figurative Expressions rejecting the Adoration of all other things whatsoever save only the Adoration whereby we mutually salute one another enjoins the Adoration of God alone And again Neither Men nor Angels are in the least to be ador'd save only by that Adoration which is given to express our Charity and as a Salutation 5. He distinguisheth very well between the Honour we give to Saints and that which we render to God when he saith God alone is to be worshipp'd God alone is to be adored God alone is to be glorified of whom it is said by the Prophet The Name of him alone is exalted and to the Saints who having triumphed over the Devil do reign with him Veneration is to be rendred either because they have fought couragiously for the Preservation of the State of the Church or because they are known to assist it with their continual Patronage and Intercession So likewise We venerate the Saints who are
in his Notes upon Agobardus and is lately reprinted by the same Author The words of Odo Aripertus who relates the matter translated run thus The Peace therefore being severally ratified and sealed by the King and Earl with the Blood of the Eucharist Bernard Count of Tholouse came from Barcelona to Tholouse and did Homage to King Charles in the Abby of St. Saturninus near Tholouse Mabillon acknowledges that this was not a Fact without Example Now let any Man imagine if he can whether People that believe Transubstantiation would ever have been capable of such a Profanation of the Blood of Jesus Christ or whether the Monks in whose Abby the thing was done would ever have suffer'd it had the thing appear'd as horrible unto them as it must of necessity appear to those who defend the Opinion of the Church of Rome I shall conclude this Chapter with giving an account of that courageous Opposition which the Bishops of Aquitain and Narbon made in the year 876 in the Council of Pontyon against the Enterprizes of Pope John VIII who being back'd by the Emperor Charles the Bald had a mind to subject all the Bishops of France and Germany to Ansegisus Archbishop of Sens as their Primate but at the same time as to his Vicar that he might execute his Decrees and inform him of the most important Affairs of those Churches which he pretended ought to be decided and ended at Rome which if so would have abolished the Power of Synods and Metropolitans This was in a manner the last considerable Effort they ever made to preserve their antient Discipline for soon after the Popes knew to manage the Kings that stood in need of them in Italy so well that by little and little they at last gained the Point and so made themselves absolute the Synods and Metropolitans retaining only an empty Name without almost any Authority at all CHAP. X. The State of these Diocesses in the Tenth Century WE are now come to the Tenth Century in which Ignorance and Barbarism overwhelm'd well nigh all the West and the Church of Rome fell at the same time into such monstrous Corruptions that those who have wrote the History thereof do not mention it without Horror I don't intend to make any stop here in alledging Proofs for what I say from the concurrent Testimonies of Genebrard Baronius and other Doctors of the Church of Rome 'T is a thing not deny'd by any one that hath ever heard speak of the History of the Church and hath been particularly set forth by Gerbertus Archbishop of Rheims who was afterwards advanced to the Papacy But yet in the mean time whatever the Corruption may have been which was scatter'd elsewhere we have good ground to believe that it had not quite stifled the antient Doctrine and Religion of these Diocesses which may be easily made out by the following Observations 1. I own that we find in the Writings of Odo the first Abbot of Clugny who was born in Aquitain some Expressions which import that he inclin'd to the Opinions of Paschasius as appears in his Collations which might make one judg that this Notion began then already to be propagated in Aquitain whose Duke William was the Founder of Clugny But we must here take notice of two things The first is That the antient Customs of this Monastry do plainly show that when this Congregation was founded those who were the Authors of these Customs were not of Paschasius's Opinion This is evident from chap. 30. of the second Book and from chap. 28. of the third The second is That though Odo might have entertained this Opinion of Paschasius concerning the carnal Presence of Jesus Christ yet we may easily observe that he never owned the Consequences of it For we find in the Relation of the Death of this Odo who died at Rome in the year 942 that he received the Eucharist but there is no mention made of any Adoration that he paid at his receiving it 2. We are to observe that in this Description of Odo's Departure which was made by one of his Disciples we meet with neither Confession before the receiving of the Eucharist nor the receiving of the Sacrament of Extreme Unction which are sufficient Proofs that he knew nothing of these Sacraments 3. It appears by the Writings of Gerbertus who was educated in the Monastery of Aurillac what was the Faith of this Diocess He had been the Tutor of Robert Son to Hugh Capet who raised him to the Archbishoprick of Rheims in the year 991 in the room of Arnulphus who was deposed He hath writ an Apology for the Council which deposed Arnulphus wherein he gives full evidence what esteem he had for the Pope and how little he believ'd the Papacy necessary to the Church not only because of the Vices of the Popes of his time but also for several political Reasons which engage every Church not to subject themselves to a foreign Power Suppose saith he that by the warlike Incursions of barbarous Nations there be no way open for us to go to Rome or that Rome it self being become subject to some barbarous Prince be at his Pleasure made part of his Kingdom shall we in this case be reduc'd to the necessity of having no Councils at all or shall the Bishops of the World to the loss and ruin of their own Kings expect the Advice and Counsels of their Enemies for the Management of the Affairs of Church and State We may see another Assertion of his in a Letter to Seguinus Archbishop of Sens I do resolvedly affirm That if the Pope of Rome himself should sin against his Brother and being often admonished should not hear the Church that this same Pope of Rome ought to be look'd upon as a Heathen and Publican Whereupon Baronius exclaims Here is a Sentence indeed worthy only to proceed from the Mouth of some great Heretick or of some most impudent Schismatick which abrogates all sacred Councils at once cuts the Throat of Canons strangles Traditions and treads under foot all the Rights of the Church that it seems impossible that a Catholick should ever dream of such things much less so saucily utter and assert them We may also gather from the subsequent Words whether or no he conceiv'd Communion with the Church of Rome to be of absolute necessity If he the Pope of Rome do therefore judg us unworthy of his Communion because none of us will comply with him in his Anti-evangelical Sentiments yet he cannot separate us from the Communion of Christ seeing a Priest ought not to be removed from his Function except he have confest or be convict of the Crime laid to his charge especially when the Apostle faith Who shall separate us from the Love of Christ And again I am certain that neither Death nor Life c. And what greater Separation can there be than to debar any Believer from the Body and Blood of the Son
sets down his Opinion and he doth it in the self-same Terms us'd by St. Augustin But I keep my self within the Bounds of what concerns those Diocesses whose History I am upon I shall only take leave to add one thing which is that tho Gerbertus seems in his 26 th Letter which contains his Confession of Faith to make an Allusion to some of the Opinions of the Manichees yet we may be sure that he did not express himself in this manner to show that he held nothing of their Tenets no he had other Reasons for it which it is not necessary to unfold here Besides it is notorious that the Manichees did not spread themselves in Aquitain till he was a very old Man at least it is true that Ademarus doth not make them to appear in Aquitain till the year 1011 and that the first Synod held against them did not meet at Tholouse till the year 1019 that is to say 16 years after his Death which hapned in 1003. CHAP. XI The beginning of the Manichees in Aquitain and the State of those Churches as to Religion in that Age. THere appeared in Lombardy and in France some Manichees chased from the East by the Emperors of Constantinople Ademarus Cabannensis Monk of St. Eparque at Limoges says that they first were taken notice of in Aquitain a little after the Year 1010. and he afterwards speaks of a Council assembled at Charoux against them The Bishop of Meaux makes no Question but that this gave rise of the Albigenses and to evidence the Solidity of his Conjecture he accuseth besides some Writers of the 11 th Century the Canons whom Robert caused to be burnt at Orleans to have been the first Disciples of these Manichees supposing all this while that the Albigenses derive themselves from the same source and that they defended the same Opinions Now because it is a matter of small Importance to the History of the Albigenses whether the Canons of Orleans were Manichees or not I might very well excuse my self from entring upon that Enquiry They may have been Manichees and yet the Churches of Aquitain and Narbon not the least concerned in the matter Neither do I think my self obliged to repeat here what I have already delivered concerning the differing Opinions of the ancient and modern Manichees in the 15 th 16 th and 17 th Chapters of my Remarks upon the History of the Churches of the Vallies of Piedmont supposing that my Reader may easily have Recourse to them Our Business is to see what was the Faith of these Diocesses and question not but we shall make it appear in the Sequel that those whom the Bishop pretends to convict of Manicheism are falsly charged therewith the Romish Party having bestowed that Name upon them only to make them the more execrable to those of their Communion Nevertheless because Ademarus Cabannensis testifies that these Canons of Orleans had been instructed not by a Woman come from Italy as their History records the Story but by a Country-fellow as some MS. Copies of Ademarus tell us of Perigueux I am not unwilling to enquire a little into the Authority of this History Glaber relates it Lib. 3. cap. 8. pag. 308. but besides his Relation D' Achery hath given us though not the very Acts of the Synod that condemned them but the account of a private Man of Chartres who professeth that he set down in Writing what pass'd in that Synod which seems to be of sufficient Authority Be it as it will they suppose from these Proofs that these Canons were Manichees and I own they are very like them in the Relation that is given of this Synod as well as in Ademarus But yet after all there are several things which seem to give us ground to doubt of the Truth of this whole Relation 1 st It scarcely seems probable that a Woman who was a Stranger or a Peasant should have been able in so short a time to make so many Proselytes amongst the Canons and Citizens of Orleans as to be able to form secret Conventicles amongst them and to propagate such monstrous Doctrines as those of the Manichees were Neither can we with any appearance of reason suppose that one of these Canons who formerly had been Confessor to the Queen was so stupid a Fellow as all on a sudden to fall into the Enthusiasm of the Manichees 2 dly It is evident that in perusing these pretended Acts we find that all the Witnesses which are produc'd against them are reducible to one only and he too of no credit because himself had been engag'd once of their Communion I say all their Proceedings were founded upon the Depositions of one single Man and then afterwards they make the Men once executed speak what they please It will be objected perhaps that the Interrogatories were made in publick in the Presence of the People but then let us consider that all this was writ after the Death of Robert to justify so bloody an Execution 3 dly We do not find in these Acts the same Accusations one accuseth them of one thing and another of another though it be evident that the Design of all these Authors is equally to defame them and make them execrable 4 thly We find in those Acts that these pretended Manichees justify themselves against the capital Accusations of Manicheism chiefly upon the Article of the Creation 5 thly We find that they exprest at their Martyrdom a Hope directly opposite to the Principles of Manicheism 6 thly Their very Enemies themselves are oblig'd to give them a most illustrious Testimony as to the Sanctity of their Lives and Manners It is certain that the accusing them of denying Transubstantiation and rejecting Baptism cannot justly be look'd upon as a Badg of Manicheism if we consider on the one hand that the Question Whether the Bread be changed into the Body of Jesus Christ hath no relation to the Doctrine of the Manichees but respects only those novel Doctrines which Paschasius had introduc'd and on the other hand that the Church of Rome accuseth all those for being Enemies to Baptism who in that Point do not espouse all the Opinions she teacheth in holding as she did at that time the absolute necessity of that Sacrament And as for their being charged with celebrating horrible Festivals full of Incest and Abominations we know that the same hath been imputed to some Hereticks of old but falsly It was laid to the charge also of the Waldenses but was never prov'd to be other than a meer Calumny Our first Reformers have been accused of the same but with an Impudence for which the Church of Rome ought still to blush if that were a possible thing In a word I find nothing in all this Relation that makes it look probable but only two or three Characters which agree with the barbarous Maxims of the Church of Rome The first is That it attributes to Queen Constance an unusual Action that with a
first made use of a Canon of the Council of Sardica which gave them Power to send Legats into the Provinces to examine the Processes and the Depositions of any Bishops in Cases where any complaint was made After that they had thus accustomed the French Bishops to admit their Legats in this Case they by little and little gain'd another Point when the Princes were weak which was to send some amongst them without any Complaint or Appeal at all and at last after they had submitted to the Yoak Alexander II. established it as a Rule that the Pope ought to have the Government and Administration of all Churches Of these Legats some had a whole Kingdom under their Jurisdiction others some part only they came thither with full Power to depose Bishops yea the Metropolitan himself when ever they pleased to assemble the Councils of their District and to preside therein with the Metropolitan but taking place of him to make Canons to send the Decision of those Matters to the Pope to which the Bishops would not give their Consent as likewise all the Acts of the Council whereof he disposed at his Will and Pleasure And it is to be observed that their Suffrages outweigh'd those of all the Bishops together and that oftentimes by their simple Authority they judg'd and determin'd the Causes of the Elections of Bishops of Benefices of the Excommunications of Lay-men and the like Insomuch that these Assemblies which before were so Sacred and so Soveraign for the supporting and maintaining of Discipline having no Power any longer were to speak properly rather Councils to authorize and ratify the Will and Pleasure of the Pope than any lawful or free Councils So that it was not till the Papacy of Alexander II. and Gregory VII that the Churches of Aquitain saw themselves in danger of losing their Liberty by submitting to the Papal Yoak as well as the rest of the French Churches We are now to see how they avoided this Yoak which was thus imposed upon them in some measure CHAP. XIII Of the Opposition that was made by a Part of these Churches to the Attempts of the Popes and of their Separation from the Communion of Rome before Peter Waldo IT is difficult precisely to set down the Year wherein a considerable Part of these Diocesses rejected the Power of the Pope's Legats and lowdly condemned the Errors which they would have introduced under the Name of Councils which the Popes had so often assembled against Berengarius But we have great reason to conclude that it happened under Gregory VII when he undertook to oblige the Bishops of France to swear an Oath of Fidelity to him in much a like Form as Vassals swear to the Lords of the Fee for in reality it is the very same this strange Piece of Novelty which at one Blow destroy'd all the Rights of the Church excited both Pastors and People to defend their Liberties and to reject this imperious Yoak Then it was also that he endeavour'd to change the Common Service of the Church by striking out all that was not agreeable to the Roman Service which was very proper to inflame the Minds of the People and make them more watchful for the Preservation of the Doctrine and Ceremonies of Religion which they had received from their Ancestors For instance It is certain that in the 11 th Century they changed the Collects which concern'd the Prayer for the Dead We have an Example of it that was inserted in the Decretal of Gregory IX 'T is an Answer of Innocent III. to John de Beauxmains Archbishop of Lions who at that time was retired in the Abby of Clairvaux It contains the Question which that Archbishop who was the Persecutor and Condemner of Peter Waldo propounds to Innocent III. together with the Pope's Answer Your Brothership has enquir'd why there was a Change made in the Service of Saint Leo so that whereas the antient Books express the Prayer thus Grant to us Lord that this Offering may be of advantage to the Soul of thy Servant Leo in the modern Books it is exprest thus Grant to us O Lord we beseech thee that by the Intercession of St. Leo this Offering may be of advantage to us To which we answer saith the Pope That since the Authority of Scripture assures us that he doth an Injury to a Martyr who prays for a Martyr we are by a Parity of Reason to judg the same of other Saints because they need not our Prayers as being perfectly happy and enjoying all things according to their Wishes but it is we rather that stand in need of their Prayers who being miserable are in continuable trouble by reason of the Evils that surround us Wherefore such Expressions as these That such an Offering may be of advantage to this or that Saint for their Glory and Honour which we meet with in most Prayers are thus to be understood That it may conduce to this end that he may be more and more glorified by the Faithful here on Earth Though most suppose it a thing not unworthy of the Saints to assert that their Glory is continually encreased until the Day of Judgment and therefore that the Church may in the mean time lawfully wish for the encrease of their Glorification But whether in this Point that Distinction may take place which teacheth us that of those who are dead some are very good others very bad others indifferently good and others indifferently bad and therefore whether the Suffrages of Believers in the Church for the very good are Thanksgiving for the very bad Comforts to the Living for those who are indifferently good Expiations and for the indifferently bad Propitiations I leave to your Prudence to enquire Moreover the Popes Nicholas II and his Successors undertook to defend the Celibacy of the Clergy by which means a great many Pastors were depriv'd of the Functions of their Ministry which obliged also a vast number of them to separate themselves from the Communion of the Pope whose Creatures after the Decree was past for authorizng Celibacy look'd upon the married Clergy to be no more than simple Lay-men not to mention now that the Multiplicity of Schisms and Anti-popes had reduc'd most of the Diocesses of France into a strange Confusion some holding for one Pope others for another But though we cannot assign the precise Epocha of the beginning of this couragious Opposition to the See of Rome which had no other Original but the just Defence of their Liberties and the Desire of preserving their antient Truths yet thus much seems to be certain as far as we can gather from the poor Remainder of Records which the Barbarity of the Inquisitors hath suffer'd to come down to us 1. That this publick Opposition against the Efforts of Popery was made about the beginning of the 12 th Century 2. That without great Ignorance both in History and Chronology it cannot be supposed that the Albigenses were the Disciples of
Government of these Churches the Succession whereof we cannot distinctly set down but this ought not to surprize any Body the Captains of the Croisade and the Inquisitors can best satisfy the World in this Point wherein we must acknowledg our Inability As for their Morals and Behaviour who ever will but reflect upon the Debauchery and general Corruption which reigned in the 11 th Century will easily judg that those who renounced the Communion of the Church of Rome and who call'd her the Mystical Babylon because of her false Worship and the horrid Corruption of her Ministers must needs be more pure in their Morals and more orderly in their Behaviour and indeed we find it true in the Albigenses as well Pastors as People The Pastors recommended to the People the having of the Books of the New Testament in their Mother-Tongue and pressed the Reading thereof with so much Care and Application that Raymond Earl of Tholouse never stirred any whither without taking that holy Book with him This was the certain Badg and Mark of all these Hereticks and that whereby they defended themselves For which reason the Council of Tholouse fearing lest their Croisades should not be able to exterminate the Albigenses as long as they had the Bible in the vulgar Tongue took care to prohibit the having of it in these Terms We prohibit the Permission of the Books of the Old and New Testament to Laymen except perhaps they might desire to have the Psalter or some Breviary for the Divine Service or the Hours of the Blessed Virgin Mary for Devotion expresly forbidding their having the other Parts of the Bible translated into the Vulgar Tongue It was by means of this Purity of their Morals that as Petrus Cluniacensis witnesseth the Petrobusians found so much favour with many of the Clergy of the Bishops of the Princes and of the Laity at the same time when they preached openly that the Church of Rome was not the Church but that they were the true Church as being truly Apostolical Indeed a cursory Reflection upon the Nature of the enormous Crimes laid to their Charge as if those Abominations had been the general Character of their Religion is sufficient to discover the Imposture of their Accusers For they are Crimes that overturn the Foundations of all Society by destroying the Honour of Families and filling every Place with abominable Adulteries and Incests Can any Man imagine that such a Sect as this could ever have been able to propagate it self throughout all Europe as Wilhelmus Newbrigensis declares the Waldenses did if the Manners of those that profess it had been founded upon Principles that trample upon the Laws of Nature which have always been respected even amidst the thickest Darkness of Paganism We do not find that Manicheism went so far even then when it caus'd the greatest Disturbance in the World nor that the Corruption into which it plunged those that were tainted with it had any very great influence upon others whereas we find that the Religion of the Albigenses hath spread its Roots far and near and even procur'd Esteem and Affection from those of the Romish Party that were not wholly transformed into the Nature of Brutes and Madmen being natural Consequences of that insulting Spirit which has animated the Popes and the Clergy in these latter Ages What I say here is evident from the Testimony of William of Puylaurens in his Chronicle who owns that the Albigenses had a shew of Godliness though saith he they denied the power of it that they were had in extream Veneration by the People and that more Legacies were left to them than to Church-men whereas on the other hand the Romish Clergy were fall'n to that extream Contempt that Lay-men instead of the common Wish I had rather be a Jew us'd to say I had rather be a Chaplain The Case must needs have been very evident since Pope Innocent III who left nothing unattempted to root it out yet could not but do them the justice to own that they were very free from several Vices Indeed we may easily judg of their Morals and Demeanour by their Constancy in suffering the most cruel Torments in the defence of the Truth Matthew Paris tells us of one Robert an Inquisitor who buried alive or burnt 50 of them in two Months time and yet not one of them rerenounced his Faith in the midst of the greatest Violence of their Torments Perrin and Chassagnon give us great Numbers of parallel Examples as well as the Acts of the Inquisition of Tholouse Lucus Tudensis who endeavours to ridicule this Constancy of their Martyrs is at the same time a Witness for it beyond all manner of Controversy Mezeray was juster than the Bishop of Meaux for though he was not ignorant of the Slanders cast upon them yet he hath given this Testimony of the Albigenses whom he calls Waldenses he saith There were two principal Sorts of them the one of them were very ignorant and given to Lewdness and Villany these Men maintain'd gross and filthy Errors and these were indeed a kind of Manichees The others were more learned and less disorderly and keeping themselves at the greatest distance from the Filthinesses now mention'd maintain'd much the same Opinions with the Calvinists and to speak properly were Henricians and Waldenses This Testimony so agreeable to Truth may well make those blush who copy the Forgeries of the Jesuit Mariana who to make the Albigenses pass for Atheists and Epicureans has changed the Title of Lucus Tudensis his Book which was only in these terms Concerning another Life and Controversies of Faith by adding to it against the Errors of the Albigenses CHAP. XXI Concerning the Persecutions which the Albigenses have suffered from the Pope and his Party MY Design is not to enlarge here upon a particular Description of their Persecutions This would be too vast a Field to enter upon in a Work of this kind which I have undertaken but withal I should think my self to blame if after having shewed with how much Zeal the Albigenses maintained the Truth of the Gospel by their Preaching and practis'd the Morals thereof in their Conversation I should not give a short Account of what Persecutions they have suffered and with what Constancy by their Martyrdom they have born witness to the same Truth We have already taken a view of the Persecutions exercised against Peter de Bruis and Henry his Disciple at the Sollicitation of Peter de Clugny and Bernard Abbot of Clairvaux who caused them to be sacrificed to the Interest of the Church of Rome which after the 11 th Century begun to persecute with Sword and Fire all those who durst be so bold to oppose her Greatness by undervaluing her Decrees It was in compliance with this Method that Petrus Cluniacensis writing to the Archbishop of Arles and Ambrun and to the Bishops of Die and Gap concerning the Petrobusians and Henricians tells them It is
and an obedient Servant of the Pope as having been educated in the Church of Rome in the which he was resolved to live and die That if he was offended that such Persons as were Enemies to the Pope had been tolerated in his Territories that this ought not to be imputed to him because he had no other Subjects but such as his deceased Father had left him and that in this his Minority and during the short time that he had been Master of his Estate he had neither been able by reason of his Incapacity to discern the Evil or to suit a Remedy to it though indeed this was his Intention and that he hoped for the time to come to give all manner of Satisfaction to the Pope and the Church of Rome as became an obedient Son of both The Pope's Legat's Answer was That all his Excuses should be of no Use to him and that he might shift for himself the best he could The Earl of Beziers being returned to the City called the People together and represented to them that after having submitted himself to the Pope's Legate he had interceded for them without being able to obtain any thing but a Pardon upon condition that those who professed the Faith of the Albigenses should abjure their Religion and promise to live according to the Laws of the Church of Rome The Roman Catholicks beseeched them to give way to this extream Violence and not to be the cause of their Death because the Legate was resolved not to pardon one of them except they all unanimously resolved to live under the same Laws To which the Albigenses answered That they would never forsake their Faith for the base Price of this frail Life That they were well assured that God could protect them if it seemed good unto him but withal neither were they ignorant that if he rather chose to be glorified by the Confession of their Faith it would be an exceeding Honour to them to die for Righteousness sake That they had much rather displease the Pope who could only destroy their Bodies than offend God who could destroy Body and Soul together That they detested the Thought of being ashamed of or denying that Faith by which they had learn'd to know Christ and his Righteousness and for fear of eternal Death to imbrace a Religion which intirely takes away the Merit of Jesus Christ and destroys his Righteousness that therefore they might make the best terms for themselves they could without promising any thing that was contrary to the Duty of true Christians As soon as the Roman Catholicks understood this they sent their Bishop to the Legate to beseech him not to comprehend them in the same Punishment with the Albigenses they having always adhered to the Church of Rome and of whom he who was their Bishop had good Knowledg judging also that the rest had not gone so far from the ways of Repentance but that they might be reduced by a Sweetness well becoming the Church which takes no Delight in shedding Blood The Legate being enraged at this with horrible Threats and Oaths protested That except all that were in the Town did acknowledg their Fault and submit themselves to the Church of Rome they should all be put to the Sword without any regard had to Catholicks to Sex or Age but that all should be exposed to Fire and Sword and immediately commanded the City to be summoned to surrender at Discretion which being refused he commanded all the warlike Engines to play and to discharge their Instruments and to cast Stones ordering them at the same time to give a general Assault and to scale the City round so that it was impossible for those within to sustain the shock for being press'd upon by above 100000 Pilgrims they at last saith the Compiler of the Treasure of Histories discomfited those within the City and entring in all at once killed vast numbers of all sorts and afterwards putting Fire to the City they burnt it to Ashes When the Town was taken the Priests Monks and Clerks came in Procession out of the great Church of Beziers called St. Nazari with the Banner Cross and Holy Water bare-headed clothed in their Ecclesiastical Vestments singing Te Deum in token of their rejoicing for the City's being taken and purged of the Albigenses But the Pilgrims who had received an express Order from the Legate to kill all rushed in amongst this Procession cutting off the Heads and Arms of the Priests striving who could do most till they were all cut to pieces These Cruelties exercised upon the City of Beziers upon the Papists themselves yea and upon their very Clergy having opened the Earl of Beziers his Eyes to see that the Pope under the Pretence of Religion had a mind to ruin the Earl of Tholouse his Uncle as well as himself he shut up himself in his City of Carcasson with a Resolution to defend it against the Legate and his Pilgrims The King of Arragon his Kinsman having discoursed with him the Earl plainly declared That he knew this to be the Pope's Design because when he was treating for his Subjects of Beziers he refused to receive his Catholick Subjects into his Favour nay would not so much as spare the Priests who were all cut in pieces in their Sacerdotal Ornaments under the Banner and the Cross that this Example of cruel Impiety joined with what they exercised upon the Village of Carcasson where they had exposed all to Fire and Sword without any Distinction of Age or Sex had fully convinced him that there was no Mercy to be look'd for from the Legate or his Pilgrims and that accordingly he would choose rather to die with his Subjects defending themselves than to be exposed to the Mercy of an inexorable Enemy such as he had found the Legate to be and though there were in the City of Carcasson many of his Subjects of a Belief contrary to that of the Church of Rome yet that they were Persons that had never done any Injury to any one that they had always assisted him in time of need and that for this their good Service he was resolved never to abandon them as they on their Parts had promised him to hazard Life and Estate in his Defence That he hoped that God who is the Reliever of those who are oppressed would assist them against this great Multitude of ill-advised Men who under the Pretence of meriting Heaven had quitted their own Habitations to come and burn pillage ravage and murder in the Habitations of others without either Reason Judgment or Mercy The King of Arragon returned with this Remonstrance to the Legat who assembled a great number of Lords and Prelats to hear what he had to say who declared to them that he had found the Earl of Beziers his Ally extreamly scandalized at their inhuman Proceedings against his Subjects of Beziers and of the Village of Carcasson and that he was fully perswaded seeing they had neither spared
aborcii aut destructio seminum ante formatum foetum facta per medicinas sint gravia peccata valde adhuc conjunctio mutua foeminarum contra naturam in actu carnali vel earum coitus cum bestia irrationali vel cum creatura insensibili non viva transcendit in demeritoria actione dignum poenis inferni Correlarium Nos vellemus quod viduae tales quae voverunt castitatem investitae annulo mantello deliciosè pastae vel delicatè nutritae essent desponsatae quia eas nescimus excusare de occultis peccatis Duodecima quaestio Multitudo artium non necessariarum homini in nostra Ecclesia multum peccatum nutrit in superflua curiositate diffiguratione hominum per vestes curiosas hoc ostendit experientia ratio probat quia natura cum paucis artibus sufficeret humanae naturae Correlarium Ex quo Apostolus Paulus dicit habentes victum quibus tegamur his contenti simâ—â— nobis videtur quod aurifabri fabri armorum omnia genera artium non necessariarum homini secundum Apostolum destrui debent propter augmentum virtutum quia quamvis istae duae artes nominatae necessariae fuerunt in veteri lege novum tamen Testamentum has artes cum multis allis evacuavit WE pore Men Tresorers of Christ and his Apostels denouncyn to the Lordes and Commens of the Parliament certeyn Conclusions and Treuthes for the Reformation of Holi Church of Inglond the which hath ben blend and leprouse many yere be the Mayntenance of the proud Prelaci born up with Flateryng of privat Religion The which is multiplied to a grete Charge and onerous to Pepil here in Inglond Whan the Chirch of Inglond began to dote in Temperalte after hir Stepmoder the grete Chirche of Rome and the Chirches were slayn be Appropriacion to divers Places Feythe Hope and Charite begon for to fle out of our Chirch for Pride wit his sori Genealogy of dedely Sinnes chalangith it be Title of Heritage This Conclusion is generale and is proved by Experience Custum and Manner as you shall heryn affter The secund Conclusion is this Our usuel Priesthode the which began in Rome feyned of a Power heyer than Angels is not the Priesthode the which Christ ordeyned to his Apostells This Conclusion is proved for the Priest-hode of Rome is marked with Signes Rites and Bishopes Blessyngs and that is of litel Virtu no wher ensamplede in holi Scripture For the Bishopes Ordinals in the New Testament ben litel of Record and we can not se that the Holi Gost for any such Signes gifes any Gifts for He and his holy Giftes mai not stond with dedely Synne in no manner Person The Correlary of this Conclusion that it is full unketh to many that be wise to se Bishopes play with the Holi Gost in makyng of her Orders for thei gif Crownes in Carecters in stede of whit hertes and that is the Liveray of Antichrist brought into holi Church to colour Idleness The trid Conclusion sorowful to here is that the Law of Continence enexed to Priest-hode that in Prejudice of Wymmen was first ordeynet inducyth Sodomy in all holi Chirch bot we excuse us be the Bible for the suspecte Decre that saith that we shall not it Reson and Experience provyth this Conclusion for delicious Metis and Drynkes of Men of holi Chirch will haf nedful Purgation of Kind or Wers Experience for the privy Asay of such Men is that thai lik no Wymmen and whan thow provest such a Man mark him wele for he is on of tho The Correlary of this Conclusion that the privat Religions Begynners of this Synne were most worthi to ben anulled but God of hys might of prive Synnes send open Vengeance The ferth Conclusion that most harmeth the innocent Pepel is this that the feyned Miracle of the Sacrament of Bred inducyth al Men but a few to Idolatre for thai wen that Goddis Bodi that nevere schal out of Heven be virtu of Priestis Wordes be closed essentiali in a litel Bred that thai shew to the People but wouâ—â— God they would believe what the Doctor Evangelicus seis in his Trialoge quod Panis altaris est habitudinaliter Corpus Christi For we suppose that on this wise mai every trew Man and Womman in Goddes Law mak the Sacrament of this Brede without any such Miracle The Correlary of this Conclusion is that if Christes Bodi be dowid with everlasting Ioi the Servys of Corpus Christi made be Frere Thomas is untrew and peynted ful of fals Miracles and that is no wonder for Frere Thomas that same tyme holdyng with the Pope wold haf mad a Miracle of an Hen Egge and we know well that every Lesyng openly preached turneth him to Vilany that ever was trew and without defaut The fift Conclusion is this that Exorsyms and holowyng mad in the Chirch of Wine Brede and way-Water Salt Oyle and Encense the Stone of the Altar upon vestment Myter Croys and pilgrim Staves be the veray practis of Nygromancy rather than of the holi Theologi This Conclusion is proved thus for be such Exorsymes Creatures be charget to be of heyer Virtu then her own Kynd and we see nothing of chaunge in no such Creature that is so charmed but be fals beleve the which is the Principal of the Develes craft The Correlary of this that if the Boke that charmeth hali Water sprede were al trewe us thenk verely that holi Water used in hali Chirch schuld be the best Medecyn to all manner of Seknes The syxt Conclusion that maynteneth mychel Pride is that a Kyng and a Bishop al in on Person a Prelate and a Justice in Temperal Cause a Curate and an Officer maken any Roem out of gode Rewle This Conclusion is oponly schemed for Temperalte and Spiritualte be two Partis of an holi Chirch and therefore he that hath taken hym to that one schuld not mell him with that other Quia nemo potest duobus Dominis servire and us think that Hermifodrita or Ambidexter were a gode Name to such manner of Men of dowble estate The Correlary is that we the Procuratours of God in this Cause do prosti to this Parlement that aâ— manner of Curates both hey and low ben fully excused of temperel Office and occupy hem with her cure and not elles The sevent Conclusion that we myghtily 〈◊〉 is that special Praiers fordede Mens Soules mad in owre Chirch preferring on be Name more than another This is the fals ground of Almes Dede on the which al Almes houses of Inglond ben wikkidly grounded This Conclusion is proved by two Skilles on is for Praier memory and of valew schold be a Weck procedyng of hey and perfit Charite accept no Persones quia diliges proximum etc. Wherefore us thenkes that the Gift of temporel Godes to Priestes and to Almes-Houses is principal cause of special Praier the which is no fer fro Symony Another Skil
Johannis de Wyndsour nova per supra scriptos Augustinum Stere Henricum Benet Willielmum Brigger Richardum Hignell Willielmum Priour Richardum Goddard xxviii die mensis Januarii anno Domini millesimo cccc nonagesimo praesentibus tunc ibidem venerabilibus viris magistris Laurencio Cokks Edmundo Martyn Johanne Mayhowe decretorum doctoribus Daye sacrae theologiae professore Radulpho Hethcote Canonico Ecclesiae Cathedralis Sarum Willielmo Thynlawe Vicario perpetuo Ecclesiae praefatae Briano Willielmo Birley artium magistris Thoma Clerke in legibus baccalareo Johanne Wely scriba Registrario per dictum Reverendum Patrem in hac parte assumpto multis aliis Quibus quidem die loco idem Reverendus Pater injunxit praefato Augustino Stere in parte poenitentiae suae quod ipse Augustinus nudus tibias pedes caput corpore toga camisia ac foemoralibus lineis tantummodo indutus unum fasciculum sive fagotum super humerum suum unum facem anglicè a bronde in manu ejus gestans diebus locis infra scriptis viz. die sabbati xxix die mensis Januarii anno praedicto circa mercatum ville de Wyndesour nova ubi quando fuerit populi multitudo die dominica extunc sequenti viz. ultimo die mensis ejusdem circa Ecclesiam parochialem beatae Mariae Rading die Sabbati quinto die Februarii circa mercatum de Newbery die dominica extunc sequenti circa Ecclesiam parochialem ibidem die dominica prima quadragesime in Ecclesia Cathedrali Sarum die martis extunc sequente circa mercatum ibidem caeterisque diebus diversis per loca scil per Monasteria de Serne Milton Abbottesbery Abyndon Shirborn necnon circa Mercatum ibidem Sarum Diocaeseos coram processionibus circa Ecclesias Monasteria loca praedicta aut in eisdem locis prout aeris temperies permiserit ut moris est faciendis more humilis poenitentis incederet finitisque hujusmodi processionibus vel cum ab aliquo Curatorum hujusmodi Ecclesiarum sive locorum proceditur ad pulpitum quibusdam literis in Anglico scriptis errores opiniones dampnabiles praedicti Augustini ipsius Abjuracionem in se continentibus lectis declaratis per ipsum Augustinum alta intelligibili voce sua declarando exponendo recitando ac confitendo publicè prout in eisdem literis continetur de qua quidem poenitentia per ipsum Augustinum bene fideliter peracta prout sibi mandatum fâ—erit per curatos alios de quibus supra sit mencio praefatus Reverendus Pater Dominus plenarie sufficienter fuerit certificatus unde postea idem Reverendus Pater in tempore certificationis hujusmodi sibi factae in complementum poenitentiae suae injunxit quod singulis diebus vitae suae coram Ymagine crucifixi genuflectendo diceret devote quinquies oracionem Dominicam quinquies salutationem Angelicam semel Symbolum Apostolorum quod injuncto die parassephes vigiliis beatae Mariae per unum annum integrum immediate sequentem in pane aqua Item quod lapso termino ...... dierum per dictum Reverendum Patrem assignato ad villam de Newbery vel ad aliquem locum situatum infra septem milliaria à villa de Newbery praedictâ non accideret nisi ex licentia praefati Reverendi Patris petita primitus obtenta FINIS Books lately printed for Richard Chiswell THE fifteen Notes of the Church as laid down by Cardinal Bellarmin examined and confuted by several London Divines 4 to With a Table to the whole The Texts which the Papists cite out of the Bible for Proof of the Points of their Religion examined and shew'd to be alledged without Ground In twenty five distinct Discourses by several London Divines with a Table to the whole and the Authors Names The Lay Christian's Obligation to read the Holy Scriptures By Dr. Stratford now Lord Bishop of Chester Some Remarks upon the Ecclesiastical History of the Ancient Churches of Piedmont By Peter Allix D. D. 4 to Reflections upon the Books of the Holy Scripture to establish the Truth of the Christian Religion In two Parts 8 vo By the same Author The Judgments of God upon the Roman Catholick Church from its first rigid Laws for universal Conformity to it unto its last End With a Prospect of these near approaching Revolutions viz. 1. The Revival of the Protestant Profession in an eminent Kingdom where it was totally suppressed 2. The last End of all Turkish Hostilities 3. The general Mortification of the Power of the Roman Church in all Parts of its Dominions Geologia Or a Discourse concerning the Earth before the Deluge wherein the Form and Properties ascribed to it in a Book intituled The Theory of the Earth are excepted against And it is made appear That the Dissolution of that Earth was not the Cause of the Universal Flood Also a new Explication of that Flood is attempted By Erasmus Warren Rector of Worlington in Suffolk 4 to The present State of Germany or an Account of the Extent Rise Form Wealth Strength Weaknesses and Interests of that Empire The Prerogatives of the Emperour and the Priviledges of the Electors Princes and Free Cities adapted to the present Circumstances of that Nation By a Person of Quality 8 vo Memoirs of what past in Christendom from the War begun 1672 to the Peace concluded 1679. 8 vo V. CL. Gulielmi Camdeni illustrium virorum ad G. Camdenum Epistolae Cum Appendice varii Argumenti Accesserunt Annalium Regni Regis Jacobi I. Apparatus Commentarius de Antiquitate Dignitate Officio Comitis Marescalli Angliae Praemittitur G. Camdeni vita Scriptore Thoma Smitho S. T. D. Ecclesiae Anglicanae Presbytero Euseb l. 4. c. 20. Praefat. in Zechariam T. 7. B. P. pag. 170. Pag. 173. Pag. 210. Pag. 211. Pag. 212. Pag. 219. cap. 8. Ibid. cap. 9. Pag. 234. Dial. c. 1. Pag. 235. Dia. c. 3. ad finem Pag. 253. Pag. 254. Ibid. T. 4. B. P. pag. 72 73. Pag. 78. cap. 39. Ibid. Pag. 79. c. ante penult Ibid. Institut Caenob lib. 4. cap. 10. Ibid. lib. 7. cap. 1. Lib. 7. cap. 16. Collat. 8. cap. 3. Inst Caenob l. 5. cap. 14. Ibid. lib. 5. cap. 34. De incar lib. 7. cap. 4. Collat. 20. c. 8. Collat. 21. cap. 30. Lib. 3. pag. 64. T. 5. B. P. Ibid. pag. 68. Pag. 72. Lib. 6. pag. 103. Lib. 5. pag. 94. Lib. 8. pag. 125. Lib. 7. pag. 114. Pag. 142. ad Ec. Cath. Lib. 1. Pag. 148. ad Ec. Lib. 2. Comment de Ordine Rom. pag. 139. B. P. T. 1. pag. 134. Pag. 141. Pag. 147. Pag. 157. Pag. 153. Cod. 54. T. 1. disp 91. cap. 11. Dimid Temp. cap. 6. Vpon Psal 120. T. 2. B. P. pag. 148. Rom. 8. Book 2. chap. 4. Pag. 726. Lib. de Creat Pag. 598. Pag. 278. Homil. 8. pag. 282. T. 3. B. Patr. pag. 381. Ep. 3. ad