this World as also in the World to come in that last and most terrible Judgment of our great Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ and to have my part with Judas as also with the leprosy of Gehazi and with the fear and trembling of damned Cain And besides all this I shall be subject to all punishments that are ordained in the Laws of their Majesties concerning this Affair This Oath did all the Governours of Christian Countries take in old time when Christian Emperours did flourish and it hath remained for a Law and President ever since to all Posterity And if we join this with the other Oaths before set down in the V. Chapter which Emperours and Kings did make themselves unto their Ecclesiastical Prelates at their first Admission about this Point we should see nothing was so much respected in Admission of a Prince or Governour nor ought to be as Religion for that as I have said before this is the chiefest greatest and highest end of every Commonwealth intended both by God and Nature to assist their Subjects to the attaining of their Supernatural end by honouring and serving God in this life and by living vertuously for that otherwise God should draw no other fruit or commodity out of humane Common-wealths than of an Assembly of Brutish Creaturs maintained only and governed for to eat drink and live in peace as before hath been declared But the End of man being far higher than this it followeth that whatsoever Prince or Magistrate doth not attend with care to assist and help his subjects to this end omitteth the first and principal part of his Charge and committeth high Treason against his Lord and Master in whose place he is and consequently is not fit for that Charge and Dignity though he should perform the other two parts never so well of temporal Justice and Valour in his Person which two other Points do appertain principally to the humane felicity and baser end of Mans Wel-publick and much more of a Christian Hereof it ensueth also that nothing in the world can so justly exclude an Heir apparent from his Succession as want of Religion nor any cause whatsoever justify and clear the Conscience of the Commonwealth or of particular men that in this Case should resist his Entrance as if they judge him faulty in this point which is the he Head of all the rest and for which all the rest do serve You do remember that before I compared an Heir apparent unto a Spouse betrothed only and not yet married to the Commonwealth Which Espousal or Betrothing according to all Law both Divine and humane may be broken and made void much easier and upon far less causes than an actual perfect Marrying may of which our Saviour himself said Quos Deus conjunxit homo non separet i. e. Whom God hath joyned let no man separate and yet S. Paul to the Corinthians determineth plainly that if two Gentiles married together in their Gentility which none denieth to be true Marriage for so much as concerneth the Civil Contract and afterwards the one of them being made a Christian the other will not live with him or her or if he do yet not without blaspheming of God and tempting him to sin in this Case I say the Apostle teacheth and out of him the Canon Law setteth it down for a Decree that this is sufficient to break and dissolve utterly this Heathen Marriage although consummate between these two Parties and that the Christian may marry again and this only for want of Religion in the other party which being so in actual Marriage already made and consummate how much more may it serve to undo a a bare Betrothing which is the case of a Pretender only to a Crown as before hath been shewed But you may say perhaps that S. Paul speaketh of an Infidel or Heathen that denieth Christ plainly and with whom the other Party cannot live without danger of sin and losing his faith which is not the case of a Christian Prince though he be somewhat different from me in Religion to which is answered that supposing there is but one onely Religion that can be true among Christians as both Reason and Athanasius his Creed doth plainly teach us and moreover seeing that to me there can be no other Faith or Religion available for my Salvation than only that which I my self do believe for that my own Conscience must testify for me or against me certain it is that unto me and my Conscience he which in any point believeth otherwise than I do and standeth wilfully in the same is an Infidel for that he believeth not that which in my Faith and Conscience is the onely and sole Truth whereby he must be saved And if our Saviour Christ himself in his Gospel doth will certain men to be held for Heathens not so much for difference in Faith and Religion as for lack of Humility and Obedience to the Church how much more may I hold him so that in my opinion is an enemy to the Truth and consequently so long as I have this opinion of him albeit his Religion were never so true yet so long I say as I have this contrary perswasion of him I shall do against my Conscience and sin damnably in the sight of God to prefer him to a Charge where he may draw many others to his own errour and perdition wherein I do perswade my self that he remaineth This Doctrine which is common among all Divines is founded upon that discourse of S. Paul to the Romans and Corinthians against such Christians as being invited to the banquets and tables of Gentiles and finding Meats offered to Idoles which themselves do judge to be unlawful to eat did yet eat the same both to the scandal of other infirme men there present as also against their own Judgment and Conscience which the Apostle saith was a damnable sin and this not for that the thing in it self was evil or unlawful as he sheweth but for that they did judge it so and yet did the contrary Qui discernit si manducaverit aamnatus est saith the Apostle He that discerneth or maketh a difference betwean this Meat and others as judging this to be unlawful and yet eateth it he is damned that is to say he sinneth damnably or mortally Whereof the same Apostle yieldeth presently this reason Quia non ex fide i. e. for that he eateth not according to his faith or belief but rather contrary for that he believing it to be evil and unlawful doth notwithstanding eat the same And hereupon S. Paul inferreth this universal Proposition Omne autem quod non est ex side peccatum est i. e. All that is not of faith or according to a mans own belief is sin to him for that it is against his own Conscience Judgment and Belief believing one thing and doing another And seeing our own Conscience must be
Nation that was lawfully and orderly preferred to the Imperial Seat after that it passed from the Children of Charles the Great and there be divers points worthy the noting in this example and among other that albeit he were lawful King and Emperor by Succession as also by appointment of his Father Yet was he chosen and admitted again by the Prince and People and that he Swore to fulfil all those points and conditions which the signification of the Emperial Ornament did bind him unto After this about sixteen years or more Pope Gregory the fifth in a Synod holden in Rome did by the consent of Otho the third Emperour and Nephew unto this other Otho of whom we have now treated appoint a certain Form of Election for the time to come of the German Emperour to wit that he should be chosen by six Princes of Germany three Ecclesiastical which are the Archbishops of Moguntia Colen and Trevires and three Temporal Lords to wit the Duke of Saxony the Count Palatine of Rhene and the Marquess of Brandeuburg and when these six voices should happen to be equally divided then that the Duke of Bohemia for then it was no Kingdom should have place also to determine the Election All which was determined in the year of Christ 996. in Rome and approved afterward by all the Princes of Germany and allowed by all other Christian Princes and States of the World and so endureth unto this day And among all other points this of his Coronation and his Oath to be taken for his well Government was and is most exactly set down and recorded by many Historiographers of that time and since But I shall aledge them out of John Sleydan as the most convenient Author for this our time and purpose First of all then he Writeth that after any Man is chosen Emperour he is to be called only Caesar and the King of the Romans and not Emperour until he be Crowned and the Conditions which he Sweareth unto presently after his Election Are to defend the Christian and Catholick Religion to defend the Pope and Church of Rome whose Advocate he is to Minister Justice equally to all to follow Peace to keep and observe all Laws Rights and Priviledges of the Empire not to alienate or engage the possessions of the Empire to condemn no Man without hearing his cause but to suffer the course of Law to have its place in all and whatsoever he shall do otherwise that it be void and of no Validity at all Unto all these Articles he Sweareth first by his Legates and then he giveth a Copy of his Oath in Writing to every one of the six Electors and after this he goeth to the City of Aquis-grun to be Crowned in that great Church where about the middle of the Mass the Archbishop of Colen goeth unto him in the presence of all the People and asketh whether he be ready to Swear and promise to observe the Catholick Religion defend the Church Minister Justice protect the Widdows and Fatherless and yield dutiful Honour and Obedience to the Pope of Rome Whereunto he answering That he is ready to do all this The Archbishop leadeth him to the high Altar where he Sweareth in express words all these Articles which being done the said Archbishop turning himself to the Princes of the Empire and People there present doth ask them Whether they be content to Swear Obedience and Fealty unto him Who answering Y a He is Annointed by the said Archbishop before the Altar and then do come the other two Archbishhps of Moguntia and Treviers and do lead him into the Vestery where certain Deacons are ready to Apparel him in his Robes and do set him in a Chair upon whom the Archbishop of Colen sayeth certain Prayers and then delivereth him a Sword drawn and putting a Ring upon his finger and giveth him a Scepter in his hand and then all the three Archbishops together do put on the Crown upon his head and leading him so Crowned and Apparreled unto the high Altar again He Sweareth the second time That he will do the part of a good Christian and Catholick Emperor Which being ended he is brought back and placed in the Emperial seat and Throne where all the Princes of the Empire do Swear obedience and faith unto him beginning with the three Archbishops and continuing on with the three other Electors and so all the rest in order which is a notable and magestical manner of admitting and authorising of a Prince as you see and it is to be marked among other things that the Emperour Sweareth three times once by his Deputies and twice by Himself before his Subjects Swear once unto him and yet will Belloy as you have heard needs have Subjects only bound to their Princes and the Prince nothing at all bound to them again In Polonia which being first a Dukedom was made a Kingdom about the same time that this form of electing of the German Emperour was prescribed the manner of Coronation of their King is in substance the very same that we have declared to be of the Emperour For first of all the Archbishop of Guesua Metropolitant of all Polonia cometh to the King standing before the high Altar and sayeth unto him these words Whereas you are right Noble Prince to receive at our hands at this day who are thought unworthily in place of Christ for execution of this Function the sacred Anointing and other Ceremonies Ensigns and Ornaments appertaining to the Kings of this Land it shall be well that we admonish you in a few words what the charge importeth which you are to take upon you c. Thus he beginneth and after this he declareth unto him for what end he is made King what the obligation of that place and dignity bindeth him unto and unto what points he must Swear what do signifie the Sword the Ring the Scepter and the Crown that he is to receive and at the delivery of each of these things he maketh both a short exhortation unto him and prayer unto God for him And the Kings Oath is in these Words Promitto coram Deo Angelis ejus I do promise and Swear before God and his Angels that I will do Law and Justice to all and keep the Peace of Christ his Church and the union of his Catholick Faith and will do and cause to be done due and Canonical Honour unto the Bishops of this Land and to the rest of the Clergy and if which God forbid I should break my Oath I am content that the Inhabitants of this Kingdom owe no Duty or Obedience unto me as God shall help me and Gods holy Gospels After this Oath made by the King and received by the Subjects the Lord Martial General of the whole Kingdom doth ask with a loud voice of all the Councellors Nobility and People there present Whether they be content to submit
People and by help principally of Henry Newborow Earl of Warwick that dealt with the Nobility for him and Maurice Bishop of London with the Clergy for that Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury was in banishment Besides this also it did greatly help his cause that his elder Brother Robert to whom the Crown by right appertained was absent again this second time in the War of Jerusalem and so lost thereby his Kingdom as before Henry having no other Title in the World unto it but by Election and Admission of the People which yet he so defended afterwards against his said Brother Robert that came to claim it by the Sword and God did so prosper him therein as he toâ—k his said elder Brother Prisoner and so kept him for many Years until he dyed in Prison most pitifully But this King Henry dying left a Daughter behind him named Mawde or Mathilde which being married first to the Emperour Henry the V. he dyed without issue and then was she married again the second time to Geffry Plantagenet Earl of Anjow in France to whom she bare a Son named Henry his Grandfather caused to be declared for Heir Apparent to the Crown in his Days but yet after his decease for that Stephen Earl of Bollogne born of Adela Daughter to William the Conquerour was thought by the State of England to be more fit to Govern and to defend the Land for that he was at Mans age then was Prince Henry a Child of Maude his Mother he was admitted and Henry put back and this chiefly at the perswasion of Henry Bishop of Winchester Brother to the said Stephen as also by the Solicitation of the Abbot of Glassenbury and others who thought belike they might do the same with good Conscience for the good of the Realm though the event proved not so well for that it drew all England into Factions and Divisions for avoiding and ending whereof the States some Years after in a Parliament at Walâ—ingford made an agreement that Stephen should be Lawful King during his Life only and that Henry and his Off-spring should succeed him and that Prince William King Stephen's Son should be deprived of his Succession to the Crown and made only Earl of Norfolk thus did the State dispose of the Crown at that time which was in the Year of Christ 1153. To this Henry succeeded by Order his Eldest son then living named Richard and sirnamed Cordelyon for his Valor but after him again the Succession was broken For that John King Henry's youngest Son to wit younger Brother to Richard whom his Father the King had left so unprovided as in jest he was called by the French Jean sens terre as if you would say S r John Lacke Land This man I say was after the death of his Brother Admitted and Crowned by the States of England and Arthur Duke of Britain Son and Heir to Geffery that was elder brother to John was against the ordinary course of Succession excluded And albeit this Arthur did seek to remedy the matter by War yet it seemed that God did more defend this Election of the Commonwealth than the right Title of Arthur by Succession for that Arthur was overcome and taken by King John though he had the King of France on his side and he dyed pitifully in prison or rather as most Authors do hold he was put to death by King John his Uncles own hands in the Castle of Roan thereby to make his Title of Succession more clear which yet could not be for that as well Stow in his Chronicle as also Matthew of Westminster and others before him do write that Geffrey besides this Son left two Daughters also by the Lady Constance his Wife Countess and Heir of Britaine which by the Law of England should have succeeded before John but of this small account seemed to be made at that day Some years after when the Barons and States of England misliked utterly the Government and proceeding of this King John they rejected him again and chose Luys the Prince of France to be their King and did swear Fealty to him in London as before hath been said and they deprived also the young Prince Henry his Son that was at that time but eight years old but upon the death of his Father King John that shortly after insued they recalled again that sentence and admitted this Henry to the Crown by the name of King Henry the III. and disanulled the Oath and Allegiance made unto Luys Prince of France and so King Henry Reigned for the space of 53. years afterwards the longest Reign as I think that any before or after him hath had in England Moreover you may know that from this King Henry the third do take their first beginning the two branches of York and Lancaster which after fell to so great contention about the Crown Into which if we would enter we should see plainly as before hath been noted that the best of all their titles after the deposition of King Richard the second depended on this authority of the Commonwealth for that as the People were affected and the greater part prevailed so were their titles either allowed confirmed altered or disanulled by Parliaments and yet may not we well affirm but that either part when they were in possession and confirmed therein by these Parliaments were lawful Kings and that God concurred with them as with true Princes for Government of their People For if we should deny this point as before hath been noted great inconveniencis would follow and we should shake the States of most Princes in the World at this day as by examples which alreay I have alledged in part may appear And with this also I mean to conclude and end this discourse in like manner affirming that as on the one side propinquity of Bloud is a great preheminence towards the attaining of any Crown so yet doth it not ever bind the Commonwealth to yield thereunto if weightier Reasons should urge them to the contrary neither is the Commonwealth bound always to shut her Eyes and to admit at hap-hazard or of necessity every one that is next by Succession of Bloud as Belloy falsly and fondly affirmeth but rather she is bound to consider well and maturely the Person that is to enter Whether he be like to perform his duty and charge committed unto him or no for that otherwise to admit him that is an enemy or unfit is but to destroy the Common-wealth and him together This is my opinion and this seemeth to me to be conform to all Reason Law Religion Piety Wisdom and Policy and to the use and custom of all well governed Common-wealths in the World Neither do I mean hereby to prejudice any Princes pretence or Succession to any Crown or Dignity in the World but rather do hold that he ought to enjoy his Preheminence but yet so that he be not prejudiciae thereby to the whole
far greater as now they live than in that case it would be suffered their King coming hereby to be of greater Power to force them to the form of English Subjection as no doubt but in time he would And seeing the greatest utility that in this Case by reason and probability can be hoped for by this Union is That the Scotish Nation should come to be advanced in England and to be made of the Nobility both Temporal and Spiritual and of the Privy-Council and other like Dignities of Credit and Confidence for otherwise no union or amity can be hoped for and considering That the King both for his own safety as hath been said as also for gratitude and love to his allied Friends must needs plant them about him in chief places of Credit which are most opposite to English Natures and by little and little through occasion of Emulations and of Controversies that will fall out daily betwixt such diversity of Nations he must needs secretly begin to favour and fortifie his own as we read that William the Conquerour did his Normands and Canutus before him his Danes to the incredible Calamity of the English Nation though otherwise neither of them was of themselves either an evil King or an Enemy to the English-Bloud but driven hereunto for their own safety and for that it was impossible to stand Newter in such national Contentions If all this I say fell out so then as we know it did and our Ancestors felt it to their extreme Ruine what other effect can be hop'd for now by this violent union of Nations that are by nature so dis-united and opposite as are the English Scotch Irish Danish French and other on them depending which by this means must needs be planted together in England And if we read that the whole Realm of Spain did refuse to admit St. Lewis King of France to be their King in Spain to whom yet by Law of Succession it was evident and confessed by the Spaniards themselves as their Chronicler Garibay writeth that the Right most clearly did appertain by his Mother Lady Blanch eldest Daughter and Heir of King Alonso IX and that they did this only for that he was a French-man and might thereby bring the French to have chief Authority in Spain And if for this Cause they did agree together to give the Kingdom rather to Ferdinando III. that was Son of Lady Berenguela younger Sister to the said Lady Blanch and if this determination at that time was thought to be wise and provident tho' against all right of Lineal Succession and if we see that it had good success for that it endureth unto this day what shall we say in this case say these men where the King in question is not yet a St. Lewis nor his Title to England so clear as that other was to Spain and the aversion â—etwixt his Nation and ours much greater than was that betwixt the French and Spanish Thus they do reason Again we heard out of the discourse made by the Civilian before how the States of Portugal after the death of their King Don Ferdinando the second of that Name who left one only Daughter and Heir named Lady Beatrix married unto John I. King of Castile to whom the Succession without all Controversie did appertain they rather determined to chuse for their King a Bastard-brother of the said Don Ferdinando named John than to admit the true Inheritrix Beatrix with the Government of the Castilians by whom yet they being much the richer People the Portugals might hope to reap far greater utility than English-men can do by Scotland considering it is the poorer Countrey and Nation And this is that in effect which these men do answer in this behalf noting also by the way that the Romans themselves with all their Power could never bring Union or Peace between these two Nations of England and Scotland nor hold the Scots and North-Irish in Obedience of any Authority in England and so in the end they were enforced to cut them off and to make that famous Wall begun by Adrian and pursued by other Emperours to divide them from England and bar them from joyning as all the World knoweth and much less shall any one King in England now hold them all in Obedience let him be of what Nation he will And this for the utility that may be hoped for by this Union But now for the point alledged by the favourers of Scotland about establishment of true Religion in England by the entrance of this King of Scots these other men do hold that this is the worst and most dangerous point of all other considering what the state of Religion is in Scotland at this day and how different or rather opposite to that form which in England is maintained and when the Archbishops Bishops Deans Archdeacons and other such of Ecclesiastical and Honourable Dignities of England shall consider that no such Dignity or Promotion is left now standing in Scotland no nor any Cathedral or Collegiate Church is remained on foot with the Renâ—s and Dignities thereunto appertaining and when our Nobility shall remember how the Nobility of Scotland is subject at this day to a few ordinary and common Ministers without any Head who in their Synods and Assemblies have Authority to put to the Horn and drive out of the Realm any Noble-man whatsoever without remedy or redress except he will yield and humble himself to them and that the King himself standeth in aw of this exorbitant and popular power of his Ministers and is content to yield thereunto It is to be thought say these men that few English be they of what Religion or Opinion soever will shew themselves forward to receive such a King in respect of his Religion that hath no better Order in his own at home And thus much concerning the King of Scotland Now then it remaineth that we come to treat of the Lady Arabella second Branch of the House of Scotland touching whose Title though much of that which hath been said before for or against the King of Scotland may also be understood to appertain unto her for that she is of the same House yet I shall in this place repeat in few words the principal points that are alledged in her behalf or prejudice First of all then is alledged for her and by her â—avourers that she is descended of the foresaid Lady Margaret eldest Daughter of King Henry VII by her second Marriage with Archibald Douglas Earl of Anguis and that she is in the third degree only from her for that she is the Daughter of Charles Stuart who was Son of Margaret Countess of Lenox Daughter to the said Lady Margaret Queen of Scots so as this Lady Arabella is but Neece once removed unto the said Queen Margaret to wit in equal degree of descent with the King of Scots which King being excluded as the favourers of this Woman do
in England to favour him and his pretence or else in respect of his own particular Family Friends and Allies both at home and abroad And for that the Party of Religion is like to weigh most and to bear the greatest sway and most potent suffrage and voice in this action and that with reason according to that the Civilian hath proved at large in the last of his Discourses therefore shall I also quoth the Lawyer first of all then treat of this point of Religion in this my last Speech It is well known said he that in the Realm of England at this day there are three different and opposite Bodies of Religion that are of most bulk and that do carry most sway and power which three Bodies are known commonly in England by the names of Protestants Puritans and Papists though the latter two do not acknowledge these Names and for the same cause would not I use them neither if it were not only for clearness and brevities sake for that as often I have protested my meaning is not to give offence to any Side or Party These three Bodies then quoth he do comprehend in effect all the Force of England and do make so general a division and separation throughout the whole Land in the hearts and minds of their Friends Favourers and followers as if I be not deceived no one thing is like so much to be respected in each Pretender for his advancement or depression as his Religion or inclination therein by them that must assist him at that day and are of different Religions themselves And more I am of opinion said he that albeit in other changes heretofore in England as in the entrance of King Edward and Queen Mary and of this Queens Majesty that now is divers men of different Religions did for other respects concurr and joyn together for these Princes advancement notwithstanding that afterwards many of them repented the same which is to be seen in that for King Edward all the Realm without exception did concurr and for Queen Mary it is known that divers Protestants did by name and among other points it is also known that Sir Nicholas Throgmorton a fervent Protestant in those days being of King Edward's Privy Chamber did not only advise her of the sickness and decay of King Edward from day to day but also was the first that sent an express Messenger to advise her of her Brother's death and what the two Dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk did contrive against her and that with such celerity that King Edward dying but on Thursday night the 10 th of July the Lady Mary was most certainly advised thereof by Saturday morning next and that very early in Kenning-hall-Castle of Norfolk 80. Miles off and divers other Protestants did assist her also in that her Entry as in like manner all those of the Roman Religion without exception did assist her Majesty that now reigneth after the decease of the said Queen Mary and this was then But I am of opinion that matters will fall out far otherwise at the next Change and this partly peradventure for that the titles of Succession in the Pretenders are not so clear but rather much more doubtful now than they were then and partly or rather principally for that men in time are come to be of more resolution and determination in matters of Religion and by contention and pursuing one the other are become more opposite and enemies and more desirous of revenge and further also than this those that be of milder and better condition and have not these passions in them yet by Reason and Experience they do see the great absurdity and inconvenience that ensueth by that a man of one Religion should give aid to the advancement of a Prince of a contrary Religion to that which himself doth esteem and hold for only truth which in him that so doth cannot be denied but that it is a point of little zeal at the least if not contempt of God and of Religion or of plain atheism as others will call it And moreover I remember that the Civilian before in the end of his Speech inveighed also much against this point and shewed that besides lack of Conscience and Religion it was in like manner against all humane wisdom and policy to favour a pretender of a different Religion from himself and this for divers reasons that he laid down which reasons I confess prevailed much with me and I do allow greatly of that his opinion and assertion which averred that the first respect of all others ought to be GOD and Religion in this great Affair of making a King or Queen and that without this no Title whatsoever ought to prevail or be admitted by Christian men and that the Cities of France at this day do not amiss but justly and religiously so long as they are of that Religion that they are to stand against the King of Navarr though otherwise by descent they do confess his Title to be clear and evident for that he is of contrary Religion to them Wherefore seeing that the very same Case is like or rather certain to ensue one day in England and that it is most probable that each Party of the Realm will stand most upon this Point that is to say upon the defence and advancement of their Religion and of such a King as shall be known to favour the same that themselves be of let us examin a little if you please quoth he what force ability each of these three Bodies of Religion now mentioned is like to be of at that day in England for effectuating or promoting this purpose of a new King And first to begin with the Protestant as with him that hath the sway of Authority and present Power of the State in his favour no doubt but that his force will be also great at that day said he and especially if he can conceal for a time the decease of her Majesty untill he may be able to put his Affairs in order but this is holden to be either impossible or very hard for the different judgments and affections which are not thought to be wanting in the Court Council and Princes Chamber it self whereof we saw the effect as before I told you at the death of King Edward which was as much endeavoured to be kept as ever any was and as much it imported the Concealers and yet within not many hours after had the Lady Mary most certain notice thereof â—y those that were opposite to her in Religion as I have shewed before so ardent are mens minds in such occasions and so capable of new impressions designments and desires are all kind of subjects upon such great changes A chief Member of the Protestant Body as you know for Wealth and Force is the Clergy of England especially the Bishops and other men in Ecclesiastical Dignity which are like to be a great Back to this Party at that
day though some men think that it cannot be very certain which part of the Nobility and Council will stick unto them for that many in heart are presupposed to favour the Puritan And for the Privy Council in particular though during the Princes Life their Authority be Supream yet is it not so afterward nor have they any publick Authority at all the Prince having once expired but only as Noblemen or Gentlemen according to each mans State and Calling in several and for the next Successor seeing none is known nor sworn in the Life of this Prince nor were it her safety that any should be clear it is that after Her Majesties decease every man is free untill a one wne be established by the Commonwealth which establishment doth not depend upon the appointment or will of any few or upon any mans proclaiming of himself for divers are like to proclaim themselves but upon a general consent of the whole Body of the Realm which how it will be brought to pass God only knoweth and to him we must commend it I do not know quoth he of any certain person pretendent to whom this Protestant Party is particularly devouted at this day more than to the rest though the House of Hartford was wont to be much favoured by them but of latter years little speech hath been thereof but rather of Araâ—â—lla whom the Lord Treasurer is said especially to be at this present though for himself it be held somewhat doubtful whether he be more fast to the Protestant or to the Puritan but if the Protestant Party should be divided then their Forces will be the less The Authority of Her Majesty is that which at this present overbeareth all when that shall fail no man knoweth what the event will be for that now mens hearts are hardly discerned Their Foreign Friends and Allies are of good number especially if the King of France proceed well in his Affairs and do not indeed change his Religion as he pretendeth that he will but yet if the Puritan do stand against them he is like to pull much from them both in France and Holland and as for Scotland it must needs be against them both and this in respect of his own pretence except the same be favoured by them I mean by these two Factions in England which is hardly thought that any of them both will do for the reasons before alledged though some more hope may be that way of the Puritan than of the Protestant by reason of the said Kings nearness to them in Religion The Puritan is more generally favoured throughout the Realm with all those which are not of the Roman Religion than is the Protestant upon a certain general perswasion that his Profession is the more perfect especially in great Towns where Preachers have made more impression in the Artificers and Burgesses than in the Countrey People And among the Protestants themselves all those that are less interessed in Ecclesiastical Livings or other Preferments depending of the State are more affected commonly to the Puritans or easily are to be induced to pass that way for the same reason The Person most favoured by the Puritans hitherto in common voice and opinion of men hath been the Earl of Huntington some speech of late of some diminution therein and that the Lord Beacham since his Marriage hath entâ—ed more in affection with them The King of Scots no doubt if he were not a stranger and had not the difficulties before mentioned were for his Religion also very plausible I do not hear that the Earl of Darby or his Mother is much forward with these or with the Protestant though of the latter sort some are supposed to wish them well The Friends and Allies of the Puritans abroad are the same that are of the Protestant to wit those of Holland and Zeeland and such Towns of France as follow the new King and jointly have changed their Religion which are not many for that his greatest Forces are yet those of the Roman Religion but yet if the said King prevail and persevere in his Religion which of late as I have said is called in doubt by his often Protestations to the contrary and open going to Mass then will he be able to give good assistance though both these Countries I mean both Holland and France are likes in some mens opinions to assist the Puritan than the Papist if the matter come in difference between them for that in truth they are more conform to the Puritan Religion And as for the German Cities that keep yâ—t and follow the particular form of Luther in Religion they are like to do little for either Party both for their difference from both Parties in Religion and for that they are poor for the most part and not active nor provided to give succour abroad except they be drawn thereunto by force of Money The Puritan Part at home in England is thought to be most vigorous of any other that is to say most ardent quick bold resolute and to have a great part of the best Captains and Souldiers on their side which is a point of no small moment Greatly will import among other points which way inclineth the City of London with the Tower whereof the Puritan as is said wanteth not his probability as neither doth he of some good part if not more of the Navy to be at his devotion which point perhaps at that day will be of as great consequence as any thing else And so much of him The third Body of Religion which are those of the Roman who call themselves Catholicks is the least in shew at this present by reason of the Laws and Tides of the time that run against them but yet are they of no small consideration in this Affair to him that weigheth things indifferently and this in respect as well of their Party at home as of their Friends abroad for at home they being of two sorts as the World knoweth the one more open that discovers which are the Recusants and the other more close and privy that accommodate themselves to all external proceedings of the Time and State so as they cannot be known or at least wise not much touched We may imagine that their number is not small throughout the Realm and this party for the reason I mentioned before in that the most part of the Countrâ—y-People that live out of Cities and great Towns in which the greatest part of English Forces are want to consist are much affected ordinarily to their Religion by reason that Preachers of the contrary Religion are not so frequent with them as in Towns and partly also for that with these kind of men as with them that are most afflicted and held down at this time by the present State many others do joyn aâ— the manner iâ— omnes qui amaro animâ— sâ—nt cum ilâ—s se conjungunt as the Scripture said
of these that followed David's Retinue pursued by Sâ—ul and his Forces which is to â—ay that all that be â—ffended grieved or any way discontented with the present time be they of what Religion soever do easily joyn with these men according to the old saying Sâ—latium est miseris socios habere miseriae besides that there is ever lightly a certain natural compassiâ—n that followeth in men towards those that are thought to suffer or be pursued and this oftentimes in the very enemy himself and then of compassion springeth as you know affection and of affection desire to help as contrariwise do rise commonly the contrary effects to wit emulation envy and indignation against the prosperity of him that pursueth and is in prosperity And for that in so great and populous a Realm and large a Government as this of Her Majesty hath been there cannot want to be many of these kind of discontented men as also for that naturally many are desirous of Changes it cannot be supposed but that the number of this sort is great which maketh this Party far the bigger Moreover it is Noted that the much dealing with these men or rather against them and this especially in matters of their Religion for these latter Years paâ—â— hath much starred them up as also the like is to be noted in the Puritan and made them â—ar more â—â—ger in defence of their Cause according to to the saying Nitimur in vetitum semper and as a little brook or river though it be but shallow and run never so quiet of it self yet if many barres and stops be made therein it swelleth and riseth to a greater force even so it seemeth that it hath happened here where also the sight and remembrance of so many of their Seminary Priests put to death for their Religion as they account it hath wrought great impression in their hearts as also the notice they have received of so many Colledges and English Seminaries remaining yet and set up of new both in Flanders France Italy and Spain for making of other Priests in place of the Executed doth greatly animate them and holdeth them in hope of continuing still their Cause and this at home As for abroad it is easie to consider what their Party and Confidence is or may be not only by the English that live in exile and have their Friends and Kindred at home but also principally by the affection of foreign Princes and States to favour their Religion whose Ports Towns and Provinces lie near upon England round about and for such a time and purpose could not want commodity to give succour which being weighed together with the known inclination that way of Ireland and the late Declaration made by so many of the Scotish Nobility and Gentlemen also to favour that Cause all these Points I say put together must needs perswade us that this Body is also great and strong and like to bear no small sway in the deciding of this controversie for the Crown when the time shall offer it self for the same And so much the more for that it is not yet known that these are determined upon any Person whom they will follow in that action nor as it seemeth are they much inclined to any one of the Pretenders in particular wherein it is thought that the other two Parties either are or may be divided among themselves and each part also within it self for that so different persons of those Religions do stand for it but rather it is thought that these other of the Roman Religion do remain very indifferent to follow any one that shall be set up for their Religion and is likest to restore and maintain the same be he Stranger or Domestical which determination and union in general among if they hold it still and persevere therein must needs be a great strength unto their Cause and give them great sway wheresoever they shall bend at that day as by reason is evident And so much of this matter It remaineth then that after these Considerations of the three Bodies in general we pass to view of each Family House and Person pretendent in particular and therein to contemplate what may be for him and what against him in this pretence and pursuit of the Crown And to begin first of all with the King of Scotland as with him who in vulgar opinion of many men is thought to be first and foremost in this action by way of Succession albeit others do deny the same and do make it very doubtful as before hath been declared yet if we do consider not his Title for of that we have spoken sufficiently before in the 5 th Chapter but other circumstances only of his Person State Condition and the like of which points only we are to treat in this place then must we confess that as on the one side there are divers points that may further him and invite men to favour his cause so wants there not other to hinder the same The points that may invite are his Youth his being a King his moderate nature in that he hath shed little blood hitherto his affection in Religion to such as like thereof and the like but on the other side the reasons of State before laid against him do seem to be of very great force and to weigh much with English-men especially those of his Alliance with the Danes and dependance of the Scotish Nation And as for his Religion it must needs displease two Parties of three before mentioned and his manner of Government therein perhaps all three As for Arabella in that she is a young Lady she is thereby fit as you know to procure good wills and affections and in that she is unmarried she may perhaps by her Marriage join some other Title with her own and thereby also Friends But of her self she is nothing at all allied with the Nobility of England and except it be the Earl of Shrewsbury in respect of Friendship to his old Mother in Law that is Grand Mother to the Lady I see not what Noble man in England hath any band of Kindred or Alliance to follow her And as for her Title it seemeth as doubtful as the rest if not more as by that which hath been said before hath appeared And for her Religion I know it not but probably it can be no great Motive either against her or for her for that by all likelyhood it may be supposed to be as tender green and flexible yet as is her age and sex and to be wrought hereafter and settled according to future events and times In the House of Suffolk the Lord Beacham and the Earl of Darby have the difference of Titles that before hath been seen and each one his particular reasons why he ought to be preferred before the other and for their other Abilities and Possibilities they are also different but yet in one thing both Lords seem to be like that being
both of the Blood Royal they are thought to have abâ—sed themselves much by their Marriages with the two Knights Daughters Sir Richard Rogers and Sir John Spenser though otherwise both of them very worshipful but not their Matches in respect of their Kindred with the Crown yet doth the Alliance of S. John Spenser seem to bring many more Friends with it than that of Sir Richard Rogers by reason of the other Daughters of Sir John well married also to Persons of importance as namely the one to Sir George Carey Governour of the Isle of Wight who bringeth in also the Lord Hunsdon his Father Captain of Barwick two of the most important pieces that England hath And for that the said Lord Hunsdon and the Lady Knowles deceased were Brother and Sister and both of them Children to the Lady Mary Bullen Elder Sister to Queen Anne hereof it cometh that this Alliance with Sir George Carey may draw after it also the said House of Knowles who are many and of much importance as also it may do the Husbands of the other Daughters of Sir John Spencer with their adherents and followers which are neither few nor feeble all which wanteth in the Marriage of the Lord Beacham Another difference also in the ability of these two Lords is that the House of Seymers in State and Title of Nobility is much younger than the House of Stanleys for that Edward Seymer late Earl of Hartford and after Duke of Somerset was the first beginner thereof who being cut off together with his Brother the Admiral so soon as they were could not so settle the said House especially in the Alliance with the residue of the Nobility as otherwise they would and might have done But now as it remaineth I do not remember any Alliance of that House of any great moment except it be the Children of Sir Henry Seymer of Hampshire and of Sir Edward Sâ—ymâ—r of Bery Pomery in Devonshire if he have any and of Sir John Smith of Essex whose Mother was Sister to the late Duke of Somerset or finally the Alliance that the late Marriage of the Earl of Hartford with the Lady Frances Howard may bring with it which cannot be much for so great a purpose as we talk of But the Earl of Darby on the other side is very strongly and honourably allied both by Father and Mother for by his Father not to speak of the Stanleys which are many and of good Power and one of them matched in the House of Northumberland his said Father the old Earl had three Sisters all well married and all have left Children and Heirs of the Houses wherein they were married for the elder was married first to the Lord Sturton and after to Sir John Arundel and of both Houses hath lâ—sâ— Hâ—irs-male The second Sister was married to the Lord Mosley by whom she hath left the Lord that now is who in like manner hath matched with the Heir of the Lord Montegle who is likewise a Stanley And finally the third Sister was married to Sir Nicholas Poynes of Glocâ—stershire and by him had a Son and Heir that yet liveth And this by his Fathers side but no less alliance hath this Earl also by the side of his Mother who being Daughter of George Clifford Earl of Cumberland by Lady Eleanor Niece of King Henry the VII the said Lord George had afterward by a second Wife that was Daughter of the Lord Dacres of the North both the Earl of Cumberland that now is and the Lady Wharton who hereby are Brother and Sister of the half Blood to the said Countess of Darby and the Dacrâ—s are their Uncles Besides all this the States and Possessions of the two foresaid Lords are far different for the purpose pretended for that the State of the Earl of Hartford is far inferior both for greatness situation wealth multitude of Subjects and the like for of that of the Stanleys doth depend the most part of the Shires of Lancaster and Chester and a good part of the North of Wales at least wise by way of observance and affection as also the Isle of Mâ—n is their own and Ireland and Scotland is not far off where friendship perhaps in such a case might be offered and finally in this point of ability great oddes is there seen between the Lords As for their Religion I cannot determine what difference there is or may be between them The Lord Beacham by education is presumed to be a Protestant albeit some hold that his Father and Father in Law be more inclined towards the Puritans The Earl of Darby's Religion is held to be more doubtful so as some do think him to be of all three Religions and others of none and these again are divided in judgments about the event hereof for that some do imagine that this opinion of him may do him good for that all sides hereby may perhaps conceive hope of him but others do perswade themselves that it will do him hurt for that no side indeed will esteem or trust him so as all these matters with their events and consequences do remain uncertain But now will I pass to speak of the House of Clarence the chief Persons whereof and most eminent at this day are the Earl of Huntington and his Brethren the Hastings for that the Pooles and Barringtons are of far meaner condition and authority albeit the other also I mean the House of Hastings doth not seem to be of any great alliance for that albeit the old Earl of Huntington this Earl's Father had two Brethren the one Sir Thomas Hastings that married one of the Lord Henry Pooles Daughters named Montagne that was put to death which Daughter was Sister to this Earl's Mother and the other named Sir Edward Hastings was made Lord of Lowghborow by Queen Mary to whom he was first Master of the Horse and afterwards Lord Chamberlain neither of them having left issue and this is all I remember by his Fathers side except it be his own Brethren as hath been said of which Sir George Hastings is the chiefest By his Mothers side he hath only the Pooles whose Power as it is not great so what it is is rather like to be against him than with him partly for their difference from him in Religion and partly for preferment of their own Title upon the reasons before alledged By his own Marriage with the Daughter of the late Duke of Northumberland and Sister to the late Earls of Leicester and Warwick he was like to have drawn a very great and strong alliance if the said two Earls had lived and especially Sir Philip Sidney who was born of the other Sister of the present Countess of Huntington and his own Sister was married to the Earl of Pembroke that now is and himself to the Daughter of Sir Francis Walsingham Chief Secretary of the State by all which means and by all the affection and
ambiguous as hath been declared it is to be presupposed that none or few of them will presently at the beginning cast away their hope and forego their Titles but will prove at least wise what friends shall stand unto them and how matters are like to go for or against them especially seeing they may do it without danger no Law being against them and their Rights and Pretences so manifest that no man can say they do it of ambition only or malice treason or conspiration against others and for this essay or first attempt Arms are necessary Moreover if any man in process of time would forego or give over his Title as it is to be imagined that divers will at length and many must for that one only can speed yet to the end he be not suddenly oppressed or laid hands on at the beginning by his adversary party or made away as in such cases is wont to succeed it is very likely that each Pretender for his own safety and defence will arm himself and his Friends at the beginning for that better conditions will be made with armour in hands than when a man is naked or in the power of his adversary and no doubt but the more Pretenders shall stand together armed at the beginning the easier and the surer peace will be made with him that shall prevail for that they being many with whom he hath to compound he will respect them the more and yield to more reasonable and honourable conditions than if there were but one and he weak that should resist for that a fault or displeasure is more easily pardoned to a multitude and to a potent adversary then to one or two alone that are of less account And on the other side the peril of these other pretenders that should not prevail being common to them all would knit them better together for their own defence in living under the person that should prevail and reign and he would bear more regard unto them as hath been said and this both for that they should be stronger by this union to defend themselves and he that reigneth should have less cause to suspect and fear them to work treason against him for that they are many and consequently not so easy to agree between themselves who should be preferred if the other were pulled down which to the person regnant would be also a ground of much security These are my Reasons and Conjecturs why it is like that Arms will be taken at the beginning in England before this controversy can be decided My second Position and Conjecture is that this matter is not like to come easily to any great or main Battel but rather to be ended at length by some composition and general agreement and my reasons for this be these First for that the Pretenders be many and their Powers and Friends lying in divers and different parts of the Realm and if there were but two then were it more probable that they would soon come to a Battel but being many each one will fear the other and seek to fortify himself where his own strength lieth and especially towards the Ports and Sea-side for receiving of Succours as easily may be done by reason of the multitude of Competitors as hath been said which will cause that at home the one will not much urge or press the other at the beginning but every part attend rather to strengthen than it self for the time A second Reason of this is for that the foreign Princes and States round about us are like to be much divided in this matter some as Pretendents for Themselves or their Kindred and Friends and others as favourers of this or that Party for Religion so as there will not want presently offers of Helps and Succours from abroad which Succours albeit they should be but mean or small at the beginning yet will they be of much importance when the Forces at home be divided and when there shall be different Ports Harbours and Holds ready within the Land to receive and harbour them so as I take it to be most likely that this Affair will grow somewhat long and so be ended at length by some composition only and that either by Parliament and General Consent of all Parts pretendents and of all three Bodies of Religion meeting together by their Deputies and treat and conclude some form of agreement as we see it practised now in France or else by some other means of Commissaries Commissioners Legatss Deputies or the like to make the conclusion with every Party asunder My third and last conjecture and for a meer conjecture only I would have you to hold it that seeing there be two sorts of pretenders whiâ—h stand for this Preferment the one Strangers the other English my opinion is that of any one Foreign Prince that pretendeth the Infanta of Spain is likest to bear it away or some other by her Title laid upon him by her Father the Kings good will and on the other side of any domestical Competitors the second Son of the Earl of Hartford or of the Issue of Countess of Darby carrieth much shew to be prefeted My Reasons for the former part about the Lady Infanta are that she is a Woman and may easily join if her Father will the Titles of Britany and Portugal together she is also unmarried and by her Marriage may make some other composition either at home or abroad that may facilitate the matter she is a great Princess and fit for some great State and other Princes perhaps of Christendom would more willingly yield and concur to such a composition of Matters by this Lady and by casting all Foreign Titles of Britanny and Portugal upon her then that the King of Spain should pretend for himself and thereby encrease his Monarchy which other Princes his Neighbours in reason of State would not so well allow or bear In England also it self if any Party or Person be affected that way he would think hereby to have the more reason and if any be against Strangers some such moderation as this would take away much of this aversion as also of Arguments against it for that hereby it seemeth that no subjection could be feared to any Foreign Realm but rather divers utilities to the Realm of England as these men pretend by the reasons before alledged in the precedent Chapter I said also that this Lady Infanta or some other by her Title and her Fathers good will was likest of all Strangers to bear it away for that if she should either dye or be married in any other Countrey or otherwise to be disposed of as her pretence to England should be disenabled before this Affair came to be tried then may her said Father and she if they list cast their foresaid Interests and Titles as divers men think they would upon some other Prince of their own House and Blood as for example either upon some of the Families of Parma or