disturbance but all that love peace should surely cleave to their Bishop For his interest as well as duty oblige him to maintain peace and Unity for he is unavoidably a loser by the Quarrel and cannot rationally be suppos'd to have any design but to preserve things as they are But the Pretences of others though never so plausible are to be suspected of design where the separation is manifestly to the prejudice of the people as well as of the Bishop and to the advantage of him only that perswades it Now as the Bishops are under the least Temptation to make a disturbance and what Governour will raise a Sedition against himself so in fact likewise they are sound to be very few that being Bishops have rais'd any Heresie or Schism Let any man consult the Catalogues of Ancient Heresies and Compute how many of the 60 reckon'd by Epiphanius or of the 88. of St. Austin or of the greater number of Philastius and the more confus'd account of Theodoret How many of them I say were Bishops when they turn'd Hereticks and he shall find very few if any one in all those numbers But if any after they had Debauch'd the people from their Rightful Pastors were by subreption made Bishops of their Party They were never look'd upon as Bishops but only as heads of a Faction So that I believe the reader may by this time easily perceive what truth there is in Mr. B.'s General Charge that the Bishops were the causes of the Heresie and Schism and that it was so wonderful a thing that a Heresie should be begun by one that was no Bishop Besides this charge of Heresie and Schism Mr. B. accuses the Bishops of having been the cause of Church corruptions and Sedition As to the first if he means that the Bishops first introduc'd these corruptions into the Church I believe he will be never able to prove it as to the latter we shall examine it in due place The Corruptions of Christian Religion whether in Doctrine or Worship have crept unperceivably into the Church and by such degrees that it is a hard matter to ace their Original and we are so far from nowing the first Authors of them that we are ignorant even of the age wherein some of them were introduc'd Mr. B. charges considently but proves nothing But the most probable conjecture I think can be made of the rise and Progress of these is 1. That most of the corruptions in Doctrine crept in together with the Heathen Philosophy For great Philosophers especially the followers of Plato turning Christians still retain'd something of their former Notions which not appearing to be any way prejudicial to Christianityl but on the Contrary rendering it more acceptable to the wiser part of Heathens were by degrees own'd among the more learned sort in their Disputations with Heathens and pass'd without contradiction But afterwards busie men building farther consequences upon this foundation Improv'd the corruption till at last it grew Gross and intolerable Hence came the Invocation of Saints and Angels Plat. Pot. l. 5. Orig. adv câ—ll l. 8. Hieron descript Eccl. in Orig. Euseb Praep. Ev. l. 12. Virg. Georg. 6. Somn. Scip. c. and the opinion of their knowledge of Humane affairs Hence Prayer for the Dead and the opinion of Purgatory Hence proceeded many other curious Questions about the nature of God and his Attributes of the Fatal determination of events of free will and the like And as to the more sordid superstitious corruptions in Worship If any one sort of men are to be charg'd with them I believe the Monks will bid fairest The Cross and Reliques that came first from Judea are owing as far a I can observe to Melania and her Monks Paulin Epad Sulp. Sever. and I do believe the story of the finding of the Cross is of no ancienter standing Who has fill'd all the world with fictitious Reliques and fabulous Revelations concerning them Who Debauch'd the reason and common sense of men by their fulsome Legends and fictions of Miracles By whose means in short had Superstition overspread the face of the Christian world Were not the Monks the manifest Authors and Promoters of all this Superstition was born and brought up first in Monasteries and as Monks came into the Church they brought it along with them and the opinion the people had of the piety of these Retir'd men made every thing current that they advanc'd What so devoted Instruments had the Papal usurpation as the Monks that pretended exemption from the jurisdiction of their Bishops and subjected the Episcopal Authority to it And for Transubstantiation though the Grossness of the conceit were enough to prove it Monkish yet besides it is found by matter of fact to be theirs Paschasius Radbertus being the first that broach'd this Doctrine All this that I have but just mentioned in the General may be made out by a deduction of the rise and Progress of Superstition but a particular account would exceed too much the Proportion of this book This I must add that the Bishops who are charg'd with these Corruptions by Mr. B. were the only opposers of them that we find in Antiquity as we may see in the Canons of the African Church and that of Spain and other Countreys The first Picture we read of in a Christian Church was torn in pieces by Epiphanius a Bishop the first Councils about Images condemn'd the Idolatrous use of them with great zeal but at last superstition being still advanc'd by the Popularity of the Monks and the ignorance of the Age and some of the Emperors joyning with them prevail'd against the Bishops and so Idolatry was brought for a help to Christian Devotion And if at last the Bishops joyn'd in the superstitions it is no more a wonder than that they were engag'd in Heresie For when any number of people are corrupted whether with superstition or false Doctrine they will find Teachers to their own mind not that their Bishops will comply with every popular wind of doctrine but because men will make themselves Pastors after their own hearts and as long as there is a Heretick or an Ambitious man who will be any thing for applause or preferment they will never want Bishops and heads of their faction or if the Clergy have no Judas they will find Teachers amongst themselves and give them what Titles they please The last branch of the Charge is Sedition and this is as grievous as any of the other Suppose the matter of fact in the first place true that several Bishops had been Seditious does this proceed from their Constitution or any Principle the Bishops maintain that is inconsistent with the people where they live This I suppose cannot be pretended Or is Diocesan Episcopacy such an enemy to the peace of the Government We have had the experience of it for many ages and find but few that were so troublesome But because as the case stands now we are
the Multitude of Sects and Heresies that sprung up in the first and second and third ages of the Church was no dishonour to the form of Government then us'd in the Church as should encourage any man to dislike or change it Why then does he endeavour to dishonour Diocesan Episcopacy upon this very reason and why does he reproach it with the Schisms and Heresies that happen'd under that government But no man can reason against Mr. B. better than himself does in the very same Paragraph it is but taking away the word Prelacy and putting in the stead of it Congregational Episcopacy and then nothing can be more full to our purpose If it was Congregational Episcopacy that was us'd then Swarms of Sects and Heresies may come in notwithstanding Congregational Episcopacy even in better hands than yours But if it was not Congregational Episcopacy that was then the Government but Diocesan Episcopacy Heresies are no more a shame to that Government now I wish Mr. B. had consider'd this place when he conceiv'd the first design of his Church History perhaps he might have seen the Inconsequence of his design to dishonour Bishops and their Councils from a long deduction of Schisms and Heresies which he lays at their door and have forborn giving this just offence to all that have any real concern for the Honour of Christian Religion which is no less concern'd in all these disgraces than Episcopacy Yet I shall willingly discharge Congregational Episcopacy from any Imputation of those evils that disturb'd the Church in the first times and be content Mr. B. should lay it all to the account of Diocesan Government which I shall shew at large in the next Chapter to have been the Constitution of the Primitive Churches in the mean time I must enquire a little farther after the Glorious fruit of this Congregational Episcopacy If the Ancient Church was quite a stranger to this kind of Episcopacy it will be a harder matter to find it in latter ages since Mr. B. tells us that Bishopricks were enlarged so enormously in process of time that several Cathedrals were turn'd into Chapels and instead of one Congregation every Bishop had several Scores and Hundreds And the Reformation where it retain'd Bishops made them all Diocesans and set them over several Congregational Churches thus the Bohemians Denmark Sweden and some parts of Germany besides these three Kingdoms Where they Abolish'd Episcopal Government they threw away the Titles too so that if Mr. B.'s kind of Episcopacy obtain'd any where it must be under another name therefore that we may discover it it will be necessary to give a short desoription of it and then we may possibly find it to have acted under the disguise of another name This Congregational Bishop then Treatise of Ep. which Mr. B. makes so much a do about is the same thing with an Elder as he tells us and takes great pains to prove it 2. This Elder has no necessity of any ordination by any Bishop or Elders but having abilities and inclination to exercise them in the service of the Church 2. Disp p. 164.165 he may Interpret it to be sufficient authority to preach Administer the Sacraments c. Nay is oblig'd to do the Office of a Bishop or Elder 1. Disp 〈◊〉 throughout Treatise of Ep. p. 33. 3. That this Elder can Govern but one Congregation and there may be more than one of such Bishops belonging to that one Congregation 4. That this Congregation is not to be so great as that of Israel that had 600000 men but is to be restrain'd to the compass of personal Communion in hearing praying and receiving the Sacraments 5. That this Church and Bishop is independent and is invested with all Ecclesiastical power within it self 3. Disp p. 347. So that no other Bishop or Synod has any power or Superiority over it but by its own consent and then consequently no particular Congregation is obli'd to enter into any association at all but may refuse to submit to any Synod nay if it be left in this liberty and Independence by Christ it ought not to engage with any associations as should be prejudicial to that original liberty and consequently set and determin'd Synods are to be avoided and since they are only prudential means of preserving good correspondence between neighbour Churches it is enough they should be occasional And what is all this but the Picture of Independency and the Congregational Episcopacy upon Examinations proves nothing else but Congregational Eldership What a Healing constitution this is I shall shew first by matter of fact Secondly I shall shew the natural tendence of such a Government to endless discord and division that the Schisms and Heresies that it has hatch'd were not accidental but proceeded from the nature of the Government it self 1. Some derive this Congregational way from Socinus Case of the Church of Engl. p. 249. who perhaps thought it the most suitable to his design of spreading the poyson of his Heresie and to prevent all dangers that might threaten it from the condemnation of Synods Especially considering the late Union that had been made between all the Reform'd Churches of the Greater and lesser Poland in the Synod of Sendomiria Others deduce it from Ramus and Morellus who plac'd all Ecclesiastical authority in the people and by making the Government of the Church to be a Democracy made way for Congregational Independence This put the French Churches to the trouble of several Synods Thorndykes right of the Ch. p. 67. which condemned this Doctrine as pernicious to the Unity of Christian Churches and derogating from the honour of Religion Mr. Thorndyke conjectures that it came over hither with Ramus his Philosophy And that his credit in our Vniversities was the first means to bring this conceit in Religion among us For about the time that he was most cryed up in them Brown and Barrow published it And R. Baly who indeavours to relieve the English Presbyterians from the imputation of having begot this ill-faced Child Disswasive p. 12.13 as he calls it would fain also Father it upon Morellius who as he thinks learned from the Disciples of Munster this Ecclesiastical Anarchy But whoever were the Authors of it and none of those yet named can give it any great reputation it is certain that the Fruits of it are to be found only amongst our selves where it happened to take root and grow up into something considerable The Brownists or those of the separation laid the first Foundations of Independency among us and though they had so few followers at first not exceeding one Congregation so as not to have any occasion of entering into any measures of a general Unity yet they declared for the independence of Congregations and that no Diocesan Prelacy or Presbytery had any Authority over Congregational Churches Rob. Brown who gave the name to the Brownists though Bolton had led that way to
Ornament but the Number of Believers in that City did require many Churches for their Assemblies And the Passage of Theodoret above cited does not import the contrary Therefore to clear this point I will endeavor to shew the State of the Church of C. P. about the later end of Constantine's Reign and how it was impossible for them to meet All in one place 2. I will shew that the words before cited do not conclude that all the Believers of C. P. were assembled in one Congregation with Alexander their Bishop 1. As to the State of this Church it could not but be very numerous when we consider what care the Emperor took to bring Inhabitants to it from all Parts some from Rome some from other Provinces and it is more than probable that much the greatest part of those that came to inhabit the first Christian Emperor's Favorite City were Christians 2. His care for rendering this City great and suitable to the Magnificence of so mighty a Prince had that Success that it did not only equal Old Rome but excell'd it as well in Greatness of its Wealth as the Multitude of its Inhabitants 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says Sozom. L. 2. c. 3. And the same Author adds that the Piety of the Emperor and of the Citizens and their Charity towards the Poor was the reason of its mighty Increase from the whence may be judg'd what Religion the Generality of the City did profess 3. The Success of that Charity did not only add to the Number of the Citizens but very considerably to the number of Christians For the same Author writes that it had so good effect there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. That many of the Jews and almost all the Heathens were converted and became Christians 4. The same Author to make it altogether a Christian City writes farther that it was never polluted with any Heathen Temples or Sacrifices unless it were in the Time of Julian the Apostate 5. The Provision which Constantine made for the Burial of the Dead shews the number of the Church of C. P. to be far too great for one Congregation For he alloted to that charitable Vse no less than Nine Hundred and Fifty Shops or Work-houses whose Profits were to be employed in burying the Poor decently which Shops were to be free from all Tax and Duty to the Prince As you may see by comparing these several places in the Body of the Civil Law N. 59. with N. 43. and with N. L. 12. And Honorius in the Year 409. considering the Number of the Decani the small Officers that attended Funerals to have grown inordinate reduces them to Nine Hundred and Fifty probably the first Establishment of Constantine the Great See Justinian's Code l. 1 T. 2 4. And if after all this all the Christians in C. P. could meet together in one Church towards the latter end of Constantine's Reign we must conclude some wonderful Mortality to have happen'd and that these Decani had had extraordinary Employment and bury'd in a manner the whole City But let them believe that can comprehend For my part I can as soon imagine that Homer with all his Scholiasts can be put into a Nut shell or that a Witch can turn her self in a Key-hole as that all the Christians in C. P. made but one Congregation But notwithstanding the Number of Christians in C. P. might be much too great for one Congregation yet the major part might be Hereticks or Schismaticks such as came not to the Bishops Church and therefore all that adher'd to him might be no more than could meet in one Assembly To which I answer towards the latter end of Constantine's Reign it was so far from being the Case of the Church that the number of Hereticks and Schismaticks was inconsiderable and most of those were forc'd to come to Church and that there may be no Difficulty remaining in this point I will give some farther account of the number of the Catholick Christians in comparison with Hereticks and Schismaticks Constantine the Great having set his Heart upon Christian Religion to settle and adorn it he thought nothing more effectual than the Vnity and Concord of Christians to promote which he resolv'd to proceed against all Hereticks and Dissenters by a severe Law and to reduce them to the Vnity of the Church The Doctrine of Arrius tho it began to be favour'd in several places had not yet made a formal Seperation L. 2. c. 32. says Sozomen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. All came to Church and communicated together but the Novatians and some old Hereticks Against these the Emperour made an Edict whereby he took away their Churches and ordered them to be joyn'd to the Churches of the Catholicks He told them it was better for them to communicate with the Catholick Church and advis'd them to come over to it The Success of this Law we find in the very same place That by this means 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The memory of those Heresies was in a manner extinguish'd for they came all to Church for fear of that Law against their Conventicles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. And those that persisted in their Opinion having no opportunity to Conventicle nor to corrupt the minds of men died at last and left none to succeed them in their Opinions Only the Novatians remain'd who says the Author did not suffer much by this Edict being befriended by the Emperor who had an esteem for their Bishop of C. P. upon the account of his Holiness and therefore his Church there was not much endammag'd tho' the Historian speaks this very mincingly and says only that it was probable that so it was and likely had no other reason for it than the Opinion which the Novatians had of that Bishop and that their Church was not altogether extirpated then like those of other Hereticks But he confesses that every where else they suffer'd the same measure with others unless it were in Phrygia and some Bordering Provinces And now to allow the Novatians a Conventicle in Constantinople towards the later end of Constantine's Reign which is more than Sozomen durst affirm yet I hope the Catholicks will be still too numerous to meet all of them in one Congregation But Theodoret affirms they were no more than could meet in one Church and that they did actually do so I answer That Theodoret does not say so and that the Passage cited does not conclude it therefore to clear this difficulty let us examine it After the Death of Arrius says Theodoret those of Eusebius's Faction were much out of Countenance and bury'd him but on the other side L. 1. c. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Valesius renders thus B. autem Alexander cum gaudio totius Ecclesiae collectas celebravit piè orthodoxe simul cum Universis fratribus Deum orans impense glorificans Now he takes the Phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a
in the Catalogue of Bishops ordain'd by Meletius and given in to the Bishop of Alexandria The lastthing I shall take notice of is the Diocese of Theodoret. This indeed I just mention'd and remitted the Reader to the D. of Pauls who had spoke very particularly of it I shall therefore say very little to it here being unwilling to do any prejudice to so good a Cause and so great a Person by a weak and unnecessary Defence But this I cannot omit that if those 800 not 80 Churches as this Gentleman reckons them belong'd to him as Metropolitan and they were all Episcopal this poor Region of Cyrus would have more Bishops than all Africk notwithstanding they were more numerous there than in any part of the World besides I have no more to add but that there was design'd a Chapter concerning the Right of electing Bishops and Church-Officers with an Historical Deduction of the Practice of the Church through the several Ages of it but because it could not answer the Design first form'd without swelling this Book to too great a Bulk It may hereafter in due time be publish'd by it self The Subject affording Variety enough for a large Treatise and requiring some Time and Diligence to do it to any Effect CONTENTS OF THE CHAPTERS CHAP. I. OF the Design of Mr. Baxter's Church-History and his Notion of Primitive Congregational Episcopacy Page 1. CHAP. II. Of Heresies and the first Councils p. 76. CHAP. III. Of the Council of Nice and some that followed it p. 105. CHAP. IV. Of the Council of Constantinople p. 130. CHAP. V. Of the first Council of Ephesus p. 177. CHAP. VI. Councils about the Eutychian Hereresie p. 228. CHAP. VIi The Council of Calcedon p. 239. CHAP. VIII Of the Authors of Heresies Schisms and Corruptions and whether they were all Bishops p. 276. CHAP. I. A short View of the other Governments set up in Opposition to Episcopacy p. 364. CHAP. II. Of the Rise and Progress of Diocesan Episcopacy p. 433 ERRATA THe Faults that have escaped are almost infinite I have noted some of the most gross Page 5. for the effect read this p. 10. for judicially r. judiciously p. 11. for concident r. coincident p. 5. for the right r. their p. 18. for and so many r. over p. 21. for or Elders r. over p 23. there is a whole passage so mangl'd that it requires some trouble to restore it What refers to the Council of Calchedon cited in the Margin That is left out viz. that at that time they reckon'd 27 Bishops of Ephesus from Timothy that Polycrates reckon'd himself the 8. not the 6. Bishop of that Church for so many understand the passage of his Epistle tho' that does not necessarily follow from the words cited by Eusebius p. 27. for positure law r. positive ibid. the residence r. their p. 29. as they c. d. as p. 36. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. for our Presbyters r. your ibid. for alledging r. alluding 16. for Capital r. Capitol p. 39. in the Margin r. coimus in caetum p. 41. for the generality of Christians r. many Christians p. 57. for made r. many Congregational c. p. 61. for before our Saviour was born correct before his Passion p. 63. r. Pantenus Heraclas p. 68. for shine r. thinne p. 69. r. that he should be p. 81. for is dangerous r. as p. 113. for Constantin's time r. Constantius p 126. for a dozen times r. lines p. 136. for to Meletius r. to Pautinus p. 143. for possum r. portum p. 319. for Observations r. Obsecrations p. 332. for not an Heretick r. Arch-Heretick 16. Arch Heresie d. Arch. There are very many false pointings which the Reader may correct as Isidor Pelus Evagrius Pontious c. where the Comma's are to be blotted out and several other wrong punctations that render the sence sometimes difficult but with a little observation the understanding Reader may restore them CHAP. I. Of the Design of Mr. Baxter's Church History and his Notion of Primitive congregational Episcopacy THERE is nothing so fatal to Christian Religion as our unhappy Dissentions about it especially such as divide the Church into Parties abhorring each others Communion for besides that the very Disagreement between men of the same Profession brings the whole Doctrine under suspition of Falshood or Uncertainty the Method that the Parties contending commonly make use of to set up themselves by the Disparagement and Reproach of the contrary side serves to bring them and their Religion into the lowest Contempt and the Result of all is that the common Enemy is made Judge between them who fairly sums up the Evidence and passes Sentence upon all sides according to their mutual Accusation This sad Truth is but too much confirmed by the experience of our times wherein there are few so happily removed from the noise of profane Conversation as not frequently to hear the scurrilous Blasphemies of the Atheist under pretence of running down the several Factions in Religion 't is this gives them Shelter and Protection and while they pretend to expose this or that Party they have the Opportunity with little change of Company to mock all Religion by parcels and that with the great good likeing and approbation of Christians themselves This is no such News but that most men seem to be sensible of it and bewail the thriving of Prophaneness by the Countenance that it receives from our Differences yet for all this how few abate any thing of their Fierceness How few will be so moderate as to sacrifice even the most disingenious Arts of Contention Calumny and Railing to the Safety and Honour of our common Faith I wish Mr. B. had had this Consideration before him when he set upon the writing of his Church History of Bishops and their Councils abridged he has indeed sufficiently abridg'd all the good Services that Bishops and Councils have done to the Church but their Miscarriages he has enlarg'd upon to purpose and sometimes by a foul Juggle conveyed the best of their Actions into the Catalogue of their Crimes and their greatest Services for Religion prove a considerable part of their Endictment I must confess I never saw any thing that in my Judgment reflected with more dishonour upon Religion than this strange account that he has given of the progress of it and the frightful Representation that he has made of the Church in all Ages Heathens have been civil and modest in their Character of us l. 27. compar'd with this Ammianus Marcellinus though he be something sharp upon Damasus Bishop of Rome yet speaks honourably of the generality of Christian Bishops Zosimus does not mention Chrysostom with any disrespct l. 5. c. 23. though he had a fair occasion nay the scurril Wit of that Buffoon Lucian nor the Malice of Julian the Apostate have left nothing half so scandalous in all their Libels against Christians as this Church Historian has raked up for here is
nothing to be seen in his Book but the Avarice Ambition Ignorance Mistakes and furious Contentions of the Bishops and the Governours of the Church And they being so bad the People that were guided by their Order and Example could not be much better they were but the Instruments of the Episcopal Ambition to fight their Quarrels to kill all that opposed and to burn and destroy all that came before them turbulent seditious Incendiaries and Murderers and what can be the effect of such an History but that men should believe there never was any sort of People so desperately wicked and so great disturbers of the World the Enemy of our Religion will have reason to rejoyce that his work is in great measure done to his hands for this will serve him as a common place book for railing against Christianity and the Christian Reader will be in danger either of loosing all his Patience or a great deal of that Reverence he had for his Religion and those primitive Worthies that profest and defended it But this perhaps will be thought not to concern the Church but the Bishops only who are charged with these Misdemeanours and dishonour'd by this Representation He must have a strange notion of the Church that can think it unconcerned in the dishonour of those by whom it is governed for if one should write a Book and call it the History of the English Nation which should only represent the Vices of our Kings the Contentions and Disagreements of our Parliaments the Weakness and Corruption of our Ministers of State and Justice and represent all persons that were eminent enough to hold any place in Story under mean and infamous Characters he must needs have a very metaphysical Moderation that could think the honour of the Nation unconcerned and that it was no Reflection upon the English name God forbid I should charge the Design of the Author with any disservice to Religion but well-meaning men do sometimes pursue their Resentments too far and so they can be revenged of their Enemies pursue them into the Church and set upon them in the Sanctuary not considering how much it is violated and profaned by the Action But Mr. B. is not insensible of the evil use that may be made of this book and therefore endeavours to prevent it by wholsome Caution and frequently in his History starting like a man affrighted to see that which he though to have been a Rod turn'd into a Serpent streight applies what Remedies he can against the Poyson he does in the first place warm the Reader that he do not abuse this into Diabolisme But alas it is a poor Relief to forbid an Enemy to make use of those Weapons you have put into his hands to leave the Honour of our Religion at his Mercy and then to desire him to be generous not to make use of his Advantage However if the Scorner should prove perverse and take no Warning Mr. B. proceeds to confute his reasoning and his Inference by saying that this scandalous account of the Bishops and their Councils concludes nothing to the discredit of Church or Religion for there were many good men that were not Bishops but Presbyters Monks or Lay-men nay p. 16. 17. c. many Hereticks obscure good men whose Vertues do not shine in Story nay there were some good men among the Bishops themselves with more to the effect God forbid I should endeavour to invalidate the least shadow of reasoning that is urg'd in defence of the Church of Christ I joyn heartily with him in this part and I must profess it is the greatest end of this Treatise to prevent the Contempt of Religion which this Church History might occasion Nor can I think the Author will be offended that I take his part and Religions against his own Book and that I look upon it as a dangerous piece p. 16. 19. § 49.22 c. when he himself has given such frequent and solemn Warnings against it But I must take leave to pursue this point upon another Supposition than he does for he takes all his History to be a true and just representation of things and upon that supposal makes his Vindication of the Church which I hope is a mistake in him and will endeavour to shew is very far from being true nay on the contrary it is the most injurious Character and the most unsuitable to the persons it is fastned upon that can be imagined this I take the great Confidence to do because I am persuaded Mr. B. would be very glad this dishonourable Character even of Bishops should be found a Mistake rather than it should be true to the Disparagement of the Christian Name It is true that in the Western Church the generality of the Clergy as well as Laity were so grievously corrupted as well in Doctrine as Discipline in some of the Ages that were more removed from our Saviour that we must make use of God's Vindication of the Church of Israel to Elijah to excuse it from a total Defection but for the first four or five hundred years thanks be to God there is no need of that refuge for the generality of the Christians of those times and the Bishops more eminently were men of that Holiness and Integrity as reconciled the most obstinate Prejudices against their Religion men of so exact and punctual a Justice of so frank and unstinted a Charity of so severe a Temperance of so grave and weigh'd Conversation that their Memory does still command an universal Veneration and their Examples remain a reproach to the degeneracy of after Ages What sort of men did the World know that were greater Undervaluers of it Upon whom did the Temptations of Wealth or Honour or Pleasure prevail less What Society of men was ever united by so powerful Bands of Friendship and Affection No Religion had ever so constant and faithful Adherers whom no Danger no Loss no Death could fright from the Acknowledgment of the Truth which is after Godliness in hope of eternal Life And all this owing next to the Grace of God and the Precepts of so holy a Religion to the Guidance and Example of the Bishops It was by their Ministry that Churches were multiplyed and the Kingdom of Christ enlarged by their Care that they were preserved in Peace and Unanimity These were the great Champions for Religion that maintainld the Purity of the Faith against Paul of Samosata Arrius Eunomius Photinus Macedonius Pelagius Nestorius Eutyches and innumerable other pestilent Hereticks and Overthrowers of the Foundation of our Religion But with all this they were men subject to the same Passions and Mistakes with us and if some among them were evil men and the best of them had his Failings it is not to be wondered at much less to be aggravated to the Disparagement of the Order They were generally men of severe Lives and that naturally sharpens the Temper and renders it more rigid and uncomplying they had
an extraordinary Zeal for Religion and that oftentimes made them take Alarme when it was not in any extream danger and if their Knowledge and Discretion were not always proportionable to their Zeal surely among Christians it might be allowed to the Frailty of Humane Nature and the Sincerity of a good meaning If they differ'd sometimes among themselves and were warmer than is fit in their Disputes consider that the Apostles themselves had their Misunderstandings and their Contentions sometimes Peter was to be blamed and Barnabas was carried away The Churches founded by the Apostles were immediately divided about Opinions which were presently determined in Council and yet we do not find that the Controversie was at an end Should any one therefore so abridge the History of the Apostles as to represent nothing of them but their unhappy Contention and leave them under the odious Characters of Disturbers of the World and Dividers of the Church would it not justly pass for a Libel against Christianity It were disingenious and base even in an Enemy in a Christian I know not how to call it Having paid this duty to the honour of Religion by a general Vindication of it from such Consequences as might be drawn from this Church History against the Intention of the Author I come now to his design which is laid down page 27. To shew the Ignorant so much of the matter of Fact as may tell them who have been the Cause of all Church-Corruption Heresies Schisms Seditions c. And whether such Diocesan Prelacies and Grandure be the Cure or ever was But surely this is not the way of cureing Church-divisions thus to exasperate These Reproaches cannot serve to heal but to fret and inflame the Wound I have some hopes that I shall be able to shew the Reader so much of the matter of Fact too as may let him see how much he has been imposed on by this History and that all Corruptions and Schisms are very injuriously and against all Truth of History charg'd upon the Bishops Yet suppose the Charge be true is it such a Wonder that men of great Talents and great Authority do sometimes abuse them and by that means become the Cause of Church-Corruptions Private men though neither better nor wiser than the Bishops have not the Opportunity of doing so much either Good or Hurt and their Mistakes or Vices do not draw after them so great Consequences This Accusation though it may serve to render Bishops odious is yet of use to prove their Authority and their ancient possession of the right of governing the Church like his who would prove that they have troubled the World ever since the Apostles time If the abuse of this Power be sufficient reason to take it away or to render it odious what will become of preaching and writing Books What will become of Scripture and Conscience Let him still exclaim the Bishops have been the Authors of all Corruption and Schism were they not Christians and Men as well as Bishops and if a Heathen or a Jew should not lay such a Stress upon the name of Bishop but put that of a Christian in it's place and then make a great Outery wicked Christians turbulent Christians would not this reasoning hold as well as Mr. B's or if some of the graver Beasts should recover the Conversation they had in Aesop's days and talk judicially might not they bray aloud Horrible men Abominable men that will never agree or understand one another and then conclude with the Ass in the Satyr Ma foy non plus que nous l'home n'est qu'une bête Be the Bishops whose History Mr. B. writes as bad as he will have them how will this concern the rest of that order unless they will follow their Examples and own their Corruptions Machiavel was of Opinion that the greatest part of men were Rogues and Knaves but what is that to You and I let every man bear his own Burden But Mr. B. is resolved to cut off this Retreat and to level his Charge not so much against the Persons as the office of Bishops and to this effect he explains himself p. 22. There is an Episcopacy whose very Constitution is a Crime and there is another that seems to me a thing convenient lawful and indifferent and there is a sort which I cannot deny to be of divine Right Here we have three sorts of Bishops and this is pretty reasonable and compendious but in another Book which he refers to in this he gives no less than twelve Disput of Ch. Government p. 14. dividing was much in Fashion at that time though commonly it was without a difference and as they could make a sort of Seekers that neither sought nor found so he gives several sorts of Bishops that were no more so than he or I nay in this Abridgment of the great Division I believe the Members will be concident and that it is but a little artificial Illusion of Mr. B. that makes them appear several take away the little corner'd glass and that great multitude of pieces we saw are in a moment reduced to one poor Six-pence well let us see then what this criminal sort of Episcopacy is and what Mr. B. has to lay to it's Charge That Episcopacy which I take in it self to be a Crime is such as is afore-mentioned p. 22. which in it's very Constitution overthrows the Office Church and Discipline which Christ by himself and his Spirit in his Apostles instituted this is criminal indeed and a thousand Pities it should stand one Moment But where shall we find this Abomination it is not far of if his Judgment may be taken for Such says he I take to be that Diocesan kind ibid. which has only one Bishop over many Score or Hundred fixt parochial Assemblies Is this then their Crime that they have many fixt parochial Assemblies under their Government Had not the Apostles Had not the Evangelists so too And was that Constitution criminal Had not the Bishops of St. Jerom's Notion several fixt Assemblies That Father did indeed maintain that the poor Bishop of Eugubium was as much a Bishop as he of Rome but he little thought that he was more so or that the Extent of the Roman Diocess had chang'd the very Species of it's Church Government Hieron Ep. ad Evagr. he thought they were both of the same sort and that the single and small Congregation of the one and the numerous Assembly under the Inspection of the other had made no difference at all in the nature or constitution of their Episcopacy he communicated with and submitted himself in Questions of the highest moment to the Bishop of Rome Vid Hier. Ep. ad Damas which considering the Temper of the man and his Contempt of the World he would hardly have done if he had judged him an Usurper but would rather have joyned himself to the poor Bishop of Eugubium and done all possible
their Elders do directly excommunicate and yet are lay-men It would be much to the Advantage as well as the Reputation of our Dissenters if they would first agree and correct those Abuses among themselves which they so sharply exclaim against in our Church 2. When they oblige the Magistrate to execute their Decrees by the Sword be they just or unjust § 55. and to lay men in Goals and ruine them because they are excommunicated by Bishops Chancellors c. This is the Law of the State and not of the Church and therefore is not to be charged upon Diocesan Episcopacy besides now there are few that have reason to complain of this there are those Evasions found that render that Law insignificant but the Threatning Princes and Magistrates with Excommunications if not Depositions p. 23. if they do communicate with those whom the Bishops have excommunicated belongs not at all to our Diocesan Episcopacy let the Papists who hold this Dostrine or the rigid Scotch Presbyterians who seem to have outdone the Popes in their Claim of Authority over Sovereign Princes answer it if they can 3. Or when they arrogate the Power of the Sword to themselves as Socrates says Cyril did § 55. How far Socrates is to be credited in his account of that Bishop we shall consider in due place in the mean time this does not concern Diocesan Episcopacy as it is with us for our Bishops do not arrogate that Power if the King confer upon them any Authority extrinsecal to their Office Mr. B. has declared himself p. 23. § 59. that shall make no difference and that he will submit to them notwithstanding The next Paragraph I am loth to meddle with it is little else but Biitterness and Railing and this I have neither Skill nor Inclination to answer yet because it is set down as the highest Aggravation of Diocesan Tyranny I must say something to it lest I should be thought to be ashamed of the Cause and to desert it It becomes much worse § 56. continues Mr. B. by tyrannical Abuse when being unable and unwilling to exercise true Discipline and so many hundred Parishes they have multitude of Atheists Infidels gross Ignorants and wicked Livers in Church Communion yea compel all in their Parishes to communicate upon pain of Imprisonment and Ruine and turn their Censures cruelly against godly persons that dare not obey them in all their Formalities Ceremonies and Impositions for fear of sinning against God I am afraid there are too many wicked men in all Communions and the Communion or as they call it the Religion of the State will have the most for Reasons I need not mention but it is oftentimes a hard thing to know them and until they are discovered it can be no Reproach to the Discipline of the Church that they are in outward Communion but all sorts of People and these with the rest are forced into our Communion They are indeed obliged to come to Church and to receive the Sacrament three times in the year but all this is upon the Supposition of their being Christians if they declare to the contrary they are immediately exempted from all Church-Jurisdiction and for the Civil let them deal with it as well as they can It is the duty of every Christian to come to Church and receive the Sacrament and because all that have been baptised and have not renounced the Faith are presum'd to be Christians it is doubtless lawful to quicken them to that which is their Duty by Penalties upon the neglect of it As for the Atheists and Infidels declared if they are admitted to Communion it is an unexcusable fault of Discipline yet such as is to be charged on the Minister of the Parish that receives them rather than the Bishop and for the being of any such men amongst us that is not so much to be imputed to the defect of present Discipline as to the licentiousness of the late unhappy times and the Offence that was given to light and unsteady minds by such pretended Saints as made Religion their Warrant for all their barbarous Villanies they committed But wicked Livers he adds are forced into Church-Communion by the Bishops § 56. This is a great Mistake for the Bishop forces no such into the Church but obliges the Minister and Church-wardens of every Parish to present such if any there be that they might be separated from Communion till they shall have given some Satisfaction to the Church by their Repentance and good Hopes of their future Amendment and lastly that gross Ignorants are admitted to the Communion can be charged upon no other than the Minister of that place whose Duty it is to instruct them in the Principles of their Religion and the Bishops are so far from obstructing the Exercise of this Duty that there is hardly any thing which they press with greater Earnesiness As to those godly persons who dare not obey the Orders of Bishops in point of Church-Communion and cannot bring their Conscience to comply with Ceremonies and Formalities Whether it be their Fault or Misfortune I pity them heartily but I believe this ought not to be charg'd upon the Constitution of our Episcopacy for if the King and the great Senate of the Nation after Experience of former Troubles should think fit to impose this as a Test upon such as they thought the Government not secure of what is all this to Diocesan Episcopacy The next Paragraph concludes the Arraignment of Diocesan Bishops § 57. not with any Argument but a great many hard Words which suppose the Proofs that have gone before to have amounted to full Evidence I am not willing to repeat them here let them stand or fall with those Arguments they depend upon Now least you should take Mr. B. for an Enemy to Bishops for one sort he rejects he receives two the first such as St. Jerom says Was brought into the Church for a Remedy against Schism the Bishop of this Constitution was it preside over Presbyters and without him nothing of Moment was to be done in the Church § 58. These Presbyters that were under the Bishop had they several Parishes or Congregations or the same with their President If several then this is the Diocesan Prelacy that is a Crime in it's Constitution if the same then what did they do there For by old Canons it appears and Mr. B. makes use of them to serve his own Turn that a Presbyter was not to preach in the Presence of the Bishop what then Shall they only read the Offices of the Church This is to fall into worse than Diocesan Episcopacy and to make Presbyters not Preaching but what sounds much meaner reading Curates only to the Bishops There is another sort of Bishops that he dares not deny to be of divine Institution § 60. And they are such as succeed the Apostles in the ordinary part of Church-Government while some senior Pastors have
194. ad Pleb Nicop As for Nynius's History of St. Patrick and the three hundred and sixty five Bishops which he planted in Ireland I suppose 't was invented by some learned Monk to fill up the Irish Calender and to leave no day in the year so forlorn but that the name of one of these Bishops could vindicate it from Prophaneness That which follows of Scotlands having no Bishops before Palladius Disp 1.97 Yet England had Bishops long before as may be seen in the Subscriptions of the Councils of Orleance and Nice but that the people there were instructed by Priests and Monks makes nothing at all to our present purpose though the Authority of Henricus Major and Johannes Fordorius were unquestionable for there is no account of setled Churches or Discipline but only that some good men out of their Zeal for Religion did endeavour to propagate it among the Scots and that these were not Bishops But Buchanan stretches this point higher than it will bear and will have it that the Churches of Scotland were governed by Presbyters and Monks the first time I believe in Story we meet with Monks amongst the Orders of Church-Government but I believe that the Story it self may be easily disproved and we may expect shortly a fuller account of this and other things relating to the ancient British Church by the hand of one of the greatest Masters of Antiquity in this Nation The last part of Mr. B's Evidence has some of the Canons of ancient Councils but I must needs say he does not cite with that accuracy that one would expect from a person that advances so singular a notion The first is the fourteenth of the Council of Adge Can 1. the Sum of it is this that if any man should desire a Chappel of Ease for the benefit of his Family he might be gratified in it but with this Proviso that upon the most solemn Feasts he should hear divine Service in Parochiis aut Civitatibus Mr. B. makes Parochia signifie a Diocese because the word is used frequently in that sense by Eusebius and other Ancients but does not consider that the Import of it is changed by this time and is taken for a Parish in the fifty third Canon of the Council of Adge whose Title is de Presbyteris parochianis rei Ecclesiae distrahentibus cap. 2. vass 3. There is express Difference made where a Presbyter is allow'd to preach Non solum in Civitatibus sed in omnibus Parochiis 47. The next is the thirtieth Canon of the same Council Benedictionem super plebem fundere aut poenitentem in Ecclesia benedicere presbytero poenitus non licebit to which he adds the thirty first 47. Missas die dominico saecularibus totas audire speciali ordine praecipimus ita ut ante benedictionem sacerdotis egredi populus non presumat quod si fecerit ab Episcopo publicè confundatur From whence he infers that all the people were oblig'd to come to the Bishops Church because they were to stay till the Benediction which it was lawful for the Bishop only to give but if Mr. B. had considered these two Canons he must have observed that either they contradict one another or the same thing is not meant by the Benediction of the Priest and the Bishop by the first which is reserv'd to the Bishop Confirmation must in all probability be understood By the second the Priests Benediction that which is pronounced at the dismissing the Congregation or if he will understand a Bishop by Sacerdos the Canon forbids it in making a Distinction between them ab Episcopo confundatur whereas if by Sacerdos they would have understood a Bishop it is not likely they would have either chang'd the Term or repeated it but have added ab eo confundatur But why should we insist upon this since nothing can be more notorious than that Presbyters had Churches now distinct from Bishops and every Diocess almost a great number of Parishes and there are few Councils of that Age but oblidge the Bishop to visit all these Churches once a year To these he adds the thirty eighth Canon of the same Council Disp p. 99. Cives qui superiorum solemnitatum id est Paschae Natalis Domini vel Pentecostes festivalibus cum Episcopis interesse neglexerint quum in Civitatibus communionis vel Benedictionis accipiendae causa positos se nosse debeant triennio communione priventur Ecclesiae It is not to be denyed but it was the ancient Custom for all the Parishes or places depending upon any Episcopal Church on certain times to repair to it not so much for personal Communion as for Homage but we are not therefore to conceive that every Soul under a Bishops Charge was to appear before him on those solemn times but only the most considerable persons of every Division and this Canon means no more Sirmond could never find any more than 47 Canons of this Council the rest were taken out of Conc. Epaonense from whence the true Reading of this Canon is to be sought for there is Cives superiorum natalium not solennitatum and so it is corrected in the best Edition of the Council of Agde and Communionis is left out which restoring of this Canon overthrows all the use that M. B. would make of it since all are neither obliged to be present nor to personal Communion but what Cives superiorum Natalium signifies we must learn from other Councils of this Age in the 14 chap. of the Councel of Arvern we have it thus explained that together with all the Presbyters and Deacons of a Diocese Quicunque sunt etiam Cives natu majores pari modo in Vrbibus ad Pontifices suos in praedictis Civitatibus veniant And the third Canon of the fourth Council of Orleans obliges onely the Principal Citizens to assist the Bishops on these Solemn Times Quisquis de prioribus Civibus Pascha extra Civitatem tencre voluerit sciat sibi à cuncta Synodo esse prohibitum which is no other than if the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen the Liveries and most considerable Citizens were obliged on certain High Festivals to come to Church to St. Pauls The next of the Canons he produces are either to the same effect with what he has already alledged or not directly to his purpose so that I believe upon a Review he will judge as well as I that there is no necessity of a Reply Mr. B. has heretofore excepted the Churches of Rome and Alexandria Ch. Hist p. 7. § 23. and has despair'd of bringing them ever to comply with his Model but now it seems he has found a means to reduce them to a Congregation he revokes his former Concessions and declares that he finds no reason to believe that ever the two chief Cities of the Empire had so long that is for two hundred years after Christ more than some London Parishes or near half so
as if it were to prevent such a Mistake as this Ad Fahiâ—â—n Anti. expresly tells us that these Officers were not useless and unnecessary but calls the Clergy To 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Necessity of them appears by what immediately follows because they had the Direction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a great and innumerable People and now with what Reason Mr. B. has retracted his Exception of the Roman Church let the Reader judge But the Church of Rome had long before outgrown the Stature of a Congregation for Euaristus the sixth from St. Peter is said to have divided Rome into Titles or Parishes the multitude being grown too numerous for one Assembly Ep. Pii ad Baron or if the Authority of the Pseudo Damasus be not to be depended upon we have the two Epistles of Pius to confirm it in the first we have mention of Euprepia that had given to the Poor Titulum Domus suae ubi nunc cum Pauperibus nostris commorantes missas agimus Several learned men do except against the Word Missa as not being yet in use in the Church Hospin de Temp. but it is a very hard matter to shew when it was first taken up certain it is that way of speaking was made use of not long after Remissa for Remissio being found in Tertullian and Cyprian in the second Epist we have these words Presbyter pastor titulum condidit dignè in Domino obiit I must needs say Blondel does not deal very ingeniously and equally with these Epistles for in his Pseudo Isidocus he endeavours to prove them suppositious tho they are not in Isidorus's Collection yet in his Apology for St. Jerom's Opinion concerning Bishops he vouchsafes to make use of one of them to prove that Bishop and Presbyter signified the same thing in Pius's days 't is a sad case that the Ancients shall have no farther Credit with us than they serve our Turn when they speak what men will not have them then they are false and Impostours let them give the same men but some little Countenance and then they are true men again The great Liberality of the Church of Rome is no small Argument of its Greatness for besides the maintenance of their own Clergy and Poor they were able to relieve most other Churches Euseb l. 14. c. 23. and it was their practice from the beginning to oblige all the Brethren by all manner of kindness and to send to a great many Churches that were establisht in every City the Necessaries of Life relieving the Necessity of those that were in want and sending necessary relief to those who were condemned to the Mines This was the ancient Liberality of the Roman Church and Soter is said not only to have continued but improv'd it Now if according to Mr. B's Notion of those Times not many Rich not many Noble were call'd the number of Believers must be by so much the Greater Euseb l. 7. c. 5. to be able to supply the Necessity almost of the Universal Church and Dionysius of Alexandria speaks of the Roman Church's Charity in his time in these words All the Provinces of Syria together with Arabia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which you relieve every one The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is there Emphatical and implies an admiration of as it were the All-sufficiency of the Roman Church how it should be able to supply the wants of so many Churches and to furnish so Expensive a Charity Under the Reign of Commodus the Church is said to have enjoyed peaceable and happy Times and to have thriv'd so well that the whole World in a manner was reduc'd the words of Eusebius express a wonderful increase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that every Soul in a manner of every sort came over to the Christian Religion and at Rome particularly the increase was so great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that abundance of considerable Persons for their Nobility and Wealth came over with their whole Families and Relations Euseb l. 15. c. 21. Certain it is that the number of Christians at Rome was proportionably greater than in any part of the Empire for thither they fled for Refuge in times of Persecution and shelter'd themselves in a crowd and if Tertullian's account of the state of the Christians in his time makes it very probable that they made the better half of the Roman Empire if he boasts of multitudes and say that they had possessed themselves of the City and Countrey and every place was full of them but the Temples if they did in a manner besiege the Heathen in every part and were more beneficial to the Publick by the consumption of all sorts of Commodities and made Use of more Frankincense in One Street than the Heathen did in any one Temple it is evident that they were the major part every where but in Rome more eminently so See this urg'd farther by Mr. Dodwel in his Letter to Mr. B. Towards the middle of the Third Century they received a considerable Increase from the Countenance of Alexander Severus the greatest part of whose Family and that alone would make a good Congregation were Christians Euseb l. 6. c. 21.28 and this Favourer of Christianity reigned thirteen years Towards the latter end of that Age their condition was most flourishing and all the World in a manner had receiv'd the Faith let us observe in what glorious Expressions Eusebius represents the Church before the Persecution of Dioclesian Euseb l. 8. c. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who sayes he can describe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their full and innumerable Assemblies and the multitude of their Meetings in every City So that by this time not onely in Rome but almost in every City the Christians had several Congregations Valesius tho he corrects the old Translator yet it seems did not fully comprehend the meaning of this place nor see the Elegancy of Eusebius's Gradation for first he represents the many thousands that came together to make a Congregation then the number of such Assemblies that there were several of them and at last mentions the Places that receiv'd them that there was no Church no Chappel no Oratory but was full in those dayes About this time or not long after Rome had above forty Churches which we must not imagine to be built all at the same time but by degrees according as the number of Believers did require and in all probability there must be more than one or two even in the first and second Century And now I have mention'd this it will not be amiss to clear that Passage of Optatus about these forty Churches Optat. Mii. l. 2. contra Parmen from the Exceptions of Blondel whom Mr. B. follows in his mistake Optatus in that place traces the Donatists of Rome to their first Original If Macrobius says he were demanded whom he succeeds he must needs confess it is to Eucolpius if Eucolpius
of both were not converted to the Christian Faith and that very early There remains now but three or four miles to be disposed of between the Heathens and the Christians ibid. and much the lesser part will fall to the share of the latter 't is kindly done to provide for the Christians before they were in Being surely Strabo who makes the Distribution and Bishop Vsher who cites it out of him never intended the Christians one Foot of ground in all that Division and this learned Friend might have spared his little Town of eight or ten Furlongs which he so liberally bestows upon the Bishop of Alexandria before our Saviour was born What he adds about Alexander and Meletius I wonder it could escape him p. 11. there being nothing more notorious than that Alexandria had now several fixt Parishes or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and every one govern'd under the Bishop and by it's proper Presbyter and his remark upon two Bishops living quietly in Alexandria is so disingenious a Suggestion that he has reason to be ashamed of it See Epiph. in Hares Miletian for while Miletius lived quietly and did not set up Altar against Altar all was well but a little before his Death the schismatical Humour returned upon him again and he ordain'd Priests and other Church-officers every where in Opposition to Alexander he may find as many or more Bishops living peaceably in London though there be but one Bishop of the place as there was in Alexandria Now because Mr. B. has endeavour'd to represent the Church of Alexandria so inconsiderable even after Constantine's days it will not be impertinent to give the Reader a View of that Churches Greatness even from the first Foundation of it In St. Mark 's time Alexandria had several Churches Euseb l. 2. c. 16 Niceph. l. 2. c. 15. Euseb l. 2. c. 24. though but one Bishop for that same Evangelist is said to have preacht the Gospel there first and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to have founded several Churches or Congregations there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet for all this the whole was but one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in which Annianus succeeds St. Mark and Eusebius in the Chapter before cited tells us that the number of Christians was so great in Alexandria even at the beginning that Philo vouchsafes to take notice of them but as for the Essaei which he there describes whether they were Jews or Christians it is not very material though this is observable not only of them but of all the Jews of Alexandria that their Principles had prepar'd them for Christianity above all other People for by their moralizing of the Law and making Virtue and Holiness to be the Design and meaning of all those Observances they were coming as it were to meet the Gospel and like the Centurion our Saviour commends were not far from the Kingdom of Heaven In Adrian's time Vopiseg in Saturn they were it seems so considerable as not only to be mention'd by that Emperour but to be set at the Head of all the Sects of Religion in Alexandria and they are named first for that Emperour in his Letter to Servianus reproaching the Egyptians with inconstancy and lightness sayes those that worship Serapis are Christians and there are that call themselves the Bishops of the Christians that devote themselves to Serapis all these it seems were Christians by inclination though sometimes they were forc'd by the Egyptians to worship their Gods for he that has the least tincture of Christianity can have no great Devotion for Serapis and the Patriarch himself ibid. when he comes into Egypt is forc'd by some to worship Serapis by others to worship Christ It is not material to our purpose whether this Patriarch were Bishop of Alexandria as Casaubon and Salmasius will have him or rather the chief Governour of the Jews called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Claudius Josephus Antiqu. l. 19.4 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Philo it is enough that the Christians then were so powerful as to be able to oblige him to worship Christ there is no doubt but that Adrian does the Christians wrong in this point for they never forc'd any to their Religion not after they were uppermost unless we should judge those of Alexandria to be more violent than the rest however this Account certainly represents them as very considerable and equal to any Sect or Religion in Alexandria Vnus illis Deus est Hunc Christiani Hunc Judaei omnes venerantur Gentes Salmasius understands Serapis by this one God Casaubon looks upon this Passage as spurious and added afterwards by a Christian hand in the Margin from thence by an ignorant Scribe transferr'd into the Text. But 't is most probable that that one God which the Christians and Jews are said in the first place to adore is the true God which both worship'd although after different manner And now by the preaching of the Christians the greatest part of the Alexandrians might possibly be brought over if not to a perfect Acknowledgment yet to some Veneration and Esteem of the true God The great Catechists of Alexandria as Panteus Clemens Origen and Heracles did not a little advance the growth of Christian Religion in that place and Origen's School particularly was so frequented one Company coming still after another from Morning till Night that he had hardly time to take breath and was forc'd to take Heraclas into his Assistance to instruct the more ignorant sort Dionysius who gives an account of Valerian's Persecution in Egypt represents the Christians as well of Alexandria as of other Cities extraordinary numerous the concourse of them to him when he was banish'd to Chebron was so great that he was forc'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and afterwards when he was removed from thence to Coluthio Euseb l. 7. c. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 8. which was nearer Alexandria he comforts himself with this that those of his Flock could come to him and stay with him and meet there in several Congregations as it were in remoter Suburbs Valesius observes from hence that Suburbs that is in this sense Villages of the dependance of any City had their particular Congregation and were not obliged to come to the City Church which he believes was but one even in Alexandria in Dionysius's time but how that is deducible from this passage I cannot see Under the Persecution of Dioclesian what numbers of Christians might be at Alexandria may be judged by the multitude of Martyrs that suffer'd at Thebes Eusebius was an Eye-witness of what he relates concerning them he saw great multitudes suffer together some dayes ten some twenty some sixty and sometimes an hundred and this continued not for a few dayes onely or a short space of time but for several years The division of Alexandria between several Presbyters as it were into so many Parishes although it be not mention'd
the Puritans Euseb l. 6. c. 43. Novatian in like manner withdrew from the Communion of the Church before he was excommunicated and the reason of his being renounced by the Church was because he had first renounced their Communion this Pharisaical Saint could not vouchsafe to enter into the same Church with Sinners and if it were not purged of all Dross and Corruption it must be unworthy of his Communion yet this severe Refiner of all others had least reason to exact this Purity whose Entrance into the Church as well as the Ministry was by extraordinary Dispensation and Indulgence he was baptized in his bed in great danger of Death he neglected to be confirmed by the Bishop he was made Priest against Ecclesiastical Laws that forbid Clinicks to have any share in the Government of the Church by the intercession of the Bishop who promis'd the People who were generally against his Admission that this Act should never be drawn into Precedent Being made Priest he became no great credit to his Friends that promoted him for in time of Persecution being desired to assist some of the Brethren that were in distress he renounc'd his Office and Religion saying that he would be Priest no longer and had an inclination to betake himself to another sort of Philosophy than the Christian this is the man that was so rigid and cruel as not to receive the Repentance of such as had fallen in time of Persecution but insinuating himself into the good opinion of the Confessors such as had endured the fiery Tryal he began to bring them into a dislike of the Church since it did receive those that had abjured that Religion for which the Confessors had so gloriously suffered and equalled them to these holy Martyrs in all the Priviledges of Communion Some of these good men were carried away with his dissimulation to do countenance to the Schism and their Authority brought off several others from the Communion of the Bishop but these at last discovering the Wolf in Sheeps clothing forsook the Impostor and return'd to the Unity of the Church he in the mean time uses all diligence to widen the breach and to make it perpetual by setting up himself for a Bishop which then was thought necessary to the Being of a Church although he had sworn solemnly before never to take the Office upon him To compass his Design he sends some of the subtilest of his Agents to three plain ignorant Bishops to invite them to Rome under pretence that this wretched Schism might be ended by their good Offices These good men suspecting no trick came and overcome with his good Entertainment with too much Wine and Perswasion were forc'd at last to lay their hands on him and consecrate him a Bishop and not thinking himself secure enough yet under this Title he makes every one of his Congregation engage himself by Oath never to forsake him or to return to Cornelius and this in a manner so Solemn that the relation of it is sufficient to strike a horrour on the mind of the Reader for when he administred the Sacrament after Consecration he made every one that received when the Bread was in his hand to swear to him by the Body and Blood of our Saviour that they would never forsake him or return to their former Bishop These were the men these were the means by which the Schism of the Novatians was begun and carried on a Schism no less execrable in the Conduct of it than infamous in its Authors and which is yet worse than all this most blasphemous in its Doctrines Mr. B. is too favourable in his representation of the Novatian Doctrine for in the place above-cited he makes these two Observations in favour of them First that Novatus did not deny the laps'd pardon of Sin with God p. 39. but only Church-Communion Secondly That he did not deny this to other great Sinners repenting but only to those that laps'd to Idolatry or denying Christ but the Novatians long after extended it to other heinous Crimes as upon suppos'd parity of Reason As to the first lib. 4. c. 28. Socrates does endeavour to excuse them by saying that those who had sacrificed to Idols in times of Persecution were to be exhorted to Repentance though not to be admitted to Communion and as to the Pardon of their Sin they were to leave that to God who alone has power to forgive Sins It must be confess'd that Socrates is an Historian of good credit and it seems well acquainted with the History and Doctrine of the Novatians who probably in his time might have grown more moderate in their Opinion concerning Remission of Sin but nothing can be more evident than that the Authours of that Schism denied not only the Communion of the Church but God's Pardon to those who had sinned after Baptism for this all the Writers of that time who must be suppos'd to understand their Tenets do unanimously affirm Dionysius Alexandrinus who lived the same time with Novatian and writ to him to advise him to return and be reconcil'd to the Church and lay down that Honour of a Bishop which he pretended was forc'd upon him this ancient Writer gives us this account of their Doctrine Euseb l. 7. c. 8. Novatian sayes he I justly abhor because he has divided the Church and drawn aside several Brethren into Impiety and Blasphemy and brought in a most wicked Doctrine concerning God representing our most merciful Saviour as cruel and void of pity Besides this be evacuates holy Baptism and overthrows the Faith that was before him And lastly He banishes the Holy Ghost irrevocably from those in whom there is great reason to hope that either it Remains still or may return to them again So far Dionysius Cypr. ad Nov. Haer. S. Cyprian argues in several places upon the same Supposition and looks upon their Severity in not admitting Penitents to Communion as the Effect of a more cruel Doctrine that God would never receive them into favour idem ad Anton. l. 4. ep 2. This was the main Argument against the lapsed He that denies me before men him will I deny before my Father which is in Heaven and consequently they denied them Communion because they believed Christ would finally reject them This the same Father uses great diligence to explain and confutes their Inference from it by the Example of St. Peter who deny'd his Master and yet was received into Grace He does acknowledge indeed frequently that Novatus did exhort those to Repentance he refused to receive but then he urges that nothing can be more impertinent than to press men to repent and yet to take away from them all hopes of Pardon and therefore he notes this as a pernicious Effect of their Doctrine That it frighted men out of their Religion and made them turn Heathen upon despair of Mercy and cast away all thoughts of Repentance since it would not avail them to
that as Mr. B. sayes a Bishop had the priviledge of a had Physician he might murder and not be hang'd c. This Decree is I believe hardly so ancient as the fore-mention'd Epistle for we have only the Authority of Gratian for it a man little to be depended upon unless he find Vouchers that are ancienter than himself but any thing will serve Mr. B's turn that will give him occasion to ease his Spleen against Bishops CHAP. V. Of the First Council of Ephesus c. OUr Author in the beginning of this Chapter p. 84. §. 3. to prejudice his Reader beforehand against the Acts of the Council of Ephesus gives the worst account of Cyril who was the President of it that he could patch up out of all the libels and accusations of his Enemies The first thing he is charged with is the oppression of the Novatians This was enough with Socrates or Sozomen to paint him as ugly as men do the Devil Socr. l. 7 or Antichrist and therefore there is no great credit to be given them in these relations as manifestly espousing the cause and quarrels of the Novatians But suppose he had us'd severity towards these Schismaticks it may be they deserved it and being Schismaticks and Alexandrians it is not unlikely that they were very troublesome and seditious Socrates makes it part of his charge that he took upon him the government of temporal affairs Socr. l. 7. c. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a little before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This was not the usurpation of the Bishop but the indulgence of the Emperour and the Truth is that the Church and State being now united and the Schisms of the one causing inevitable seditions in the other the Civil Magistrates for the greater security of their Government did think it expedient to invest the Bishop with a coercive power since their Spiritual authority was contemn'd to the dishonour of Religion and no less to the disturbance of the State And it was it seems a crime in Cyril to accept this Commission or to act in pursuance of it though our Author elsewhere professes that he shall not dishonour such p. 23. sect 59. nor disobey them But besides the suppressing of the Novatian Conventicles he is charged with executing some Jews and banishing others which Orestes took ill as an incroachment upon his office who was Governour of the Province Socr. l. 7. c. 13. But as to this he cannot be very much blamed for the Jews conspired against the Christians and resolved to destroy them all in one night they gave the alarm that one of their Churches was on fire and as the Christians ran out to quench the fire they were murdred by those Villains Perhaps Cyril did not think this a time to complement the Governour to the assistance of the Christians when the danger they were in was sufficient to call him away but animated the people to make their defence and to go in quest of these Murderers and it was a sign of his Moderation that there were but some executed and that all were not put to the Sword after so barbarous an attempt This or something else offended the governour Socr. l. 7. c. 14. so that he became irreconcileable to Cyril The Bishop like a good man endeavoured by all means to procure a reconciliation but without effect and why is a Bishop to be worse thought of if a man of quality become his implacable enemy without cause Five hundred Monks came from Mount Nitria in a fit of wild zeal to take the Bishops part and Socrates cannot say that he sent for them they light on the governour and assault him he is wounded and hardly escapes with life But how could Cyril help this or how can he be charg'd with the extravagance of those Monks that he had no knowledge of till they had committed it But one of those Mutineers says Socrates that wounded the governour being executed for his crime was honour'd by Cyrill as a Martyr I do very much suspect this story from the circumstance of changing the criminals name to Thaumasius and the most probable conjecture that I can make of it if there be any ground at all for the story is that the memory of a Martyr of that name might be honoured by him which his enemies interpreted to be the Criminal But this changing of name is a thing without precedent and without reason for either this disguise was put on that it might not be observ'd and he was ashamed of doing it openly and then it will not be easie to be certain that this Thaumasius was that Ammonius who was executed or if he was the same and Cyril confest it then it is impossible to imagine a reason why he should use that disguise But there are men in the world that honour such as Martyrs that were executed not for Wounding a Governour but Murdering a King after a most unexampled manner witness the worthy Martyrologies of Harrison Speeches and Prayers Printed A. D. 1660. Carew Cook Peters c. and of Barkstead Okey Corbett with this Motto in the Frontispiece these dyed all in Faith and innumerable other things that justifie their horrid crimes and make them Martyrs by the cause of their suffering Printed 1662. I hope they were neither Bishops nor Episcopal men that were so fond of Canonizing these Murderers for Martyrs Another thing which our Author cites from the professed enemies of Cyril to render him odious was the Murder of Hypatia the famous She-Philosopher She it seems was barbarously murder'd but by whom or upon what occasion is not certain Socrates makes the occasion to have been this Socr. l. 7. c. 15. That she being frequently with the Governour was suspected to do Cyril evil offices and to disswade the Governour from being reconciled to him therefore some Zealots watched her and barbarously Murder'd her among whom was one Peter a Reader of the Church and an admirer of Cyril And this continues the same Historian brought a great reproach upon Cyril and the Church of Alexandria But he cannot charge the Bishop of being by any means conscious to it and though it were done upon his account by violent heady Zealots yet he could be no further guilty than he contributed to it by his countenance or consent Suidas in Damascius Damascius in the life of Isidore the Husband of this Hypatia charges Cyril directly with this Murder but his credit signifies very little as being in the first place a Heathen and a violent enemy of the Christians and secondly being more remote from these times for he liv'd in the reign of Justinian Vales Annot in Socr. l. 7. c. 15. Valesius cites the passage at large out of him and promises to publish much more of him than we have had hitherto This is taken out of Suidas who I believe cites the whole out of this Author In the beginning he makes it dubious
Pelusuim l. 2. Ep. 126. into which it was brought by the covetousness and ambition of one Martinianus a Presbyter If. Pel. l. 2. Ep. 126. O thou best of men it belongs to thy Wisdom and Authority to rescue the poor Church of Pelusium from the Hands of evil Governours 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor is this only a general complement but he goes on to mention particular instances of his integrity against this Martinianus who after he had robb'd the Church of Pelusium sent some part of the money to Alexandria to endeavour to procure himself the Bishoprick Cyril having intimation of this practice rebukes him sharply and threatens if he go on any further in this base course so dishonourable to Religion that he will not only excommunicate but have him banish'd Whereupon Isidore applys himself to him in expressions of the greatest admiration of his integrity and does not know how to call him by a title good enough What Compe'lation shall I use that may be suitable to so great worth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whoever is the least acquainted with the Spirit and temper of Isidore will hardly suspect him of flattery but that he was the real Convert of this great Bishop and by these commendations of him endeavoured to make honourable amends and to wash off the dirt he had before rashly cast upon his name If I should take the pains to gather the hands of the Fathers and to set down the glorious testimonials they give of Cyril I believe few Saints could shew greater evidence of their merit towards the Church Gloriosissimus fidei Catholicae Defensor Prosper contra collat c. 41. Celest Ep. ad Nest §. 5. and Cyrillus Alexandriae Episcopus vir omni sapientia Sanctitatis exemplo clarissimus probatissimus Sacerdos c. But Theodoret it seems was never truly reconcil'd to him for in his Epistle to Johannes Antioch he looks upon the death of Cyril as a deliverance of the Church from a turbulent enemy of Peace But God only knows says our Author Yes sure there are men that know it too though not Mr. Baxter They that are a little more vers'd in the writings of the Fathers know very well Baron An. 44016. that this Epistle is spurious and that John to whom it was directed was dead four years before which Theodoret could not but know And it is very well known that the Nestorians forg'd several Letters in the name of Theodoret. Leont de Sect. Sect. 5. In short nothing can be a plainer confutation of this Fiction than Theodorets own Letter to Dioscorus the successor of Cyril where besides that he does shew John to be dead seven years before the time of the writing of that Letter Theod. Ep. ad Diosc he does also make it appear that there was a full and sincere reconciliation between him and Cyril before his death That Cyril when he had written his Books against Julian the Apostate and another about the Scape-Goat before he publish'd them sent them to John Bishop of Antioch to communicate them with the greatest Scholars of the East He sent them to me says Theodoret and I read them and sent him an account of them and I received Letters from him after that Ad Flavian which I have still by me And the same man in another Letter gives an account of this to Dioscorus that he had sent to him to acquaint him that he persevered still in that league that had been made between Cyril of happy memory and the Eastern Churches And now let any man judge whether this forg'd Letter that goes under the name of Theodoret be not as great an injury to him as it is to Cyril But with our Author that weeds Church-History any fiction or imposture is authentick that does but contain some scandalous reflections upon great Bishops and this seems to be the mark that directs his choice all along I have been more particular in the Vindication of this great Bishop from those calumnies our Author raked out of all the Libels of his Enemies because all this seems to be brought in on purpose to lessen the reputation of the Council of Ephesus that was chiefly directed by the authority of Cyril and that you may not take this for an uncertain conjecture of his design he explains himself But pardon truth or be deceived still ignorance and pride p. 94. sect 20. and envy and faction and desire to please the Court made Cyril and his party by quarrelsome Heretication to kindle that lamentable flame in the world Can any man that has any ingenuity or knowledge of those times affirm this How could this gratifie the Court since the Emperour was so highly offended with the contention that he ordered Cyril to be imprison'd and was extreamly dissatisfy'd with both parties Or how can that be the effect of Cyril's Envy or Ambition which he himself did endeavour to prevent by all the amicable methods imaginable as may be seen by his Letters to Nestorius But if the Reader will not blindly engage in all the groundless jealousies and malicious suggestions of our Author then he has much ado to forbear calling him Fool but however he dismisses him with that which is equivalent Let him be deceived still as if every one that had any more charitable opinion of Bishops and Councils than he that seems to have read little more than what Binnius has of them lov'd to be deceiv'd and shut his Eyes against the greatest evidence in the World Before we enter upon the Council of Ephesus it is fit some notice should be taken of our Authors account of Nestorius The worst thing he can say of him is That he was hot against Hereticks and desired the assistance of the Civil Magistrate to suppress them that he went about to pull down the Church of the Arians and they set it on fire themselves and then call'd him Firebrand when themselves were the Incendiaries he vex'd the Novatians c. After all we have this Remark Thus Turbulent Hereticators must have the Sword do the work of the Word When our Author lays about him he never minds where the blow falls and deals alike to friends and foes What Hereticators were hotter than the Presbyterians in the year 1646 the Inquisition is not more severe than their Ordinance against Heresies Ordinance against Heresie and Blasphemy presented to the House of Commons which they desir'd should be made Felony and punish'd by death And of other opinions that were to be punish'd by imprisonment were there not many that are yet in dispute between the Reformed themselves Nay he that vindicates that Bloody Ordinance as the Independents call'd it does complain against the Bishops for not being severe enough in the eradication of Heresies Vindication of the Ordin against Heresie p. 23. Impr. James Cranford I will set down the words because they are something remarkable In the Bishops times there were some Arians and
Blasphemers put to death according to the Laws which then were and for ought I know are still in force But had the Bishops had as much zeal for God and his truth as they had for their own greatness they had obtain'd such a law as this is if not in all the particulars Presbyterian Toleration yet in most of them long ago and thereby prevented many of those monstrous opinions which have of late been vented among us to the great dishonour of God and our Kingdom and the mischief to Souls but they were cast out for their lukewarmness and let others take heed of the like How shall the Bishops do to please these men Sometimes when they are in authority they are Hereticators and Persecutors and Instigators of the Civil Magistrate against men for Conscience sake Sometimes they are lukewarm and negligent for not providing Laws severe enough and for not putting men to death for errours in Religion If I were worthy to advise our Author I would desire him for the honour of Presbytery to level his spiteful reflections a little more justly lest whilest he le ts fly with a good will against Bishops the Brethren of the Holy Discipline be not hurt and lest what he designs against Councils fall unhappily upon the Reverend Assembly Answer to Dr. Stillingst for which he expresses no small esteem elsewhere although Bishops and their Councils are so abominable in his sight But enough of this for our purpose I will leave our Author to the judgement of his Brethren and only crave the Readers Pardon for this digression We are now come to the Council of Ephesus §. 9. which was occasion'd by Nestorius his denying the Blessed Virgin to be the Mother of that person that was God this doctrine was broach'd by his favourite Priest Anastasius though Nestorius being the more eminent person carry'd away the name and reputation of it Our Author says This set all the City in a division disputing of they well knew not what Nestorius was suspected by some to deny the Godhead of Christ but he was of no such opinion It is true he did not directly deny the Godhead of Christ but consequentially he did as we shall shew hereafter The Emperour weary of this stir p. 89. sect 9. calls a Council and yet our Author forgets himself not many pages after where he will have his Reader believe that Cyril made all this stir to please the Court. The truth of it is the obstinacy of Nestorius oblig'd the Emperour to assemble this Council for Cyril had try'd all the moderate ways in the world to reclaim him before this was thought of Nothing can be more modest than Cyril's Letter to Nestorius Ep. ad Nest though he had receiv'd several personal provocations from him and after this another written with the same Spirit Secunda Ep. ad Nest but Nestorius took all this brotherly admonition for reproach and endeavour'd to maintain his opinion and to secure himself in equivocal and doubtful expressions sometimes seeming to speak the same thing with Cyril that Christ had two natures in one person sometimes considering Christ as a double person and always denying Mary to be the Mother of God by any means This was the unhappy Controversie that divided the world Several being deceiv'd by the Equivocations of Nestorius took his part at first but finding him obstinate in denying the Virgin to be the Mother of that person that was God they at last deserted him and joyn'd with Cyril in his condemnation It had been happy for the Church if the mysteries of our Religion had never been curiously disputed But when busie troublesome men have started a new dangerous doctrine and endeavour to propagate it with all industry imaginable it is not fit that the Governours should sit as unconcern'd Spectators but that they should oppose vigorously all such remedies as God has put into their hands i. e. advise admonish rebuke and if these means prove ineffectual to stop the course of evil doctrine they must proceed according to the Apostles advice a Heretick after admonition reject This method therefore of proceeding against Heresies and the Authors of them cannot be disallowed by any reasonable man But this case of Nestorius it seems yields a further debate and the merit of the cause is yet disputed Derodon makes Nestorius Orthodox and Cyril the Heretick our Author believes both Orthodox but that they did not understand one another and so by words that themselves did not understand they set all the world on fire As for Derodon he manifestly condemns Nestorius in a little Treatise De Supposito printed with several other Philosophical Tracts of his and approves Cyril the truth is he has a singular notion of a person there which seems to approach Nestorianism which he endeavours to confirm by the authority of Cyril and other Fathers but this which our Author cites I have not yet seen nor can I find that it has been yet publish'd however since the minutes of his arguments are set down by our Author I will endeavour to shew the mistake of that learned man by giving the true state of the question between Cyril and Nestorius Nestorius did first recede from the allow'd expressions of the Fathers who did all occasionally call the Blessed Virgin the Mother of God and therefore was justly suspected to recede from their doctrine Cyril admonishes him of this dangerous innovation and explains himself concerning the Incarnation of the son of God Nestorius endeavours to confute it and now let us see what it was that they both maintain'd I will begin with the Doctrine of Cyril 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the word united the flesh to himself hypostatically or personally Ep. 2. ad Nestor and a little after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. i. e. distinct natures concurring to make a real Unity of both which consists one Christ and one Son not that the difference of the natures are taken away by that Unity but that the divinity and humanity combin'd by an unspeakable manner of Union make one Christ and one Son Ibid. And then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 uniting the manhood hypostatically to himself and as to the order of this Union he explains himself farther 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. He was not first a meer man that was born of the Holy Virgin which the Divinity afterwards did assume but the Word being united to the Man from the very Womb is said to have undergone a carnal generation And that this Union does not destroy the difference of natures in Christ he shews expresly in that same place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He became man but did not therefore cease to be God but after the assumption of Flesh remain'd still the same that he was before And to the same purpose in another place after the assumption of Flesh he remain'd very God Ep. ad Eulog and suffer'd death upon the Cross i. e. the Flesh
and dignity With respect to which opinion Cyril presses the unity of nature and makes use of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and hypostasis indiscriminately And lastly Nestorius denys Christ to be truly and properly God in his first Anathema in answer to those of Cyril saying Si quis Christum verum deum non Immanuel dixerit i. e. Whosoever shall call him True God let him be Anathema which shews that the Union he meant was not personal but that Christ was no more than what Cyril often charges Nestorius with holding 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If those twelve Articles of Nestorius were extant in Greek they would likely discover more of his mind but as they are they have hardly any sense at all How far Nestorius dissembles his opinion by those plausible expressions of one person and two natures may be judg'd from what is already observ'd concerning him but our Author falls into a great passion against those that say Nestorius dissembled when he affirm'd two natures and one person I take them says he to be the Fire-brands of the World and unworthy the regard of sober men who pretend to know mens judgements better than themselves c. It cannot be unknown to any man that has read any thing in Ecclesiastical writings that Hereticks were us'd to take refuge in Equivocation and to shew a fair plausible doctrine to the first view but when this was narrowly examin'd and compar'd with other things that dropp'd from them either unawares or in greater confidence it was found to be nothing but deceit and illusion Thus the Arians frequently impos'd upon the Orthodox thus the Nestorians seem'd to own the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 changing only the accent which chang'd the signification of the Word from the Mother to the Child and off-spring of God and S. Paul who was not unacquainted with the arts of Hereticks gives this caution against them that they are not presently to be taken for what they appear Rom. 16.17 18. Now I beseech you Brethren mark them which cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine which ye have learn'd and avoid them for such serve not the Lord Jesus Christ but their own belly and by good words and fair speeches deceive the hearts of the simple But let them be accounted Firebrands of the World that will not put the most charitable interpretation upon the expressions of men of suspected doctrines I am content and I believe the Bishops will not be so much concern'd in this accusation I could wish our Author would look home and observe those Fire-brands that will make men of what Religion they please in despite of all Protestations and Oaths to the contrary Is it not strange that men who subscribe the Articles of the Church of England so destructive of all the errours of Popery which were the occasion of the Reformation that renounce Transubstantiation Popes Supremacy Idolatry Rebellion for the cause of Religion Adoration of Images and Saints and Angels that notwithstanding all this these men must be Papists and Popishly affected and let them say or believe what they will they must be accounted so What shall a man do to these men who instead of pulling down Popery strengthen it by reckoning so many learned and godly persons of that side and whilest they endeavour to dishonour these persons by so odious a name do no small honour to the Papists by making the most eminent party of men both for learning and integrity that perhaps is now in the World to be favourers of their way hoc Ithacus velit The Jesuites indeed are apt to feign several death-bed Reconciliations to their Church to gain it credit by the accession of some eminent opposers of it but this they do sparingly as the easie people can swallow the cheat But these Papist-makers of ours will present them with thousands together and send them the Protestant Churches of three Kingdoms in one present If any be Fire brands of the World if any set up Popery under the disguise of Protestants they are surely these men that cry down all for Papists that they have any prejudice against and out of spight to their brethren assist that common enemy and become the most liberal Benefactors to the Church of Rome that ever it had since the Reformation nay not inferiour to the forgers of Constantine's Donation These men would deserve better of Rome than Francis or Dominick could they but make their words good Surely the Papists are not now to learn how to make the best use of a fictitious title they will not fail to boast of that strength which dissenters give them and have no reason to discover the falshood of a calumny that is so much to their credit and advantage I must beseech the Readers Pardon for this digression and Gods Pardon to these false accusers of their brethren that they may know in this their day the things that belong to their peace To return now to the business we left It will not suit the proportion of my design to dwell upon every particular expression of Cyril's that may be suspected and to detect the Heresie of Nestorius lurking under the disguise of Orthodox Expressions I hope that what has been already observ'd may be sufficient at least to suspend the Readers judgement from pronouncing Cyril a Heretick with Derodon or Nestorius who was condemn'd by almost all the world an Orthodox and sound believer until some abler hand undertake that matter and treat it more particularly Our Author though he make use of Derodon's citations to disparage the authority of these Councils yet he differs from him in conclusion and is loth to give in to that bold Paradox that Cyril so much celebrated in the Catholick Church for his defence of the faith should at last after twelve hundred years good credit prove down-right Heretick Therefore he endeavours to moderate the business and to make both parties Friends and Orthodox though they themselves were not sensible of it All this stir saith our Author proceeded only from misunderstanding and Cyril and Nestorius and the rest of the Bishops did not understand one anothers meaning It is not unpleasant to observe a man unacquainted with the language in which these disputes were pretend gravely to be Moderator and to perswade the World they did not understand the terms they quarrelled about though the language were vulgar to them all and by the strength of Hanmer's and other miserable translations to play the Critick but whether is most likely that these great and learned men should understand one anothers terms or persons remov'd from their times many hundreds of years and ignorant of the language in which they writ I leave the Reader to determine It is true that in this case there was great misunderstanding between Cyril and the Eastern Bishops yet we find that as soon as ever they came to debate the matter calmly they found they differ'd but in expression and yet both found
this p. 109 110 111. sect 32 c. What Concard did these late Councils procure to the Churches From that time most of the Christian World was distracted into Factions Hereticating and killing one another The Alexandrians murder'd Proterius their Bishop chosen by the Council of Chalcedon And to aggravate the cruelty Mr. B. says they spar'd not to tast his Entrails with their Teeth like Dogs Gustare more Canum The miracle of tasting with Teeth would be much greater than the cruelty and go a great way to justifie the barbarity of the Action if it were true But what shall we say to these lamentable consequences of these Councils Was it the misfortune or the fault of these only not to be able to heal the differences of the Church Or else was the defect in the Councils or the blame to be imputed to those obstinate men that oppos'd the Rule establish'd by them These were not the first Councils that have miscarried as to their design of Universal Reconciliation The Council of Jerusalem under the Apostles that determined the Controversie about Circumcision did not presently silence all Disputes about that Question For the Church of Galatia was presently after divided about it The Council of Nice though it quieted the Arian Controversie for a while yet it was not able to prevent those lamentable Contentions which the same question afterwards occasioned Or if Bishops and their Councils could provide no effectual Remedies for the violent distempers of the Church let us see what Presbyterian Synods have done The Synod of Dort condemn'd the Arminians and Subscrib'd certain Articles declaring their Doctrine in the points in Controversie yet the disease was so far from abâ—ting that it grew more violent and the Civil Magistrate was oblig'd to second the determinations of the Synod by inflicting Imprisonment and Exile upon such as would not subscribe and yet all this would not do for the same breach remains unclos'd unto this day Our Author in his meek Answer to the Dean of Pauls Sermon says very kind things of the Assembly of Divines and yet these with their Catechisms Directory and Annotations and Overthrowing of the Episcopal Church Government upon which they charg'd all the Miscarriages and Divisions of the Church were so far from Reconciling the people that after this they were distracted into innumerable Schisms Never was there so lamentable a face of things never such variety of Heresie and such wantonness and Extravagance in Blaspheming God under pretence of Religion and Conscience and this is the state whither the same manner of Men are driving again Experience they say is the Mistriss of Fools but they are Fools to be begg'd whom even experience so dearly purchas'd is not able to make wiser But to return to the success of these Councils Now since Councils whether of Bishops or Presbyters have oftentimes so bad success what is to be done What other remedies shall we find more effectual The Papists have left the use of General Councils of late He who had among them the chief authority of summoning such Councils being grown jealous of that way and the Condition of the Ecclesiastical Roman Empire has been for some ages not unlike that in which Livy represents the Heathen Roman Empire in his time nec vitia nostra ferre possumus nec remedia At last a great part of the Western Church weary of expecting relief by a General Council from that Tyranny and Corruption under which it labour'd was forc'd to use extraordinary means to reform themselves and what they could not do all together they did severally as they had Opportunity It was the good fortune of our Church to Reform it self with the countenance and assistance of the Civil Magistrate and therefore they could do it by degrees and with greater Moderation than other Churches who must contend with the Civil power about it and who had no other strength than the zealand Resolution of the People As soon as this Reformation began to take root deep enough here the Clergy Assembled in a National Synod establish'd a rule for Unity and peace and to prevent disputes as much as was possible This rule comprehended the Doctrine Worship and Discipline of this Church which was at first receiv'd with universal joy and approbation None but Papists opposing it But some time after some few discontented men under pretence of Zeal against Popery took the part of the Papists against this rule and it is observable that as one faction grew up and gather'd strength so did the other that one's right and left hand can hardly grow in evener proportion so that one would fancy that either they advanc'd by some secret consent or were nourish'd from the same Common Stomach It may be from him that Palavicini calls the Stomach as well as the Head of the Church the Pope And what shall be at last done for these Protestants as they call themselves Shall every one be left to himself without any rule The effect of this will be that in a little time we shall have no Religion at all Shall this rule be alter'd We can have no assuance that when it is alter'd we shall find any Conformity to it then more than now and this as it is has the advantage of any innovation if for nothing else yet for its standing and that it is an Antient Establishment In short these that Cry out against this rule seem to have a great respect for the Protestants of Queen Elizabeths time and that Reign is counted the Golden age of this Kingdom Let us consider then what was 〈…〉 their Rule whether 36 or 39 Articles and that Rule that made them so happy may if preserv'd entire keep us so still CHAP. VII Of the Authors of Heresies Schisms and Corruptions and whether they were all Bishops I Have hitherto gone along with Mr. B. step by step conceiving it necessary to make a more particular Vindication of the Church in these times as well because they were the best that the Christian World has had for true piety and zeal as also because our Church Professes to receive the four first General Councils and lastly because all sober moderate Christians have always had and still retain a great esteem and veneration for many of those persons that are represented so odiously in Mr. B. 's Church-History I do not pretend to justifie every thing that was done by all the Bishops and Councils of those times There have been wicked men and wicked Bishops in all times and the Church under the Apostles nay their own Order was not so happy as to have none but good men of it But I hope I have shewed sufficiently that things were not as Mr. B. represents them and that most of his particular Accusations are void of all truth and ingenuity I must deal with him hereafter more Summarily and Answer the drift and design of his Book which is to render Episcopacy Odious under the more invidious name of
please But the best of it is that if God permitted a Bishop of so eminent a Church as that of Antioch to fall into Heresie he on the other hand rais'd up Godly and Orthodox Bishops to oppose him and to vindicate not only the Christian Religion but the Order of Episcopacy also which he had dishonour'd For the Neighbour Bishops assembled in the Second Council of Antioch Condemn'd and Depos'd him Dionysius of Alexandria being now very old and unfit for Travel could not be there but writ to him says Theodoret Theod. Haer. Fab. l. 1. Eus l. 7. c. 30. Eusebius cites the Epistle of this Synod that expresly denys that saying that Dionysius of Alexandria had writ to the Council but had not vouchsafed so much as to salute Paulus From which passage Valesius concludes that the Letter of Dionysius to that Heretick Bishop in the Bibliotheca Patrum is forg'd Vales Annot in Eus l. 7. c. 30. notwithstanding Baronius receives it for genuine Now because Mr. B. promises to shew not only Who have been the cause of Heresies c. but also How It will not be impertinent to shew briefly how this Bishop also fell into Heresie It was in short by the way of Comprehension for Zenobia Queen of Palmyrene after her Husbands death being very considerable in the East and being Proselyted to the Jewish Religion for which reason likely Lâ—nginus her Favourite speaks so favourably of Moses this Paul Bishop of Antioch thought that by reducing Christ to be a meer man he might reconcile both Religious and take away the Partition-wall that divided the Jews and Christians nothing being so great an offence to the Jews as that Christ was own'd by his Disciples to be God And thus compliance and vain projects of Comprehension made this man a Heretick But Philastrius is not to be regarded Phil. Haer. 17. Ap. Biblieth Patr. who charges this Bishop with being turn'd Jew and teaching Circumcision and bringing over Zenobia to Judaism Before this time there is another Bishop reckon'd by some Collectors of Heresies as the Author of one Nepos Nepos an Egyptian Bishop who taught out of the Revelation of St. John as he pretended Euseb Hist l. 7. Theod. Haer. Fab. l. 3. that the Saints should live a Thousand years of pleasure here on Earth If this be a Heresie it was much older than this Nepos Just Mart. Dial. cum Tryph. p. 307. Ed. Par. For it was so ancient and so general an opinion that Justin Martyr did not believe they were perfectly Christians that did not believe it For all that were Orthodox did look for the Restauration of Jerusalem and that Christ should reign there gloriously with his Saints a thousand years which he endeavours to prove out of the Revelations and the Book of the Prophet Isaiah Iren. l. 5. c. 33 34 35. Ireneus endeavours to prove the same thing at large and derives the Doctrine from Papias and by him from St. John the Beloved Apostle So that if Nepos prove Heretick for this he is like to find very good company but Author of it he cannot be It is some favour to him that Epiphanius and Philastrius pass him by for I do not remember that either of them mention him However you will say that though he was not the first that taught this Doctrine yet he was the first that divided the Church about it And that is a heavy fault that Mr. B. charges upon the Bishops that they divide the Church about unnecessary nice Speculations But this Nepos is as far if not farther from the Imputation of Schism than that of Heresie For Dionyfius charges him not with Schism but only with writing a book for the Millenary opinion which others afterwards laid a great stress upon and by that means several Churches were divided and some entirely carried away and all this after Nepos his death They might have done the like with Justin Martyr or Irenaeus if they had pleas'd and made the same stir and yet those Fathers not at all concern'd in the Schism this is manifestly the present case there is no account of any Schism made about this point till after this Nepos his death And Dionysius who writes against him thinks himself oblig'd to make his Apology before hand saying that he honour'd the man for many great good qualities and was sorry that he was forc'd to write against his Brother in the defence of Truth And as to the matter of fact it was thus He found in the Region of Arsinoe several Churches distracted about this matter so that they began to make Schisms in several places The Bishops surely must be concern'd where there is any Schism or Heresie they must have a hand in it But here by good fortune no such thing appears Euseb l. 7 here is mention only of Presbyters and Teachers whom this Bishop assembled Presbyters of the Villages and these after some Dispute he at last perswaded to Peace But what became of the Bishop of that Region will you say It may be he was dead and that this Nepos was the man unless one may imagine the Diocess of Alexandria to extend so far for the Country adjoyning to the Lake Mareotes and call'd by that name was part of the Alexandrian Diocess as we have shew'd before out of Athanasius and the Arsinoeites was the next Region to that But however this be our point is sufficiently clear'd that this Nepos was neither Heretick nor Schismatick Nor does it appear that any Bishop was concern'd in that difference save only Dionysius of Alexandria who by his Prudence and Authority did compose it To conclude For the first three hundred years after Christ there is but one Bishop found who was the Author or rather the Reviver of a Heresie and yet Mr. B. looks upon it as a strange thing that there should be a Heresie rais'd by one that was No Bishop The following Ages were not so happy but as Christians generally degenerated so did the Clergy too but yet not so much as our Author would make it appear The beginning of the fourth Century was very unhappy to the Church not only by reason of a most violent Persecution rais'd against it from without but also of Heresies and Schisms from within Meletius an Egyptian Bishop Meletius and the first of that Order that began a Schism forsook the Communion of the Church because they that fell from the Faith under Persecution were receiv'd into it Epiph. as Epiphanius tells his story though others of better Authority give other Reasons that this Bishop had himself deny'd the Faith and being condemn'd by a Synod of Bishops he set up a Schism But of this we have said enough elsewhere Athan. Ap. 2. About the same time started up the Schism of the Donatists Donatus named so from one of their Bishops Aug. de Haeâ—es that lived a good while after the rise of that Faction this was carried
Mr. B. owns out of Derodon and as Facundus proves at large though he had the ill fortune â—o be condemn'd by Later Councils upon 〈◊〉 misunderstanding this case I have discuss'd more Particularly in another place where Theodore Tarsensis his Doctrine was examin'd At last Bishops failing Mr. B. mentions Aerius who spake against Bishops because himself could not be Bishop so Pestilent a thing the desire of such Bishopricks have been And who can help it if men will be Ambitious and aspiring must there be no Government because it is the aim of ambition or may be the Possession of an evil man So there must be no Kings because many times a Crown became the occasion of Civil Wars There must be no reputation because Ambitious men affect it and grow Seditious to become Popular After this we have little hints of quarrels which were far enough from Sedition as that of Theodotus and Basil and of Eusebius and Basil the former was a particular humour and had no consequence Of the latter because Mr. B. says it was sad and scandalous I will give a more particular-relation that the Reader may discern the difference between the Temper of those good men that are here scandalously represented and that of our Separatists that Mr. B. compares with and prefers before them A difference happen'd between Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea and St. Basil then Presbyter of that Church Nazianz. Orat. de Basilio how or upon what occasion Gregory Nazian Was not willing to discover â—â—nking it not much for the honour of Reâ—â—gon to rip up the faults of Bishops But he says indeed that Eusebius though he was a very good man yet was in fault and seems to say that he envi'd Basil But when the falling out was known the Monks took Basils Part and drew many of the people with them and would have done him right upon his Bishop but this good man though he knew the Merit of his cause and of his person yet for peace's sake retir'd into the Widerness He might have said to his Monks that the people must stand by them and considering his Learning and Eloquence he might have presum'd to have edified more in a Coventicle than the Bishop could in the Church yet this good man had in humbler opinion of his gifts than to endanger the peace of the Church rather than forbear the exercise of them And after a long Banishment and silence he was not grown so resty and Irreconcileable but that when his Church was threatned by the Arian Pest he return'd voluntarily to assist his Bishop without desiring the Church Walls i. e. the Order and Discipline of it to be broken down that he might enter Triumphantly like a Conquerour He came of his own accord submitted to his Bishop and liv'd with him 'till he dy'd not only in peace and Charity but in the most entire friendship and confidence The Application of the Parable of the merciful Samaritan is not improper here Go thou and do likewise The contention between Basil and Euthomius Anthimus I suppose he means about the extent of their Diocese was no less Scandalous Any unreasonable Usuper may bring the meekest man upon earth into odious Debates so Saint Paul himself was put upon an Invidious vindication of his Authority and Jurisdiction The People of Casarea would have torn in pieces Eusebius the Emperor's the Empress he would have said own unkle for Basils sake if he had not hindred them And does not this shew the Loyalty Greg. Nazianz Orat 19. de Basil as well as the Authority of this Bishop But the People were Episcopal all people especially those of the meaner sort as these were are apt to be mov'd into disorder but it is much for the Honour of the Bishops authority and their Duty that they obey'd him so readily surely they are much more Tolerable than those that Assassin Bishops The difference between those of Neo Caesarea and Basil is not worth the mentioning because it contains nothing like Sedition and is only a quarrel about Psalmody and some new orders introduc'd among them The Antiochians for a Tax under Theodosius the Great did Tumultuate and kill the Magistrates and destroy'd the Statues of Flacilla the good Empress And what then What is this to the Bishops It does not appear that these mutineers were Christians The Heathens indeed were very Turbulent in this Emperors Reign because he had Order'd their Idols should be destroy'd Zozim l. 4. c. 38. and that they were the men principally concern'd in this uproar we may understand by the choice of their Delegates whom they sent to carry their submission to the Emperor Zozim l. 4. c. 42. Lybanius and Hilarius both Heathens The Church of Antioch I suppose was not in such want as to be forc'd to charge the enemies of their Religion with so great a trust nor could they have been so absurd as to commit their cause to such hands as they could not be assur'd of and they could not think they would be so acceptable to a zealous Christian Emperor who had so lately put out such severe Edicts against the Heathen superstition It shews a strange temper when a man to render Bishops odious will not stick to raise false accusations against Christians and charge them with the Sedition of Heathens In the worst says Mr. B. Good Ambrose at Milan was not silenc'd as we are but by an Orthodox Emperor desir'd and Commanded to deliver the Arians possession but of one Church and he refus'd to do it and to forsake that Church c. Whereas we left all our Churches at a word It is strange Mr. B. should take such delight to compare us with the Arians surely he would have his Reader believe we are as unsound in the Faith as those Hereticks or else all this discourse is but to amuse and impose upon him But there is great reason to value the peacable Resignation of the Nonconformists when we consider by what Usurpation and violence they were brought in and what a number of worthy Learned Ministers of the Church of England were turned out to make vacancies for these Men who were to instruct the people in new Mysteries of Religion which their old Pastours had not the Conscience or ability to Teach them that is of the Lawfulness of Rebellion We have several other instances of St. Ambrose his zeal against the Arians and some of his Charity in rescuing some of them from the fury of the multitude of his popularity c. But not a word of his sedition or his forcible resistance of the Emperour The harshest thing he did was the shutting of the Church against the Officers of the Emperour who would have delivered it to the Arians for a place to Blaspheme Christ under pretence of Worshipping him But at length after long straining Mr. B. has found out some Bishops in the same fault of owning and flattering Tyrants and Usurpers with himself and this because it
but any Rumours that Troublesome Persons would disturb their hopes And many are perswaded that you have been strangely kept from participating in any of our late bloody Contentions that God might make you a Healer of our Breaches and employ you in that Temple work which David himself might not be honour'd with though it was in his mind beause he had shed blood abundantly and made great wars 1 Chron. 22.7.8 I perceive also that some Settlement of Church Affairs will be expected from you by the most And then after some bitterness against the Bishops and their party and some sharpness against the Sectaries and some discourse against a General Toleration in Religion he comes at last to Advise the Protector to keep tenderly the Golden mean in this point and for his own sake not to Indulge all where we have this Remarkable passage If you give liberty to all that is call'd Religion you will soon be judged of no Religion and lov'd accordingly Then after some more particular Advice how to behave himself Mr. B. adds If you could be the happy instrument of taking away the Divisions of the Godly this would be the way to lift you highest in the esteem and love of all your people and make them see that you were Appointed of God to be a Healer and Restorer and to Glory in you and bless God for you as the instrument of our chiefest peace I should have been as ready as another to censure such an Address as this as guilty of Presumptuous boldness but that I consider what is the work of my calling and what it is to be faithful to the eternal God and am Conscious of fidelity to your Highness in my boldness My carnest Prayers for your Highness shall be that your own soul being first subjected and devoted wholly to God you may Rule as one that is Rul'd by him c. And that God would endue your Highness with that Heavenly wisdom That so the eternal God may be engag'd in the Protection of your Dominions and you Parliaments will love and Honour you and Abhor the Motions that tend to a division or your just displeasure Ministers will heartily pray for you and praise the Lord for his mercies by you And Teach all the people to love and Honour and obey you I crave your Hhigness Pardon for this Boldness and your favourable acceptance of the tender'd service of R. BAXTER An Extract out of Mr. B's Epistle Dedicatory to R. Cromwel before his Key for Catholicks Sir THese Papers presume to tender you their service because the subject of them is such as it most nearly concerns both us and you that you be well acquainted with the Roman Canons that Batter the Vnity c. It is only the necessary defence of your life and dignity and lives of all the Protestants that are under your Protection or Government and the souls of men that I desire The serious endeavours of your Renowned Father for the Protestants of Savoy discover'd to the world by Mr. M. in his Letters c. Hath won him more esteem in the hearts of many that fear the Lord than all his Victories in themselves consider'd we pray that you may inherit a Tender care of the cause of Christ We humbly Request that you would faithfully adhere to those that fear the Lord in your Dominions Then speaking of several sorts of persons that he calls Mask'd Papists as I believe some were and I am afraid there are more of the sort He mentions in the Tenth place Those that under the pretence of defending Prelacy and of uniting us to Rome do adhere to the course of Grotius and St. Clara one without the spirit of Divination may guess who are meant and Vnchurch all Reform'd Churches degrade all the Minsters that are not of their way while they maintain the verity of the Church of Rome and the Validity of her Ordination These Ten sorts of men we are jealous of and if ever you Advance them into places of command or power It will encrease our jealousies Lastly we beseech you that Toleration may be limited by execution as well as by Law and who would have thought that had not known it that they the Jesuits and Friers had so Insinuated into the several Sects among us and that they were so industrious in their work as the New-castle Scottish Jew was c. At last after all his Advices and Petitions he adds If you ask who it is that Presumeth thus to be your Monitor It is one that serveth so great a Master that he thinks it no unwarrantable Presumption in such a case to be faithfully plain with the greatest Prince it is one that stands so near eternity where Lazarus shall wear the Crown that unfaithful man-pleasing would be to him a double crime it is one that rejoyceth in the present happiness of England and wishes earnestly that it were but as well with the rest of the world and that honoureth all the Providences of God by which we have been brought to what we are And he is one that concurring in the common hopes yet to these Nations under your Government And observing your acceptance of the frequent Addresses that from all Parts of the Land come to you was encourag'd to do what you daily allow your Preachers to do and to Concur in the Tenders and some performance of his service That the Lord will make you a Healer and preserver of his Churches here at Home and a successful helper to his Churches abroad is the earnest Prayer of your Highness's Faithful Subject R. BAXTER I hope Mr. B. will find no Reason to tax me of any disingenuity in this Extract for I have not torn pieces of sentences and conceal'd any thing that might give words a more favourable Construction but I must confess it is with great Reluctance that I have been able to do it at all And since Mr. B. himself refers to them and compares them with Ambrose his Epistle and endeavours to justifie them by hinting at other instances I could not avoid giving some account of them I have promis'd to make no Inferences Malicious or not Malicious from them but as to the occasion that has brought in all this I must crave leave to shew him besides the expressions a great difference between these Epistles and that he compar'd them with For that was extorted by importunity these are volunteer services to an Usurper Eugenius had written twice to Ambrose before he would make any answer and then he owns such a frowardness that unless the Honour of Religion threatned by the Restauration of Idolatry had requir'd it of him he would not then have been prevail'd with to have made any Applications to him although there had pass'd an aquaintance and friendship between them when Eugenius was a Private man But Mr. B. was a stranger to R. Cromwel and had no great temptation to dedicate books to him nor any reasonable hopes that the Protector would
became the Church Government and I believe it will be found to have preserv'd those Churches in as great peace and Unity if not more than those had that were Governed without Bishops The Churches of Sweden and Denmark never knew what Schism or Heresie was but by reading or hear-say and those of Germany though something more disquieted yet it was seldom from within but by Projects of Union with other Churches under a different kind of Polity as well as of different opinions in some points of Religion It is to be wish'd that the Churches of the Ausburg Confession as they took care to preserve the Antient form of Church Governmet had been also a little more careful in the point of Ordination For their Bishops though they have the same authority with Diocesans yet were at first ordain'd but by Presbyters and the Principles of those Churches touching the right of ordination are so loose that I believe those of the Presbyterian Discipline will hardly allow them Hunnius defending their Ordinations says the power is in the Church diffusive and that it may be conveyed not only by Bishops or Presbyters but by Deacons or any body else if the Church think fit and I am afraid the Practice of some of those Churches is not otherwise to be justifi'd But before this Lutheran Reformation was that of the Bohemians not that of the Calixtins only but the Vnitas fratrum Bohemorum whose Churches were govern'd by Diocesan Bishops and where Discipline was so far from being Impossible Commenii Hist Eccles Slav. p. 32. notwithstanding the Dioceses were very large that they were perhaps the best Govern'd Churches in the world Bucer speaking of this Government says haec verò est Coelestis potius quam Ecclesiastica in Terris Hierarchia and Calvin was so taken with this Government as well as Discipline that he looks upon their Governing and ordaining Pastors as no inconsiderable blessing Ep. ad Pastor Bohem. Neque Vero parvo est estimandum quod tales habent Pastores a quibus Regantur Ordinentur and those were their Bishops as may be seen in that Account they gave of themselves in Ratio Disciplinae Ordinisque Ecclesiastici in Vnitate fratrum Bohemorum printed at Lesna 1632. and afterwards at the Hague by Commenius 1660. Whoever would know more of these Episcopal Diocesan Churches may consult Lasitius or the short Accout of Commenius the then only Remaining Bishop of those Churches And these had such Bishops as were not only invested with the full Authority of Diocesans over several Churches but such as had been ordain'd according to the Canons of the Ancient Church Stephanus accito Episcopo altero c. Commen Hist p. 24. by the Bishops of the Waldenses who derived themselves by an uninterrupted succession from the Apostles It is time now to Return to the Principal Design which was to shew how no other form of Government can secure the Church from Heresie Schism and Contention any more than Episcopacy and that those Churches which put themselvs under new Models of Government and discipline have been excercis'd with Schism Heresie and Sedition no less than those under Episcopacy The Churches which follow'd the Reformation of Zuinglius had at first no Government nor discipline that was properly Ecclesiastical All authority rested in the Civil Magistrate and the Ministers did only preach and administer the Sacraments without excluding any It was from this practice I suppose that the Divines of that way came to speak generally so loosely of the power of the Keys making it all to consist in preaching without any regard to Ecclesiastical discipline But the Licentiousness that followed this defect of Discipline and Government soon open'd the eyes of the Ministers who Complain'd passionately of the Increase of Libertinism under pretence of Reformation and endeavour'd to make the people sensible that there is more required to make a true Protestant than to Renounce the Pope and Transubstantiation and that the Notion of a Church did imply something more than a Company of sound believers met together to hear a Sermon Calvin a person of extraordinary Abilities was one of the first that observ'd and Complain'd of this defect in the Reformation and endeavour'd to Remedy it in the Church where he was Pastour by Establishing an Ecclesiastical Government Baza vit Calv. and that perhaps not such as he thought most perfect and absolute but such as the Circumstances of the place would bear The people of Geneva were sufficiently prejudic'd against Episcopacy having turn'd out their Bishop who had likewise a title to be their Prince and to have talk'd of Introducing a Bishop there would have sounded as harsh as the mention of a King would have done to the Romans after the expulsion of Tarquin But suppose they could have been Reconcil'd to the name and the office upon assurance it should not exceed its proper bounds it is possible Calvin might look upon it as too Invidious a proposal to his Church for fear of being understood to recommend himself and to affect dominion over his Brethren Episcopacy then seeming Impracticable in that place he devised a form of Government that should be more popular and consequently more acceptable the Ministers were to be all of equal Authority and were in the first place to govern the Church and with them a certain number out of the Laity under the Title of ruling Elders were to have a share in the Church Government and this mix'd Council without any Bishop was to exercise all Ecclesiastical Censures and Jurisdiction One would think this would be unexceptionable but it proved otherwise for this frame was no sooner begun but it was presently broken in pieces and the Author banish'd But his Reputation abroad made them reflect upon this Treatment with shame and desire him to return With him this Government was restor'd which was so far from remedying all disorders that it became the occasion of some very great ones and the State of that Church as it is discrib'd by Calvin in his letters to his friends and by Beza in his life was most lamentably distracted and this Government was made odious in the beginning of it by very harsh and rigorous proceedings The Expulsion of Castellio a man of Great and Polite Learning was too Invidious The opposing of the Senate in the Election of a Minister to such a point of heat and Contention Beza vit Calv. as to endanger the peace of the City wanted little of Sedition Calvins quarrels with Perinus came to that height that the Council of the City had almost cut one anothers throats about it Siquidem eousque semel in ipsâ curiâ deventum est coactis Diacosiis pene exertis jam Ensibus parum abfuerit quin mutuis caedibus ipsam Curiam cruentarent And what was the reason of so dangerous a Contention No Article of the Creed was in danger It was not for any part of the faith that they contended so
fiercely the greatest occasion of all this stir was some Recreations as Dancing which the People of Geneva were addicted to and Calvin forbad upon pain of Excomunication this bred the first discontents Perinus being Captain of the people and perhaps a lover of Liberty began to oppose this Tyranny and to charge Calvin with false Doctrine two of the Ministers joyn'd with him and were turn'd out as Scandalous and Seditious and so by degrees the Contention was improv'd to that desperate point that the Common Council of the City had almost destroyed one another I might add a great many more instances of the Tumults occasion'd by this Discipline and shew how distracted the condition of Geneva was during the time of Calvin meerly upon the account of this form of Ecclesiastical Government But whoever desires to see more may have Recourse to Calvin's life written by Beza But as to the Rigours of that Discipline I suppose the Highest Tyranny of Epilcopacay can hardly match them One was put to death at Geneva for Libelling Calvin I wish the Majesty of Kings were so Sacred to the men of this way Another was banished the City for preaching against Predestination a hard punishment for weakness of understanding Servetus was burn'd for Heresie by the Instigation of Calvin and the Minsters of Geneva and such others of the Neighbour hood as they could engage in that cause which occasioned no small disputes between them and some other more Moderate Divines the Case of Ithacius and the bloody Bishops as Mr. B. calls them was not half so odious for this Heretick Servetus was burn'd for opinions only the Priscillianists for lewd abominable Practices besides Nor did Geneva only feel the evil effects of this unepiscopal Government but it had in a little while an unhappy Influence upon the Neighbouring Churches of Suitzerland Erastus having published his Theses of Excommunication was confuted by Beza yet there remain'd still several Ministers dissatisfi'd as Bullinger Gualter and diverse others This occasion'd very great jealousies between the several Parties and it had almost come to a Rupture The Churches of the Palatinate were no less shaken with this new Controversie Vid. Bullingeri Epcum Erasti Thes Editas and the zealots for this Government and discipline took all occasions publickly to maintain them but the Prudence of that Prince prevented the mischiefs which threatned his Churches from this question Bullinger in a Letter dated March. 10. 1574. and Gualter in some Letters of his to the Bishops of London and Ely and several other eye-witnesses do sufficiently testifie the Lamentable condition of those Reformed Churches and the Confusion which Presbyterian Government brought upon them From Geneva this Government was brought into the Churches of France But what success it had there the Miserable distractions and wars that presently follow'd do sufficiently declare I do not charge all that Tragedy upon this Government but it seems it cannot prevent Tumults and Sedition and War any more than Episcopacy For with what violence the Reformation was carried on in many parts of that Kingdom is not unknown to any that has but look'd into the Histories of those times There were some very wise men who understood the condition of that Kingdom of opinion that had the Reformation there proceeded with more Moderation and been content to have left the Ancient Government and some observances of unquestionable Antiquity that Kingdom was in a great disposition to receive it and in probability all the following Wars and bloodshed about Religion would have been prevented That the Reformed Churches of France had no considerable differences between them is owing not so much to the Constitution of their Government as to their Common danger which United them closer than all the bands of Discipline and Government Besides when they obtained some Edicts in favour of their Religion they Extended them only to such as their Churches would own and so every dissenter from them was left to the Rigour of the Laws against Hereticks and enjoy'd no benefit of that Protection which the Reformed Churches were to have Upon this account the Lutherans of whom there were many in that Kingdom in the beginning of the Reformation were oblig'd either to Conform to the Rule of those Churches or to leave the Country and these necessities kept them along while Undivided Besides this the affairs of that Reformation were manag'd not so much by their Ministers as by the great Persons who were the Heads of that party and their Synods were imploy'd not so much in making Ecclesiastical Canons as in taking effectual measures for their mutual defence and preservation in receiving assurances of Protection from foreign Princes La vie de Mr. Dis Plesses Mornay p. 119 120 123 124 231 280 345. in making Alliances in providing for Peace and War so that they might be more properly call'd Parliaments than Synods although they had their Politick Assemblies besides And yet they were not without their differences about Religion among themselves Some Ministers starting new and unprofitable questions in Divinity their remedy was no other than that of the Ancients to condemn such opinions as they judged to be dangerous by the Authority of their Synods and they descended to take notice of very trifling subtilties some times such being unregarded would perhaps have died of themselves The Synod of Saumur condemned a Minister of Poictou for questioning the Humanity of Christ when he lay in the Grave and the same Assembly condemned the Doctrine of a Suiss not under their jurisdiction about justification by works after Regeneration a Controversie meerly about words another Synod at Gap declared against the Doctrine of Piscator about Justification which Alarm'd some of the Reformed Churches but the Prudence of Du Plessis prevented any mischief that might have ensu'd by stopping the proceedings of that Synod P. D. Moulin and Tilenus happen'd to have some difference of a dangerous nature about the Mystery of the Incarnation and notwithstanding these great Professours had learning and distinctions enough which Mr. B. says the Ancients that first mov'd this Controversie wanted yet they could by no means agree about it and disputes about Person Nature Properties had like to have endanger'd the peace of those Churches But how was it prevented The Litigants were too considerable to be pass'd by with Contempt and the subject of the difference was of so high a nature that it ought not to be left to the hazard of so slight a remedy How then was this Controversie decided Not by Niceness of Distinction noâ— by distingushing nature into 9 sorts or spliting of Notions But the wise Du Plessis having got their Papers into his hands burn'd them altogether and the fire without making distinction between the Orthodox and Heretical sence put an end to that Controversie Vidâ— Du Pless p. 388. But yet it was not quite ended for it began to revive afterwards oâ—â— of its own Ashes and so made some little
flattering but was compos'd again by the same Person to whose prudence the Unity of that Church is in great measure to be ascribed as the Instrument of the Divine goodness towards them for after his death the peace of those Churches was very much endangered by a new Controversie about Universal Redemption and the Nature of Original sin and the Dissention was not far from a Schism Cameron though he had clear'd himself of all suspition of Heterodoxy at his promotion to the Professourship of Saumur had the bad fortune after his death to fall into suspition of Heresie and his Scholars and followers were brought into no small troubles What had been allow'd by the Synod of Dort as sound Doctrine in the English Divines was now call'd in question in France and what was approv'd in Camero while he was alive Acts Authentiques per Blondel became dangerous and Heretical after his death It is hardly to be imagin'd what great contention this little and to some Imperceptible difference did create or how many Synods it employ'd Amyraldus Dallee Blondel and several others were look'd upon as little better than Hereticks and their Doctrine about Original sin condemn'd in a National Synod at Charenton and an Abjuration of it requir'd by all those that were to enter into holy orders and a stricct Injunction was layd on all Ministers upon pain of all the Censures of the Church not to preach any other wise of this point than according to the Common opinion And all this stir as Blondel deduces it p. 50. was rais'd from little private quarrels between some of the Profesours and from the discontents of the University of Montauban that they of Saumur should be favour'd too much in the distribution of such Pensions as the Churches furnish'd for the maintenance of their Universities and they thought themselves wrong'd and undervalued because their Salaries were less We see that lesser matters than a Bishoprick can sometimes disturb the Church and that others as well as Bishops shops can prosecute their private piques to the hazard of the Publick peace and that there will be contentions where there is no Episcopacy If we Consult the History of the Reform'd Churches in the Vnited Netherlands We shall be farther confirm'd that Heresie Schifm and contention may arise under other forms of Church Government as well as Episcopal and the parity of Ministers cannot remove all occasions of Strise and Disturbance and many eminent men of that Church are said to be very sensible of this truth and to look upon Episcopacy as the most effectual remedy in the world for their Divisions The Church Government of that Country was not establish'd without great trouble and difficulty and occasion'd no small disturbance the Ministers taking an authority to themselves of setling the Church as they thought fit without the consent and Concurrence of the Magistrates The first Synod they held was at Dort assembl'd without the permission of the Civil Authority Brandt Hist vande Reform l. xi where the Heidelberg Catechism was impos'd upon all Ministers and they were farther obliged to subscribe the Netherland Confession and to submit themselves to the Presbyterian Government It seems the Bishops are not the only Church Governours in the world that require subscriptions and Canonical obedience Nor were the Ministers only bound to subscribe but all the Lay Elders and Deacons were to declare Assent and Consent to the Articles of Discipline The Civil Magistrate was very much offended with these Proceedings and would by no means confirm no not so much as take into Consideration the acts of this Synod but said they would take care of Religion themselves and appoint Commissioners to put in and put out Preachers as they should think Expedient and as for their Consistories and Classes they declared they knew of no Power they had The Ministers on the other side Preach'd up their own authority and vilifi'd the States calling them in derision Stakes But the effect of this Contention about Presbyterian Government was very sad for while they were quarreling about Jurisdiction the Spaniards made great Advances and took several Towns in Holland The Synod of Middlebrough An. 1581. Bâ—and 13. was held likewife without the Magistrates leave and the Historian observes that the Eccleslasticks were thought by several to have extended their Jurisdiction here a little too far and to the prejudice of the Civil power Here they distributed their Churches throughout the Country digesting them into Classes and Classes into Synods Here likewise they excluded the Magistrates from any share in the Election of Church Officers and oblig'd all Ministers Elders Deacons Professors of Divinity and School-masters to subscribe the Netherland Confession which was little so known there that several members of this Synod had never seen it and began to enquire what Confession of 37 Articles it was that they talk'd of They order'd likewise that the form of Excommunication should be I deliver thee up to Satan something more harsh than the Anathema's of Bishops and their Councils Here also they condemn'd Kaspers Colhaes Minister of Leyden for unsound Doctrine But he would not stand to the judgment of this Synod that was Judge and Party both and this occasion'd strange disorders in the Church of Leyden which continu'd still a kindness for their Pastor notwithstanding this condemnation and the Excommunication of the Synod at Harlem However prevail'd they so far that he was turn'd out of his Ministry and forc'd to betake himself to a mean employment This caus'd great discontents among the Common people many of them fell off to other opinions and there was no Communion administred in that City for a year and a half and when there was a Communion in the year 82 there were not a hundred persons present at it If these Synods had been Episcopal what Clamour might we have expected What Animadversions But others can disturb the Church as well as Bishops The Synod held at Harlem did but encrease their confusion For by the Excommunication of Colhaes and other proceedings they brought all things to that confusion that the Prince of Orange told the States roundly that unless they took some care to settle the Church which was daily more and more distracted by the Presbyterial Synods they must expect that the Reform'd Religion and their Country would be unavoidably lost They according to his advice empower'd Commissioners to settle the affairs of Religion which establishment the North Holland Ministers in a Synod at Amsterdam publickly protested against At Dort Herman Herberts Minister of the place was accused of having caus'd a Book of D. George to be be printed which he absolutely deny'd and the proceedings were so extraordinary that one of the Commissiners that sate with the Classes upon that occasion said that he had read much of the Spanish Inquisition H. van Nespen but that he never was in any place where he saw so lively and effectual a representation of it as
Mr. B. tells us that Treatise of Episc p. 1. p. 164. The Church of Scotland is an Eminent instance that Churches which have no Bishops have incomparably less Heresie Schism wickedness and more concord than we have here For the concord of that Church it was much greater while it continu'd under Superintendents and Bishops than it has been since Andrew Melvil diiturli'd it with the Perfection of the Geneva Discipline and Government For a long time after all the Disputes about Religion were reduc'd into one point of Ecclesiastical sovereign jurisdiction which they disputed against the King and the Government with such perpetual Seditions and Treasons as at last engag'd three Kingdoms in most unnatural and bloody Wars which ended in the slavery of them all and particularly of those that were the first Incendiaries through the wise and just judgment of God What Schism there arose in the late times between the disciplinarians and the rest and what disturbances the same sort of men have given of late is too well known to need a relation and the field Conventieles still witness But because Mr. B. would perswade us that there is such great concord to be found in Anti-Episcopal Churches and particularly in this I will give one Instance that shall let the reader see how far this way is from establishing a lasting Concord and withal how this parity that is pretended is really no more than a pretence the leading men against Bishops commonly assuming greater authority and exercising it with greater Absoluteness and more Impatient of being oppos'd and contradicted than any Bishops who are legally Invested with power There happen'd a great division in the Presbytery of St. Spotswood H. of Scot. 1.6 Andrews about preferring a Minister to the Church of Luchars There were two pretenders and Melvil with a few more was for one and the rest who were three times as many in number were for the other Melvil looking upon himself as an Apostle and disdaining to be overrul'd by the Majority of the Presbytery left the place and with his six Presbyters that follow'd him made another Synod by himself and both these Presbyters like Anti. Popes Issu'd out their several pleasures The Gentlemen of the Parish upon this were divided into factions some holding with one and some with the other which occasioned great scandal and the heats grew to that height that the Presbytery was forc'd to be divided one part of it to sit at St. Andrews the other at Couper the one under the Influence of Melvil and the other under that of Th. Buchanan so hard it was for one Presbyterial Diocese to hold two Topping Presbyters The observation that follows the relation of this difference in Spotswood is very remarkable Thus was that great strife pacifi'd which many held to be Ominous p. 386. and that the Government which in the beginning did break forth into such Schisms could not long continue for this every man noted That of all men none could worse endure Parity and lov'd more to Command than they who had introduc'd it into the Church This sort of men did afterwards make not only a formal Schism and insurrection against those Bishops plac'd over them by authority but after that Episcopacy was abolish'd in Scotland could be as little at peace among themselves They were in the first place divided about the receiving the King and the Conditions to be Impos'd upon him and in this they proceeded even to the Excommunication of one another After his Majesties Restauration when Episcopacy was again establish'd in the Church the Presbyterians who separated from the Communion of the Bishops were divided yet among themselves some accepting the Kings Indulgence and Licence to Preach others renouncing it as derogatory to the Kingdom of Jesus Christ and upon this they parted Communion Nor could these resolute Renouncers of Indulgence agree yet among themselves about the measure of their Contempt of authority some were content to Conventicle and Preach against the Kings order and carry their Contempt no farther the others under Cameron were more fiercely Zealous and thought themselves oblig'd by the Covenant to attempt the deposing of the King as they manifested besides their several Writings to that effect by two formal Rebellions These are the fruits this the Peace and Unity that Presbytery and the Scotch Covenant produc'd the Covenant so much Idolz'd once by our Presbyterians of England and which notwithstanding all the Mischiefs that attended it here and do still issue from it in Scotland they are yet loth to renounce though required so to do by all the Authority in the Nation But what is all this to Congregational Episcopacy It is not Presbytery but this that Mr. B. Contends for He is for Bishops and would only pare off the superfluities of their Dioceses and reduce them to their first bounds To which I answer First That Mr. B.'s Congregational Bishop and Parish Presbyter is all one and he has taken so much pains to prove it in his Treatise of Episcopacy that it were an injury to his sincerity to question his opinion of it But Secondly That there was some necessity to say all this of Presbyterian Governments being subject to Heresies and Schisms as well as Episcopal because Mr. B. himself had made the comparison between them and charg'd all Schisms and Heresies upon Diocesan Episcopacy as the fault of the constitution it was therefore necessary to see how all sorts of Governments of the Church as well as of the State may be disturb'd by evil and factious men and are subject to great inconveniences when they fall into evil hands But then what Schisms can be imputed to this Congregational way This cannot well be answered without asking a question was this Congregational Episcopacy ever establish'd in any Churches If not it will be as hard a matter to shew what mischief it has occasion'd as it is to discover what Civil Wars happen'd in Plato's Common-wealth or to reckon the Differences of Sects of Philosophers in the College of Atlantis If this Government has been set up any where it is but naming the time and place and it may be that some account may be given of the Schisms and Heresies that molested it Mr. B. contends it was the first Apostolical and Scripture constitution and shews at large that a Church was but one Congregation and a Bishop could have but one Church Well but there were Schisms and Heresies then and St. Paul makes frequent complaints of them Or if this sort of Government continu'd for some Centuries after as Mr. B. would make it appear it must be likewise granted that there never were greater and more Blasphemous Heresies than in those times and for Schisms they could not be avoided it seems and though a Diocese were but one Congregation the Presbyters could not agree who should govern that but divided it into separate Assemblies But to this Mr. B. Answers 2 Dispute about Ordination p. 329. That
of his Sister in Law and the contention grew so sharp that the Pastor Excommunicated his Brother notwithstanding all the mediation of the Presbytery and afterwards his father too upon the same quarrel I must confess I never saw any thing more extravagant than this contention as it is related by the sufferer with great particularity the Impertinence the Childishness of the whole Transaction is so extraordinary that a man cannot reflect upon it without compassion as men would the strange and extravagant humours of Bedlam After this breach follow'd another between F. Johnson the Pastor and Ainsworth the Doctor of the Church who divided it yet once more and excommunicated one the other Johnson and his party quit the place and go to Embden where this Church dissolv'd and the other part at Amsterdam after the death of Ainsworth remain'd a long while destitute of any Officers Smith who had transported a new Church to Leyden left it and turn'd Anabaptist and these Congregational Churches were every where just expiring when Robinson revived them with new and more Commodious principles though the Government were still the same And now part of Robinson's Church with his new amendments being carried over to New England in a short time over-spread the whole Country for the old Planters having almost lost all sence as well as neglected all exercise of Religion did easily give into this new Model and so the whole Country i. e. as many as were of any Communion submitted to this form though the greater part were of no Church at all by reason of the difficulty of admittance into this yet what were the fruits of this Congregational Episcopacy in this flourishing condition 1. The neglect of Converting the Pagans which their Minsters own without any shame or remorse which seems to have proceeded not so much out of their principle to make all Saints which should be admitted to their Communion though that was pretended by them for a reason against general Conversion as out of the nature of their constitution for the Pastor of a Congregation thought it not worth his while to go and gather Congregations over whom he was to have no authority and such as must be committed to he knows not whom Nor were these Soveraign Congregations Short story of the rise p. 32.13 2. much more useful for the preservation of truth and Unity than they were for the Propagation of the Gospel For they soon fell into horrid kinds of errours and blasphemies that the Holy Ghost personally dwelt in them That their own Revelations of particular events were as Infallible as the Scriptures That sin in a child of God should never trouble him That souls were mortal that the Resurrection of the dead was not to be understood literally with several such hideous doctrines Some extravagant women as Hutchinson and Dyer did affront these Churches and drew several of these Congregational Bishops and the leading men among them unto their party and to countenance their errors that were no less Monstrous than the births they are said to have had These began to affect purer ordinances and despis'd their setled Churches as legal Synagogues Williams and several others declar'd they could not conform and would have the benefit of Separate Congregations But after all these men had no better remedies against Schism and Heresie than those they rail'd at so much here the Sword and power of the Civil Magistrate Williams was banish'd and makes woful complaints of his hard usage Hutchinson and her company being also forc'd farther into the Country was with her followers slain by the Indians nay some have been so Barbarous as to destroy Quakers upon the account of their Religion and in short there is no place nor Trade nor dealing for those that oppose their Churches and their Excommunication is rendred terrible even to those who are not of their Churches upon the account of the Civil deprivation that attends it From New-England this Congregational way return'd back again to Holland where notwithstanding all the advantages it might have had by some farther experience in New-England and the late amendments yet had no better success than when it was planted there under the name of Brownism The first Independent Church there was at Rotterdam setled by H Peters an Apostle suitable to the constitution Bailies Diss Chap 4. to him succeeded Bridges and Ward but Simpson coming thither and renouncing his Ordination and reducing himself to the state of a private member was not long satisfi'd the Pastors not allowing the private members sufficient liberty of Prophesying Whereupon Simpson erects a new Congregation of his own and the contentions between these Congregations were extream fierce and Scandalous Ward is turn'd out for favouring Simpson in his pretensions to Liberty of Prophesying and at last with much ado the business is made up by the interposing of 4 Brethren of other Congregations which they call'd a Synod but that peace lasted not long for some time after they were all dissipated and at this time I do not know of any one Congregation of this way in all that Country At Arnheim where they setled a small Congregation they had no better success for they fell into strange Heresies and Extravagances setting up Chiliasm and Blasphemy That God is the author of sin and the like and now their remains not the least footstep of their Church or Doctrine in that place But no place can furnish a more Tragical History of this Congregational Episcopacy than England for this opinion taking new root here about the beginning of the late Wars produc'd such confusion as nothing but the miraculous hand of God could have ever reduc'd to any settlement or order He that would see the Influence it had on the Civil Government the growth and prevailing of it in the Army the Slavery of the Nation which immediately follow'd the Murder of the late King and the Abolition of Kingly Government the Shedding of so much Innocent blood under the formality of Justice though against all the Laws of this Land and those of God and man he that would see how they set up an Usurper and when he was remov'd by a happy providence how they oppos'd all the means of Union and settlement may find enough to entertain his wonder in Walkers History of Independency and the Histories of those times But for the Influence it had upon Religion there would be no end of relating the strange confusions the Heresies and Schisms that this way brought amongst â—s Vid Ed. Gangraena Tho. Edwards gives some account of them for about 4 years and reckons near two hundred several strange opinions with which they infected this Kingdom nor did they only beget Heresies but learn'd to Cherish them us Baylies Diss p. 93. for though this kind of Church Government did open the way to Anabaptism Antinomianism Familism and many more Heresies yet the Independents commonly disown'd and Excomunicated such as fell â—â—to them But
said to be sent in the name of the Church in General as the Church of Jerusalem sent John and Peter to Samaria Act. 8. In like matter the Church sent Barnabas to Antioch v. 11. But now it seems they come from James and the Acts of the Church pass in the name of the Bishop only although after this we find this Style to vary again and sometimes the Church of such a place sends to another without the mention of the Bishop though the letter be pen'd by the Bishop himself as the inscription of Clemens his Epistle to the Corinthians does inform us and Iastly as the authority of James appears by sending to the Church of Antioch so it does likewise from his speech in the Council of Jerusalem where he seems to preside and determines the question in dispute Act. 5. in the name of the whole Assembly All this consider'd together with the Testimonies of Hegesippus and Clemens there can be as little doubt that Dâ—ocesan Episcopacy was setled by the Apostles in the Church of Jerusalem as there is of any thing that is not expresly set down in Scripture and it cannot be deni'd without resecting the most Authentick records of Church History It is to be confess'd that the Scriptures have not left so full and perfect account of the constitution and Government of the first Churches as might be wish'd for the Acts of the Apostles the only Scripture History of those time relate mostly the victories of Christian Religion how several Cities were converted By what miracles by what Argument or exhortation but before the Holy Pen-man comes to give an account of the settlement of those new Conquests he carries away the Reader from thence to follow the Apostles to some other place where they begin to lay the Foundations of another Church Thus we have no more notice of the Churches of Samarid and of Judea Jerusalem excepted than that such were founded by the Apostles but of their Government and constitution we are not the least information and the prospect left of Antioch in Scripture is very confus'd as of a Church in fieri where a great number of Eminent persons labour'd together to the building of it up but after what form does not appear but only from Ecclesiastical Writers Eusel l. 3. c. 22. Chronnon Chrysost Orat. de Ignatio who report that this Church when it was setled and digested was committed to the Government of Evodius and after him to Ignetius and the succeeding Bishops Nevertheless we are not left destitute of all light in this particular even from the Scriptures the History of St. Paul as it is deliver'd by St. â—â—ke in the Acts of the Apostles and by himself scatteringly in his own Epistles informing us in some measure of the from of the Primitive Church Government in the Apostles times This Apostle of the Gentiles did commonly use this method informing those Churches he had converted as may be seen by consulting the Citations in the Margin When he came to any place where the Gospel had not been preached and he did not affect much to build upon another was foundation He preached first in the Synâ—gogues of the Jews Rom. 15.20 1 Cor. 3.10 Acts 9.20 13 14. Acts 13.46 and if they rejected the grace of God he turn'd to the Gentiles Assoon as he had converted a competent number he took care to improve them in the knowledge of the truth 1 Cor. 3.2 and for that purpose taught them constantly either at his own house Acts 28.30.19.9.20.20 or at some publick School as that of Tyrannus or any other convenient place where a good number might assemble together These converts as they were made Partakers of the same common Doctrine and Faith so they were to be perpetually united by a Communion in worship in Prayer and the Sacrament for it was not with the School of the Apostles as with those of this World Acts. 11.26 Heb. 10.25 which the Disciples leave when they conceive themselves to have learn'd what they came for But there was an obligation upon all these Scholars to Assemble themselves together Rom. 12.5 1 Cor. 12.13.12.22 Phil. 2.12 till they came to a perfect man which was not consummated till after this life Nor was the Relation between Christians dissolved when the Congregation was dissmiss'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Origâ—câ—â—â— â—â—s 1.8 in fine but they were united farther into one Society or Corporation into a holy City under the Government of Christ their King and under Apostles and such other Officers of his and their appointment and so far to act and determine all things within themselves that they were not to appear before any Heathen Magistrate upon any difference but to referr it to the Brethren or to the Apostle under whose direction they were Thus far we may consider a Church without any other Officer than the Apostle who converted them but their numbers increasing in that place and much of his time being taken up in disputing with and preaching to unbelievers and gainsayers or this Apostle being call'd away to preach the Gospel in other places Acts 9.29.17.17.19.8 9. it was necessary to ordain such Church Officers as might take care of this Church in the Doctrine and Discipline of it 6.4 Acts 14.23 Phil. 2.12.20.17 and others to take care of the poor lest that Office taking up much time might be a hinderance to those who were to guide the Assembly in Doctrine and Worship Now this constitution does not take away the relation that was between this Church and the Apostle that founded it and these Officerâ— act in subordination to him whether present or absent and St. Paul therefore looks upon himself as the Apostle or Bishop of the Corinihians though he could not hold personal Communion with them 1 Cor. 5.3 Acts 15.36 for sometimes he goes a Circular visitation to examine the State of those Churches which he had planted or if the distance and oceasions of that Church where he resided or his imprisonment and other outward Circumstances would not admit this personal visitation he sends his letters and orders what is to be done If any open Scandal be permitted he sends his Excommunication to be publish'd in that Church whereof the offender was a member 1 Cor. 5.3 4 5. Cum meo spiritu quipro me erat praesens sive in mearum literarum authoritate Hieroâ— he judges as though he were present he orders that when they are met together in his spirit they would deliver the Criminal to Satan And because some of the Teachers in the Church of Corinth began to set up themselves in opposition to the Apostle taking advantage of his absence 1 Cor. 4.18 19.9.1 2.5.19 and using all means to lessen him in the esteem of that people he is forced to assert his Authority and to justifie his Title to let them know that he was their Father their Apostle and that they