valor for a wise man to set himself against the breaking in of a Sea which to resist at present threatens imminent danger but to withâ—draw gives it space to spend its fury and gaines a fitter time to repair the breach Certainly a Gallant man had rather fight to great disadvantages for number and place in the field in an orderly waie then skuffle with an undisciplined rabble Som suspected and affirmed that I meditated a War when I went from White-hall onelie to redeem My Person and Conscience from violence God knows I did not then think of a War Nor will any prudent man conceive that I would by so many former and some after-Acts have so much weakned My self If I had purposed to engage in a War which to decline by all means I denied My self in so manie particulars T is evident I had then no Army to flie unto for protection or vindication Who can blame Me or any other for with-drawing our selves from the daily baitings of the Tumults not knowing whether their furie and discontent might not flie so high as to worrie and tear those in pieces whom as yet they but plaied with in their paws God who is My sole Iudge is My Witness in Heaven that I never bad anie thoughts of going from my House at White-hall If I could have had but anie reasonable fair Quarter I was resolved to bear much and did so but I did not think My self bound to prostitute the Majesty of My place and Person the safetie of My Wife and Children to those who are prone to insult most when they have objects and opportunitie most capable of their rudeness and petulancie But this business of the Tumults whereof some have given already an account to God others yet living know themselves desperately guilty Time and the guilt of many hath so smothered up and buried that I think it best to leave it as it is onely I believe the just Avenger of all disorders will in time make those men and that City see their sin in the glass of their punishment T is more then an even-laie that they may one daie see themselves punished by that waie they offended Had this Parliament as it was in its first election and Constitution sate full and free the Members of both Houses being left to their freedom of Voteing as in all reason honor and Religion they should have been I doubt not but things would have been so carried as would have given no less content to all good men then they wished or expected For I was resolved to hear reason in all things and to consent to it so far as I could comprehend it but as Swine are to Gardens and orderly Plantations so are Tumults to Parliaments and Plebeian concourses to publique Councils turning all into disorders and sordid confusions I am prone somtimes to think That had I called this Parliament to any other place in England as I might opportunely enough have don the said consequences in all likelihood with Gods blessing might have been prevented A Parliament would have been welcom in any place no place afforded such confluence of various and vitious humors as that where it was unhappily convened But we must leave all to God who orders our disorders and magnifies his wisdome most when our follies and miseries are most discovered And with these Mutinies comes the Intimation of some practises in the North to distract the English Army the occasions you shall hear of hereafter But it gave â—ewel to the fiery faction and to the Parliament to fall into debate about a general National Protestation To maintain and defend with my life power and estate the true reformed Protestant Religion expressed in the doctrine of the Church of England against all popery and popish Innovations within this Realm contrary to the same doctrine his Majesties person Honour and estate The power of Parliament the lawful rights and Liberties of the subject and every person that maketh this protestation whatsoever he shall do in the lawfull pursuance of the same the third of May. This being too general in these words The true Reformed Protestant Religion c. They were explained by an ordinance to be only The publique doctrine professed in the Church of England so far as it is opposite to Popery and Popish Innovations and not to the maintaining any form of worship discipline or Government nor any Rites or Ceremonies of the Church of England the fifth of May And so it was taken by the Commons House the next day by the Lords and ordered to be taken by all the people of England Hereby it appears that they meant to question the discipline of the Church which they did They had no better way to qualifie the Kings discontent than to raise him some mony for the satisfying of high accounts which the Kingdom stood charged withall two Armies now on foot craving their pay And therefore a cunning Knight of Lancashire offered to procure his Majesty 650000. l. until such time as the subsidies should be raised with this declaration Provided that the King would pass a Bill not to adjourn the Parliament nor Prorogue it nor disolve it without the consent of both Houses to indure until the Greivances of this Kingdom were redressed And so complaints arising like Hidra's head never to have thereby any end yet to colour it they fell upon a great debate thereof but instantly order was given to draw up a Bill in pursuance of it And the Lords another way busie to lay a side the Bill of the Earls Attainder because it brought in the King as a Judge and so fell upon the several Articles of his Accusation resolving to send them to the Commons the next day with their Resolution when aâ—mongst forty five Lords twenty six of them voted him guilty of High Treason upon the fifteenth Article for Levying monies in Ireland by force in a warlike manner And upon the nineteenth for Imposing an Oath upon the subjects in Ireland which was for distinction of the Scots Covenanters as you have heard heretofore And so both these Bills of an everlasting Parliament and of the Attainder being compleated a conference was had of both Houses the next day after and some Lords dispatched to the King to request his answer who tells them That on Munday Following he would satisfie them I conceive it convenient in more particular to clear two mistakes of our Authors concerning The Articles of Ireland and the death of the Earl of Strafford reflecting upon the late most Reverend Prelate the Arch Bishop of Armagh Primate of all Ireland whilest he was living and worse pursued since his decease somewhat too sharp also on Dr. Barnard Herein I take leave in cool blood to interpose those Animadversions being intrusted therein by Command of the deceased Prelate Under whose hand writing and others also much of the matter is made evident to rectifie misunderstandings Intentionally thereby to end disputes The Historian takes
the House of Peers whose authority interest and priviledges was now as much slighted and despised as the King was after and as the Lords fell towards themselves in after successes easily passing over those former singular Acts of grace passed by him already in this Parliament or else ascribing them to their own wisdoms in the procurement and conclude against a Malignant party that they have no hope of setling the distractions of this Kingdom for want of a concurrence with the House of Lords into which number all these Lords were cast who presumed to dissent from any Propositions made by the House of Commons But not to hold you in suspence the business was thus When this engine Remonstrance was prepared for the people by the prime Leaders It was presented to the house of Commons and the greatest art imaginable to procure consent to have it passed there And after the longest debate that hath been observed from three a clock afternoon till ten a clock the next morning when many through weakness and weariness left the House So that it looked as it was sawcely said like the verdict of a starved Iury and carried onely by eleven voyces And shortly after that the King had been received with all possible expressions of loyal affection by the City of London against which it was murmured and the chief advancers of that duty discountenanced and their Loyalty envied at And when it was publiquely said in the House of Commons upon some dispute of a pretended breach of the order of the House That their Discipline ought to be severe for the Enemy was now in view meaning the King returned then I say was the Petition and Remonstrance presented to his Majesty at Hampton Court I could wish you had it at length as it was printed but this History growes big with necessary abreviations suppose these what the wit and malice of man could rake together to make a Sovereign suspected of his Subjects Their Petition thus in effect Most gracious Soveraign Your Majesties most humble and faithful Subjects the Commoners in this present Parliament doe with joy acknowledge this favoâ—r of God for his safe return into England when the dangers and distempers of the State have caused them to desire his presence and authority to his Parliament for preventing of eminent ruine and destruction to his Kingdome of England and Scotland fomented by a Malignant party for alteration of Religion and Government the increase of Popery by the practice of Iesuits and other Engineers and factors for Rome corrupting the Bishops and Privy Council They being the cause of the late Scotish war and the Irish Rebellion now for prevention they pray that his Majesty would concur with his Parliament deprive the Bishops of their Votes To take a way oppressions in Religion Church Government and Discipline To purge his Councils of such as are promotors of these corruptions and not to alienate any escheated Lands in Ireland by reason of the Rebellion And these being granted they will make him happy To this the body of their Remonstrance was annexed very particular and large which they draw down from the beginning of the Kings Reign pretending to discover the Malignant party and their designs and consequently the miseries thereby to the State And this they intitle A Remonstrance of the Kingdom Die Mercurii December 15. 1641. In brief to set it down from these Heads 1. The Root and the growth of these mischievous Designs 2. The maturity and ripeness to which they have attained before the beginning of this Parliament 3. The effectual means which hath been used for the extirpations of these dangers evils and progress that hath been made therein by the Kings goodness and the wisdome of Parliament 4. The waies of obstruction and opposition by which the Progress hath been interrupted 5. The courses to be taken for removing those obstacles and for the accomplishing of their dutiful and faithful intentions and endeavours of restoring and establishing their ancient honour greatness and security of this Crown and Nation The Root of all this mischief they finde to be a Malignant and pernicious Design of subverting the fundamental Laws and Principles of Government upon which the Religion and Iustice of the Kingdome are firmly established The Actors and Promoters hereof have been 1. The Iesuited Papists who hate the Laws as the Obstacles of that change and subversion of Religion which they so much long for 2. The Bishops and the corrupt part of the Clergy who cherish formalities and superstitions as the natural effects and more probable supports of their own Ecclesiastical Tyranny and usurpation 3. Such Councellors and Courtiers as for private ends have ingaged themselves to further the Interest of some foreign Princes or states to the prejudice of the King and State at home And to make it more credible the Remonstrance moulds out some common Principles by which they pretend â—ll the Malignant Councels and actions were governed and these are branched in four particulars in effect That the Malignant party maintained continual differences and discontents betwixt the King and the people upon questions of Perogative and priviledge that so they might have say they the advantage of siding with him and under the notions of Men addicted to his service gain to themselves and their parties the places of greatest trust and power in the Kingdome They suppressed the purity and power of Religion and such as we asserted to it as being contrary to their own ends and the greatest impediment to that charge which they thought to introduce Then to conjoyn these parts of the Kingdome which were most propitious to their own ends and to divide those who went most opposite which consisted in many particular observations to cherish the Arminian part in those points wherein they agree with the Papists to multiply and enlarge the differences between the Protestant and those which they call Puritans to introduce and countenance such opinions and Ceremonies as are fittest for accommodation with Popery to increase and maintain ignorance looseness and prophaness in the people that if these three parties Papists Arminians and Libertinâ—s they might compose a body fit to act such Councels and resolutions as were most conduceable to their ends And politickly they disaffected the King to the Parliament by slanders and false imputations and by putting him upon other waies of supply which in shew and appearance were fuller of advantage than the ordinary course of subsidies though in truth they brought more loss than gain both to King and People and have caused the distractions under which we suffer Then the Remonstrance comes to particular charges against this Malignant party 1. The dissolution of the Parliament at Oxford two subsidies being given and no grievance relieved 2. The loss of the Rochel fleete by our shipping delivered over to the French to the loss of that Town and the Protestant Religion in France 3. The diverting of his Majesties course of wars
from the west Indies the onely facile way to prevail against the Spainard to an expenceful successless attempt upon Cales 4. The precipitate breach with France taking their goods and ships without recompense to the English whose goods were confiscate in that Kingdom 5. The peace with Spain without consent of Parliament the deserting the Palsgraves cause mannaged by his Enemies 6. The charging of this Kingdom with billeted Souldiers with the Design of German Horse to enslave this Nation to Arbitrary Contributions 7. The dissolving of the Parliament 2 Caroli and the exacting of the proportion of five Subsidies after the Parliament was dissolved by Commission of Loan and such as refused imprisoned some to Death great Sums of Money required by Privy Seals Excise the Petition of Right blasted 8. The Parliament dissolved 4 Caroli imprisoning some Members fining them and others Sir Francis Barington died in Prison whose bloud still cries for vengeance of those Ministers of State The publishing of false and scandalous Declarations against the Parliament And afterwards Injustice Oppression and Violence broke in The enlargements of Forests contrary to Charta de Foresta Coat and Conduct Money c. And then the Remonstrance ravels into all the particular pretended Designs corrupt Councils and the effects of what ever happened or usually doth happen in any Nation of Government even to Clerks of the Market and Commissions of Sewers Brass Farthings Projects Monopolies c. Then upon all the mis-actions of Courts of Iudicature Council-Table and all And principally against Bishops and their Proceeding by all their subordinate Officers their Writings Preachings Opinions in conjunction with Papists and Prote stants in Doctrine Discipline and Ceremony And endeavouring to reduce Scotland thereto and an Army was raised against them by Contribution of Clergy and Papists the Scots enforced to raise an Army for their Defence but concluded in Pacification and throughout excusing the Scots palliating all their Insurrections as necessitated to defend themselves against malignant Councils and Counsellours calling them Scots Rebells and the English War Bellum Episcopale Then to make a progress into Reformation the Remonstrance tells us what they have done by their care wisdoms and circumspection removed some Malignants suppressed Monopolies and all the aforesaid Disorders in an instant taking away High Commission and Star-Chamber Courts c. Procuring Bills of Triennial Parliament and continuance of this which two Laws they say are more advantageous than all the other Statutes enforce And in a word what ere the King hath done amiss they are not sparing to publish it what gracious favours he hath afforded by several Bills the Parliament ascribe to their own wisdoms and promise to the King and whole Kingdom more honour and happiness than ever was enjoyed by any his Predecessours And this the Parliament instantly printed and published contrary to the Kings desire though his Answer was speedy to the Petition and Remonstrance thus in effect That having received a long Petition consisting of many Desires of great moment together with a Declaration of a very unusual nature being confident that their own reason and regard to him as well as his express Intimation by his Controller to that purpose would have restrained them from publishing of it untill his convenient time of answer and tells them how sensible he is of this their disrespect To the Preamble of the Petition he professes he understands not of a wicked and malignant party admitted to his Council and Imployment of Trust of endeavouring to sow amongst the People false Scandals to blemish and disgrace the Parliament c. All or any of which did he know of he would be as ready to punish as they are to complain To their Petition the first part concerning Religion and consisting of several Branches as for that of Popish Designs he hath and will concur with all the just Desires of his People in a Parliamentary way To the depriving of the Bishops of their Votes in Parliament their Right is grounded upon the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and Constitutions of Parliament For the abridging of the inordinate power of the Clergy The taking away of the High Commission Court moderates that and if there continue Usurpations in their Iurisdictions he neither hath nor will protect them And as to the clause of Corruptions in Religion church-Church-government and Discipline c. That for any Innovations he will willingly concur for the removal if any be by a National Synod but he is sorry to hear of such terms Corruptions since he is perswaded that no Church can be found upon Earth professing the true Religion with more purity of Doctrine than the Church of England doth which by the grace of God he will maintain not onely against all Invasions of Popery but also from the Irreverence of those many Schismaticks and Seperatists wherewith of late this Kingdom and this City abounds To the second prayer of the Petition concerning the Removal and choice of Counsellours that by these which he hath exposed to Trial there is none so near to him in place and affection whom he will not leave to the Law and to their particular charge and sufficient proof That for their choice of his Counsellours and Ministers of State that were to debar him the natural liberty which all Free-men have being besides the undoubted Right of his Crown to call to his Council whom he pleaseth being carefull to elect persons of ability and integrity To the third prayer concerning Ireland Not to alienate the Forfeited Lands thereof he concurs with them but then whether it be now seasonable to resolve before the Event of War be seen that he much doubts of but thanks them for their chearfull Ingagement for their suppression of that Rebellion upon which so many hazzards do depend And for their Conclusion and promise to apply themselves for support of his royal Estate c. he doubts not thereof from their Loyalties to which he will add his assistance The Kings Declaration to all his loving Subjects Although he doth not believe that the House of Commons intended by their Remonstrance to put him to any Apology for his past or present Actions yet since they have thought it so very necessary to publish the same he thinks it not below his Kingly Dignity to compose and settle the affections of his meanest Subjects He shall in few words pass over the narrative part wherein the Misfortunes of this Kingdom from the first entring to the Crown to the beginning of this Parliament are remembred in so sensible expressions And that other which acknowledgeth those many good Laws passed this Parliament To which he saith that as he hath not refused any Bill for redress of Grievances mentioned in their Remonstrance so he hath not had a greater Motive thereto than his own Resolution to free his Subjects for the future And possibly they may confess that they have enjoyed a greater measure of happiness these last sixteen years both in peace
their affairs and was resolved to be relieved the recruit of the Parliaments Army was too slow for the service the London trained bands must do the deed and shop-windows must be shut up and trading suspended the expedition cried up out of every Pulpit and an Army was raised in an instant and upon their March Against whom Prince Rupert is sent from the siege at Glocester to retard their speed untill the King might rise and be gon which was upon the fifth of September and the Rear guard had fired their huts The Earl of Essex came to the brow of the Hills seven miles from the City and gave his warning piece but the Town had no minde to hinder the King being glad of his departing when all his indeavours were now prepared ready for a storm the besieged in want their Amunition consumed to three Barrels of powder but the Towns loss of men were not many not one hundred say they and two or three Officers Captain Harcus and his Ensign the King lost many more and especialy his precious time to no purpose had he waved Glocester and Marched to London directly whilst the Parliament had no Army in the Field London full of discontent and disorder and their actions of Council unresolved The Kings Northern Army under the Earl of Newcastle there also prevailing but it was his fate to be overtaken with this idle siege Sir Nicholas Crisp One of the Farmers of the Kings Customs of England had a high command also both in the Army by Land and afterwards in the Navy by Sea He being Colonel of a Regiment of Horse and his first service took the charge of Convoy of the train of Artillery sent from Oxford to the siege of Glocester and brought it in safety to the Kings Camp and there very much esteemed He was quartered in Rouslidge near Glocester at a Knights house where finding Sir Iames Enyon and other Gentlemen of no Command in the Army and had taken up so much of the house as was Incommode to the Colonel yet he continued then there with much civility Not long it was that the Guests had some horses missing out of the Pastures and so charged upon default the Colonels Souldiers and indeed very ruffly demanding the accompt from the Colonel himself who promised indeavours to finde them out buâ— refused to draw out his Regiment for that purpose onely to satisfie Sir Iames who urged it for his friend himself no otherwise concerned But being a person of eminency and of a Spirit answerable impatient of any delay or orderly proceedings departs and sends a Gentleman with this summon to Sir Nicholas Crisp to meet him with his sword in a field near the Quarters and with this express addition That if he did refuse upon any pretence he would pistoll him against the wall Upon which sharp and suddain summons of an hours warning the Colonel accompanied with a Gentleman findes Sir Iames at the place with him that brought the challenge and as it became a Christian desired to understand the true reason of the meeting professing that his Duty to the King in the charge he had there of present service might justifie his refusal to fight Yet he told him he was come to give him all satisfaction first as a Christian if he had done him Injury of which he professed ignorance Sir Iames shortly replied He came thither to receive no other satisfaction but by the sword which instantly he drew out and as soon so don by the other whose fortune was at an encounter to give a pass that pierced Sir Iames about the rim of the belly of which he was caried off to the same house in eminent danger But whilst he had life and memory the Colonel gave him a visit beseeching him to put by all passions and receive him infinitely afflicted at this misfortune unwillingly provoked to this mischief and so with Christian reconciliation they parted and he died two daies after Hereupon a legal trial was offered for any complainant to prosecute the matter And after some time on Munday the second of October a Council of war being set thereupon gave their opinion and sentence thus In the cause depending against Sir Nicholas Crisp Knight concerning the death of Sir James Enyon Knight slain by him in a Duel in September last The Court being informed that an Affixer was duly set up upon the Court house door according to their Order of the eight and tewentieth of September last and the affixer afterwards taken down and brought into the Court and Proclamation being made and no man appearing against him according to the Affixer yet upon examination of all the matter and difference between them and that the friends of the slain taking notice thereof The Court proceeded to sentence That although the Court doth condemn all manner of Duels and utterly disallow them yet in this particular case of Sir Nicholas Crisp in consideration of the great injury he received in his own Quarter and how much he was provoked and challenged the Court hath thought fit to acquit him from any punishment in this Court and doth leave and recommend him to his Majesties mercy for his gracious pardon the second of October 1643. Forth Lord Lieutenant general and President Dorset Bristol Northampton Andover Dunsmore Jacob Astley Arthur Aston William Brumchard John Byron Who all reported to the King the whole matter and brought him to kiss his hand and received a Pardon under the great feal of England and to confirm him in the Kings affection He had a Commission to be Admiral of a Fleet at Sea set out by himself and was undon for his Masters service The solemn League by Oath and Covenant being ordered to be sworn unto by all and divers consciencious persons excepting against the same and refusing were therefore committed and sequestred to their utter undoing Amongst many Doctor Featly that excellent and learned Divine and Minister at Lambeth had given by Letter to the Lord Arch-Bishop of Armagh Primate of all Ireland an accompt of his demeanour in this business of the Scotish Covenant and was therefore committed to the prison in the Lord Peters house in Aldersgate Street as many other noble houses turned into Jayles both his livings given away and his books bestowed upon White of Dorchester It was the Doctors reasons that raised all this stir He first excepted against these words We will indeavour the true reformedâ— Protestant Religion in the Church of Scotland in Doctrine Discipline worship and Government according to the word of God These words said the Doctor imply that the Worship Discipline and Government of the Church of Scotland is according to the word of God which said he is more than I dare subscribe unto much less confirm by an Oath for first I am not perswaded that any Plat form of Government in each particular circumstance is Jure Divino Secondly admit some were yet I doubt whether the Scots Presbytery be
without the House of Lords We the Commons c. remembering that in the beginning of this War divers Protestations Declarations Suggestions c. were spread abroad by the King whereby the sincere Intentions of the Parliament for the publick good were mis-represented and so no need of a present War which is otherwise apparant by discoverie of the Enemies secrets and Gods immediate Blessings and Successes upon the Parliaments affairs and which Mistakes for some time had blemished the justice of this cause that if the Enemie had prevailed how dangerous the consequence would have been is now apparant And now notwithstanding Gods blessing on all our Endeavours Forces and Armies c. there are still the same spirits though under Disguise putting false constructions upon what hath already passed the Parliament as upon the thing under present Debate begetting a belief That we now desire to swerve from our first grounds aims and principles in the undertaking this War to recede from the solemn League and Covenant and Treaties between us and Scotland and that we would prolong these uncomfortable Troubles and bleeding Distractions to alter the fundamental constitution and frame of this Kingdom to leave all Government of the Church loose and unsetled and our selves to exercise the same arbitrary power over the persons and estates of the Subjects which this present Parliament thought fit to abolish by taking away the Star-chamber High Commission and other arbitrary Courts and the exorbitant power of the Council Table All which c. though our former actions are the best Demonstrations of our faithfulness to the publick yet if mis-believed may involve us into new Imbroilments We do declare our Endeavours are to setle Religion according to the Covenant to maintain the fundamental Rights of the Kingdom the Liberties of the Subject to desire a well-grounded peace in the three Kingdoms c. In effect Concerning church-Church-government we having so fully declared for a Presbyterial Government having spent so much pains taken up so much time for setling of it passed most of the particulars brought to us from the Assemblie of Divines called onely by us to advise of such things as shall be required of them by the Parliament and having published several Ordinances for putting the same in execution because we cannot consent to the granting of an arbitrary and unlimited power and jurisdiction to near ten thousand Iudicatories to be erected within this Kingdom and this demanded in a way inconsistent with the Fundamentals of Government excluding the power of Parliaments in the exercise of that Iurisdiction nor have we yet resolved how a due regard may be had that tender consciences which differ not in any Fundamentals in Religion may be so provided for as may stand with the Word of God and the peace of the Kingdom And let it be observed that we have had the more reason not to part with the power out of our hands since all by-past Ages manifest that the Reformation and purity of Religion and the preservation and protection of the people hath been by Parliament and the exercise of this power our Endeavours being to setle the Reformation in these Kingdoms of England and Ireland in Doctrine Worship Discipline and Government according to the Word of God and the Example of the best Reformed Churches and according to our Covenant Concerning a peace which is the right end of a just VVar to that purpose both Houses of Parliament have framed several Propositions to be sent to the King such as they hold necessary for the present and future safety of this Kingdom some of which are transmitted to our Brethren of Scotland where they now remain whose consent we doubt not to obtain since the Parliament of England is and ought to be sole and proper Iudg for the good of this Kingdom wherein we are so far from altering the fundamental constitution and Government of this Kingdom by King Lords and Commons that we onely have desired that by the consent of the King such powers may be setled in the two Houses to prevent a second and more destructive VVar not judging it wise or safe for the pretended power of the Militia in the King to have any authoritie in the same for the future introducing an arbitrary Government over this Nation and protecting Delinquents by force from the justice of Parliaments the chiefest grounds of the Parliaments taking up Arms in this Cause We do declare we will not interrupt the ordinary course of Iustice nor intermeddle in cases of private interest And as the Parliament have already for the benefit of the people taken away the Court of Wards and Liveries and all Tenures in capite and by Knights Service so we will take special care for the peoples ease in Levies of Moneys and in reducing Garisons Lastly whereas both Nations have entered into a solemn League and Covenant and Treaties between us concluded which we shall and have duly performed that nothing be done to the prejudice of either of them presuming that the good people of England will not receive prejudicate opinions by any forced constructions of that Covenant which is only to be expounded by them by whose authority it was established in this Kingdom April 18. But in great regret the Parliament order that the Preface to the Pamphlet intituled The Scots Commissioners Papers and the stating of the Question about the Propositions of Peace was this day burnt by the Hangman April 21. At length of time the eleventh of Iuly the tedious Propositions are finished and sent to the King by the Committee Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery and the Earl of Suffolk Mr. Goodwin Sir Iohn Hippesley Mr. Robinson and Sir Walter Earl The Propositions in general are these 1. That his Majesty would pass an Act for the Nulling of all Oaths Declarations and Proclamations against the Parliament of England of Scotland their Ordinances or their Adherents 2. The King to swear and sign the Covenant and an Act for the three Kingdoms to swear unto 3. An Act to take away Bishops and their Dependents 4. To confirm by Act the Assembly of Divines at Westminster 5. To settle Religion as the Parliament shall agree 6. In unity and uniformity with Scotland as shall be agreed upon by both Parliaments 7. An Act to be confirmed against Papists 8. Their Childâ—en to be educated in the Protestant Religion 9. And for Levies against their Estates 10. Against saying of Mass in this Kingdom 11. And in Scotland if they think fit 12. For observation of the Lords Day against Pluralities Non-Residents and for Regulating the Universities 13. That the Militia of England Ireland and Wales by Sea and Land be in the hands of the Parliament for twenty years and the like for Scotland and to raise Moneys for the same and to suppress all Forces raised in that time without their authority against all foreign Invasion Provided that the City of London may enjoy their Privileges to raise and imploy their
Against abuses committed on Sundays The King to make Leases of Lands parcel of his Dutchy of Cornwall For ease of obtaining Licences of Alienation and in the Pleadings of Pardon in the Exchequer or else where For restraining Misbehaviour in Inns and Alehouses That this Session shall not determine by his Majesties royal assent to these Acts. Then passed a Bill in the Lower House of Tonnage and Poundage but because it was limited to one year whereas former Grants to his Majesties Predecessors were for Life It was foundred in the Upper House The Reason of this Restraint was thus In a Parliament the 18. of King Iames the Kings learned Councill culled out of that Act reasons for pretermitted Customes and other Impositions which were accounted Grievances to the Subject and an Imoderate charge upon those Customes and therefore their Design was to reduce them to the rate settled long since tempore Mariae but they wanted time enough to mold it now The next Assembly met the first day of August at Oxford The Divinity School for the Commons and the Gallery above for the Lords Hence is observed a pretty Note To give up the Divinity-School to the Commons and that Chair to their Speaker put them into an usurpation of Determinations of Divinity and henceforward no Parliaments without a Committee of Religion of Lay-Persons not onely to mannage controversies of Divinity but to ruine the old and to establish a New And because the Kings designes required Expedition He summons both Houses to Christ-Church Hall where he urged to them his Necessities for setting forth his Fleet. But his desires found no other consideration than for a formal Petition against Recusants and the causes of their increase with the Remedies Most Gracious Soveraâ—gn IT being infallibly true that nothing can more establish your Throne and assure the peace and prosperity of your People then the unity and sincerity of Religion We your Majesties most humble and loyal Subjects and Commons in this present Parliament assembled observing that of late there is an apparent mischievous encrease of Papists within your Dominions hold our selves bound in conscience and duty to present the same unto your sacred Majesty together with the dangerous consequences and what we conceive to be the most principal causes and what may be the remedies thereof 1. Their desperate ends being the subversion both of Church and State and the restlessness of their Spirits to attain those ends The Doctrine of their Teachers and Leaders perswading them that therein they shall do God good Service 2. Their evident and strict dependance upon such Foreign Princes as no way affect the good of your Majesty and this State 3. An opening a way of Popularity to the ambition of any who shall adventure to make himself head of so great a party The principal causes of the increase of Papists 1. The want of due execution of the Laws against Iesuits seminary Priests and Papists Recusants occasioned partly by Connivance of the State partly by many abuses of Officers 2. The interposing of foreign Princes by their Ambassadours and Agents in favour of them 3. Their great Concourse to the City and their frequent conventicles and conferences there 4. The Education of their children in Houses and Seminaries of their Religion in foreign parts which of late have been greatly multiplied and enlarged for the entertainment of the English 5. That in many places of this your Realm your people are not sufficiently instructed in the knowledge of true Religion 6. The licentious publishing of Popish and seditious Books 7. The imployment of men ill affected in Religion in places of Government who countenance the Popish party The Remedies be these 1. That there be great Care taken in the choise and admitting School-Masters and that the Ordinaries make diligent inquiries of their demeanours and proceed to the removing of such as shall be faulty 2. That the antient Discipline of the University be restored being the famous Nursery of literature 3. That for the propagation of the Gospel such able Ministers as have been formerly silenced may by fair entreaty of the Bishops be reduced to the service of the Church and that Non-residency Pluralities and Commendums may be moderated 4. That a straight provision may be made against transporting of English children to Popish Seminaries beyond Seas and for recalling such as are there already 5. That no Popish Recusant be permitted to come within the Court unless upon special occasion agreeable to the Statute 3â— Iacobi 6. That all Jesuits Priests and others having taken Orders from the See of Rome may be banished by Proclamation and in case of disobedience may be proceeded against according to the Laws of the Land 7. That none by any authority derived from the See of Rome be permitted to confer Orders or exercise any Ecclesiastical function within your Majesties Dominions 8. That all former Grants of Recusants lands made to the use and interest of such Recusants may by the advice of your Majesties Council be voided 9. That all Recusants may be excommunicated and not absolved but upon conformity 10. That all Recusants be removed from places of authority and government 11. That all Recusants be disarmed according to the provision of the Law 12. That they may be all confined to remain at their Country habitations and not to travel above five miles from thence 13. That none of your Majesties natural born Subjects be suffered to repair to the hearing of Masses or other superstitious service at the Chappels or houses of foreign Ambassadours or elsewhere 14. That all such insolencies as any Popishly affected have lately committed to the dishonour of our Religion be exemplarily punished 15. That the penalâ—y of 12. d. every Sunday for default of coming to Divine Service in the Church without lawful excuse may be put in Execution Lastly that your Majesty would be pleased to order that the like courses may be taken in Ireland for the establishing of true Religion there The Kings Answer was so satisfactory and sodain to each particular being heretofore branched to his Father and the remedies resolved upon them and now so reasonably required as that the King took him from hence to speak for himself and to put them to it to supply his very urgent Necessities to set forth his Navy It found affection in some earnest to give and to satisfie the present occasion with expedition Others having no heart to deny nor willing to contribute but cunningly to gain convenient time as to prejudice the Design which was to be sodain and there were these the most averse that quarreled not the Expedition for it was secret and so ought to be but old Sir Robert Mansel a quarrelous person for his interest in the Glass house then in dispence must be set up a Man of great Experience and sound Judgement but where in the Narrow Seas And he by Guess had declared against the Design and tendered some overtures
a fourth part of the Members of either House whose judgments free single and apart did approve or desire such destructive changes in the Government of the Church I am perswaded there remains in far the major part of both Houses if free and full so much Learning Reason Religion and just Moderation as to know how to sever between the use and the abuse of things the institution and the corruption the Government and the mis-government the primitive paterns and the aberrations or blottings of after copies Sure they could not all upon so little or no Reason as yet produced to the contrarie so soon renounce all regard to the Laws in force to Antiquitie to the pietie of their reforming progenitours to the prosperitie of former times in this Church and State under the present Government of the Church Yet by a strange fatalitie these men suffer either by their absence or silence or negligence or supine credulitie believing that all is Gold which is gilded with the shews of Zeal and Reformation their private dissenting in Iudgment to be drawn into the common Sewer or stream of the present Vogue and humour which hath its chief rise and abetment from those popular clamours and Tumults which served to give life and strength to the infinite activitie of those men who studied with all diligence and policie to improve to their innovating Designs the present Distractions Such Armies of Propositions having so little in my judgment of Reason Iustice and Religion on their side as they had Tumult and Faction for their rise must not go alone but ever be back and seconded with Armies of Souldiers though the second should prevail against my person yet the first shall never over-come me further than I see cause for I look not at the number and power so much as I weigh their Reason and Iustice. Had the two Houses first sued out their Liverie and once effectually redeemed themselves from the Wardship of the Tumults which can be no other than the Hounds that attend the Crie and Hollow of those men who hunt after Factions and private Designs to the râ—ine of Church and State Did my judgment tell me that the Propositions sent to me were Results of the major part of their Votes who exercise their freedom as well as they have a Right to sit in Parliament I should then suspect mine own judgment for not speedily and fully concurring with every one of them For I have charitie enough to think there are wise men among them and humilitie to think that as in some things I may want so 't is fit I should use their advice which is the end for which I called them to a Parliament But yet I cannot allow their wisdom such a compleatness and inerrabilitie as to exclude my self since none of them hath that part to act that Trust to discharge nor that Estate and Honour to preserve as my self without whose Reason concurrent with theirs as the Sun's influence is necessarie in all Natures productions they cannot beget or bring forth any one compleat and authoritative Act of publick wisdom which makes the Laws But the unreasonableness of some Propositions not more evident to me than this is that they are not the joint and free desires of those in their major number who are of right to sit and vote in Parliament For many of them savour very strong of that old Leaven of Innovations masked under the name of Reformation which in my two last famous Predecessour's daies heaved at and sometimes threatned both Prince and Parliament But I am sure was never wont so far to infect the whole mass of the Nobilitie aâ—d Gentrie of this Kingdom however it dispersed among the Vulgar nor was it likely so suddenly to taint the major part of both Houses as that they should unanimously desire and affect so enormous and dangerous Innovations in Church and State contrarie to their former education practice and judgment Not that I am ignorant how the choice of many Members was carried by much faction in the Countreys some thirsting after nothing more than a passionate revenge of what ever displeasure they had conceived against me my Court or the Clergie But all Reason bids me impute these sudden and vast desires of change to those few who armed themselves with the many-headed and many-handed Tumults No less doth Reason Honour and Safetie both of Church and State command me to chew such morsels before I let them down If the straitness of my Conscience will give me leave to swallow down such Camels of Sacrilege and Injustice both to God and man as others do they have no more cause to quarrel with me than for this that my throat is not so wide as theirs yet by Gods help I am resolved that nothing of passâ—on or peevishness or list to contradict or vanitie to shew my Negative power shall have any byass upon my judgment to make me gratifie my will by denying any thing which my Reason and Conscience commands me not Nor on the other side will I consent to more than Reason Iustice Honour and Religion perswade me to be for God's glorie the Churches good my peoples welfare and mine own peace I will studie to satisfie my Parliament and my people but I will never for fear or flatterie gratifie any Faction how potent soever for this were to nourish the Disease and oppress the bodie Although many mens loyaltie and prudence are terrified from giving me that free and faithfull counsel which they are able and willing to impart and I may want yet none can hinder me from craving of the couâ—sel of that mightie Counsellour who can both suggest what is best and incline my heart stedfastly to follow it It is now by these Propositions laid open to all men that the Cabalists of their business have with great cunning reserved themselves untill due preparations should be fitted for their grand Design to quarrel with the King for they having removed a troublesom Rub in their way the Law that they might undermine the very foundation of it a new power had been assumed to interpret and declare Laws by extemporary Votes without any case judicially before them and without the King Orders and Ordinances pressing upon the peoples as Laws The next step an upstart Authority without the King to command the Militia the Magazine and Town of Hull and bestrid Hotham in his bold-faced Treason with unpresident Invectives against the Government with false Aspersions of His favouring a Rebellion in Ireland that the King ought to pasâ— all Laws offered by them to him however his Conscience shall be unsatisfied notwithstanding the clause in Law 2 H. 5. They do acknowledg there That it is of the Kings Regalitie to grant or denie such of their Petitions as pleaseth himself That the King's Guard is with intent to levie War against the Parliament to render him odious to the people They have so awed his good Subjects with censures and imprisonments that none
Companies of Horse under command of Sir Charls Cavendish Brother to the Earl of Newcastle the Enemy having left within Nottingham a thousand Foot The Queen marched with three thousand Foot thirty Companies of Horse and Dragoons six Pieces of Cannon and two Morters Mr. Iermin commanding all these Forces as Colonel of her Guard and Sir Alexander Lesley a traiterous cowardly murderous Scot ordered the Foot and Sir Gerard the Horse and Captain Leg the Artillery and her Majesty Generalissima extremely diligent with an hundred and fifty Wagons The King and Queen met at Edg-hill the first time since she landed out of Holland and so to Oxford where she continued till the seventeenth of April the next year and then she took her last leave of the King at Abington for the West and was brought to Bed at Exeter of a Daughter the sixteenth of Iune named Henrieta Maria and afterwards in Cornwall she passed over to France lands at Brest the fifteenth of Iuly and so to Paris where she since continues a sad sorrowfull afflicted Princess with incomparable sufferings which she hath undergone And now comes over an Ambassadour from France Monsieur Harcourt to mediate an Accommodation between the King and Parliament but prevailed not and so returned it being rather a flourish from the policy of Cardinal Mazarine to pry into the Actions of this great Difference and so to set them at a greater distance for it was Richlien's Master-piece to frame the Quarrel first and now for Mazarine not unlike to put them far asunder And presently after is Sir William Armin sent to Edinburgh from the Parliament to hasten the Scots Army hither having first sworn to the Solemn League and Covenant each to other The English Presbyters now scotiâ—ied throughout take Example by the Brethrens Principles in their former Insurrections of Scotland and therefore as they did heretofore so now the Parliament engage that Nation in a strict solemn League by Vow Oath and Covenant taken by the Parliament and afterwards sent down to all the Counties in England and Wales upon which the King observes That the Presbyterian Scots are not to be hired at the ordinary Rate of Auxiliaries nothing will induce them to engage till those that call them in have pawned their Souls to them by a solemn League and Covenant Where many Engines of religious and fair pretensions are brought chiefly to batter or rase Episcopacy This they make the grand evil Spirit which with some other Imps purposely added to make it more odious and terrible to the Vulgar must by so solemn a Charm and Exorcism be cast out of this Church after more than a thousand years possession here from the first plantation of Christianity in this Island and an universal prescription of time and practice in all other Churches since the Apostle's times till this last Century But no Antiquity must plead for it Presbytery like a young Heir thinks the Father hath lived long enough and impatient not to be in the Bishop's Chair and Authority though Lay-men go away with the Revenues all Art is used to sink Episcopacy and lanch Presbytery in England which was lately buoyed up in Scotland by the like artifice of a Covenant Although I am unsatisfied with many passages in that Covenant some referring to my self with very dubious and dangerous limitations yet I chiefly wonder at the Design and drift touching the Discipline and Governmet of the Church and such a manner of carrying them on to new ways by Oaths and Covenants where it is hard for men to be engaged by no less than swearing for or against those things which are of no clear moral necessity but very disputable and controverted among learned and godly men whereto the application of Oaths can hardly be made and enjoyned with that judgment and certainty in one's self or that charity and candour to others of different opinion as I think Religion requires which never refuses fair and equable Deliberations yea and Dissentings too in matters onely probable The enjoining of Oaths upon People must needs in things doubtfull be dangerous as in things unlawfull damnable and no less superfluous where former religious and legal Engagements bound men sufficiently to all necessary duties Nor can I see how they will reconcile such an Innovating Oath and Covenant with that former Protestation which was so lately taken to maintain the Religion established in the Church of England since they account Discipline so great a part of Religion Bâ—t ambitious mindes never think they have laid Snares and Gins enough to catch and hold the Vulgar credulity for by such politick and seemingly pious Stratagems they think to keep the populacie fast to their parties under the terrour of perjurie Whereas certainly all honest and wise men ever thought themselves sufficiently bound by former ties of Religion Allegiance and Laws to God and Man Nor can such after-contracts devised and imposed by a few men in a declared partie without my consent and without any like power or precedent from God's or Man's Laws be ever thought by judicious men sufficient either to absolve or slacken those moral and eternal bonds of dutie which lie upon all my Subjects consciences both to God and me Yet as things now stand good men shall least offend God or me by keeping their Covenant in honest and lawfull ways since I have the charity to think that the chief end of the Covenant in such mens intentions was to preserve Religion in purity and the Kingdoms in peace To other than such ends and means they cannot think themselves engaged nor will those that have any true touches of conscience endeavour to carry on the best Designs much less such as are and will be daily more apparently factious and ambitious by any unlawfull means under that title of the Covenant unless they dare prefer ambiguous dangerous and un-authorized novelties before their known and sworn Duties which are indispensible both to God and my self I am prone to believe and hope That many who took the Covenant are yet firm to this judgment That such later Vows Oaths or Leagues can never blot out those former Gravings and Characters which by just and lawfull Oaths were made upon their Souls That which makes such Confederations by way of solemn Leagues and Covenants more to be suspected is That they are the common Road used in all factious and powerfull perturbations of State or Church where formalities of extraordinary zeal and piety are never more studied and elaborate than when Politicians most agitate desperate Designs against all that is setled or sacred in Religion and Laws which by such Scrâ—â—es are cunningly yet forcibly wrested by secret steps and less sensible degrees from their known Rule and wonted Practice to comply with the humours of those men who aim to subdue all to their own will and power under the Disguises of holy Combinations Which Cords and Wit hs will hold mens Consciences no longer than force
indignitie of his carriage to do or say any thing unbeseeming my self or unsutable to that temper which in greatest injuries I think best becom's a Christian as coming nearest to the great example of Christ. And indeed I desire alwaies more to remember I am a Christian then a King for what the Majestie of one may justly abhor the charitie of the other is willing to bear what the height of a King tempteth to revenge the humility of a Christian teacheth to forgive Keeping in compasse all those impotent passions whose excess injure's a man more then his greatest enemies can for these give their malice a full impression on our soules which otherwaies cannot reach very far nor do us much hurt I cannot but observe how God not long after so pleaded and avenged my cause in the eye of the world that the most wilfully blinde cannot avoid the displeasure to see it and with some remorse and fear to own it as a notable stroak and prediction of Divine vengeance First Sir John Hotham unreproached unthreatned uncursed by any language or secret imprecation of mine only blasted with the conscience of his own wickedness and falling from one inconstancie to another not long after paie's his own and his eldest Son 's heads as forfeitures of their disloialtie to those men from whom surely he might have expected an other reward then thus to divide their headâ— from their bodies whose hearts with them were divided from their King Nor is it strange that they who imploied them at first in so high a service and so successful to them should not finde mercie enough to forgive him who had so much permerited of them For Apostacie unto Loialtie some men account the most unpardonable sin Nor did a solitarie vengeance serve the turn the cutting off one head in a Family is not enought to expiate the affront don to the Head of the Common-weal The eldest Son must be involved in the punishment as he was infected with the sin of the Father against the Father of his Countrie Root and Branch God cut 's off in one day These observations are obvious to every fancie God knows I was so far from rejoicing in Hotham's ruin though it were such as was able to give the greatest thirst for revenge a full draught being executed by them who first imploied him against me that I so far pitied him as I thought he at first acted more against the light of his Conscience then I hope other men do in the same cause For he was never thought to be of that superstitious sowerness which some men pretend to in matters of Religion which so darkens their judgment that they cannot see any thing of Sin and Rebellion in those means they use with intents to reform to their Models what they call Religion who think all is gold of pietie which doth but glister with a shew of zeal and ferveney Sir John Hotham was I think a man of another temp erand so most liable to those down-right temtations of ambition which have no cloak or cheat of Religion to impose upon themselves or others That which makes me more pitty him is that after he began to have some inclinations towards a repentance for his sin and reparation of his duty to me he should be so unhappie as to fall into the hands of their Iustice and not my mercy who could as willingly have forgiven him as he could have asked that favour of me For I think Clemency a debt which we ought to pay to those that crave it when we have cause to believe they would not after abuse it since God himself suffers us not to pay any thing for his mercy but only praiers and praises Poor Gentleman he is now becom a notable monument of unprosperous Dislloyalty teaching the world by so sad and unfortunate a spectacle that the rude carriage of a Subject towards his Soveraign carries alwaies its own vengeance as an unseparable shadow with it and those oft prove the most fatal and implacable Executioners of it who were the first Imployers in the service After-times will dispute it whether Hotham were more infamous at Hâ—ll or at Tower-Hill though 't is certain that no punishment so stains a mans Honour as wilful perpetrations of unworthy actions which besides the conscience of the sin brands with most indelible characters of infamy the name and memory to posterity who not engaged in the Factions of the times have the most impartial reflections on the actions The squeamish stomachs of the Scotish Army could not brook the Orders and ceremonies of the Church of England in and about their Quarters at Newcastle and therefore they write to the Committee of both Kingdoms at Westminster of the disorders of the Church in several parts of this Kingdom and desire a settlement of Religion in the Worship of God and government of the Church Which no sooner conceived but instantly the Parliament confer and concur that the Assembly of Divines should speedly bring in such particulars as they had digested for finishing a government of the Church to be approved by the Houses November 4. the Scots Letters was seconded the same day with a Petition subscribed by thousands of hands the easy and old way of signing Iohn a Nokes and Iohn a Stiles to make up a confused number confirming the Scots desires and that such as do refuse the Covenant might be punished If a due and orderly course had been herein they might have punished many Members that made this Law who never took that Covenant The Assembly were ready and by the 12. day resolved upon the Presbyterial way but being now in hot sent divers Divines dissented and spent much time in the debate of the House And by the 22. of November they had finished so far as concerning Prayer reading of Chapters Preaching and Baptisme but as to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper it was committed and soon resolved all may receive but the prophane and ignorant How rightly to discern such is that which puzled the chair-Man Then the Parliament vote the Abolishing of the Book of Common Prayers and as earnest the same day for passing an Ordinance against the Arch Bishop of Canterbury so that he and the Book were Martyred together Hereupon the King concludeth It is no news sayes He to have all Innovations ushered in with the name of Reformation in Church and State by those who seeking to gain reputation with the Vulgar for their extraordinary parts and piety must needs undo what ever was formerly setled never so well and wisely So hardly can the Pride of those that sâ—udie Novelties allow former times any share or degree of wisdom or godlinesse And because matter of Praier and Devotion to God justly bears a great part in Religion being the Souls more immediate converse with the Divine Majestie nothing could be more plausible to the People then to tell them They served God amiss in that point Hence our publick Liturgie or
afterwards recovering that inconvenience he was so constant to himself and over-weaning that his opinions became resolves In all his defects we may more reasonably fix the occasions rather upon others who had their influence from him then upon his own defect for the mis-choice of fit and able persons to be his best and dearest friends proved fatal to him to them and to us all The King left his Queen a miserable disconsolate Lady the Daughter of France and therefore while he suffered she was there supported with their three Sons Charls Prince of Wales Iames Duke of York and Henry Duke of Glocester Princes of high eminent and Heroick vertue 〈◊〉 Two daughters also the one Elizabeth the Relict Princess of Orange the other Mary an Infant all of them are banished Orphanes This Letter came to hand since the Kings death intrusted to the Bishop of London with his blessing to the Prince of Wales To the Prince of Wales Son if these Papers with some others wherein I have set down the private reflections of my conscience and my most impartial thoughts touching the chief passages which have been most remarkable or disputed in my late Troubles come to your hands to whom they are chiesly design'd they may be so far usefull to you as to state your judgment aright in what hath passed 〈◊〉 whereof a pious is the best use can be made and they may also give you some directions how to remedy the present distempers and prevent if God will the like for time to come It is some kind of deceiving and lessening the injury of my long restraint when I finde my leisure and solitude have produced something worthy of my self and usefull to you that neither you nor any other may hereafter measure my Cause by the success nor my judgment of things by my misfortunes which I count the greater by far because they have so far lighted upon you and some others whom I have most cause to love as well as my self and of whose unmerited sufferings I have a greater sense then of my own But this advantage of Wisdom you have above most Princes that you have begun and now spent some years of discretion in the experience of troubles and exercise of patience wherein Piety and all Vertues both Moral and Political are commonly better planted to a thriving as Trees set in Winter then in warmth and serenity of times or amidst those delights which usually attend Princes Courts in times of peace and plenty which are prone either to root up all Plants of true vertue and Honour or to be contented only with some leaves and withering formalities of them without any real fruits such as tend to the publick good for which Princes should alwaies remember they are born and by providence designed The evidence of which different education the holy Writ affords us in the contemplation of David and Rehoboam the one prepared by many afflictions for a flourishing Kingdom the other softned by the unparalleld prosperity of Solomons Court and so corrupted to the great diminution both for Peace Honour and Kingdom by those flatteries which are as unseparable from prosperous Princes as Flies are from fruit in Summer whom adversitie like cold weather drives away I had rather you should be Charls le Bon then le Grand good then great I hope God hath designed you to be both having so early put you into that exercise of his Graces and Giâ—â—â—estowed upon you which may best weed out all vitious inclinations and dispose you to those Princely indowments and employments which will most gain the love and intend the welfare of those over whom God shall place you With God I would have you begin and end who is King of Kings the Sovereign disposer of the Kingdoms of the World who pulleth down one and setteth up another The best Government and highest Soveraignty you can attain to is to be subject to him that the Scepter of his word and Spirit may rule in your heart The true glory of Princes consists in advancing Gods glory in the maintenance of true Religion and the Churches good also in the dispensation of civil power with Iustice and honour to the publick peace Piety will make you prosperous at least it will keep you from being miserable nor is he much a loser that loseth all yet saveth his own soul at last To which center of true happiness God I trust hath and will graciously direct all these black lines of affliction which he hath been pleased to draw on me and by which he hath I hope drawn me nearer to himself You have already tasted of that cup whereof I have liberally drunk which I look upon as Gods Physick having that in healthfulness which it wants in pleasure Above all I would have you as I hope you are already well-grounded and settled in your Religion the best profession of which I have ever esteemed that of the Church of England in which you have been educated yet I would have your own Iudgment and Reason now seal to that sacred bond which education hath written that it may be judiciously your own Religion and not other mens custom or tradition which you profess In this I charge you to persevere as coming nearest to Gods word for Doctrine and to the Primitive examples for government with some little amendment which I have otherwhere expressed and often offered though in vain Your fixation in matters of Religion will not be more necessary for your souls then your Kingdoms peace when God shall bring you to them For I have observed that the Devil of Rebellion doth commonly turn himself into an Angel of Reformation and the old Serpent can pretend new Lights when some mens Consciences accuse them for Sedition and Faction they stop its mouth with the name and noise of Religion when Piety pleads for peace and patience they cry out Zeal So that unless in this point you be well settled you shall never want temptations to destroy you and yours under pretension of Reforming matters of Religion for that seems even to the worst of men as the best and most auspicious beginning of their worst designs Where besides the novelty which is taken enough with the Vulgar every one hath an affectation by seeming forward to an outward Reformation of Religion to be thought zealous hoping to cover those irreligious deformities whereto they are conscious by a severity of censuring other mens opinions or actions Take heed of abetting any Factions or applying to any publick Discriminations in matters of Religion contrary to what is in your judgment and the Churches well settled your partial adhering as head to any one side gains you not so great advantages in some mens hearts who are prone to be of their Kings 's Religion as it loseth you in others who think themselves and their profession first despised then persecuted by you take such a course as may either with calmness and charity quite remove the seeming
differences and offences by impartiality or so order affairs in point of power that you shall not need to fear or flatter any faction For if ever you stand in need of them or must stand to their courtesie you are undone the Serpent will devour the Dove you may never expect less of Loyalty Iustice or Humanity then from those who engage into Religious Rebellion their interest is alwaies made Gods under the colours of piety ambitious policies march nor only with greatest security but applause as to the populacy you may hear from them Jacobs voice but you shall feel they have Esau's hands Nothing seemed less considerable then the Presbyterian Faction in England for many years so compliant they were to publick order nor indeed was their party great either in Church or State as to mens judgments but as soon as discontents drave men into sidings as ill humors fall to the disaffected part which cause's inflamations so did all at first who affected any Novelties adhere to that side as the most remarkable and specious note of difference then in point of Religion All the lesser Factions at first were officious servants to Presbytery their great Master till time and military success discovering to each their peculiar advantages invited them to part stakes and leaving the joint stock of uniform Religion they pretended each to drive for their party the trade of profits and preferments to the breaking and undoing not only of the Church and State but even of Presbytery it self which seemed and hoped at first to have ingrossed all Let nothing seem little or despicable to you in matters which concern Religion and the Churches peace so as to neglect a speedy reforming and effectual suppressing Errors and Schisms what seem at first but as a hand breadth by seditious Spirits as by strong windes are soon made to cover and darken the whole heaven When you have done justice to God your own Soul and his Church in the profession and preservation both of truth and unity in Religion the next main hinge on which your prosperity will depend and move is that of Civil Iustice wherein the setled Laws of these Kingdoms to which you are rightly Heir are the most excellent Rules you can govern by which by an admirable temperament give very much to Subjects industry liberty and happiness and yet reserve enough to the Majesty and Prerogative of any King who owns his people as Subjects not as Slaves whose subjection as it preserves their property peace and safety so it will never diminish your Rights nor their ingenious Liberties which consist in the injoyment of the fruits of their industry and the benefit of those Laws to which themselves have consented Never charge your head with such a Crown as shall by its heaviness oppress the whole body the weakness of whose parts cannot return any thing of strength honour or safety to the head but a necessary debilitation and ruine Your Prerogative is best shewed and exercised in remitting rather then exacting the rigor of the Laws there being nothing worse then Legal Tyranny In these two points the preservation of establisted Religion and Laws I may without vanity turn the reproach of my sufferings as to the worlds censure into the honour of a kinde of Martyrdom as to the testimony of my own conscience the troublers of my Kingdoms having nothing else to object against me but this that I prefer Religion and Laws established before those alterations they propounded And so inded I do and ever shall till I am convinced by better Arguments then what hitherto have been chiefly used towards me Tumults Armies and Prisons I cannot yet learn that Lesson nor I hope ever will you that it is safe for a King to gratifie any Faction with the perturbation of the Laws in which is wrapt up the Publick Interest and the good of the Community How God will deal with me as to the removal of these pressures and indignities which his Iustice by the very unjust hands of some of my Subjects hath been pleased to lay upon me I cannot tell nor am I much solicitous what wrong I suffer from men while I retein in my soul what I believe is right before God I have offered all for Reformation and safety that in Reason Honour and Conscience I can reserving only what I cannot consent unto without an irreparable injury to my own Soul the Church and my people and you also as the next and undoubted Heir of my Kingdoms To which if the divine Providence to whom no difficulties are insuperable shall in his due time after my decease bring you as I hope he will my counsel and charge to you is that you seriously consider the former real or objected miscarriages which might occasion my troubles that you may avoid them Never repose so much upon any man's single Counsel fidelitie and discretion in managing affairs of the first magnitude that is matters of Religion and Iustice as to create in your self or others a difâ—idence of your own judgment which is likely to be alwaies more constant and impartial to the interests of your Crown and Kingdom then any mans Next beware of exasperating any Factions by the crosness and asperity of some mens passions humours or private opinions imployed by you grounded only upon the differences in lesser matters which are but the Skirts and Suburbs of Religion Wherein a charitable connivence and Christian toleration often dissipates their strength whom rougher opposition fortifies and puts the despised and oppressed Party into such combinations as may most enable them to get a full revenge on those they count their persecutors who are commonly assisted by that vulgar commiseration which attends all that are said to suffer under the notion of Religion Provided the differences amount not to an insolent opposition of Laws and Government or Religion established as to the essentials of them Such motions and minings are intolerable Alwaies keep up solid Piety and those fundamental truths which mend both hearts and lives of men with impartial favor and justice Take heed that outward circumstances and formalities of Religion devour not all or the best encouragements of learning industry and piety but with an equal eye and impartial hand distribute favours and rewards to all men as you finde them for their real goodness both in abilities and fidelity worthy and capable of them This will be sure to gain you the hearts of the best and the most too who though they be not good themselves yet are glad to see the severer wayes of vertue at any time sweetned by temporal rewards I have you see conflicted with different and opposite Factions for so I must needs call and count all those that act not in any conformity to the Laws established in Church and State no sooner have they by force subdued what they counted their common enemie that is all those that adhered to the Laws and to me and are secured from that fear but they
an enterprize For those your donatives are all disburst to a penny and I am enforced to summon you hither to tell you that neither can the Army advance nor the Fleet set forth without further aid Consider I pray you the eyes of all Europe are defixt upon me to whom I shall appear ridiculous as though I were unable to outgo muster and ostentation if you now desert me Consider it is my first attempt wherein if I sustain a foyl it will blemish all my future honour If mine cannot let your own reputation move you deliver and expedite me fairly out of this war wherewith you have encombred let it never be said whereinto you have betrayed me I desire therefore your speedy supply speedy I call it for else it will prove no supply The Sun you know is entring into his declining point so it will be soon too late to set forth when it will be rather not too soon to return Again I must minde you of the mortality now regnant in this City which should it as so it may and no breach of priviledge neither arrest any one Member of either house it would soon put a period both to consultation and Session so that your own periâ—litation necessitates an early resolution In sum Three of the best Rhetoritians Honour Opportunity and Safety are all of a plot and plead you see for expedition Perhaps it may be expected I should say something in way of account of my Religion as also of the temper and tenour of my future Government But as I hope I have not been guilty of any thing which may justly start the least question in either so I desire you would repose in this assurance that I will in neither vary from those principles wherein I have been instituted at the feet of that eminent Gamaliel my late Father And ending his Speech he with his hand moved his Crown Not usual saies one with any his predecessors to vail it Nor did he but the massy Gold and precious stones gave him cause to ease his browes of that weight and of which he complained when he came home without any other observation then which yet hath begot so much comment now as to be called Calamitous Presages no less then a dozen in the Kings future Reign which we shall remember as we meet them in order hereafter and for the present examine the Note of Mr. Prins telling That the King on his day of Coronation was clothed in White contrary to the Custome of his Predecessors on that day clothed in purple the Regal colour of Kings the Robe of Majesty the other of Saints the Robe of innocency And to this as to the other a great plague had driven the greatest trades men out of the City and the Kings Mercer infected and fled No Purple Velvet to be had on the sodain and so the colour of his Robes was changed by Necessity yet to the better by his own observation But to the matter of the Kings Speech Money for a War with Spain upon the former score of Quarrel the Palatinate which ingaged King Iames in Justice and honour and so this King To a War is required a Iust Quarrel Wars are suits of Appeal to the Tribunal of Gods Justice where there are no Superiours on Earth to determine the Cause Yet do the Princes of this World endeavour to declare the reasons of their defiance to ballance with the opinions of a righteous cause England had at this time two just Grounds of War with Spain 1. The recovery of the Palatinate 2. A just fear of subversion of our Civil Estate I have no mind to mention the Third so usually pretended viz. Fear of subversion of our Religion for though the House of Commons the first Parliament of King Iames voted that for a reason to make a War upon Spain the King was so wise as not to involve into a quarrel against him upon that score lest he should be necessarily drawn into a defiance likewise with all the Roman Catholiques of Christendome and so that vote was dasht out of the Record by the Register But we shall take the two for granted That Just fears are indeed true Defensives as well as actual Invasions but offensive Wars for Religion King Iames was of opinion are never just Not to force the Conscience which Guides the Soul with the power of the Sword which is but humane and though he was by his Title Defensor â—idei if oppugned yet he was not thereby authorized to quarrel with another mans belief For the first Ground the concernment of the Palatinate as there was no color in that Prince Elector to accept of the Kingdom of Bohemia so no Justice in the house of Austria to retain the Palatinate from him For though an Elective Monarchy cannot be so free as anâ— Hereditary yet if yoâ—â—â—ke to boot the Customes transactions and privileges of that Kingdome of Bohemia It will appear as positive as Soveraigns Descendent But leaving that Title as disputable I shall not offer at it though I were able to master the Question And then the Quere will follow whether an Offensive War being made unjustly the Defendant may not by diversion invade and master the undubitable possession of the Aggressour who is now turned Defendant of his own Surely he may and enjoy the conquest lawfully and is not bound to restore it but by force which force is as lawfull to be done as the other The Spaniard in eighty eight invaded our Seas and designed it upon our Land also was not our expeditions thereupon against Lisbone and Cadiz a just war surely it was And truly King Iames held these Opinions which put him into Treaties for the Palatinate upon terms and conditions of a mariage with Prince Charles his Son and the Infanta of Spain wherein being some years deluded it was just in him to begin the way by force which he did as it is now for King Charles to endeavour the like regaining it for his Brother-in-law by a War which he now intends For Wars are Vindictae Revenges Reparations like to cross suits in civil pleas sometime both of them just And thus much for the Palatinate The Second Ground A just fear of subversion of our Civil Estate The overgrowing Greatness of any neighbour Nation is a necessity imposed upon anothers fear of violation which becomes defensive Christian Princes have a just invasive War against the Turk as a grand Enemy indeed not for cause of Religion no good ground for that but upon a just fear because the fundamental Law in that Empire is to propagate their Mahometan faith by any War So saies the Persian for his belief two opposite enemies upon that ground and the Christians are as well upon the Preventive as the Defensive War All men know the great endeavours of the Spanish Monarchy to aspire new Acquests and to be absolute The History of the Triumvirate Kings Henry the eighth of England Francis the first of
semblance of hardship or Invasion upon the Subjects Liberties which the very Papists in this the better Partners seemed more really to resent and offered in lieu of some favour to them in the penal Lawes not Toleration to contribute very largely to the safeguard of the Narrow Seas which put the State into present condition rather to collect their Arrears of Thirds due to the King by Law It appeared not for private gain but extream necessity of State which involved all and therefore with possible endevours the Naval Forces were to be compleated for the summer But let us passe over to Ireland to see what they do there It was Michaelmas Term in Ireland when the Papists there offered Propositions to maintain five hundred Foot for a more Toleration of Religion but the Protestants to pertake in some measure of the charge To that end a great concourse of the Nation of both professions appeared before the Lord Deputy Fawkland in the Castle of Dublin but the Primate and Bishops in their Assembly prevented their further proceedings subscribing to a Protestation as their judgement concerning Toleration of Popery That the Religion of the Papists is Superstitious and Idolatrous their Faith and Doctrine erronious and hereticall their Church in respect of both Apostaticall To give them therefore a Toleration or to consent that they may freely exercise their Religion and professe their Faitb and Doctrine is a grievoâ—s sin and that in two respects For first It is to make our selves accessary not only to their superstitious Idolatries Heresies and in a word to all the abominates of Poperty but also which is a consequent of the former to the perdition of the seduced people which perish in the Deluge of the Catholique Apostacy 2. To grant them Toleration in respect of any money to be given or Contribution to be made by them is to set Religion to sale and with it the souls of people whom Christ our Saviour hath redeemed with his most precious blood And as it is a great sinne so also a matter of most dangerous consequence the consideration whereof we commend to the wise and judicious Beseeching the zealous God of Truth to make them who are in Authority zealous of Gods Glory and of the advancement of true Religion zealous resolute and couragious against all Popery Superstition and Idolatry Amen Ja Armachanus Auth Medensis Ro Dunensis c. Richard Cork Cloyne Rosses Tho Kilmore Ardagh Mich. Waterford Lismore Mal Casohellen Tho Hernes Laughlin Geo Deceus Andr Alachadeus Theo Dromore Franc Lymrick Conferred and agreed upon 6 Nov. 1626. And this their judgement in April 23 after 1627. Dr. Downham Bishop of Derry at the next Assembly and before the Lord Deputy Falkland and his Council took occasion to publish in the midst of his Sermon His preamble herein was That many amongst us for gain and outward respects are ready to consent to a Toleration of false Religion and are guilty of putting to sale their own and others souls and so unwilling to deliver his own private opinion onely but the judgements of the Arch-Bishop and Bishops which he thinks good to publish to them to cleer themselves from consenting To which the people gave their vote Amen But then he went on Not hereby said he to hinder the Kings service for we desire that not onely the sole Army of 5500 may be maintained but also a far greater Army besides the trained Souldiers onely he wished that the King would reserve to himself the most of those peculiar Graces of late offered and granted to the dishonour of God and the King the prejudice and Impeachment of true Religion and what is wanting might be supplied by the County to which he exhorted all good Christians and faithfull subjects The Text the Bishop took was Luke 1. 25. 23 24 25. verses speaking against mens subordinating Religion and the keeping a good Conscience for worldly respects and to set their souls to sale for gain of earthly things The L. Primate preached the next day before the same Auditory and took his Text 1 Ioh. 5. 15. Love not the World nor the things that are in the World when he made the like application as the Bishop did rebuking such who for ready gain like Iudas sold Christ for 30 pieces of silver or as Balaam following the wages of unrighteousnesse c. foretelling as he had often the judgement for these our Inclinations to such permissions and Tolerations and spake as Ieremiah did to Baruch of Gods being about to pluck up what he had planted and to break down what he had built and his bidding him not to seek great things for himself he applied to these times Indeed the judgement of the Bishops prevailed much with the Protestants that the Proposals sank by degrees and therefore induced the Lord Deputy to desire the Primate as the fittest person of the Assembly and a Privy Councellor and so concerned to promote the Kings affairs to summe up the state of the Business and to move them to an Absolute Grant of some competency to the Kings Necessities without any such former Conditions which was so done with much prudence and to this effect his Speech followeth My Lords THe refusal of those Gentlemen to contribute supply to the Army for defence of this Nation minds me of the Philosophers observation That such as have respect to a few things are easily misled Their minds so intent to ease themselves of a petit burthen without regard to the desolation of a heavy war which an Army may prevent forgetting the lamentable effects of our late Civil War by famine rapine and what not and now again the storm is foreseen which if not prevented our state may prove irrecoverable The Dangers are from abroad and from home Abroad we being now at odds with two potent Princes France and Spain to whom heretofore our dis-affected persons have offered this Kingdom to their Conquest In the daies of Henry the eight the Earl of Desmond did it to the French King the Instrument in the Court of Paris yet extant expresses so much and the Pope afterwards transferred the Title of Ireland to Charles 5. and so afresh confirmed to his Son Philip in the time of Queen Elizabeth with a resolution to settle this Crown upon the Spanish Infanta These Donatives though of no value yet they serve for a colour to a potent Pretender powerfully to supply what is defective And of late even when our Match was on foot with Spain a Book was countenanced there the Author a Spaniard Philip O Sullevan wherein he concludes the only way to establish that Monarchy first to set upon Ireland the Conquest of Scotland then of England and after of the Low Countries will easily follow Nor is the fear more from abroad then the like danger at Home Domestick Rebellion but lest I be mistaken now as your Lordships have been lately I must distinguish the Inhabitants Some
and so quit the place for we think it a hatefull thing that any mans leaâ—ing the Bishoprick should almost undoe the Successor And if any man shall presume to break this Order we will refuse him at our Royall assent and keep him at the place which he hath so abused Ninthly Lastly we command you to give us an Accompt every year the second of Ianuary of the performance of this our Command Dorchester Our Naval forces now Compleat the Duke of Buckingham is resolved to satisfy their expectation who heretofore complained of his great neglect being Admiral of England in committing the late Expeditions at Sea to other Commanders and stay behind himself He is now therefore made General also of six thousand Horse and foot in ten ships royall ad ninety Merchant-men and set sail from Portsmouth the 27. of Iune and his MANIFESTO came out the one and twentieth of Iuly following as it was there published in France declaring The emergent causes of his Majesties present Arming What part the Kings of Great Britain have alwaies taken in the affairs of the reformed Churches of France and with what care and zeal they have laboured for them is manifest to all and the Examples of it are also as ordinary as the occasions have been The now King my most honored Lord and Master comes nothing short of his Predecessors therein if his good and laudable Designs for their Good had not bin perverted to their Ruin by those who had the most interest for their accomplishment What advantages hath he refused VVhat parties hath he not sought unto that by his alliance with France he might work more profitably and powerfully the restitution of those Churches into their antient liberty and splendour And what could be best hoped by so strick an alliance and from so many reiterated promises by the mouth of a great Prince but effects truly royall and sorting with his Greatness But so far fails it therein that his Majesty in so many promises and so strait obligations of Friendship hath found means to obtain Liberty and surety for the Churches and to restore peace to France by the reconciliation of those whose breath utters nothing else but all manner of obedience to their King under the liberty of the Edicts that contrarywise they have prevailed by the interest he had in those of the Religion to deceive them and by this means not only to unty him from them but also to make him if not odious to them at the lest suspected in perverting the means which he had ordained for good to a quite contrary end VVitness the English Ships not designed for the extirpation of these of the Religion but to the Contrary express promise was made That they should not be used against them which notwithstanding were brought before Rochel and were imployed against them in the last Sea-fight what then may be suspected from so puissant a King as the King my Master so openly eluded but thorough feeling equal and proportioned to the Injuries received But his Patience hath gone beyond Patience and as long as he had hope that he could benefit the Churches by any other means he had no recourse by way of Arms so far that having been made an Instrument and Worker of the late Peace upon Conditions disadvantagious enough and which would never have been accepted without his Majesty's Intervention who interposed his credit and interest to the Churches to receive them even with threatnings to the end to shelter the honour of the most Christian King under assurance of his part not onely for the accomplishment but also for the bettering the said conditions for which he sends caution to the Churches But what hath been the issue of all this but only an abuse of his goodness and that which his Majesty thought a Soverain remedy For all their forces hath it not brought almost the last blow to the ruin of the Churches It wanted but little by continuing the Fort before Rochel the demolishing whereof was promised by the violence of the Souldiers and Garrisons of the said Fort and Isles as well upon the Inhabitants of the said Town as strangers In lieu whereas they should wholly have retired they have daily been augmented and other Forts built and by the stay of Commissioners in the said Town beyond their Term agreed on to the end to make broils and by the means of the Division which they made to open the gates to the Neighbouring Troops and by other withstandings and infractions of Peace Little I say failed it that the said Town and in it all the Churches had not drawn their last breath And in the mean while his Majesty hath yet continued and not opposed so many Injuries so many faith-breakings but by Plaints and Treatings until he had received certain advise confirmed by intercepted Letters of the great Preparation that the most Christian King made to showr upon Rochel And then what could his Majesty do less but to vindicate his Honor by a quick arming against those who had made him a Party in their Deceit and to give Testimony of his Integritie and zeal which he hath alwayes had for the re-establishing of the Churches which shall be dear and precious to him above any other thing This was not published until the first assault of the Castle of Saint Martins in the Isle of Rhe about the 21. of Iuly following And because I have laboured the Truth of this Expedition from the calumnies of our Adversaries I shall name them now to direct the Reader in the examination and crave the patience to excuse the length of the story in some measure to vindicate our Honour The first is Anonymus and the Title Ladiscente des Anglois somewhat ingenious The French Mercury or Vulgar Fragmentarian herein despicable the brand of Malice and Immodesty The third was Isnardus the Parisian Advocate whose contumelies even the best of them were censured culpable as being published after a perfect Peace was established by the polite Polititian Cardinal Richlieu And the last of them was Monetus a Iesuit more close and wary yet blasting the beauties of our best Martialists But because this Action of the English might not lodge upon mistakes of our too hasty quarrelling without just cause I shall enter the Reader by remembring former passages and state the cause as it now stood between Us and France King Iames succeeding Q. Eliz. his Neighbors and Him courted each other into friendship and confederacy so that no plot or frame of domination invaded each other by jealousie or envy and so soon as Henry 4. was murthered how often and sundry waies did King Iames assist Lewis the 13. his Son and Successor quieting his Civil Wars and after such a League entred into with the Emperour as neither affinity with the Palsgrave utility with aiding the Spaniard or Religion by assisting the Hugonotes could in him any way dissolve and so became Arbiter and Umpire of Europe Yet cause we had
the Kings looks He told them plainly He expected not such a Romance to answer his gracious consent to their Petition of Right But for their just Grievances they would deserve his consideration And so suddenly rose up and stepping down short from the degrees of steps raised under the Cloth of State the Duke stayed him by the hand which now is supposed to be given him to kisse in spight of the Parliament or otherwise rather but his low Congie to his Majesties hand which in Court-complement was too much But in truth I saw that passe and that other Lords near the King offering as much as the Duke did which I well know was then devised to lodge upon him against whom their inbred dislike increased to all exceptions even of Circumstance or Shadow But how suddenly the Commons House incroach upon the Lords Liberties excluding the words the Lords spiritual and Temporal in the very Grant of the Bill of Subsidies which they resented with very high Indignation though the Commons were known to be cunning enough to palliate the designe if discovered with an excuse of bare mis-omission yet the most of them stood it out pretending ever more in such cases That heretofere some Acts had so passed which they knew well enough how to avoid the proving But if their good Lordships would return the Bill their names should be inserted as if they were not able to put themselves in as the others were cunning to leave them out During these disputes and the Kings necessities in purse was the main cause of his consenting so much to raise the Parliaments and lessen his own Power One Doctor Manwaring observing the Clench meant to mend all by marring it with his two false Assertions The one to be preached before the King That the Kings Royal Command imposing without common consent of Parliament Taxes and Loans doth so farre binde the conscience of the Subjects of this Kingdom that they cannot refuse the payment without peril of damnation The other he preached at his Parish Church That the Authority of Parliament is not necessary for the raising Aydes and Subsidies To these he was questioned by a Committee and in reason justly sentenced 1. Imprisonment during the pleasure of the Parliament 2. Fined one thousand pounds to the King 3. To make such submission as shall be set down in writing at the Lords Bar and Bar of Commons 4. To be suspended three years from the exercise of the Ministry 5. Never to preach at Court hereafter 6. Never to have Ecclesiastical dignity or Secular Office 7. To move his Majesty for calling in of his Book and to be burnt And truly I remember the Kings answer to all He that will preach other then he can prove let him suffer I give them no thanks to give me my due and so as being a Parliament businesse he was left by the King and Church to their Sentence But why this case must be marked out for a sixth Presage from the Kings vailing his Crown to the Parliament by suffering the House of Comâ—mons to set up sayes he a Committee for Religion to question Manwaring and Sibthorp and others for Doctrinal matters more proper to be censured in the High-Commission or Convocation to which Courts the cognizance do belong and not unto a Consistory of Lay-Elders which perhaps wise men but never the greatest Clerks We may consent to his opinion in the Main for matters of Divinity and Orthodox points But that the Preacher is Iure Divino not to be censured but by themselves smells of the Presbyter or Papâ—st both alike their Tenets and so to ingrosse all into their General Assembly which was wont to be above Privy-Counsel Parliament and King But the King bent his busie time to frame an Answer to their late Remonstrance so tart that the Commons resolved to double upon him against Tonnage and Poundage which he would not indure bnt prorogued the Parliament unto the twentieth of October delivering his minde to them before his Assent to their Bills My Lords and Gentlemen IT may seem strange that I come so suddenly to end this Session therefore before I give my assent to the Bils I will tell you the cause though I must avow I ow an account of my actions to none but God alone It is known to every one that a while ago the House of Commons gave me a Remonstrance how acceptable every man may judge and for the merit of it I will not call that in question for I am sure no wise man can justifie it Now since I am certainly informed that a second Remonstrance is preparing for me to take away my profit of Tunnage and Poundage one of the chief maintenances of the Crown by alleadging that I have given away my right thereof by my Answer to your Petition This is so prejudicial to me as I am forced to end this Session some few hours before I meant it being willing not to receive any more Remonstrances to which I must give an harsh answer And since I see that even the House of Commons begins already to make false constructions of what I granted in your Petition lest it be worse interpreted in the Country I will now make a Declaration concerning the true intent thereof The Profession of both Houses in the time of hammering this Petition was no waies to trench upon my Prerogative saying They had neither intention nor power to hurt it Therefore it must needs be conceived that I have granted no new but onely confirm the ancient Libertie of my Subjects Yet to shew the clearness of my intentions that I neither repent nor mean to recede from any thing I promised you I do here declare That those things which have been done whereby men had cause to suspect the Liberty of the Subject to be trencht upon which indeed was the true and first ground of the Petition shall not hereafter be drawn into example for your prejudice and in time to come in the word of a King you shall not have the like cause to complain But as for Tonnage and Poundage it is a thing I cannot want and was never intended by you to ask never meant I am sure by me to grant To conclude I command you all that are here to take notice of what I have spoken at this time to be the true intent and meaning of what I granted you in your Petition But especially you my Lords the Judges for to you onely under me belongs the interpretation of the Laws for none of the Houses of Parliament joynt or separate what new doctrine soever may be raised have any power either to make or declare a Law without my consent This Session were enacted these Laws and first of all For further Reformation of Divers abuses committed on the Lords day commonly called Sunday 2. To restrain the passing or sending any to be Popishly bred beyond Seas 3. For the better suppressing unlicensed Ale-House Keepers 4. For
Reprobates and therefore believes our Churches regeneration is by infusion of Grace by sowing the good seed But to answer him in this Let all Christians religiously pray and live according to the grace of Restitution and humbly submit their judgements concerning the secresie of personal Election and so this man sins against the 17. Article 4 The Anabaptist His purenesse is a supposed birth without Original sin and his Tenet that Infants must not be baptized and this believer opposeth the 9. and 27. Articles 5. The Brownists purenesse is to serve God in Woods and Fields and his opinion is that Idolatry cannot be reformed without pulling down of Churches Christ indeed whipt the buyers and sellers out of the Temple though it was prophaned yet without any pulling down and this man is against the 35. Article 6. Loves familist serves God as well at his neighbours charge as at his own omnia sunt communia the things which they possesse are not their own but all are Common He teacheth that unlawful swearing is worse than murther and this is against the 39. Article 7. The Precisian will not swear before a Magistrate That unlawful swearing is a greater sin than murther God indeed is greater then man here is the compare but then the effect destructive is greater by murther God commands that the murtherer die blood for blood he deals not so severely with the swearer See the 39. Article 8 The Sabbatarian preaches down Holy dayes preaching that the Instrumental directing cause to keep holy the sabbath day he makes to be the keeping holy the sabbath But Gods holy Worship prayer is keeping holy the sabbath day for preaching the holy direction teacheth holy worship prayer to be the holy practise of that day to praise the Lord for our Redemption the sole principal end of preaching on the Lords day His preaching is a Sylva synonymorum Tautologies Iterations His praying much erroneous and this is against the 35. Article 9. The Anti-disciplinarian is above the Kings supremacy Imperious Imagination his highnesse is the Churches greatest Authority and he saith this is as good a rule to know the reformed true faith is the holy Writ He is a strict observer of the Law therefore he accounts it the best Religion His tenet is That Kings must be subject to the Puritan To the Puritans Presbyters Censure submit their Scepters throw down their Crowns lick up the dust of their feet This Mr. Rogers in his eleventh page of his Preface to the 39. Articles And T. Cartwright teacheth in his Reply page 1080. And here the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance are broken against the 21. Article His tenet that all Priests should be equal See Varellus and Vivetus sermons two Geneva Presbyters against the â—3 33. and 36. Articles and against the twentieth Article 10. The presuming Predestinatist hath an inspired knowledge to be saved by Gods absolute Election as sure as it were now in Heaven no life in him but Gods essential glory against the 17. Article and the 3. Article Thus was it then amongst us Reformed and since it hath increased ten times worse But the Papist is not clear from Crimes schismes and sins The contest between Iesuites Priests and Secular Priests have evermore their debates and now grounded upon this occasion Richard Smith titular Bishop of Calcedon his honour there in Greece but his profit from England over all the Romish Catholicques especially for ordaining of Priests and confirmations of persons Baptized But when he came hither we cannot finde till now we have caught him here Yet Pope Gregory the thirteenth delegated one William Bishop to Calcedon who died 1624. After him succeeded another by Mission of Urbane the eighth 1625. this Richard Smith to the same Title But why to a foreign Title and not at as easie a rate to English as in Ireland he had to all Sees there the reason is He had in Ireland a Counter-party of People for Number and Quality in every Diocesse and Parish not so in England where it had been ridiculous in the Granter and dangerous in the Accepter To oppose his power up starts Nicholas Smith a Regular in malice to his advancement and quarrelled also against Doctor Kelson President of the Colledge of Doway who had printed a Treatise of the dignity and necessity of Bishop and secular Clergy Nicholas Smith's Reasons were for the Regulars first such Bishops uselesse in England in times of persecution Either for Ordination which might be supplied by foreign Bishops Or Confirmation of children which any Priest might perform by Commission from the Pope Secondly Burthensom to the already pressures of the English Catholicques And Thirdly the Person of Calcedon not lawfully called Kelson undertakes Answers to all these and the Insolency of the Regulars seemed more secular And indeed the Irish Regular exceeded such in England maintaining That the superiours of Regulars were more worthy than Bishops which caused the Doctors of Sorborn in Paris to censure the Proposition and the Arch-Bishop of Paris to condemn Nicholas Smiths Book and other Tractates of that sense But Bishop Smith would take upon him to approve of such Regulars Priests as were to be constant Confessors which the Jesuites opposed as an usurpation upon them And being the better Polititians contrive a Declaration under the name of the most noble and eminent Catholiques against his pretended Authority which Declaration was offered to the Spanish Ambassadour Don Carlos de Coloma together with the Kings Proclamations to ferret his person He declined both his power and presence to seek safety in France The Bishop fled the dogs bark Knot vice provincial of the English Jesuites and Flood another of St. Omers undertake him and Kelson also but were censured and silenced though not their several factions unto this day But this bickering is lodged under the product of the peace with Spain as if to encourage the Catholiques to rant it in Ireland also towards a Toleration The Lords Justices at Dublin at Church in one Parish the Priests at Masse in another who were seized by the Arch-Bishop and Major and all the City Officers their Trinkets taken away Images hewen down the Priests and Fryers delivered up to the Souldiers and yet rescued by the people from whom a strong power enforced them and eight Popish Aldermen clapt in prison for being remisse to attend their Major upon which mis-behaviour and mutiny fifteen Houses were seized to the Kings use and the Fryers and Priests persecuted and Two of them to save publique Execution hang'd themselves in their hose-garters The Earl of Essex would needs try Mastery with a fresh Mistresse being over born by his first Wife as their story is truly told in the life of King Iames 18. years since He then but a stripling but ever since getting strength and being falsely fram'd for Martial Exploits in the Low-Conntries where he Disciplin'd himself but without any high renown or feats of Arms or any extraordinary
the Lord himself the rest Tenants in Villenage So though the Lord became the Kings Tenant the Counâ—rey remained barbarous But the late Commissions for accepting Surrenders and regranting Estates to them and for streng thning defectivâ— Titles they ever setled and secured the Under-tenant and so to establish Lord and Tenant Freeholder and Farmer The Province of Ulster though heretofore the most unreformed the Seat and Nest of the great Rebâ—llion was the best established of any Provinceâ—eâ—led â—eâ—led upon Surrenders projected and prosecuted by King Iames himself not giving any intire County being six of them to dispose unto any particular Person much less Iura Regalia for the best British Undertakers had but three thousand Acres for himself with power to create a Mannour and to hold a Court Baron making a mixt Plantation of British and Irish onely the Irish were transplanted from the Woods and Mountains into the open Plains and granting Markets and Fairs and erecting corporate Towns amongst them and all was so well setled towards the end of his Reign that Ireland the Land of Ire because the irascible power was predominate for four hundred years was likely to prove a Land of peace and concord and as in the eighth of Deuteronomy Terra Rivorum c. and so continued with Plantations of English and Scots untill Disputes and Differences between the Irish and Us for Religion made them insolent and grew into discontent between the Protestant Plantations and the Papists Irish for during the peaceable Government under Lords Iustices and Council the politick administration of that Kingdom intrusted to many and so the worse for the main body the Ramish Clergy insolent and cunning and the Romish Catholick so ignorant and poor and both increasing in number was moved in charity to suspend the payment of the State-penalty of twelve pence a Sunday for absence from Church being in some fear to irritate the People by levying these Fines before the expiration of the five thousand pounds quarterly Contribution of the County towards the Army And as this Grace might please the one so the Protestant took part at the unequal Levie of the 〈◊〉 in faâ—our of the Papist And beginning to boil into a Broâ—l the Justices were called home and the Viscount Wentworth sent Deputy to govern all singly by himself of whose Government and the Proceedings there we shall have further occasion to observe in their due time and place and so we return in a word and in order to take view what the succesfull King of Swede does in Germany Great Acts had been done on all sides but Gustave as yet the most glorious but indeed he came near his own upshot for being over-adored and beloved he would say that he was not long-lived as it proved And now the several Generals grew ambitious of Honour each one to excell The King would boast that he must beat a Priest which was Tilly a Souldier Papenhaim and a Fool Wallenstein but who indeed croubled him more than the other two For Wallenstein was turned Hollander in his Proceedings using the Spade with the Pike against whom the Swedes advance but with loss of the flower of their Forces about five thousand slain near Nuremburgh and Wallestein but fifteen hundred slain And so the King marches towards Saxony lest he should lose that Duke and Wallestein followed after him having sent for Papenhaim and Gustave desired to hinder their conjoyning but could not And being come was by subtil Wallenstein sent out to surprize Hall Not so far gone but was called back for the King resolved to give the Battel upon the departure being now near Nuremburgh and Wallestein at Lutzen The Onset was furious the Craats did well but the Swedes better and Papenheim now returned in the nick of time to repulse the Enemy when a Falcon-shot strook him dead a gallant man of valour felicity and fidelity He seemed to dy willingly when he was told that the King was dead which it seems was so at the first shock of the Armies having received five wounds two mortal The Swedes say he was slain by a great Lord of his own others say by Papenheim but he was found among the dead and so troden that he was hardly known His Death enraged the Swedes and enforced their Enemy to hast a Retreat Thus fell this Caesar. Fortune courted him at Leipsick and his Fate fell at Lutzen in the midst of his Triumphs and in the middle of Germany he was Son to Charls Duke of Sudermain who had usurped the Crown from his Nephew Sigismund King of Poland he had an Apprentiship in Arms disguised and unknown under Prince Maurice some say that after he was King he jouâ—neyed into Germany in the quality of a Horsman of War in Bohâ—mia when he saw Count Bucquoy's Army His Successes altered his natural complacency with austere severity yet was his Death deplored and revenged by his Generals not taking leave of Germany till they had got a Peace and the Spoils and a Share also of the Empire it self And to accompany this great Prince died also some days after Frederick King of Bohemia who accompanied Gustave into Bavaria who seemed willing to restore him to his Birth-right the Palatinaâ—e but under hard and unacceptable conditions And thus he died leaving one onely Daughter Heiress to his Crown and glory He wants no Charactâ—r from several Historians most men generally affording words of fame for victorious fortunes He was bred up in Arms in the natural Dissentions against the Pole whose Interest and Right to Sweden endured long dispute but somewhat calmed put this King to quarrell with his nearer Neighbour the Dane and that Difference decided he not willing to disband or able to discharge his Army over he comes any where upon any score to adventure the success of his burdensome Forces to whom Providence afforded this success as a Rod of Gods anger upon the glory of the Empire which he was pleased thus to chastise and the work begun to take the first Instrument away and intrust his further Mysteries of succeeding Events to future management which hath brought that Empire the Garden of Eden to monstrous misery and destruction of Millions of innocent Souls besides those others more so exceeding faulty and the prime Actors in the Tragedies never lived out to to enjoy their several Successes as we have said The Prince Elector some weeks before being at Ments where the Plague raged took infection from thence and died soon after upon the nine and twentieth day of November being eight days after the Enemies Rendezvouz of his most considerable Town of Frankendale into the hands of the English Ambassadours which otherwise had been taken by the Swede's Forces long time besieging it and not able to hold out had it given up God a mercy against their will Onely of the old ones Wallestein survives but near his end also for having prosperously effected his several
restrictions and bounded the writ at the first but to Maritime Counties as mostly receiving the present benefit of security from Pyrates but that not sufficient for the common necessity the wits became afterwards Generall to all Counties and so did the quarrel The whole amounting unto two hundred thirty six thousand pounds in lieu of all payments came but to twenty thousand pounds per mensem The Clergy never pleaded but indeed they muttered their case to be free from all secular and civil charges And to prevent the boldness of any pretence the Laws made disputes of the three fold necessity binding all Clergy and Laity viz. aid in war building of Bridges and raising of Forts Nor had they any Execution that which the Arch-bishop did for them was upon their just Complaint of their unequal Tax by their Neighbour therefore the Sheriffs were required not to tax the Clergy of Parsonages above a tenth part of their Land-rate of their several Parishes and no doubt we may easily believe the Inlanders might mutter as conceiving it strange to be concerned in the Sea But in truth the main Exception was to be taxed out of Parliament against the late Petition of Right and indured long debate in Courts of Iustice thereafter whilest the first Mover Noy the Attorney having set the Wheel a going took his last leave in August to rest for ever from the toil of an Attorney General And now was the great Design of the Swedes quarrel in Germany prosecuted and Ambassadours abroad to all the Neighbour Allies for assistance and Axel Oxenstiern the great Chancellour and Guider of those affairs of State sent hither his Son in Ambassy impowred with Credential Letters no doubt from his Sovereign Queen or from interest of the Chancellour of which our King could not pretend ignorance for in all outward reception he appeared so I was present in the Banquetting-house at White-hall when he had Audience of his tedious peremptory Oration But indeed whether because his Address had been before to the French King from whom he had large promises and a great Present or whether because our Reasons of State gave slender hopes to engage against the Emperour with whom we were in Treaty concerning the Palatinate he refused our Kings Present of equal value with that of France and returned not well pleased The state of Ireland in some disquiet dangerously now divident between Papist and Protestant the wise Lord Deputy Wentworth being necessitated to summon a Parliament for the supply of a fresh Contribution for the Army the former of twenty thousand pounds per annum determining the next year and provision must be assured before hand to discharge the Kings Debt of eighty thousand pounds besides It is most true that there was no ill Husbandry of former Governours that caused a contraction of this Debt but the wisdom of the Sovereign not to charge the Nation with Levies for they had granted but one Subsidy since primo Iacobi the Kingdom in good condition since the Wars and their Estates being by the King so lately setled they could do no less than raise their Purses with their plenty and give the King Subsidies which they did The Civil affairs well forwarded the care was to setle the Ecclesiastick by Assembly of a Synod The Design was not more politick as pious to repeal the Body of Articles formed Anno 1615. and to substitute those nine and thirty Articles of the Church of England in their room and the rather because the nine Articles of Lambeth were included with the Irish which in truth had been purposely inserted by King Iames to ballance against the Tenets of Arminians and were evermore started by the contrary Opinions where the Points of Predestination and the Lords Day Sabbath had found free acception to these indeed the Alteration seemed strange some referring it to power others to piety and reason also the reason might be in relation to the Papists who made a wonder that the Churches of three Kingdoms united being under one chief Head and Governour there should be three several and distinct Confessions of Faith and yet all pretending to one Religion and the conclusion and concession not huddled but canvased and with some advantage in Vote for the Church of England although as some say the Primate of Ireland interposed his Negative The Scots are busie fomenting sundry pretended Designs of State against their Liberties they became very bold endeavouring to blast the Kings Proceedings in their last Parliament as indirect charging him with corrupting and suborning the then Votes and evermore of some tendency in favour of Papists and to publish it in print they framed a Libel which passing through malignant hands and so vented but the Lords of the Council there searching narrowly for the Authour it fell upon one William Hagge and he escaping his Abetter was brought to the Board being the Lord Balmerino the Son of a Father of small Conscience and less Religion but Secretary he had been to King Iames who shuffled a Letter of his own contriving amongst others for the Kings signature too much complementing with the Pope Clement in favour of the Catholicks which Letter being so sent and some years after mentioned by Cardinal Bellarmine to the Kingâ—s prejudice and Balmerino questioned for it did ingeniously confess the same and after some outward sufferings had his pardon and preferment but time discovering the Policies of State another way it is now averred that the Letter was then devised by the Kings command in some reason to gain upon the Romish party in reference to his interest in England where the Papists were prevalent and more powerfull abroad but now this Lord the Son whether by nature perfidious or made so by Revenge elapsed into the like crime indeed and suffered the same Trial and Eviction and found the same mercy the Kings pardon and preferment for the present but fell more foul in offending some years after But the Kings Pardon to him gave great encouragement to the discontented Party in Scotland having now found by experience the Kings inclination either by fear or affection to be wrought upon if not mastered and having continual intelligence from his Majesties Bed-chamber the bane of the King by persons near about him Scots of all passages in England concerning the interruption of three Parliaments imprisoning the Members and other civil Distractions sufficient to discover a discontented condition in England also but it appears not who gave the first invitation for assistance to each other of a War Either party Scots and English so forward as that it seems they met joyn'd at last in an unnatural War with their dread Sovereign And yet untill 1637. that the Service-book was imposed on the Scots both parties lay dormant without any perfect correspondence that I can meet with till that time or a little after And then also Cardinal Richelieu sent over his Chaplain Chambers a Scotishman to stir up the
a fitting occasion was never offered whereby he might insinuate himself into the Lord Arch-Bishop to whom free access was to be impetrated by the Earl and Countesâ—e of Arundell as also by Secretary Windebank all whose intercessions he neglected and did shunne as it were the Plague the company or familiarity of CON. He was also solicited by others of no mean rank well known to him and yet he continued immoveable Trial also was made of another Secretary Cook who impeded accesse to the detestable design an utter enemy he was to the Iesuites whose access to the King he obstructed He treated many of them as they deserved he searcht into their factions by which means every incitement breathing an attractive power to the Romish Catholiques was ineffectual with him for nothing was so dear to him as his own Innocence whence being rendred odious to the conspirators he was in perpetual hazzard of losing his Place which being laboured for three years was at length obtained But for all this the King had left him a knotty piece for the Lord Arch-Bishop by his constancy opposed himself as an immoveable Rock Con and his party finding the Lord Arch Bishop so impregnable and that they laboured in vain began to boyle with malice and to plot how the Lord Arch-Bishop together with the King should be taken Sentence also is passed against the King who was the main concernment in the plot because nothing is hoped from him which might seem to promote the Popish Religion but especially when he had once declared himselfe that he was of the minde that any good and pious man may be saved in his own Religion To Act the Treason undertaken the criminall execution at Westminster caused by some puritanical writing gave the first spark a thing so much exasperated and exaggerated by the Papists and Puritans that if it went unrevenged it would be thought a blemish to their Religion the flames of which fire the subsequent Liturgie encreased In this heat a certain Scottish Earle one Maxwell if I mistake not was dispatcht to the Scots by the Popish party with whom two other Scottish Earles were correspondents he was to excite the people to commotion He was to raise commotions to re-inforce the sense of every injury and to spur on the people to Rebellion whereby the great disturber of the Scottish liberty might be destroyed There by one labour sâ—ares are laid for the King for which purpose the affaire was so ordered that very many English should adhear to the Scots That the King should be inferiour to them in Armes whereby he might be inforced to crave ayd from the Papists which yet should be denied him unlesse he would descend to conditions by which he should permit a general toleration of the Romish Religion which was the thing the Papists did aim at And should he be difficultly brought to such terms there was a Remedy hoped for For the young Prince who from his Cradle was educated in advantage to the Romish perswasion growing on fast in his youthfull age the Kings Death was contrived by an Indian Nut stuffed with a most fierce Poyson kept in the Society which Con then shewed me in a boasting manner and prepared for him as there was another for his Father During the Scotch Troubles the Marquess of Hamilton was often imployed by the King as Commissioner to compose Disorders there and pacifie the discontented party but returned as often without fruit His Chaplain repaired at that time to us and had secret conference with Con of whom I demanded in jest Whether also the Iews agreed with the Samaritans To which Con answered I would to God all Ministers were like him you may conjecture of this as you please Things standing thus there came to London from Cardinal Richelieu Master Thomas Chamberlain his Chaplain and Almoner a Scot by Nation who was to assist the College of Confederacy to advance the business and to â—ttempt all ways of exasperating the first heat for thâ—s service a Bishoprick was promised him Four moneths space he co-habited with the Society nor was he permitted to depart untill matters succeeding as he wished he might return with good News Sir Toby Mathew a Jesuited Priest of the Order of Politicians the most vigilant of the chief Heads who never went to Bed but got a Nap of an Hour or two in a Chair Day and Night plotted Mischief A Man principally noxious and the very Plague both of King and Kingdom a Man most impudent hunting all Feasts called or not called never quiet always in action and perpetual motion intruding into the company of all his Betters pressing Discourses whereby to fish out mens inclinations whatsoever he sucketh from thence either of advantage or noxious to the Conspiracy he imparteth to the Popes Legate reserving the most secret intelligence for the Pope himself or the Cardinal Barbarino In short he associates himself with any not a word can be spoken but he lays hold of it and accommodates it to his turn In the interim all his Observations he reduceth into a Catalogue and every Summer carrieth it to the general Consistory of the Jesuits Politicks which privately meet in the Province of Wales where he is a welcome Guest There are Councils closely hammered which are fittest for the ruining of the Ecclesiastick and Politick state of both Kingdoms Captain Read a Scot dwelling in Long-Acre Street near the Angel-tavern a Secular Jesuit who for his detestable service performed in perverting of a certain Minister of the Church with secret inticements to the Popish Religion with all his Family taking his Daughter to Wife obtained as a Reward an Impost upon Butter paid by the Countrey people procured for him from the King by some chief men of the Society who never want a Spur whereby he may be constantly detained in his Office In his house the whole Plot is contrived where the Society which hath conspired against the King the Lord Arch-bishop and both Kingdoms convene but on the Day of the Posts Dispatch they meet in greater Numbers for then all their Informers assemble and confer their Notes together and that they may be the less suspected convey all their secrets by Toby Matthew or Read himself to the Popes Legate who transmits the Pacquet of Intelligence to Rome With the same Read are intrusted the Letters brought from Rome under forged Titles and Names and by him delivered to whom they belong for all their Names are known to him Upon the same occasion Letters are also brought over under the covert of Father Philip though he be ignorant of the Plot who distributeth them to the Conspiratours In that very House there is a publick Chappel wherein an Ordinary Jesuit consecrates and dwelleth In this Chappel Masses are daily said by the Jesuits and the Children of some of the Domesticks and some the Conspiratours are baptized They who meet there come often in Coaches or on Hors-back in Laymens
height as the Crown-customes increased five times greater in fine not onely to subsist of our self but to contribute to the English Exchequer and to make some retribution of those vast expenses from hence for four hundred years past The main assistance to this War came from the Gentry of England all Knights and Gentlemen holding Lands in capite of the King were to send Horse and Men answerable to their abilities so that the Aids completed the royal Army where of the Earl of Northumberland was appointed General and the Earl of Strafford his Lieutenant General but in truth Northumber land fell extreme sick and therefore not to disorder the form of the other Officers the King took the Command upon himself Generalissimo for I never read of a Royal Army and the King present but himself was chief the Earl of Northumberland his General and the Earl of Strafford Lieutenant General and having seen the Queens safe delivery of a Son born the twentieth of Iuly and christened Henry after created Duke of Glocester He hastens his Rendezvouz and the twentieth of August takes leave of London Two days after he declares the Scots to be Rebells by Proclamation That by all ways of mildness and clemency he hath endeavoured to appease the rebellious courses of his Subjects of Scotland who upon pretences of Religion have sought to shake off his Regal Government and now do take up Arms and invade his Kingdom of England and therefore his Majesty doth now declare that all those who have already entered or shall presume to enter in war like manner in any part of England and their Adherents and Assistants shall be adjudged and are hereby denounced Rebels and Traitours against his Majesty nevertheless if they will yet acknowledg their former crimes and crave pardon and yield obedience for the time to come he tenders them his gracious pardon they retiring home and demeaning themselves as loyal Subjects for the future August 22. 1640. And a Prayer is published for the Kings Majesty in his Expedition against the Rebells of Scotland to be said in all Churches c. viz. O Eternal God and mercifull Father by whom alone Kings reign thou Lord of Hosts and Giver of all Victory we humbly beseech thee both now and ever to guide and preserve our most gracious Sovereign Lord King Charls to bless him in his Person with health and safety in his Counsels with wisdom and prudence and in all his Actions with honour and good success especially against those his traiterous Subjects who having cast off all obedience to their Anointed Sovereign do 〈…〉 His Army was marched before hastening to meet the Scots who were entered England already for being come to North-alerton in the way to New-castle he was met by the Lord Conway with the ill News of a Defeat at Newburn upon Tine the Day before which was thus The Lord Conway Commander there in chief advising to secure the most considerable Passes had upon August 27 drawn out 1200. Horse and 3000. Foot placing the Infantry under shadow of a Breast-work to gall the Scots in theirâ— Pass over the River Tine near Newburn but their General Lesly over night had planted nine Pieces of Ordnance on his side of the River and blinded them with Bushes from sight of the English and in the morning craves leave of the Lord Conway to pass with his Petition to his Majesty he was admitted to pass with a considerable number but not with his Army but Lesly must not divide his Forces and so fords over 300. Horse which were by those behinde the Breast-work enforced to retire and Lesly to acquit them plaid his Cannon from the Blinde so furiouâ—ly as drove them from their Poast and like raw Souldiers cast down their Arms and fled Then their Cavalry re-advanced upon Mr. Wilmot Commissary General of the Horse accompanied with prime Gentlemen and stood to the Charge of Horse and Cannon also which so galled them and over powred by number as they retired in disorder 300. slain and imprisoned and Conway fain to retreat with this ill News to the King and because New-castle was not tenable against the Scots Army Sir Iacob Ashley the Governour was forced to desert it and two days after they possessed Durham And now comes the Earl of Strafford who brought up the Rear of the Army retreating to York whom the King staid and where there was time afforded to examine and conclude this Miscarriage upon Conway notwithstanding his best art of flourish and stout animosity to vindicate his either Cowardice or Treachery or both for so he was accused During this time the English Garison at Barwick issued out and recovered some Pieces of Cannon which had been left by Lesly at Dunse as over-usefull for his Train which gave Allarm to the Earl of Hadington commanding in Loâ—thian and the Merse with two thousand Horse and 〈◊〉 to pursue and rescue the Cannon and carried them to Dâ—nglass but the next day Hadington and twenty more â—nights and Gentlemen in an instant were all slain by an accident of â—ire which blew up the Magazine of Vaâ—lt that lay in a 〈◊〉 on the other side of the Court twelve score from his Lodging not slain therein very frolick and merry but were come out into the midst of the Court and there killed by the Stones that flew from the Vault which made it the more miraculous but whether by Accident or Design was never known But during these military actions the Scots gaining ground upon the English and now â—eated where they would be in warm Quarters with New-castle Coal good Fires Meat Drink and Lodging of the best and all these in great plenty They now take time to petition the King intâ—tuling it The humble Petition of the Lords of the last Parliament and others his Majesties loyal Subjects of Scotland Complaining in general of their sufferings for relief whereof they are constrained to come without prejudice to the peace of England or any the Subjects therein untill they are pressed with strength of Arms to oppose their Passage at Newburn and now present themselves to his Majesties goodness for satisfaction of their full demands and repair of their wrongs and losses with the advice of the Parliament of England to be convented To all the King answers by his Secretary of Scotland the Earl of Limrick that the King expects their particular Demands having already summoned the Peers of England to meet at York September 24. and commands them to advance no farther York September 5. LIMRICK Three days after comes their Demands directed to the Earl of Limrick in terms humble enough but very peremptory as to the Points Right Honourable As nothing on earth is more desired of us than his Majesties favour so we shall desire nothing herein but what may suit to his Majesties honour and peace of his Dominions The Particulars we should have expressed in our Petition but that they
to call one which his candid and ingenious consideration of necessity grounded upon such Reasons as himself expresseth in his most admired Treatise his excellent Book EIKON BASILIKH which we hereafter shall have several occasions in some Particulars to mention it being the Portraicture of his Sacred Majesty in his Solitudes and Sufferings with his spiritual Meditations upon each Chapter and Occasion written no doubt from the truth of a troubled Soul and indisputable to be of his own compiling And although an industrious malignant Pen hath laboured to wrest that honour from his Sacred memory he cannot fix it in likelihood upon any other person in the World the majesty and manner of the style onely his and unimitable by any other None but the same sad sorrowfull Soul could be able to compose so much upon several occasions so evenly concurring but he himself the true Sufferer Besides if you please to observe it is not unlike the gravity of Master Hooker's style in his Ecclesiastical Policy which the King often perused and was a sufficient Master of Defence thereby and which Book in his last words to his Children he recommends to them to reade Nay more observe his publick Declarations and Answers following when other helps very often failed him compare their styles and see how they agree in the dialect This Book whilest in loose Papers ere it was complete and secured into his Cabinet and that being lost was seized by the Enemy at Naseby Fight but these Papers happily rescued and so came to his Majesties hands again who in the end commended them to his faithfull Servant that Minister of Gods Word Master Symonds with command to see them imprinted And his Study being searched they were by good Providence secured about him in his Bosom and though the industry of the Adversary had been to prevent it the Book came forth some time after the Kings death with so incredible an esteem as that it hath been since translated into all modern Tongues but Spanish the Iesuits malice and envy suppressing it there and into all manner of Folio's for bigness And a learned Traveller Macedonian by birth being here read it over and translated it into Greek and carried it over beyond Seas where it was so imprinted from his Copy The first beginning of this Book enters upon his Majesties calling this Parliament THis last Parliament I called says the King not more by others advice and necessity of my affairs than by mine own choice and inclination who have always thought the right way of Parliaments most safe for my Crown as best pleasing to my People and although I was not forgetfull of those sparks which some mens Distâ—mpers formerly studied to kindle in Parliaments which by forbearing to convene for some years I hoped to have extinguished yet resolving with my self to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober Desires and to redress all publick Grievances in Church and State I hoped by my Freedom and their Moderation to prevent all misunderstandings and miscarriages in this In which I feared affairs would meet with some passion and prejudice in other men so I resolved they should finde least of them in my self not doubting but by the weight of Reason I should counterpoize the over-ballancings of any Factions I was indeed sorry to hear with what partiality and popular heat Elections were carried in many places yet hoping that the gravity and discretion of other Gentlemen would allay and fix the Commons to a due temperament guiding some mens well-meaning Zeal by such Rules of Moderation as are best both to preserve and restore the health of all States and Kingdoms No man was better pleased with the convening of this Parliament than my self who knowing best the largeness of mine own heart toward my Peoples good and just contentment pleased my self most in that good and firm understanding which would hence grow between me and my People All jealousies being laid aside mine own and my Childrens Interests gave me many obligations to seek and preserve the love and welfare of my Subjects the onely temporal blessing that is left to the ambition of just Monarchs as their greatest honour and safety next Gods protection I cared not to lessen my self in some things of my wonted Prerogative since I knew I could be no Loser if I might gain but a Recompense in my Subjects affections I intended not onely to oblige my Friends but mine Enemies also exceeding even the Desires of those that were factiously discontented if they did but pretend to any modest and sober sense The odium and offences which some mens rigour or remisness in Church and State had contracted upon my Government I resolved to have expiated by such Laws and Regulations for the future as might not onely rectifie what was amiss in practice but supply what was defective in the constitution No man having a greater Zeal to see Religion settled and preserved in Truth Unity and Order than my self whom it most concerns both in Piety and Policy as knowing that No flames of eivil Dissentions are more dangerous than those which make religious Pretensions the Grounds of Factions I resolved to reform what I should by free and full advice in Parliament be convinced to be amiss and to grant whatever my Reason and Conscience told me was fit to be desired I wish I had kept my self within those Bounds and not suffered mine own Iudgment to have been overborn in some things more by others Importunities than their Arguments my confidence had less betrayed my self and my Kingdoms to those Advantages which some men sought for who wanted nothing but Power and Occasion to do mischief But our sins being ripe there was no preventing of Gods Iustice from reaping that glory in our Calamities which we robb'd him of in our Prosperity And this Parliament must be summoned to appear at Westminster which Assembly being there it is observed as a greater prejudice to the Kings affairs than when he was at York not to have held it there which was nearer to the danger and occasion of this Scotish Parliament for the Scots War take to boot his former knowledg of this City Londons disaffection to his service and the President of Edward the first before in the Conquest of Wales kept his Assemblies and Parliament near the Scene of Action at Acton Barnell the Marches of that County And when he turned his Forces to the Conquest of Scotland he called his Parliament to Carlile on the Borders of Scotland Indeed King Charls considered thus much and it was thought would have changed his place for another accordingly but then it was too late So then he followed the Fate which by admitting the Treaty also at London the Scots Commissioners had that opportunity and they were not nice to make the good use to themselves here to inflame this City into a capacity of the worst Impression which those of the Scotish Nation were cunning to imprint
Parliament or grant them access to his Person Fifthly that their Ships and Goods and all Dammages thereof may be restored It is agreed Ian. 7. 1640. That all Ships taken and staid should be reciprocally restored on both sides And that the Scotish Commissioners having informed that about eighty Ships of Scotland are yet staid in the Ports and are like to suffer much loss if they shall not be delivered into some hands who may have care of them It is agreed that Warrants shall be presently granted for delivery of all their Ships And that four thousand pounds be presently advanced for Caulking Sails Cordage and other necessaries for helping the presenâ— setting forth of the said Ships Sixthly they desire from the justice and the kindness of the Kingdom of England Reparation concerning the Losses which the Kingdom of Scotland hath sustained and the vast Charges they have been put unto by occasion of the late Troubles That this House thinks fit that a friendly assistance and relief shall be given towards supply of the Losses of the Scots and that the Parliament did declare that they did conceive that the Sum of three hundred thousand pounds is a fit proportion for the friendly assistance and relief formerly thought fit to be given towards supply of the Losses and Necessities of their Brethren of Scotland and that the House would in due time take into consideration the manner how and the time when the same shall be raised Seventhly that as his Majesty hath approved the Acts of the late Parliament wherein all such Declarations Proclamations Books Libells and Pamphlets that have been made written and published against his loyal and dutifull Subjects of Scotland are recalled and ordered to be suppressed So his Majesty may be pleased to give order that the same may be suppressed recalled and forbidden in England and Ireland and that the loyalty integrity and faithfulness of his Majesties Subjects of Scotland towards his Majesties royal Person and Government may at the closing of this Treaty of Peace and at the time of publick Thanks-giving for the same be made known in all places and all Parish-churches of his Majesties Dominions It is agreed upon the 10. of February 1640. That all Declarations Proclamations Acts Books Libells and Pamphlets that have been made and published against the loyalty and dutifulness of his Majesties Subjects of Scotland shall be recalled suppressed and forbidden in England and Ireland And that this be reciprocal in Scotland if any such have been made or published there in prejudice of his Majesties honour And this upon diligent enquiry to be done by the Authority of Parliament next â—itting in Scotland of which the Commissioners of Scotland do promise to have an especial care And we do also agree that when it shall please Almighty God to grant an happy close of this Treaty of Peace the Loyalty of his Majesties Subjects of Scotland shall be made known at the time of publick Thanks-giving in all places and particularly in the Parish Churches of his Majesties Dominions That all Monuments Tokens and shews of Hostility upon the Borders of the two Kingdoms may be taken away That not onely the Garrisons of Barwick and Carlile may be removed but that the Works may be â—lighted and the places dismantled To the eighth Demand it is said that being offered the twelfth of this Moneth there was no Answer But there waâ—â—his Answer Die Lunae 8. Martii 1640. This house of Commons concur with their Lordships that when a peace shall be established all things reciprocally be reduced into the Termes they were before the Treaty And do agree with their Lordships that the Scotish Commissioners shall set down all their particular heads and demands at once together that so their eight Articles which they propound for establishing a peace may with all speed be concluded that being done this house shall willingly concur with their Lordships to settle all things for their just satisfaction Then comes the Scots remayning heads to the Eight Demands 1. Our desires concerning Unity in Religion and Conformity of Church Government as a special means for preserving of peace between these Kingdomes 2. That some Scotish-men of respect and intrusted by their Nation may be in place about the King Queen and the Prince 3. That none be in place about his Majesty and the Prince but such as profess the Reformed Religion 4. Concerning the manner of chusing the Councel and Sessions in Scotland 5. Naturalization declaring the capacity and mutuality of the Subjects of both Kingdomes 6. Concerning Customes in the Kings dominions and Foreign Nations 7. Concerning freedome of trade and intercourses 8. Concerning Manufactory and assessations by Sea and Land 9. Concerning Equality and course of coyn in his Majesties dominions 10. Concerning Fishing 11. An Act of Oblivion of all by gone deeds betwixt the Kingdomes of Scotland England and Ireland since the beginning of the late troubles 12. An act of Parliament for the ratifying this Treaty and Articles and establishing the means of a firm and perfect peace 13. That none of his Majesties dominions shall take Arms or invade others without consent of the Parliament of that Kingdome and after declared Peace no stopping of Trade or taking of ships or any Acts of hostility the contemners to be punished as Enemies to the State 14. That neither Scotland nor England ingage in a foreign war without mutual â—â—nsent and to assist each other against all foreign Invasions 15. Concerning the remanding of offenders or debtors in both Kingdomes 16. Concerning exacting deâ—rees and sentences 17. In either Nation authentike extracts without production of the principal warrant about the late borders and middle Marshes and that this peace may be inviolably observed Trials may be taken in the triennial Parliament of both Kingdomes of all wrongs to be done by either nation to other that the differences may be removed and some commissioners to be appointed of both Kingdomes for the conserving of peace in the Intervall of Parliaments And being required to bring in a full Accompt of their charges in writing according to their sixt Article they enlarge it unto five hundred and fourteen thousand one hundred twenty and eight pounds nine shillings c. abating only the odde pence A monstrous sum Besides what losses their Nation Nobility and Gentry have sustained which they amount unto Two hundred and twenty one thousand pounds and the neglect of their fortunes at Two hundred and twenty thousand pounds Besides the Eight hundred and fifty pounds a Moneth Contributions of the Northern Counties and besides the exhaustable Insolencies also upon them by the Scots Army All which because it may seem an impudent Account impossible to be made out upon any pretences See it in their own particulars which was set out in print if it had been possible to have made them odious to the suffering English Subjects The Scots Great Account BEsides the particular charges
February had required the Arch-bishop of Armagh lately come into England to give them his Directions concerning the Liturgy and Episcopal Government whose Answer was thus The Bishop of Armagh's Direction to the Parliament concerning the Liturgy and Episcopal Government being thereunto required by them Febr. 1640. To satisfie you Demands both concerning the Liturgie and Episcopal Government First for the Book of Common Prayer it may be alleged First that God himself appointed in the Law a set Form of Benediction Numb 6. 23 24 25 26. Secondly that David appointed set Psalms to be sung upon especial occasions as the Title to each of them sheweth Thirdly that the Prophet Joel appointed a third Form of Prayers to be used by the Priests at a solemn feast Joel chap. 2. verse 15. 17. Fourthly That Christ not only commands us to pray after such a manner Mat. 6. 9. but to use a set form of words Luke 11 2. when you pray say Our father c. Fiftly the spirit of God is no more restrained by using a set form of Prayer then by singing set hymns or Psalms in Meeter which yet the adversaries of our Common-prayer Practise in their Assemblies Sixtly of All Prayers premeditated are the best Eccle. 5. 30. of Premeditated Prayers those which are allowed by publique Authority are to be preferred above those which are uttered by any private Spirit Seventhly All the Churches in the Christian world in the first and best times had their set formes of Liturgie whereof most are extant in the writings of the Fathers to this day Eightly Let our Service-book be compared to the French Dutch or any other Liturgies prescribed in any of the former Churches and it will appear to any indifferent reader that it is more exact and compleat then any of them Ninethly Our Service-book was penned and allowed of not onely by many Learned Doctors but glorious Martyrs who sealed the truth of the Reformed Religion with their Blood Yet it cannot be denied that there are quaedam in pulchro Corpore mendae And it were to be wished so it be done without much noyse First That the Calendar in part might be reformed and the Lessons taken out of the Apocrypha might be struck out and other Lessons taken out of the Canonical-Scriptures appointed to be read in the place of them for besides that there is no necessity of reading any of the Apocrypha there are in some of the Chapters set in the Index passages repugnant to the doctrine of holy-scriptures as namely in some Chapters of Tobit Secondly that in the Psalms Epistle and Gospels and all sentences alledged out of holy-scripture the last translating of King James Bible may be followed for in the former there be many passages not agreeable to the Original as may be proved by many instances Thirdly That in the Rubrick where of late the word Priest hath been put instead of the word Minister it may be expunged and the word Minister restored which is less offensive and more agreeable to the language of all Reformed Churches And likewise that some clauses which seem to have surreptitiously crept into it to be expunged as namely after the Communion every Minister shall Communicate and shall so receive the Sacraments and other rites according to the order in this Book appointed which words can carry no good sence in a Protestants eare nor those after Private baptism that it is certain by Gods word that Children being baptized have all things necessary for their salvation and be undoubtedly saved Fourthly that in the Hymns instead of the song of the three-Children some other word might be placed out of the Canonical scriptures and that a fitter Psalm were chosen at the Churching of a woman for those verses he will not suffer thy foot to be moved and the Sun shall not burn thee by day nor the moon by night seem not very pertinent Fiftly that in the Pravers and Collects some expressions were better as where it is said Almighty God which only worketh great wonders send down upon our Bishops c. And let thy great mercy loose them for the honour of Jesus Christ his sake and from fornication and all other deadly sins and the like Sixtly That in the singing Psalms either the lame rythms or the superfluous words as I say's and for why's And homely phrases as thou shalt feed them with brown bread and take thy hand out of thy lap and give thy foes a rap and mend this geer and the like may be corrected or at least a better translation of the Psalms in meeter appointed in place of this old Secondly for Episcopal-government it may be alleged First That in the old-law the Priests were above the Levites Secondly that in the Gospel the Apostles were above the Seventy Disciples Thirdly That in the subscriptions of St. Paules Epistles which are part of the Canonical Scripture it is said that Timotheus was ordained the first Bishop of the Church of the Ephesians Fourthly That Episcopal ordination and Jurisdiction hath express warrant in holy Scripture as namely Titus 1. 5. for this cause left I thee in Crete that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting and ordain Elders that is Ministers in every City and of Tim. 5. 22. Lay hands suddenly on no man and 5. 19. Against an Elder or Minister receive not an accusation but before two or three witnesses Fiftly The Angels of whom the Epistles were indorsed the unanimous consent of all the best Interpreters both ancient and latter expound it to be the Bishops of those Cities Sixtly Eusebius and other Ecclesiastical writers affirm none contradicting them that the Apostles themselves chose James Bishop of Jerusalem and that in all their Apostolical Seats succeeded Bishops which continued in all the Christian world and no other Government heard of in the Church for fifteen hundred years and more then by Bishops and the Canons of Councels both General and Provincial which consisted of Bishops Seventhly That so many acts of Parliament and Laws of the Kingdome and Statutes of Colleges of both Universities have relation to Bishops that the removing of them especially there haveing been never any other Government setled in this Kingdome will breed an Infinite confusion and no Reformation but rather a deformation in the Church yet it were to be wished that in something our Government might be reduced into the constitutions and practice of the Primitive Church especially in these particulars First that Bishops did ordinarily Preach either in the Metropolitan Church or in the Parochial-Churches in their visitations Secondly That they might not Ordain any Minister without the consent of three or four at the least grave Pastors Thirdly That they might not suspend ab officio et beneficio at their pleasures by their sole authority and only with a necessary consent of some assistance and that for such causes and crimes only as the antient Canons or the Laws of this Kingdome appoint Fourthly that none might be
the field Observations upon his History The Historian replies Observator observed The Observator Rescued and Rejoynes And the Historian at a Non-plus his friend even Squire Sanderson as the man that mediates for him The Interim took up the Kings time in doubt what answer to return to his subjects a discontented people Himself their Soveraign troubled with a distracted conscience They for Justice He for Mercy In this perplexity saies the Historian the King consults with feur Bishops the sunday morning desiring them as Casuists to advice him what course to steer between these twog â—eat Rocks c. That three of them urged the opinion of the Judges and the votes of Parliament c. That they advised yea partly perswaded his Majesty though not fully convinced to pass the Bill But the motive to all he saies was a Letter to the King from the Earl himself that very day viz. Sir To set your Majesties conscience at liberty c. more of this hereafter But this Observator enforceth reasons That the Bishops were not sent for but sent to the King by the Parliament to inform his conscience and bring him to yeild to the Bill who consulted rather their own ends And names them the Primate of Armagh the Bishops of Lincoln Durham and Carlile the two last unskilled depended wholly on the other two and those two as the Parliament knew full well carried a sharp tooth against the Lord Lieutenant upon former grudges that of the Primate for abrogating of the Articles of Religion established in the Church of Ireland and setting in their place the Articles of the Church of England and because Doctor Bromel once chaplain to the Lord Lieutenant then Bishop of Derrie had opposed most in it c. That of the Bishop of Lincoln on whom was the most dependance of worse affections than the other c. The Historian replies in his observator observed page 41 That the Bishops were not sent to the King but sent for by the King That they were five not four Bishops That if any of them depended on the Iudgment of others it was the Bishop of London who at the last meeting spake not a syllable That Durham and Carlile spake as freely as any other That the Lord Primate had no sharp tooth against the Lieutenant and instances in that of the Articles of Ireland which were never abrogated and produces this Certificate of two Doctors of Divinity We who were present at and Members of the Convocation holden at Dublin Anno. 1634. do hereby testifie That upon the proposal of the first Canon wherein for the manifestation of our agreement with the Church of England in the confession of the same Christian faith and doctrine of the Sacraments as was then expressed wee did receive and approve the Book of Articles of Religion agreed upon in the Convocation holden at London Anno 1562. One of the Assembly stood up and desired that the other Book of Articles agreed upon in the Convocation holden at Dublin Anno 1615. should be joyned therewith Unto whom it was then answered that this addition was altogether needless that Book having been already sufficiently ratified by the decrees of the former Synod But that the least motion was then or there made for the suppressing of those Articles of Ireland hath no truth at all in it And therefore the Observator and whosoever else hath or doth aver that the said Articles either were abolished or any motion made for the suppressing or abolishing of them are grosly mistaken and have abused the said Convocation in delivering so manifest an untruth The eighteenth of March 1655. Nicholas Bernard Samuel Pullen And to prove no discontent between the Primate and Earl he remarks That before his sentence He did advise with the Primate concerning his defence And after sentence the Earl desired that the Primate might serve him in his ministerial office in his last and fatal extremity who prayed with him sent Messages to the King by him took him by the hand and led him to the Scaffold That there was never any controversie in that Synod of Ireland between the Primate and the Bishop of Derrie concerning the Articles That the King pressing the Judges to declare any particular Article which if proved was treason could not extort from them one single instance but that the Earl was guilty upon the whole matter So much saies the Historian The Observator is rescued with witty Arguments to make good his defence in justification of what he had said before concerning the Bishops in which he puts himself upon a very unhandsome expression is it likely saies he c. that the King would confide in Potter Bishop of Carlile a man of so much want and weakness concluding the Historians Ipse dico no proof at all And so keeping the field the Historian appears no more But the Observator having dispatched that adversary he finds out another and indeavours to be rescued from the back blowes of Dr. Barnard Indeed if there were any they could be no other for the Author there turned the back not the face being an Anonymus and so appeared in that disguised for he that smote a Clergie Man without his Priestly habit was thereby excused A man that walks in the dark may meet with a knock by such as mean him no harm for the Doctors aim was if I mistake not from his apprehension of the Authors disaffection to the Primate of Ireland endeavouring to blemish that worthy Prelate of our Church in some particulars following and gave it then suspected by the Arch-Bishop himself and others to be some Agent of the See of Rome though as yet not any one of them hath moved his tongue against this Isralite at his exile hence And wee may be sorry to see his sole enemies to be those of his own house in profession that out of themselves should arise Men speaking perverse things such pen and tongue combates are gratefull to none but to the grand adversary of us all It comes in my way by calm endeavours and command of the dead to vindicate him that holy Prelate and to compose what relates to him on either side specially in these two mistakes concerning the Articles of Ireland and the scandal put upon him in relation to the Earl of Straffords death as I have received it from himself and others and charged upon me to publish which was long since prepared by it self but after conceived more convenient to be inserted in this history First for the Articles of Religion established in the Church of Ireland Anno. 1615. and pretended to be abrogated Anno. 1634. it so far onely concerns the late Primate as being chosen by the Synode to draw them up which was no more a Scandal to them than for King Iames his sending into Ireland the Articles of Lambeth as the Author tells us were to those Indeed Dr. Heylen in his History of the Sabbath pag. 2. Cap. 8. hath
taken a latitude in affirming that the whole Book of Articles of Ireland was called in and in the place thereof the Articles of the Church of England confirmed by Parliament in that Kings name Anno. 1634. whom the Observator hath followed in the like terms pag. 241. and so both imagined to be from the same Person for there was no such motion made and indeed no likelyhood to have taken place there being then so many Papists of both Houses who would have received neither For the further clearing of which this part of a Letter will evidence being written by the late Primate in Answer to an Honourable person of this Kingdom upon the first coming forth of that Book As for Dr. Heylens relation concerning our Articles of Ireland it is much mistaken For first where he saith they did pass when his Majesties Commissioners were imployed about the settling of the Church Anno. 1615. and chargeth them with this strict aâ—sterity as he termeth it in the prescript and observation of the Lords day he sheweth himself very weak there having been no such Commissioners here at that time and our Articles having been published in Print divers years before that the Commissioners whom he meaneth came hither as Sir Nathaniel Rich who was one of them himself can sufficiently inform you Secondly where he saith he is sure that till that time the Lords day had never attained such credit as to be thought an Article of faith he speaks very idely He that would confound the ten Commandements whereof this must be accounted for one unless he will leave us but nine with the Articles of the faith had need be put to learn his Catechism again and he that would have every thing which is put into the Articles of Religion agreed upon in the Synod for the avoyding of diversity of opinions and for the maintenance of peace and uniformity in the Church to be held for an Article of the faith should do well to tell us whether he hath as yet admitted these two here instanced were not by way of diminution for he did highly approve of both as being most excellent composures but because they are either for the most part to be reckoned among the Agenda rather than the Credenda or that in both there are some circumstantials observed and exhorted unto onely for decency and order according to the wisdom of the Church which come not within the compass of the Creed as upon the view of them without descending to Particulars may easily appear the Book of the Ordination of Bishops and the two volums of Homilies into his creed for sure I am he shall finde these in the Articles of Religion agreed upon in the Synod held at London 1562. To which Dr. Heylin himself having subscribed I wonder with what face he can oppose the conclusion which he findeth directly laid down in the Homily of the time and place of prayer in the fourth Commandement God hath given express charge to all men that upon the Sabbath day which is now our Sunday for these are the plain words of the Homily which the Doctor with all his sophistry will never be able to elude they shall cease from all week-day labour to the intent that like as God himself wrought six daies and rested the seventh and blessed it and Sanctified it and consecrated it to quietness and rest from labour even so Gods obedient people should use the Sunday and rest from their common and dayly business and also give themselves wholly to heavenly exercise of Gods true Religion and service By the verdict of the Church of England I am sure the Lords day had attained such a pitch of credit as nothing more could be left to the Church of Ireland in their Articles afterward to adde unto it Thirdly he shameth not to affirm that the whole book of the Articles of Ireland is now called in which is a notorious untruth and lastly the Articles of the Church of England were confirmed by Parliament in this Kingdom Anno. 1634. which it is well known that they were not so much as once propounded to either house of Parliament or ever intended to be propounded the truth is that the house of convocation in the beginning of their Canons for the manifestation of their agreement with the Church of England in the confession of the same Christian faith and the Doctrine of the Sacraments as they themselves profess and for no other end in the world did receive and approve of the Articles of England but that either the Articles of Ireland were ever called in or any Articles or Canons at all were ever here confirmed by act of Parliament may well be reckoned among Dr. Heylins fancies who sheweth how little credit he deserveth in his Geography when he bringeth us news of the remote parts of the world that telleth us so many untruths of things so lately and so publiquely acted in his neighbour nation Now although this of that most Reverend Primate writ many years since with the said Certificate of Dr. Barnard and Dr. Pullein may be satisfactory that the said Articles were not repealed or abrogated for we must keep the Authors own terms who is so precise that he hath at large contended for it yet I shall further confirm it by this brief Narrative of the whole matter as I had it from such as were present First in the house of the Clergie which was then in the Cathedral of St. Patricks Dublin there was a motion made for the reception a new of the Articles of Ireland and all unanimous were for the affirmative excepting two who went out Another time the whole house of the Clergie being called into the Quire where the Bishops sat and the same thing again propounded to them they all stuck to their former vote excepting seven The intent of the whole Clergie being by this sufficiently understood and it appearing there was no need of any such confirmation having been Anno. 1615. fully and formally established that motion was no more repealed only the Primate was consulted conâ—erning the approving and receiving of the Articles of England also to which he readily consented therein being no substantial difference between them which he had subscribed himself voluntarily long before in England and conceiving it to be without any prejudice to the other Hereupon the first Canon being all that was done in relation to them was drawn up the Primate approved it and proposed it himself as president of the Synod in the House of the Bishops commended it to the House of the Clergie where by his motion many assented the more readily they all gave their Votes man by man excepting one person who suspended his out of the suspition that some might make that construction which is the Observators conclusion to whose Arguments somewhat may be answered His chief is from the words of the Canon where they do not onely approve but receive the Articles of England from this must infer a super inducing
and so an abrogation of those of Ireland Now there was not a reception of the one instead of the other but the one with the other there being no difference in substance but onely in method number of subjects determined and other circumstantials argue no more an abrogation then that doth of the Apostles Creed by our reception of the Nicene Creed and Athanasius's wherein some points are more enlarged Or that the reception into our use the form of the Lords prayer according to S. Matthew abrogates that of S. Luke being the shorter Neither do I see but if for the manifestation of the union of the whole Reformed Churches We then should approve and receive the Articles of Religion agreed in other Reformed Churches and they receive ours it were no abrogating of either And the difference in them being onely in Circumstantials and not in substance all might be called one confession That as of many Seas one Ocean of many National Churches one Catholique Church so of many formes of Confessions but one faith amongst them That Argument from the Apostles speech of making void the old Covenant by speaking of a new or taking in the first day of the week to be the Sabbath instead of the last when but one in seven was to be kept doth not fit the Case for in these there was a superinduction and reception of the one for the other but in the Canon the Articles of England are received not instead but with those of Ireland And the practise of divers Bishops confirms it who many years after that upon an Ordination examined the persons as formerly according to the Articles of Ireland and took their subscription of them And in this I shall give you the sence of a most eminent learned and judicious person upon the view of what the Observator rescued had written of it I have received saies he the Book you sent me and have perused it I see he will have the allowance of our Articles of England by the Synod in Ireland to be a virtual disanulling of the Irish Confession which I conceive saith nomore but that both Confessions were consistent And the Act of that Synod not a revocation of the Irish Articles but an approbation of ours as agreeing with them He hath his flings at the Sermon preached at the Lord Primates Funeral but in truth he wrongs himself and our Church in those detractions from him Now this being so that the Articles of Ireland were not abrogated nor by the Primate so apprehended where was the ground of any displeasure disaffection or former grudge pretended very uncharitably by the Observator to be the cause of the Lord Primates carrying a sharp tooth against the Earl of Strafford It could not be for the first Canons passing which was all that was done in it for himself proposed and commended it and such as were intimate with him never heard him express any displeasure to the Earl upon that account And what Arguments soever may now be picked out of the draught of the Canon to imply an abrogation virtually or legally which is the last refuge the Observator flies unto are of no force to prove his displeasure then who did not so apprehend it and if he had then taken any such offence they are strangers to that holy man that can believe he could smother a grudge so many years but for such as have so aspersed him I shall pray that the thoughts of their hearts may be forgiven them So much for the clearing of that mistake concerning the Articles of Ireland which being made the Foundation of that other Building we are next to enter upon must accordingly fall with it also viz. The second Scandal in putting forward of the Earl of Strafford 's death But first to the whole matter which I shall lay down as plainly and briefly as the business will bear it The House of Commons having voted the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford which with some difficulty passed at last the House of Lords also and so tendered to the King for his royal assent He refused it for the present as not being satisfied upon his Hearing the Charge and Defence with the Evidence on both sides of which himself was witness That no sufficient proof was made nor any Law then in force whereby the Earl could be guilty of high Treason It was therefore necessary that Judges for the Law and Divines for his Conscience should satisfie him therein and they were with him to that end sent for by him and not sent to him The Houses of Parliament already really assured that their Proceedings and Votes for the Earl's condemnation ought to be sufficient satisfaction for the King without scruple of his own conscience to sign to their judgment the King being a party in Life and Death of a Delinquent ought to confide in the Verdict of the Iury. Nor was the King present as to satisfie his own conscience but his curiosity and it had been a strange President in the Parliament to consent unto much less to send any persons to the King to clear his conscience contrary to the Parliaments sentence especially such persons not having Vote in the House as the Judges have not Nor are the Bishops so much as assistant in cause of bloud or death by the fourth Canon of the Council of Toledo And it is confessed by both Authours that the Judges and Divines also were not willing to give their Opinions point blank against the Vote in Parliament And certainly if they had they might well have expected to be further questioned for it But in truth the Judges told the King that in point of Law the Oath made by Sir Henry Vane of the Earls advice to raise Horse to aw this Nation the Earl was guilty of Treason which though but singularis testis and which circumstances have been taken for sufficient testimony in Treason and more the King could not draw from the Judges as to any other particular but they flew to their general Opinion that super totam materiam he was guilty The King then starts his last Doubt that in his conscience he could not pass the Bill although the Earl were guilty having promised him under his hand that his Prerogative should save him never to pass that Bill nor to consent to the acting of any thing to take away his life And this was now that point of conscience Breach of Promise mostly insisted upon wherein the Divines were to satisfie And we have heard what hath been said of them And now let us see what the Arch-bishop of Armagh is pleased to say and that under his own hand-writing The Arch-bishop of Armagh's Testimony in Answer to the Historian pag. 257. l. 29. That Sunday morning writes he wherein the King consulted with the four Bishops London Durham Lincoln and Carlile the Arch-bishop of Armagh was not present being then Preaching as he then accustomed every Lords day to do in the Church of
so many forward to engage against me who had made great Professions of singular pietie For this gave to vulgar mindes so bad a reflection upon me and my Cause as if it had been impossible to adhere to me and not withall part from God to think or speak well of me and not to blaspheme him so many were perswaded that these two were utterly inconsistent to be at once Loyal to me and truly Religious toward God Not but that I had I thank God many with me which were both Learned and Religious much above that ordinrie size and that vulgar proportion wherein some men glorie so much who were so well satisfied in the cause of my Sufferings that they chose rather to suffer with me than forsake me Nor is it strange that so Religious Preâ—ensions as were used against me should be to many well-minded men a great tempâ—ation to oppose me especially being urged by such popular Preachers as think it no sin to lie for God and what they please to call Gods cause cursing all that will not curse with them looking so much at and crying up the goodness of the end propounded that they consider not the lawfulness of the means used nor the depth of the mischief chiefly plotted and intended The weakness of these mens judgments must be made up by their clamours and activitie It was a great part of some mens Religion to scandalize me and mine they thought theirs could not be true if they cried not down mine as false I thank God I have had more trial of his grace as to the constancie of my Religion in the Protestant Profession of the Church of England both abroad and at home than ever they are like to have Nor do I know any Exception I am so liable to in their opinion as too great a fixedness in that Religion whose judicious and solid Grounds both from Scripture and Antiquitie will not give my Conscience leave to approve or consent to those many dangerous and divided Innovations which the bold Ignorance of some men would needs obtrude upon me and my People Contrarie to those wel-tried Foundations both of Truth and Order which men of far greater Learning and clearer Zeal have settled in the Confession and Constitution of this Church in England which many former Parliaments in the most calm and unpassionate times have oft confirmed in which I shall ever by Gods help persevere as believing it hath most of Primitive Truth and Order Nor did my using the assistance of some Papists which were my Subjects any way fight against my Religion as some men would needs interpret it especially those who least of all men cared whom they imploied or what they said and did so they might prevail 'T is strange that so wise men as they would be esteemed should not conceive That Differences of perswasion in matters of Religion may easily fall out where there is the sameness of Dutie Allegiance and Subjection The first they own as men and Christians to God The second they ow to me in common as their King Different Professions in point of Religion cannot any more than in civil Trades take away the communitte of Relations either to Parents or to Princes And where is there such an Oglio or Medley of various Religions in the World again as those men entertain in their service who finde most fault with me without any scruple as to the diversitie of their Sects and Opinions It was indeed a foul and indelible shame for such as would be counted Protestants to enforce me a declared Protestant their Lord and King to a necessarie use of Papists or any other who did but their Dutie to help me to defend my self Nor did I more than is lawfull for any King in such Exigents to use the aid of any his Subjects I am sorrie the Papists should have a greater sense of their Allegiance than many Protestant Professours who seem to have learned and to practise the worst Principles of the worst Papists Indeed it had been a verie impertinent and unseasonable scruple in me and verie pleasing no doubt to mine Enemies to have been then disputing the Points of different Beliefs in my Subjects when I was disputed with by Swords points and when I needed the help of my Subjects as men no less than their praiers as Christians The noise of my Evil Counsellours was another usefull Devise for those who were impatient any mens counsel but their own should be followed in Church and State who were so eager in giving me better counsel that they would not give me leave to take it with freedom as a Man or Honour as a King making their counsels more like a Drench that must be poured down than a Draught which might be fairly and leisurely drunk if I liked it I will not justifie beyond humane Errours and Frailties my self or my Counsellours they might be subject to some Miscarriages yet such as were far more reparable by second and better thoughts than those enormous Extravagancies wherewith some men have now wildered and almost quite lost both Church and State The event of things at last will make it evident to my Subjects that had I followed the worst counsels that my worst Counsellours ever had the boldness to offer to me or my self any inclination to use I could not so soon have brought both Church and State in three flourishing Kingdoms to such a Chaos of Confusions and Hell of Miseries as some have done out of which they cannot or will not in the midst of their many great Advantages redeem either me or my Subjects No men were more willing to complain than I was to redress what I saw in Reason was either done or advised amiss and this I thought I had done even beyond the expectation of moderate men who were sorrie to see me prone even to injure my self out of a zeal to relieve my Subjects But other mens insatiable Desire of Revenge upon me my Court and my Clergie hath wholly beguiled both Church and State of the benefit of all my either Retractations or Concessions and withall hath deprived all those now so zealous Persecutours both of the comfort and reward of their former pretended Persecutions wherein they so much gloried among the vulgar and which indeed a truly humble Christian will so highly prize as rather not to be relieved than be revenged so as to be bereaved of that Crown of Christian Patience which attends humble and injured Sufferers Another Artifice used to with-draw my Peoples Affections from me to their Designs was the noise and ostentation of Libertie which men are not more prone to desire than unapt to bear in the popular sense which is to do what every man liketh best If the divinest Libertie be to will what men should and to do what they so will according to Reason Laws and Religion I envie not my Subjects that Libertie which is all I desire to enjoy my self so far am I from the desire of
promoted the Lady Ianes Title before the lawfull Heir Queen Mary and the Bishops and Lords writ to Mary that she ought to submit to her Cousin the Lady Iane as her Sovereign that Canterbury and Ely subscribed that Letter and Ridley preached the same at Paul's Cross and so concluded them disloyal Traitours The Protestant Bishops were engaged upon the Faith of Religion to promote Jane besides the visible cause of Danger to the State and Kingdom was notorious in the accession of Mary and proved fiery hot to the execution of their persons the most of the powerfull Lords were Protestants the other being beyond Seas or kept under at home and but two of all the Bishops that signed to the Letter The next godly Princess was Elizabeth who began her Reign with a Conference for increase of Reformation of Religion earnestly pressed by good Divines Scorie Cox Iewel Ebiner Grindall Whitehead Horn Gest but were opposed by the Bishops to the prejudice of the Queens desire therein That at the Queens Coronation the Bishops did refuse to anoint or consecrate her and names them York Canterbury dead and ten more the chiefest And were not all these Popish Bishops that hated her Nay there might be another cause which is not hinted by him though his whole discourse hath insisted upon the Sovereigns Titles there might be reason enough to dispute it now but he forbears and so do I. But the lawfull Line succeeds her And so King Iames says he commences with a Conference for Reformation at Hampton Court where were Doctour Reynolds and Sparks of Oxford Knewstubs and Chaderton of Cambridg but were resisted in the Reformation by eight Bishops and six Deans alleging there was no need of Reformation but God and good men did know the contrary In his Reign they introducing Schisms Heresies and Idolatry of Popery and Arminianism and what not Irreligion to the Deity mischief and danger to the Kingdom There needs not particular observation concerning his Notes of this Kings time that there was a Conference complete an equal number of Disputants continuing some Days the whole Discourse imprinted and now common which I finde Master Thomas passes over as not willing to stand to the Test of that Conference being nothing at all for his purpose but to the contrary As for their Actions in his Majesties Reign which he thinks do poise all and over-ballance all formerly done since the beginning of Parliaments put together in the other Scale which he referrs to the Reports of the Committees for the Pope of Lambeth and his Cardinals Wren and others and briefly concludes that they having in Parliaments contrived Treasons Rebellions Domestick and Foreign Incendiaries and Grievances to State and Church Arch-Enemies to King and Common-wealth He hopes his Majesty will Lege talionis make their Episcopacy onely Tituâ—â— for they are to have priority or precedency Quoad Ordinem not Quoad Ministerium wherein the poorest Curate is his Companion but as he is not for equality and parity so not too great a distance These being his Reasons for their unlawfulness and sitting in Parliament any longer And this was spoken in May. This Speech was accounted the Cutâ—throat of Episcopacy which the rather I insert and the Reasons I observe because much of the matter is Records and so not out of my way nor unnatural for an Historian to observe and therefore herein I may be excused from any note of partiality mis-becoming a Register of Records Master White and others there were that followed with inveterate Speeches against Episcopacy but because all of them of one nature and to record them here impertinent I shall refer the Reader to their Reasons published in several Pamphlets and to others that answered them both Clerks and Lay-men the whole business of this time taken up with Freedom of the Presses to prate any thing scandalous on any side and that you may see their plotting take this Letter which I set down somewhat before its due place and time it came from Master Iohn White of Dorchester to his Nephew Master White at London Septemb. 8. The King being in Scotland thus writes Touching our main business says he the King will come back from Scotland shortly without effecting any thing answerable to his and others expectations and consequently may be fit enough to be won to condescend to any reasonable Demands If the Commons hold their own they may have what they will desire All the work will be to hold them stiff to their former Resolutions to which they may be well prepared by their Friends in the time of this Access if they bestiâ— themselves as they ought Sir we conceive if we could could win Master Mainard to joyn throughly about the taking away of Episcopacy it would much further the cause The way must be to charge home the thirteen Bishops that are now impeached if they be found in a Praemunire and so cast out of the Higher House it is hoped the better Lords will prevail and then the Work is at an end The way to prevail with Master Mainard is by his Wife and with her by Master Hughs a Lecturer I conceive It were worth a Iourney thither for you to ride over and speak with her if these who deal with this man go about it with metal I am confident it will be carried Good Sir afford your helping hand herein with as much speed as possibly you can Yours John White Dorchester September 8 1641. I need not suppose this mans Character the Tone too well known and to what Sect he appertained but the manner of their working by the lecturing weak Women who have more strength in their pewling than Sampson had in his Locks But the state of a Question was propounded concerning Bishops whether or no Iure Divino as hath been heretofore remembred but now it was that Master Grimston argued That Bishops are Jure Divino is of a question That Arch-bishops are not Jure Divino is out of question That Ministers are Jure Divino there is no question Now says he if Bishops which are questioned whether Jure Divino and Arch-bishops which out of question are not Jure Divino suspend Ministers that are Jure Divino I leave it to you Master Speaker Mr. Selden's Answer That the Convocation is Jure Divino is a question That Parliaments are not Jure Divino is out of question That Religion is Jure Divino is no question Now Master Speaker that the Convocation which is questioned whether Jure Divino and Parliaments which out of question are not Jure Divino should meddle with Religion which questionless is Jure Divino I leave to you Master Speaker Grimston replies But Arch-bishops are no Bishops Selden answers That 's no otherwise true than that Iudges are no Lawyers and Aldermen no Citizens Busie the Commons House have been to settle a new Mode of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and the seventeenth of Iuly ordain every Shire of England and Wales to be
of Queen Elizabeth and himself a person not engaged in any publick pressures of the Common-wealth and therefore most likely to prove just and acceptable to the People The Papists likewise permitted privately to enjoy their Religion and a general good agreement between the Natives and the English in all parts In August the Popish party in Parliament grown high and incompatible with the present Government the Parliament was adjourned for three Moneths and then the Committee returned out of England and arrived at the end of August desiring that all the Acts of that Parliament might be proclaimed and sent down to the several Counties and so they retired to their places of abode In this great serenity and security the late Irish Army raised for the assistance of the Kings service against the Scots was disbanded and all their Army brought into Dublin Then there brake out upon the three and twentieth of October 1641. a desperate Rebellion universal defection and general Revolt of the Natives together which almost all the old English that were Popish totally involved A Rebellion so execrable as no Age no Nation can parallell the abominable Murders without number or mercy upon the Brittish Inhabitants of what sexes age or quality soever they were and this to be contrived with that secrecy amongst themselves that not one English man received any notice thereof before the very Evening of their intended Execution But though there were no direct appearance of the first Contrivers of this Rebellion yet I finde the Romish Clergy and the the Popish Lawyers great Instruments of the Fundamentals whereupon their bloudy Superstructions were reared The Lawyers standing up in Parliament as great Patriots for the Liberties of the Subject and Redress of Grievances boldly obtruding their pernicious speculations as undoubted Maxims of Law which though apparent to wise men yet so strangely were many of the very Protestants and others wel-meaning men blinded with an apprehension of case and redress and so stupified with their bold accusations of the Government as discouraged others to stand up to oppose them And then it was that the Parliament having impeached Sir Robert Bolton Lord Chancellour of Ireland of high Treason with other prime Officers of State that were of English birth and done their worst also against the Earl of Strafford in England Some of these great Masters and pretended Patriots took upon them impudently to declare the Law as they pleased to make new Expositions of their own upon that Text to frame Queries against Government Presidents they had enough of former proceedings in England they disdained the moderate qualifications of such as replied to them but those would not serve their turn New Model of Government they would have drawing it wholly into the hands of the Natives which they knew could not be compassed in a Parliamentary way they onely made preparatives there by desperate Maxims which being diffused would fit and dispose the people to a change Some of their Maxims they declared for Law that any one being killed in Rebellion though found by matter of Record would give the King no Forfeiture of Estate That though many thousands stood up in Arms working all manner of destruction yet if they professed not to rise against the King that it was no Rebellion That if a man were cuâ—lawed for Treason and his Land rested in the Crown or given away by the King his Heir might come afterwards and be admitted to reverse the Outlawry and recover his Ancestours Estate And many such were published this Session nay they presumed to attempt a suspension of Poyning ' s Act and at last the very abrogation of the Statute the best Monument of the English intire dominion over the Irish Nation and the annexion of that Kingdom to the Imperial Crown of England assuming a power of Iudicature to the Parliament in criminal and capital offences which no former age could presidence And so carried on their Session begun in May till the breaking out of the Rebellion and yet then they would hardly adjourn These and many other such which wise men fore-saw and since came to pass that Fools may run and read them They made the whole Body of State corrupt and ill-affected that the evil humours and distempers of the Kingdom required Cauteries This was the Disease as appears by all the Symptoms and the joint concurrence in opinion of all the pretended Patriots that held themselves wise enough to propose Remedies to so desperate a Malady But indeed although but pretences yet the King had condescended to their present relief giving much more satisfaction to their Agents lately in England than ever they could in any other time expect to receive or hope to enjoy but presently upon their return to Ireland this Conspiracy brake out Certainly the late successes of the Scots in their Insurrections gave encouragement to these they having happily succeeded in their affairs obtained signal Immunities from the King by their last Eruptions Our domestick garboils also might indulge them liberty to perplex the English the more and not the least advantage by the death of the late Deputy the Earl of Strafford whom the Irish equally pursued with the Zelots of Parliament in England and thereupon the unseasonable disbanding of the Irish Army eight thousand raised for the Scotish Expedition All these together added to them for their Design four thousand whereof were granted to Don Alonso de â—ardenes the Spanish Ambassadour to be transported from the danger of Innovation at home and the Officers and Colonels put out by the Parliaments commands might depart with their Regiments whither they pleased These were their Incitements and their Deceits followed they boast that the Queen was in the Head of their Forces that the King was coming with an Army that the Scots had concluded a League with them and to get credit therein they altogether caress the Scots that they were authorised by the Kings Commission which they counterâ—eited and produced at Farnham Abbey from one Colonel Plunket as appeared afterwards by several Confessions that they asserted the Kings cause against the Puritans of England And to their own Countrey-men they scatter Letters and Advertisements out of England that there was a Statute very lately made to compell all the Irish to be present at the Protestant worship under penalty of loss of their Goods for the first neglect the loss of their Inheritances for the second and their Lives for the third They gave there great hopes of recovering their Liberties and regaining their ancient Customes and to shake off the English yokâ— to elect to themselves a King of their own Nation and to distribute the Goods and Possessions of the English These Inducements made the Irish mad to perpetrate such hideous Attempts as no leading Age hath heard of They published also these Motives in print that our royal King and Queen are by the Puritans curbed and abused and their Prerogatives restrained diminished and almost wholly abolished
or to have made the Court too hot for her And therefore the King acquaints the Houses that he was pressed by the States Ambassadour to send the Princess Maria immediately into Holland to her late betrothed Husband the young Prince of Orange and upon the Queens earnest Desire to give her Majesty leave to accompany her And with her were conveyed all the King and Queens Jewels not leaving behinde any of those entailed to the Crown by his Predecessors with which and the Prince of Orange's assistance the King doubted not to raise his party considerable to oppose the Parliament But no doubt nothing could work more for the Parliaments advantage and although they were informed of the Purloin which might have been prevented and seized yet they suffered so much Treasure to be transported to be rid of all together We have time to consider to what miserable solitude the King was brought his dearest Consort the Queen and his eldest Daughter the Princess with the honour of her Court to be enforced to fly beyond Seas himself desolate enforced to withdraw from his Parliament his Privy Council from his usual residence at White-hall and from the strength and support of the City of London so wonderfully obliged to him for his grace and favour But all this appears by his own princely consideration which he expresseth thus Although I have much cause says the King to be troubled at my Wifes Departure from me and out of my Dominions yet not her absence so much as the Scandal of that necessitie which drives her away doth afflict me That she should be compelled by mine own Subjects and those pretending to be Protestants to with-draw for her safetie This being the first Example of any Protestant Subjects that have taken up Arms against their King a Protestant for I look upon this now done in England as another Act of the same Tragedie which was lately begun in Scotland the Brands of that Fire being ill quenched have kindled the like Flames here I fear such Motions so little to the adorning of the Protestant Profession may occasion a farther alienation of minde and Divorce of affections in her from that Religion which is the onely thing wherein we differ Which yet God can and I pray he would in time take away and not suffer these practises to be any obstruction to her judgment since it is the motion of those men for the most part who are yet to seek and settle their Religion for Doctrine Government and good manners and so not to be imputed to the true English Protestants who continue firm to their former settled Principles and Laws I am sorrie my Relation to so deserving a Ladie should be any occasion of her Danger and Affliction whose Merits would have served her for a protection among the savage Indians while their rudeness and barbaritie knows not so perfectly to hate all Virtues as some mens subtiltie doth among whom I yet think few are so malitious as to hate her for her self The fault is that she is my Wife All Iustice then as well as Affection commands me to studie her Securitie who is onely in Danger for my sake I am content to be tossed weather-beaten and shipwrackt so as she may be in a safe Harbour This comfort I shall enjoy by her safetie in the midst of my personal Dangers that I can perish but half if she be preserved in whose memorie and hopefull Posteritie I may yet survive the malice of mine Enemies although they should be satiated with my Bloud I must leave her and them to the Love and Loyaltie of my good Subjects and to his protection who is able to punish the Faults of Princes and no less severely to revenge the Injuries done to them by those who in all Dutie and Allegiance ought to have made good that safetie which the Laws chiefly provide for Princes But common civilitie is in vain expected from those that dispute their Loyaltie nor can it be safe for any Relation to a King to tarrie among them who are shaking hands with their Allegiance under pretence of laying faster hold on their Religion 'T is pitie so noble and peacefull a Soul should see much more suffer the rudeness of those who must make up their want of Iustice with inhumanitie and impudence Her sympathie with me in my afflictions will make her Virtues shine with greater lustre as Stars in the darkest Nights and assure the envious World that she loves me not my Fortunes Neither of us but can easily forgive since we do not much blame the unkindness of the Generalitie and Vulgar for we see God is pleased to trie both our patience by the most self-punishing sin the ingratitude of those who having eaten of our Bread and being enriched with our Bountie have scornfully lift up themselves against us and those of our own Houshold are become our Enemies I pray God lay not their sin to their charge who think to satisfie all obligations to Dutie by their Corban of Religion and can less endure to see than to sin against their Benefactours as well as their Sovereigns But even that policie of mine Enemies is so far venial as it was necessarie to their Designs by scandalous Articles and all irreverend Demeanour to seek to drive her out of my Kingdoms lest by the influence of her Example eminent for Love as a Wife and Loyaltie as a Subject she should have converted to or retained in their Love and Loyaltie all those whom they had a purpose to pervert The less I may be blest with her companie the more I will retire to God and mine own Heart whence no malice can banish her Mine Enemies may envie but they can never deprive me of the enjoyment of her Virtues while I enjoy my self It was mightily enforced then and the scandalous suspition continues to this Day That at the Kings late being in Scotland when the Irish Rebellion then brake out the Plot and contrivance was there hatched Not so horrid as it fell out to be a monstrous Massacre of all the Protestants but it was surmised that a Mutiny or shew of Insurrection there might be an occasion of raising Forces here for to subdue them and so to be made usefull in reducing the Parliament to Reason And to increase that opinion it hath been objected that how earnestly the King was fain to urge the Parliament for that Relief very often to reminde them of the Misery which they could not but deeply resent yet never was too hasty nor at all willing to intrust any power of Arms to the Kings dispose much less for him in person to be their General as he often offered To add to all it had been considered in Parliament how generally the Papists flocked over to Ireland and though the Houses had ordered a strict Examination for prevention thereof yet it was complained of by Master Pym at a Conference and printed by their Order That since the stop upon the Ports against
an Accommodation and states the case to the Lords The King offers says he to concur with the Parliament in the setling of our Liberties is willing to hearken unto all our Propositions and for establishing the Protestant Religion he moves us to it That the Rule of his Government shall be the Laws of the Kingdom and offers a more large and general Pardon than by any his Predecessours And truly my Lords this is all that ever was pretended unto by us We on the other side profess to make his Majestie a glorious King to endeavour to support his Dignitie and to pay unto him dutie and obedience which we by our Allegeance several Oaths and late Protestation ow unto him and to maintain all his just Regalities and Prerogatives which may be conceived is as much as his Majestie will expect from us What then is wanting to give to either mutual satisfaction The greatest difficultie may be how that which shall be agreed upon may be secured It is commonly the last point in Treaties betwixt Princes and of the greatest niceness much more between a King and his Subjects the chiefest difficultie of Accommodation for it is much easier to compose Differences arising from Reasons yea from wrongs than it is to satisfie Iealousies which arising out of diffidence and distrust grow and are varied upon every occasion nay already increased to that height and the mutual replies to those direct terms of opposition that if we make not a present stop it is to be feared speedily to pass beyond verbal contestation In some Answers it is spoken as in fear of a Civil War a word of horrour to such as have seen those unexpressible calamities witness Germany the most flourishing Countrey in Europe now reduced to monstrous miserie Of which we had lately a costly Example for in these unhappy troubles betwixt us and Scotland after there was a stop from acts of hostilitie a desire of peace and the Articles propounded yet the keeping of those Armies whilest the Treatie was on foot at Rippon and after at London cost this Kingdom no less than a million of pounds Then he proposes the way A select Committee of Parliament truly to state the matters in difference with the most probable ways of reconciling them Secondly to descend into the particulars which may be expected either in point of supporting the King or relieving his people And lastly how these conditions agreed upon may be secured Then he sums up the present unhappy estate which needs relief and remedy The deplorable estate of Ireland the Debts and Necessities of the Crown the Distractions likely to produce Confusion of Religion most dangerous and destructive to a State Besides those publick Calamities to consider the distracted condition of every one of us under the different commands of the King and of the Parliament no caution can promise any safetie inconsistent to obedience The Parliament command all persons to obey their Ordinance as the Fundamental Laws The King declares it to be contrary and commands us upon our Allegeance not to obey it and unto contrary commands Conformitie cannot be submitted but by Fasting and Prayer to reduce both parties to Reason But for what was done at York in reference to a Guard of Horse for the Kings person the Parliament vote as a preparation for War against the Parliament a Breach of the Trust reposed in him by his people contrary to his Oath and tending to the dissolution of his Government and all such as serve him there are Traitours to the Laws of the Kingdom 11 Rich. 2. 1 H. 4. Then comes out another larger Declaration or third Remonstrance of all the Kings mis-actions wherein for themselves they allege these following as infallible Positions 1. That they have an absolute power of declaring the Law and that whatsoever they declare to be so ought not to be questioned by the King or any Subject So then in consequence all right and safety of the King and his people must depend upon their pleasure 2. That no Presidents can be Limits to bound their proceedings Then may they do what they please 3. That a Parliament may dispose of any thing wherein the King or Subject hath a Right for the publick good That they without the King are this Parliament and Iudg of this publick good and that his consent is not necessary Then the Life and Liberties of the Subject and all the good Laws made for the security of them may be disposed of and repealed by the major part of both Houses at any time present and by any ways or means procured so to be and the King hath no power to protect the people 4. That no Member of either House ought to be troubled or meddled with for Treason Felonie or any other Crime without the cause first brought before the Parliament that they may judg of the Fact and their leave obtained to proceed 5. That the sovereign power resides in both Houses and that the King hath no Negative Voice Then the King must be subject to their commands 6. That the levying of Forces against the personal commands of the King though accompanied with his presence is not levying War against the King But the levying of War against his Laws and Authority which they have power onely to declare and signifie though not against his person is levying of War against the King 7. That Treason cannot be committed against his person otherwise than as he is intrusted with the Kingdom and discharging that trust and that they have a power to judg whether he have discharged this trust or no. 8. That they may dispose of the King when they will and are not to blame for so doing Certainly the Duke of Venice is of more power than such a Monarch But as large as that was it was not long ere the King returns his Answer to this Book and we may be excused for the length thereof which necessarily is required to their particulars And to which I must refer the Reader being on both parts as much and no more than the Reader may finde in the daily Transactions observed in this History heretofore set down and which hereafter follow But to this Answer of the King we meet with no Reply untill the second of November next following which the Authour styles A Treatise or rather a Tome and that he doubts not but he shall therein give ample satisfaction to the Reader By which we suspect it Apocrypha To which the King never vouchsafed any Rejoinder But the Parliament in reference to their power and authority ordain That all High Sheriffs Iustices c. within an hundred and fifty miles of the Citie of York to make stay of all Arms and Ammunition carrying to York and the persons so conveying to be apprehended c. Another also they ordain That all Sheriffs within the Kingdom of England and the Dominion of Wales shall by the power of the Counties suppress all Forces of Horse and
denied to some men lest he should seem not to dare to denie any thing and give too much encouragement to unreasonable demands or importunities But to binde my self to a general and implicite consent to what ever they shall desire or propound for such is one of their Propositions were such a latitude of blinde obedience as never was expected from any Free-man nor fit to be required of any man much less of a King by his own Subjects any of whom he may possibly exceed as much in wisdom as he doth in place and power This were as if Sampson should have consented not onely to binde his own hands and cut off his own hair but to put out his own eys that the Philistines might with the more safetie mock and abuse him which they chose rather to do than quite to destroy him when he was become so tame an object and fit occasion for their sport and scorn Certainly to exclude all power of denial seems an arrogancie least of all becoming those who pretend to make their Addresses in an humble and loyal way of petitioning who by that sufficiently confess their own inferioritie which obligeth them to rest if not satisfied yet quieted with such an Answer as the will and reason of their Superiour thinks fit to give who is acknowledged to have a freedom and power of Reason to consent or dissent else it were very foolish and absurd to ask what another having not libertie to denie neither hath power to grant But if this be my Right belonging to me in reason as a man and in honour as a Sovereign King as undoubtedly it doth how can it be other than extreme injurie to confine my Reason to a nâ—â—essitie of granting all they have a minde to ask whose mindes may be as differing from mine both in Reason and Honour as their Aims may be and their Qualities are which last God and the Laws have sufficiently distinguished making me their Sovereign and them my Subjects whose Propositions may soon prove violent oppositions if once they gain to be necessarie Impositions upon the Regal Authoritie Since no man seeks to limit and confine his King in Reason who hath not a secret Aim to share with him or usurp upon him in power and dominion But they would have me trust to their moderation and abandon mine own discretion that so I might verifie what representations some have made of me to the world that I am fitter to be their Pupil than their Prince Truly I am not so confident of mine own sufficiencie as not willingly to admit the counsel of others but yet I am not so diffident of my self as brutishly to submit to any mens dictates and at once to betray the Sovereigntie of Reason in my soul and the majestie of mine own Crown to any of my Subjects Least of all have I any ground of credulitie to induce me fully to submit to all the desires of those men who will not admit or do refuse and neglect to vindicate the freedom of their own and others sitting and voting in Parliament Besides all men that know them know this how young States-men the most part of these propounders are so that till experience of one seven years hath shewed me how well they can govern themselves and so much power as is wrested from me I should be very foolish indeed and unfaithfull in my Trust to put the Reins of both Reason and Government wholly out of mine own into their hands whose driving is already too much like Jehu's and whose forwardness to ascend the Throne of Supremacie portends more of Phaeton than of Phoebus God divert the Omen if it be his will They may remember that at best they sit in Parliament as my Subjects not my Superiours called to be my Counsellours not Dictatours their Summons extends to recommend their Advice not to command my Dutie When I first heard of Propositions to be sent me I expected either some good Laws which had been antiquated by the course of time or over-laid by the corruption of manners had been desired to a restauration of their vigour and due execution or some evil customes preter-legal and abuses personal had been to be removed or some injuries done by my self and others to the Common-weal were to be repaired or some equable offertures were to be tendred to me wherein the advantages of my Crown being considered by them might fairly induce mâ— to condescend to what tended to my Subjects good without any great diminution of my self whom Nature Law Reason and Religion binde me in the first place to preserve without which 't is impossible to preserve my people according to my place Or at least I looked for such moderate desires of due Reformation of what was indeed amiss in Church and State as might still preserve the foundation and essentials of Government in both not shake and quite over-throw either of them without any regard to the Laws in force the wisdom and pietie of former Parliaments the antient and universal practice of Christian Churches the Rights and Privileges of particular men nor yet any thing offered in lieu or in the room of what must be destroied which might at once teach the good end of the others institution and also supplie its pretended defects reform its abuses and satisfie sober and wise men not with soft and specious words pretending zeal and special pietie but with pregnant and solid Reasons both divine and humane which might justifie the abruptness and necessitie of such vast alterations But in all their Propositions I can observe little of these kindes or to these ends nothing of any Laws dis-jointed which are to be restored of any right invaded of any justice to be un-obstructed of any compensations to be made of any impartial Reformation to be granted to all or any of which Reason Religion true policie or any other humane motives might induce me But as to the main matters propounded by them at any time in which is either great noveltie or difficultie I perceive that what were formerly looked upon as Factions in the State and Schisms in the Church and so punishable by the Laws have now the confidence by vulgar clamours and assistance chiefly to demand not onely Tolerations of themselves in their vanitie noveltie and confusion but also Abolition of the Laws against them and a total extirpation of that Government whose Rights they have a minde to invade This as to the main other Propositions are for the most part but as waste paper in which those are wrapped up to present them somewhat more handsomly Nor do I so much wonder at the varietie and horrible noveltie of some Propositions there being nothing so monstrous which some fancies are not prone to long for This casts me into not an Admiration but an Extasie how such things should have the fortune to be propounded in the name of the two Houses of the Parliament of England among whom I am very confident there was not
dare present their tenderness of his sufferings their own just grievances and the sense of the violation of the Laws if they did it was stifled in the birth and called Sedition and burnt by the Hang-man They have so restrained his Houshold sworn Servants seized upon his Money which his credit had gotten to buy him Bread so that in effect they have blocked him up in York They have filled the Peoples ears with Fears and Jealousies idle Tales false Allarms by which to prepare the peoples impressions the better to advance their Design when it should be ripe And now the King it seems must be ready to receive these humble desires Nor do they tell the King that these Propositions are all No these are yet but Preparatives Some of these disguised with mixtures of real honest things others specious and popular and some already granted by the King all which are cunningly twisted with those other things of their main Design Ambition and private Interest and so not easily to be discerned in their proper colours Not that the King fixes this Design upon all and both Houses many absent many dissenting but professes to all the World that the malignity of the Design dangerous and wicked hath proceeded from all subtil informations mischievous practises and evil counsels of ambitious spirits dis-affected to God Religion unity peace and prosperity of the people with a strong influence upon the very actions of both Houses And these Propositions coming to the King in the name of both Houses he takes the more notâ—ce of every of them and answers to this effect following which because he expresseth in the first person plural not usual heretofore I shall so represent it If the nineteen Propositions had been in a Tragedie unknown to us and our people they might have been believed as they profess to be in order to the ends proposed in the Petition to us and our people honour peace and happiness But being understood will rather appear a Mockerie and a scorn And we unworthie of our Trust or Descent from so many famous Ancestours if we abandon that power which enables us to protect our people and Laws and so assume others into it as to divest our selves of it as if we were already vanquished and a prisoner and the most unfortunate of our predecessours that have been reduced to by the most criminal of their Subjects And though the Bait laid to draw us to it the promises of a plentifull and unparallel'd Revenue were reduced from generals which signifie nothing to clear and certain propositions would but resemble Esau's Bargain to part with such Flowers of our Crown as are worth all the rest of the Garland which gives us cause to believe that the Contrivers of these had no intention of a good Accommodation but rather to widen that Division which is by their fault fallen upon us both It is asked That all the Lords and others of our Privy Council and such or all great Officers and Ministers of State either at home or beyond Sea to leave out no person or place that our dishonour may not be bounded at home should be put from our Privy Council and from these Offices and Imployments unless by them approved How faithfull soever we have found them or how innocent in offending the onely Rule for all men to walk by But to this part of the Demand we are willing that they shall take a larger Oath than you desire in your 11th Demand for maintaining the whole Law That they shall be persons of Trust and abilities without exception reasonable And to be left to the justice of the Law upon sufficient charge or proof against any of them And that we have given you the best pledg of the effects of our promise and the best securitie for their dutie a Triennial Parliament to make them warie how they provoke and us warie how we chuse such as may discredit our Election But that without any fault objected onely because some persons who have too great an influence on both Houses shall judg them not affected to that new Utopia of Religion and Government into which they endeavour to transform the Kingdom we will never consent to the displacing of any of merit and affection to us and the publick whom we have intrusted since we conceive it would take away from the affection of our service the care of us and the honour of our justice And we the more wonder that it should be asked of us since by your twelfth Demand your selves count it reasonable after the present turn be served that the Judges and Officers who are then placed may hold them Quam diu se bene gesserint But this Demand is but one Link of a good Chain or but the first Round of the Ladder by which our just ancient regal power is endeavoured to be fetched down to the ground not with the persons now chosen but with our chusing that you are displeased for they must be approved by both Houses And of the two if we would grant away either we would sooner be content that you should nominate and we approve lest by our Election we should hazzard whom we esteemed to the scorn of your refusal if they be not agreeable to the passion interest or humour of the major part of the House Not to speak of the great Factions and Divisions which this power would introduce in the Parliament between both Houses and in the several Counties for the choice of persons and between them that were so chosen Nor is the potion prescribed onely for once for the curing of some pressure or present disease but for a Diet to us and our posteritie It is demanded That our Counsellours all chief Officers of Law and State Commanders of Forts and Castles and all Peers hereafter made be approved of by them from time to time and rather than ever it should be left to the Crown to whom it doth and shall belong if any place fall void in intermission of Parliaments the major part of the approved Counsellours is to approve them And so we must not onely acquit our Right but for Councellours we are restrained in the number as in the persons and if they have this power it were not fit we should be trusted to chuse those which were to be trusted as much as we It is demanded That such matters as concern the publick and are proper for the high Court of Parliament may be debated resolved and transacted onely in Parliament and such as presume to do to the contrary shall be censured by Parliament and such other matters of State as are proper for debate with our Privy Council shall be concluded by such of our Nobility or rather herein your Nobilitie and others as shall be chosen for that place by approbation of Parliament and that not publick acts concerning the affairs of the Kingdom proper for our privie Council be esteemed valid or proceeding from royal Authority unless it be done
his Forces within the Counties of Devon Cornwall Somerset Dorset Wilts Southampton Glocester Berks Oxford Hereford Monmouth Radnor Brecknock Glamorgan Carmarthen Pembroke Cardigan The Cities of Exeter Bristol â—locester Oxford Bath and Wells New Salisbury and Hereford The Towns of Pool Southampton and Havenport and of all the Trained Bands and others Voluntiers to march against the said Earl of Essex and his Complices and them subdue specially in behalf of the Town of Portsmouth the Isle of Wight and Southampton August 9. at York 'T is true that the King did what he could to answer them in Arms he being put upon the defensive part and so and not otherwise to oppose the Parliament As they began by Meetings and Mutinies they now proceed to the effects fighting upon which the King falls into a Soliloquy with himself thus I finde that I am says the King at the same point and posture I was when they forced me to leave White-hall what Tumults could not do an Armie must which is but Tumults listed and enrolled to a better order but as bad an end my recess hath given them confidence that I may be conquered And so I easily may as to any outward strength which God knows is little or none at all but I have a Soul invincible through Gods grace inabling me here I am sure to be Conquerour if God will give me such a measure of constancie as to fear him more than man and to love the inward peace of my conscience before any outward tranquillitie And must I be opposed â—ith force because they have not reason wherewith to convince me O my Soul be of good courage they confess their own weakness as to â—ruth and Iustice who chuse rather to contend by Armies than by Arguments Is this the reward and thanks that I am to receive for those many acts of grace I have lately passed and for those many Indignities I have endured Is there no way left to make me a glorious King but by my Sufferings It is an hard and disputable choice for a King that loves his People and desires their love either to kill his own Subjects or to be killed by them Are the hazzards and miseries of Civil War in the bowels of my most flourishing Kingdom the fruits I must now reap after seventeen years living and reigning among them with such a measure of justice peace plentie and Religion as all Nations about either admired or envied Notwithstanding some miscarriages in Government which might escape rather through ill counsel of some men driving on their private ends or the peevishness of others envying the publick should be managed without them or the hidden and insuperable necessities of State than any propensitie I hope of my self either to injuriousness or oppression Whose innocent bloud during my Reign have I shed to satisfie my lust anger or covetousness What Widows or Orphans tears can witness against me the just crie of which must now be avenged with mine own bloud For the hazzards of War are equal nor doth the Cannon know any respect of persons In vain is my person excepted by a Parenthesis of words when so many hands are armed against me with Swords God knows how much I have studied to see what ground of justice is alledged for this War against me that so I might by giving just satisfaction either prevent or soon end so unnatural aâ—otion which to many men seems rather the production of a surfeit of peace and wantonness of mindes or of private discontents ambition and faction which easily finde or make causes of quarrel than any real obstruction of publick justice or parliamentarie privilege But this is pretended and this I must be able to avoid and answer before God in mine own conscience however some men are not willing to believe me lest they should condemn themselves When I first withdrew from White-hall to see if I could allay the insolencie of the Tumults of the not suppressing of which no account in reason can be given where an orderly Guard was granted but onely to oppress both mine and the two Houses freedom of declaring and voting according to every mans conscience what obstructions of justice were there further than this that what seemed just to one man might not seem so to another Whom did I by power protect against the justice of Parliament That some men withdrew who feared the partialitie of their trial warned by my Lord of Strafford's death while the vulgar threatned to be their Oppressours and Iudgers of their Iudges was from that instinct which is in all creatures to preserve themselves If any others refused to appear where they evidently saw the current of justice and freedom so stopped and troubled by the Rabble that their lawfull Iudges either durst not come to the Houses or not declare their sense with libertie and safetie it cannot seem strange to any reasonable man when the sole exposing them to the publick odium was enough to ruine them before their cause could be heard or tried Had not factious Tumults overborn the freedom and honour of the two Houses had they asserted their justice against them and made the way open for all the Members quietly to come and declare their consciences I know no man so dear to me whom I had the least inclination to advise either to withdraw himself or denie appearing upon their Summons to whose Sentence according to Law I think every Subject bound to stand Distempers indeed were risen to so great a height for want of timely repressing the vulgar insolencies that the greatest guilt of those which were voted and demanded as Delinquents was this That they would not suffâ—r themselves to be overaw'd with the Tumults and their Patroâ—s nor compelled to abet by their suffrages or presence the Designs of those men who agitated Innovations and ruine both in Church and State In this point I could not but approve their generous constancie and cautiousness further than this I did never allow any mans Refractoriness against the Privileges and Orders of the Houses to whom I wished nothing more than Saftie Fulness and Freedom But the truth is some men and those not many despairing in fair and Parliamentarie waies by free deliberations and Votes to gain the concurrence of the majoâ— part of Lords and Commons betook themselves by the desperate activitie of factious Tumults to sift and terrifie away all those Memâ—ers whom they saw to be of contrarie mindes to their purposes How oft was the business of the Bishops enjoying their ancient places and undoubted privileges in the House of Peers carried for them by far the major part of Lords Yet after five Repulses contrarie to all Order and Custom it was by tumultuarie Instigations obtruded again and by a few carried wheâ— most of the Peers were forced to absent themselves In like manner was the Bill against Root and Branch brought on by tumultuarie Clamours and schismatical Terrours which could never pass â—ill both Houses were
discharge the Debts and Loan monies of the Common-wealth September 6. What wayes endeavours and real expressions the King had made to prevent subsequent Miseries the world may judge and yet they have been so fruitless that though he hath descended to desire nay to press it not so much as a Treaty can be obtained unless he will denude himself of all force to defend him from a visible strength marching against him and to admit those Persons as Traytors to him whose duty Allegeance and the Law have appeared in his defence Indeed his power was now weak which the Parliament consider so that they would put him upon the Providence of God the Justice of his cause and the affection of his good people without doubt though it was far from his thoughts to put them out of his Protection yet if ever the Parliament should desire a Treaty of Him he promises piously to remember whose blood is to be spilt in the quarrel and would most cheerfully imbrace any reasonable accommodation And now the war on Foot and Forces raised a wonder it was what Tumults and Insurrections were dayly complained of to both parties which the King endeavoured to reclaim by his Declarations and exemplary Punishments So do the Parliament party and send down Sir Thomas Barrington and Mr. Grynistone into Essex to rectifie their disordres but being there they seize Sir Iohn Lucas and his Lady at Colchester and commit them to the Jayle and their eight Coach horses sent to their General Essex and Mr. Newcomen then for the King was sent to prison resolving to bring them speedily to their Trials in order to that Lucas was proclaimed Traytor by the Parliament brought up to London and committed to the Gatehouse I have not troubled the Reader with the remembrance of the Scots Nation who have so much troubled us And now I find them working on their design to set us forward to a further distance that they may the better come into the distraction with their ill Councel They kept a kind of Commissioners here to be at hand for their purpose who sent Advice and Intelligence to their General Assembly of Scotland of the condition and transaction of all our affairs here And accordingly the Parliament caress them with a Declaration as it was most fitting for their purpose to be believed To which the Assembly with universal consent in their canting manner held forth this Answer in the beginning of August last to this effect 1. That from the sense of their own late deliverance they bless God for preserving themselves in the midst of their divisions and troubles from a bloody war the compend of all Calamities 2. That the hearts of all their Members of this Assembly and of others well affected are exceedingly grieved that in so long a time the Reformation moves so slowly not onely Prelates formal professors prophane and Popishly affected but bad Councellors with spiritual wickedness in high places have prevailed so far that as in the times of the best Kings of Iudah of old and the most part of the reformed Kirk of late a through Reformation hath been a work full of difficulties Their Kirk and nation when God gave them the calling considered not their own dulness nor staggered at the promise through unbelief And who knoweth but the Lord hath now some controversie with England which will not be removed till the worship of his name and the Government of his House be setled 3. That the Commissioners of Scotland in the late Treaty of peace did represent their serious thoughts and desires for unity of Religion that in all his Majesties dominions there might be one confession of faith one directory of worship one Catechism and one form of Kirk Government when all his people may resort to one worship This Assembly doth now enter upon the labour of their Commissioners into which they are encouraged by the zeal of former Assemblies at Edenburgh December 1566. which ordained a Letter to be sent into England against the Surplice Tippet and Corner Cap and such other Ceremonies of that Kirk that they might be removed by the Assembly at Edinburgh April 1583. desiring their King to Command his Ambassadors then going to Queen Elizabeth that there might be an Union and Band betwixt them against the persecution of Papists in their Holy League of Trent and to disburthen their Brethren in England from the yoke of Ceremonies against the Liberty of the word And by the Assembly at Edinburgh March 1589. ordaining their Proselytes to use all means for the relief of the Kirk of England for maintaining the true discipline and Government of the Kirk of England And why not now much more being many waies encreased their zeal ought to be no less especially encouraged by his Majesties personal worship when he was with them and many acts of grace to their Ministry and Kirk and his gratâ—ous Letter to them Intimating that when any thing is amiss he will in a fair and orderly way reform and so done He will maintain and defend it in peace against all troubles without and against all Sects Heresies Schismes within And likewise the Parliament of England hath shewen their zeal and expressed their grief that the work hath been interrupted by a Malignant party of Papists evil affected persons a corrupt and dissolute Clergie by the Instigation of Bishops Their hope is that when they shall return to a peaceable Parliamentary proceeding to setle a Kirk reformation firm and stable Union between both Kingdoms they being mightily encouraged by a Letter from the reverend brethren of the Kirk of England upon all these grounds the Assembly doth confidently expect that England will now bestir themselves to a Reformation and first to begin with Kirk Government and that Prelacy the main cause of all their miseries be pluckt up root and branch which God hath not planted bearing no better fruits then sowre grapes which hath set on edg the Kingdom of England The Hierarchy being put by the work will be easie without forcing any Conscience by setling the Government of the Kirk by Assemblies for although the Reformed Kirks do hold without doubting their Kirk Offices and Kirk Government by Assemblies in their strong and beautiful subordination to be Jure divino and perpetual Yet Prelacy as it differeth from the Office of a Pastour is universally acknowledged by themselves and their adherents to be but an humane Ordinance introduced by humane reason and setled by humane Laws and Customs for supposed conveniency which therefore without wronging any Mans Conscience may be altered and abolished to which Reformation their Kirk will contribute their power and prayers c. Saint Andrews August 3. And answerable to this Declaration the secret Council of Scotland upon petition of the Assembly do concur and commend this Declaration as a means for the unity of Religion and uniformity of kirk-Kirk-government in his Majesties three Kingdoms Extractum ex libris actorum secreti Câ—ncilii
Aug. 16. Upon these grounds The Parliament of England take resolution and declare their approbation and thanks to the secret Council and Assemblie in Scotland for their desires of unitie in Religion and uniformitie in church-Church-government in the three Kingdoms we having say they often had that matter in debate concurring in judgment and experience of the manifold mischiefs which the Government of the Prelacie hath in all times and ages produced in this Church and State and so we hope to satisfie the Christian desires of our dear Brethren of Scotland although we know that hereby we shall exceedingly irritate that malignant partie who will bend all their forces to ruine that holy work and to ruine and destroy us in the undertaking being the very same partie which hath now incensed and armed his Majestie against us The very same Design of rooting out Reformed Religion endeavoured to begin that Tragedie in Scotland which being perfected in one Nation will be accomplished in the other Religion is the band and safetie of both And as we resolve by the national Covenant betwixt the two Kingdoms to be carefull of Scotland so we doubt not but the secret Council and Assemblie there will be always ready to express their brotherly kindness to us according to the Articles ratiâ—ied between both Parliaments and advantagious to all the professours of the Reformed Religion in Christendom And so this being the Proeme to their Declaration the Parliament goes on with lamentable sighs and groans from the bowels of their hearts for being obstructed in this piaculous work of true Reformation and after much striving and seeking God wrestling with the Engines of Satan they have jumped in resolution with their Brethren in Scotland that the Prelatical party is the cause of all distraction And being thus backed they take the boldness to declare That this Government by Arch-bishops Bishops their Chancellours and Commissioners Deans and Chapters Arch-deacons and other Ecclesiastical Officers depending upon the Hierarchie is evil and prejudicial to the state and Government of this Kingdom and resolve the same shall be taken away And according to our Declaration of the seventh of February we will consult with godly Divines to setle a Government of Reformation And intend that a Bill for this Assemblie may be passed for their Meeting the fifth of Novemb. next And desire their dear Brethren of Scotland to concur with them in petitioning the King for his approbation And because nothing will prosper without their handy work they pray them to send some out of their many good â—nd godly Divines of that Kirk to assist our Assemblie for setling of one Confession one Directorie and one Catechism in all three Kingdoms to the relief and deliverance of the poor afflicted Churches abroad and confusion of the tyrannie of Rome being the prime cause and fountain of all calamities bloudy massacres outrages cruelties and bitter persecution of Gods people and saints in all the Christian world for many ages Here is now a resolution to reform all Christendom and beat down Popery in a trice but the result was that under colour of Religion the Design went on and so prospered in outward success And now to encourage the well-affected to lend money and bring their Plate upon Publick Faith which without a mans strong belief could hardly get Customers to come in fearing belike that the Kings gentleness and mercy might agree to an Accommodation having been upon terms of Treaty on his part The Parliament therefore once again to ascertain their Resolution to fight it out to the last man and being confident of success do declare That the Arms which they have been forced to take up and shall take up for the preservation of the Parliament Religion the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom shall not be laid down untill his Majestie shall withdraw his protection from such persons as have been voted by both Houses to be Delinquents and shall leave them to the justice of the Parliament to the end that those great charges and damages wherewith all the Common-wealth hath been burdened since the Kings departure from his Parliament may be born by the Delinquents And all his Majesties good and faithfull Subjects who by loan of moneys or otherwise at their charges have or shall assist the Common-wealth may be repayed and satisfied out of the Delinquents Estates And these Delinquents were sure to be made so out of the noblest and richest persons in the Nation against whom there could be found but the scent of Malignancie so that it became a huge crime first to be rich or able in any condition to be either Neuter or not wel-affected to the Parl. or to be suspected so to prove it a slender Accusation would serve the turn witness sundry persons which we shall have occasion to speak of ruined upon that score onely And first they begin with Iames Lord Strange Son and Heir of William Earl of Derby who to the intent and purpose to subvert the Laws c. did upon the fifteenth of July last past at Manchester in the Countie of Lancaster traiterously summon call together and raise great Forces and did kill murder and destroy Richard Percival a Linnen Webster for which the Parliament impeach him of high Treason And the sixteenth of September he is so published in all Churches and Chapels and Markets in the Counties of Lancaster and Chester and where the Parliament had any power for the County was mostly for the King against which party the City of London are desired to advance sixteen thousand pounds for setting forth ten thousand Dragoons and some Troops of Horse for suppressing that party upon Publick Faith which was soon raised but not repayed The King being at Shrewsburie whither Judg Heath came and advised for the Adjourning part of Michaelmass Term from the first Return In Octab. Sancti Martini Octob. 4. And at Bridg-North he proclames Thomas Nichols Humphrey Mackworth and Thomas Hunt Esq guilty of high Treason active men in the Militia and assisting the Kings Enemies in their Rebellion Octob. 14. The L. Fairfax for the Parl and Mr. Bellases for the King with considerable parties Commissioners on either side had concluded upon certain Articles concerning the peace in Yorkshire and dated the 29. of September To which the Parliament take exception That the Parliament gave no such authoritie to binde that Countie to a Neutralitie it being prejudicial to the whole Kingdom for one Countie to withdraw from the rest which thâ—y are bound by Law to assist It being derogatorie to the power of Parliament for private men to suspend the execution of the Militia and therefore it is ordered that no such Neutralâ—â—â—e be observed in that Countie without any defensive force whereby it will be open to the King to return with his Armie for Winter quarter in that plentifull Countie New-castle near for his Supplies by Sea And so they declare the Lord Faâ—â—fax and his
this Kingdom by a most wicked and cruel Rebellion there and to divide the King from his Parliament and people here and by false slanders and imputations of things never done nor intended by us hath incensed his Majestie so as that after many bitter Invecâ—ives published against us without any just cause given he hath now at lastresolved to set up his Royal Standard and draw his Sword for the destruction and ruine of his most faithfull and obedient people whom by the Laws and Constitutions of this Kingdom he is bound to preserve and protect The cases and the fortunes of both Estates being so involved and united we cannot expect to be hindred by them in our just defence or that they will do any thing to aggravate the Miseries and Troubles of this Kingdom in the peace and happiness whereof they have found much advantage and by such unfriendly and unseasonable Supplies of our common Enemies make a way to their own as well as our ruine We therefore desire they may betimes look into this mischief and having searched it into the bottom to stop the further progress of it That they will not suffer more Ordnance Armour or any other like warlike provision to be brought over to strengthen those who as soon as they shall prevail against the Parliament according to their principles and interests by which they are guided will use that strength to the ruine of those from whom they have had it We desire they would not send over any Countreymen to further our Destruction who were sent to them for their preservation That they will not anticipate the spilling of English bloud in an unnatural civil War which hath been so chearfully and plentifully hazzarded and spent in that just and honourable Waâ— by which they have been so long preserved and to which the bloud of those persons and many other Subjects of this Kingdom is still in a manner dedicated but rather that they will cashier and discard from their Employment those that will presume to come over for that purpose And in satisfying these our reasonable and necessarie Desires they shall thereby not onely secure us but themselves yea they shall most of all advantage his Majestie for whose service those things are pretended to be done The question between his Majestie and Parliament is not whether he shall enjoy the same prerogative and power which hath belonged to our former Kings his Majesties royal predecessours but whether that prerogative and power should be imployed to our defence or to our ruine We expect nothing from him but securitie and protection from those mischievous Designs which have been so often multiplied and renewed against us though hitherto through Gods providence as often frustrated It cannot be denied by those who look indifferently on our proceedings and affairs but that it will be more honour and wealth safetie and greatness to his Majestie in concurring with his Parliament than in the course in which he now is but so unhappie hath his Majestie and the Kingdom been in those who have the greatest influence upon his Counsels that they look more upon the prevailing of their own pâ—rtie than upon any those great Advantages both to his Crown and Royal Person which he might obtain by joyning with his people And so cunning are those Factors for Poperie in prosecution of their own aims that they can put on a counterfeit visage of honour peace and greatness upon those courses and counsels which have no truth and realtie but of weakness dishonour and miseries to his Majestie and whole Kingdom We have lately expressed our earnest Inclinations to that National love and amitie with the United Provinces which is nourished and confirmed by so many civil respects and mutual interests as makes it so natural to us that we have this Parliament in our humble Petition to his Majestie desired we might be joyned with that State in a more near and strait League and union And we cannot but expect some returns from them of the like expressions and that they will be so far from blowing the fire which begins to kindle amongst us that they will rather endeavour to quench it by strengthening and encouraging us who have no other Design but not to be destroyed and preserve our Religion save our selves and the other Reformed Churches of Christendom from the massacres and extirpations with which the principles of the popish Religion do threaten us and them which are begun to be acted in Ireland and in the hopes endeavours and intentions of that partie had long since been executed upon us if the mercie favour and blessing of Almightie God had not superabounded and prevented the subtiltie and malignitie of cruel wicked and bloud-thirstie men And thus being fleshed they go on amain having seized the Kings Magazines Forts Navy and Militia leaving him naked and indisposed no doubt to the beginning of this War whereof himself complains How untruly I am charged says he with the first raising of an Armie and beginning this Civil War the eys that onely pitie me and the loyal hearts that durst onely pray for me at first might witness which yet appear not so many on my side as there were men in Arms listed against me mine unpreparedness for a War may well dishearten those that would help me while it argues truly mine unwillingness to fight yet it testifies for me that I am set on the defensive part having so little hopes or power to offend others that I have none to defend my self or to preserve what is mine own from their prerâ—ption No man can doubt but they prevented me in their purposes as well as their injuries who are so much before hand in their preparations against me and surprisals of my strength Such as are not for them yet dare not be for me so over-aw'd is their loyaltie by the others numbers and terrours I believe mine innocencie and unpreparedness to assert my Rights and Honour makes me the more guiltie in their esteem who would not so easily have declared a War against me if I had first assaulted them They knew my chiefest Arms left me were those onely which the Ancient Christians were wont to use against their Persecutours Prayers and Tears These may serve a good man's turn if not to conquer as a Souldier yet to suffer as a Martyr Their preventing of me and surprizing my Castles Forts Arms and Navie with the Militia is so far best for me That it may drive me from putting any trust in the arm of flesh and wholly to cast my self into the protection of the living God who can save by few or none as well as by many He that made the greedie Ravens to be Elias's Caterers and bring him food may also make their surprizal of outward force and defence an opportunitie to shew me the special support of his power and protection I thank God I reckon not now the want of the Militia so much in reference to mine own protection as my
at last The King in the head of his Army between Stafford and Wellington after the reading of his Orders military himself tells them Gentlemen I shall be very severe in punishing every person offending without distinction He cannot suspect their courage and resolution their conscience and loyaltie having brought them hither for their Religion their King and the Laws of the Land against their Enemies none but Traitors most of them Brownists Anabaptists and Atheists such as desire to destroy both Church and State and who have already condemned you to ruine for being loyal to him And makes this Protestation I do promise in the presence of Almightie God and as I hope for his blessing and protection that I will to the utmost of my power defend and maintain the true Reformed Protestant Religion established in the Church of England and by the grace of God in the same will live and die I desire to govern by the known Laws of the Land and that the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject may be by them preserved with the same care as mine own just Rights And if it please God by his blessing upon this Armie raised for my necessarie Defence to preserve me from this Rebellion I do solemnly and faithfully promise in the sight of God to maintain the just Privilege and Freedom of Parliament and to govern by the known Laws of the Land to my utmost power and particularly to observe inviolably the Laws consented unto by me this Parliament In the mean while if this time of War and the great necessitie and straits I am now driven unto beget any violation of these I hope it shall be imputed by God and Man to the Authours of this War and not to me who have so earnestly laboured for the peace of this Kingdom When I willingly fail in these particulars I will expect no Aid or Relief from any man or protection from Heaven But in this resolution I hope for the chearful assistance of all good men and am confident of Gods blessing Septemb. 19. And that the several Armies might not over-start each other the Parl. declares That all their Foot and Horse in London and all parts in England shall within eight and fourty hours march to their General the Earl of Essex for defence of the King and Kingdom the Privilege of Parliament and Liberty of the Subjects and such Regiments as are not four hundred and Troops not fourty shall be cashiered and disposed to recruit others excepting the Regiments of Colonel Essex and Ballard being in the States service Sept. 23. And order that Delinquents houses shall be preserved as houses of the Common-wealth for publick service or Prisons And because the Earl of Essex may be assured upon what Basis he is called to be their General they sent to him the Parliaments Petition to the King to be presented by him which tells his Majesty That his loyal Subjects the Lords and Commons in Parliament can not without tenderness of compassion behold the pressing calamities of England and Ireland by the practices of a prevailing partie with his Majestie to alter true Religion the ancient Government of this Kingdom introducing superstition in the Church and confusion in the State exciting incouraging and fostering the Rebellion in Ireland and as there so here begin the like Massacre by drawing on a War against the Parliament leading his Person against them as if by conquest to establish an unlimited power over the people seeking to bring over the Rebells of Ireland to joyn with them and all these evil Counsellours are defended and protected by him against the justice of Parliament who have for their just defence of Religion the King Crown and Dignitie of the Laws Liberties and power of Parliament taken up Arms and authorized the Earl of Essex their Captain General against these Rebells and Traitors And pray the King to with-draw his person and leave them to be supprest by this power and to return to his Parliament and that they will receive him with honour yield him obedience secure his person and establish him and his people with all the blessings of a glorious and happie Reign I cannot finde that this Petition was presented but I am assured that the General Essex twice sent to the King for a safe Conduct for those who should be imployed therein and it was refused they say to be received that humble and dutifull Petition as they stiled it 'T is strange for the King had never refused any Message or Petition from either or both Houses not onely with safety but candoâ—r when their Errand hath been full of reproach and scorn as the King says and the bringers bold arrogant seditious in their demeanour and therefore there needed to have been no more scruple in this But it was thus that the King being at Shrewsbury the Earl of Dorset receives a Letter from the Earl of Essex intimating that he had a Petition from both Houses to that purpose asking a safe Conduct for those that should be sent To whom the King answered That as he had never refused to receive any so he should be ready to give a fitting Reception and Answer to this and the Bringers of it should have safe Conduct excepting onely such persons as he had particularly accused of high Treason A fortnight after comes a second Letter to Dorset declaring That the Kings former Answer was voted a Breach of Privilege This second Answer differing but little from the former insisting That the Address should not be made by any whom he had accused of high Treason amongst whom the Earl of Essex was one but that his Ear should be ever open to hear any Petition from his Parliament Indeed the Petition was framed more fit to be delivered after a Battel and full Conquest of the King than in the Head of his Army thirty thousand men when it might seem somewhat in his power whether he would be deposed or no. For we finde the King in Wales caressing the Inhabitants of Denbigh and Flintshire Septemb. 27. And tells them That he is willing to take all occasions to visit all his good Subjects and hath cause to reckon them for their loyaltie expressed in their late Levies sent to him at their own charges against such a Malignant partie whose Designs are to destroy him his Crown Laws and Government of Church and State raising Tumults at London to drive from thence him and the greatest part of the Members of Parliament He is robbed of his Towns Forts Castles Goods Navie Revenue and at this time a powerfull Armie marching against him and among a thousand Scandals they have cast upon him the impious Rebellion in Ireland which he abhors and hath endeavoured by all possible ways and means to suppress but is obstructed by them And refers the naming of these Contrivers and their particular actions to his Declaration of the twelfth of August being supprest by them as all other his Protestations and
goodness of Almighty God Accusing that Malignant party to poison the hearts and corrupt the Allegeance of his Subjects by a false Imputation of his favouring Papists imploying them in his Army when he saith that numbers of Popish Commanders and others serve in the Army of the Earl of Essex being privately promised that if they would assist against the King all the Laws made in their prejudice should be repealed Another Scandal he mentioneth to be very senseless that the King should raise an Army against the Parliament to take away their priviledges when in truth it is raised to have some particular Members of this Parliament to be delivered up to Iustice. He being as tender of their priviledges and conform thereto which his Army never intends to violate That the Parliaments Army is raised to Murther and depose the King to alter the frame of Government and the established Laws of the Land That the greatest part of the Parliaments Members are driven away from their Houses by violence That the Book of Common Prayer is rejected and no countenance given but to Anabaptists Brownists and such Schismaticks That the contrivers hereof endeavour to raise an Implacable malice between the Gentry and the Commonalty of the Kingdome A common charge upon the King it had been and so continued to the end of his publique Actings That he favoured Papists and entertained them in his Army and so they were and might be in both subtilly and cunningly by practice on both sides conveyed thither under the masque and profession of Protestants which is a truth of no great wonder and yet in general those of Lancashire Recusants petition the King That being disarmed and so not able either to defend his Royal Person according to their duties nor to secure themselves and families they may be received into his gracious protection from violence being menaced by all kindes of people to whose malice they are subject and must submit And indeed great and heavy pressures were put upon them by both Armies notwithstanding Orders and Declarations to the contrary had been published by either Army And hereupon the King had given Warrant to Sir William Gerard Baronet Sir Cicil Trafford Knight Thomas Clifton Charls Townby Christopher Anderton and Io. Clumsfield c. Recusants in the County of Lancaster That although by Statutes all Recusants convict are to be disarmed to prevent danger in time of peace but now Armies being raised against the King and his Subjects are by them plundered and robbed and their Arms taken and used offensive against his Person His will and command therefore is and they are charged upon their Allegeance and as they tender the safetie of his Person and the peace of the Kingdom with all possible speed to provide Arms for themselves servants and Tenants during the time of open War raised against him and no longer to keep and use for his defence Yet the Parliament prepare Heads of an humble Address unto his Majesty for composing difference and â—â—â—ling a Peace but withall to prevent mis-constructions whereby their just defence may be hindered they do declare That their preparations of Forces for their defence shall be prosecuted with all violence And accordingly Letters are directed from the Lords To the Right Honourable the Lord Viscount Faulkland principal Secretarie to his Majestie or in his absence for Mr. Secretarie Nicholas or any of the Lords or Peers attending the King Grey of Wark My Lord I am commanded by the Lords the Peers and Commons assembled in Parliament to address by you their humble desires to his Majestie that he would â—e pleased to grant his safe Conduct to the Commiâ—tee of Lords and Commons to pass and repass to his Majestie that are directed to attend him with an humble Petition from his Parliament This being all I have in Commission I rest Your assured Friend and Servant Grey of Wark Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore Westminster Nov. 3. 1642. Which is granted so as the said Committee consist not of persons either by name declared Traitors or otherwise in some of his Declarations or Proclamations excepted against by name as Traitors and so as they come not with more than thirty persons and give notice before hand upon signification they shall have safe conduct Your Lordships most humble Servant Edward Nicholas Reading Nov. 4. Hereupon these Names are sent Algernon Earl of Northumberland Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomerie and four Members of the Commons Mr. Perpoint the Lord Wainman Sir Iohn Evelin of Wilts and Sir Io. Hippislie being the Committee of both Houses and desire his Majesties Pass and Repass under his Royal Hand and Signet Nov. 5. The safe Conduct is inclosed for all but Sir Io Evelin who is excepted being proclamed Traitor at Oxford and that if the Houses will send any other person not so excepted in his place His Majesty commands all his Officers to suffer him to pass as if his Name had been particularly comprised herein Reading Nov. 6. To recruit the Parliaments Army it is declared That all Apprentices that will list themselves in their service for the publick cause shall be secured from indemnitie of their Masters during their service and their time included to go on towards their Freedom and all their respective Masters are to receive them again when they shall return This Liberty made Holy-day with the Prentices and they were listed thick and threefold and now spoiled for being Trades-men ever after But it is time to consider what out dear Brethren of Scotland intended to do in this Distraction and therefore they are put in minde by a fresh Declaration of the Parliament How and with what wisdom and publick affection our Brethren of Scotland did concur with the desires of this Kingdom in establishing a peace between both Nations and how lovingly they have since invited the Parliament into a nearer degree of union concerning Religion and church-Church-government wherefore as the Parliament did for them a year since in their Troubles so now the same obligation lies upon our Brethren by force of their Kingdom to assist us Telling them that Commissions are given by the King to divers Papists to compose an Armie in the North which is to joyn with foreign Forces to be transported hither for the destruction of this Parliament and of Religion and Liberties of the people That the Prelatical partie have raised another Armie which his Majestie doth conduct against the Parliament and Citie of London And hereupon this Parliament desire their Brethren of Scotland to raise Forces for securing their own Borders and to assist here against the Popish and Foreign Forces according to that Act agreed upon in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms for the comfort and relief not onely of our selves but of all the Reformed Churches beyond Seas Nov. 7. 1642. The King as quick sends his Message to the Lords of his Privy Council in Scotland stating the condition between him and the
attends and twists them for every man soon grows his own Pope and easily absolves himself of those ties which not the commands of God's Word or the Laws of the Land but onely the subtilty and terrour of a party casts upon him either superfluous and vain when they were sufficiently tied before or fraudulent and injurious if by such after-ligaments they finde the Imposers really aiming to dissolve or suspend their former just and necessary obligation Indeed such illegal ways seldom or never intend the engaging men more to Duties but onely to Parties therefore it is not regarded how they keep their Covenants in point of piety pretended provided they adhere firmly to the Party and Design intended I see the Imposers of it are content to make their Covenant like Manna not that it came from Heaven as this did agreeable to every man's palate and relish who will but swallow it They admit any mens senses of it though divers or contrary with any Salvo's Cautions and Reservations so as they cross not the chief Design which is laid against the Church and me It is enough if they get but the Reputation of a seeming increase to their party so little men remember that God is not mocked In such latitudes of sense I believe many that love me and the Church well may have taken the Covenant who yet are not so fondly and superstitiously taken by it as now to act clearly against both all piety and loyalty who first yielded to it more to prevent that imminent violence and ruine which hung over their heads in case they wholly refused it than for any value of it or devotion to it Wherein the latitude of some general Clauses may perhaps serve somewhat to relieve them as of Doing and endeavouring what lawfully they may in their Places and Callings and according to the Word of God for these indeed carry no man beyond those bounds of good Conscience which are certain and fixed either in God's Laws as to the general or the Laws of the State and Kingdom as to the particular Regulation and Exercise of mens duties I would to God such as glory most in the name of Covenanters would keep themselves within those lawfull bounds to which God hath called them Surely it were the best way to expiate the rashness of taking it which must needs then appear when besides the want of a full and lawfull Authority at first to enjoyn it it shall actually be carried on beyond and against those ends which were in it specified and pretended I willingly forgive such mens taking the Covenant who keep it within such bounds of Piety Law and Loyalty as can never hurt either the Church myself or the Publick Peace Against which no man's lawfull Calling can engage him As for that Reformation of the Church which the Covenant pretends I cannot think it just or comely that by the partial advice of a few Divines of so soft and servile tempers as disposed them to so sudden acting and compliance contrary to their former judgments profession and practice such foul scandals and suspitions shouldbe cast upon the Doctrine and Government of the Church of England as was never done that I have heard by any that deserved the name of Reformed Churches abroad nor by any men of learning and candour at home all whose judgments I cannot but prefer before any mens now factiously engaged No man can be more forward than my self to carry on all due Reformations with mature judgment and a good Conscience in what things I shall after impartial advice be by God's Word and right Reason convinced to be amise I have offered more than ever the fullest freest and wisest Parliaments did desire But the sequel of some mens actions makes it evident that the main Reformation intended is the abasing of Episcopaâ—ie into Presbyterie and the Robbing the Church of its Lands and Revenues For no men have been more injuriously used as to their legal Rights than the Bishops and Church-men These as the fattest Deer must be destroyed the other Rascal herd of Schisms Heresies c. being lean may enjoy the benefit of a Toleration Thus Naboth's Vineyard made him the onely Blasphemer of his Citie and fit to die Still I see while the breath of Religion fills the Sails Profit is the Compass by which Factious men steer their Course in all seditious Commotions I thank God as no man lay more open to the sacrilegious temptation of usurping the Churches Lands and Revenues which issuing chiefly from the Crown are held of it and legally can revert onely to the Crown with my consent so I have always had such a perfect abhorrence of it in my Soul that I never found the least inclination to suâ—â— sacrilegious Reformings yet no man hath a greater desire to have Bishops and all Church-men so reformed that they may best deserve and use not onely what the pious Munificence of my Predeâ—essours hath given to God and the Church but all other additions of Christian bountie But no necessitie shall ever I hope drive me or mine to invade or sell the Priests Lands which both Pharaoh's divinitie and Joseph's true pietie abhorred to do so unjust I think it both in the eye of Reason and Religion to deprive the most sacred Emploiment of all due Encouragements and like that other hard-hearted Pharaoh to with-draw the Straw and increase the Task so pursuing the oppressed Church as some have done to the Red Sea of a Civil War where nothing but a Miracle can save either It or Him who esteems it his greatest Title to be called and his chiefest glorie to be The Defender of the Church both in its true Faith and its just Fruitions equally abhorring Sacrilege and Apostacy I had rather live as my Predecessour Henry the third sometime did on the Churches Alms than violently to take the Bread out of the Bishops and Ministers mouths The next work will be Jerboam's Reformation consecrating the meanest of the People to be Priests in Israel to serve those golden Calves who have enriched themselves with the Churches Patrimoniâ— and Dowrie which how it thrived both with Prince Priests and People is well enough known And so it will be here when from the tuition of Kings and Queens which have been nursing Fathers and Mothers of this Church it shall be at their allowance who have already discovered what hard Fathers and Step-mothers they will be If the povertie of Scotland might yet the plentie of England cannot excuse the Envie and Rapine of the Churches Rights and Revenues I cannot so much as pray God to prevent those sad consequences which will inevitably follow the paritie and povertie of Ministers both in Church and State since I think it no less than a mocking and tempting of God to desire him to hinder those Mischiefs whose Occasions and Remedies are in our own power it being every man's sin not to avoid the one and not to use the other There are ways enough to repair
Eccleshal Castle surrounded with the Enemies Garisons the Governour the more wary adds to his former number of Men and gets in good Provisions and prepares for a Siege And long it was not ere Sir William Brereton Colonel Gell Colonel Greeves Colonel Ridgby and Colonel Iackson joyning Forces with the Counties of Stafford and Derby fell suddenly into Eccleshal Town and with easie bickering got possession of it standing in guard within the Church which faces the Castle The Governour burns all about not an Out-house Barn or Stable affords them other shelter The next day Brereton summons the Castle for the King and Parliament Bird makes present Answer That his Commission was to keep it for the King and unless the other could produce his Majesties Warrant to the contrary it would be labour lost to expect any other Reply but what power and strength should enforce Immediately the Besiegers with two Pieces of Cannon of four and twenty pound Bullet played all day against the Wall without any effect the next day they battered a Turret which at the last fell down and hurt three men and so their Ordnance continued their utmost force for a Week vvhen by so long trial they could not make any Breach they drevv off their Guns and made a Line to surround the Castle not so soon done but that they vvere fain to endure the good effects of several Sallies out of the Castle whereby he lost a Lieutenant and others and some hurt with greater execution on the Enemy And thus it continued for some Moneths with extremity to whose Relief the King sends in September the Lord Capel and the Lord Loughborough with considerable Forces against whom the Besiegers not able to withstand quit their Trenches and retire to the Church and there fortified themselves Then forthwith the Governour sends out what Forces he could spare joyning with the Lords sufficient now to attempt upon the Church by straitning or storming But it seems they had order onely to relieve the Castle not to fight afterwards and force the Enemy away but to be gon themselves and so to leave the business to desperation which the Governour knew would be destruction which he could not prevent and therefore with long dispute and many reasons offered and nothing prevailing he delivered it up to the Lords who put in one Captain Abel a Dane to command there But the old Souldiers not pleased with their New Governour and a stranger to them and a Foreign most of them immediately quit their service and marched away with Captain Bird. The Castle thus relieved the Parliament Commanders call a Council and now resolve to draw off and quit the Siege but a false brother discovering the weakness of the Castle and the discontent with their New Governour the Enemy attempts the battery again and after two daies the Dane surrenders it upon reasonable quarter Thus while the fight they Parliaments Ordinance commands all men to pay nothing to his Majesty the Queen or Prince which is due or ought to be paid unto them whereas the Lords and Commons in September last passed an Ordinance for seizing upon all his Majesties the Queens and Princes Revenues and for receiving all and all manner of Rents certain or casual in England and Wales with all the Arrears and Debts any way due to his Majesty Queen or Prince shall be paid to the Receivers of the Committee for the Revenue c. whose Acquittances shall be sufficient discharge There was late news from Virginia that the Plantation there denied contribution to the Emissaries of the Parliament complaining of the obstruction of their trade at London whereupon an Ordinance of Moderation came forth For abating the Excise upon Virginia Tobacco that the Protestants their brethren in other Countries may not suffer among Malignants and Delinquents in England endeavouring to gain upon Foreign Plantations which in truth were first setled mostly by such as could not indure Discipline at home Sir William Waller having deserved well of the Houses had a new Commission to be Sergeant Major General of Hampshire Surrey Sussex and Kent having layen long before Arundel Castle and this Commission being promised heretofore the General Essex obstructed it being suspected to play his own game with much vanity It was wonderfull how much the Lectures were frequented in London the Town so full of Schollars calling themselves plundred Ministers and so began the coloured Leaguer long Cloak Boots and Spurs as constantly in the Pulpit as heretofore the Gown Canonical Cloak or Cassock but then the Independant a new name for such as liked neither were working to set up themselves or rather thaâ— spirit that set the other at work plaies tricks with them and scatters them into thoughts and factions grinning on each other but yet not setled into tenents neither so that moderate men could not as yet tell what to make of either The Parliament therefore publish their Manifest in effect That it belongs to Christian Magistrates to be Leaders in Reformation of the Church That it is the dutyâ— of all people to pray for them and wait upon them That the Parliament have required the Assembly of Divines to make the VVord of God their own Rule That nothing can be more destructive against the cause of Religion than to be divided amongst themselves That the Assembly and Parliament for so it runs will not onely reform Religion throughout the Nation but will concur to whatsoever shall appear to be the Rights of particular Congregations That all people forbear till they see whether the right Rule will not be commended to them in this orderly way we enjoying more Liberty to serve God than ever was seen in England Here 's fast and loose the People in doubt what Profession to undertake or by this Declaration of what Religion was the Parliament then began Iack Presbyter so styled to be baffled in every Pamphlet and they again to return encounters the people had sport enough to be for neither and in truth of no profession at all but went a wool-gathering to pick up the flieces pilled from the Orthodox Ministry now in much misery mourning for the fall of Sion The Committee for Innovations appointed Workmen to pull down that famous Organ in St. Paul's Church at London and it was imprinted the like they did in King Henry the Seventh's Chapell at VVestminster and all other parochial Churches in and about London and so by degrees the whole Church of Paul's not repairing but uncovering the Roof whereby in time the whole Church and Steeple will fall down after so great a Sum of Money that had been heretofore contributed to the Repair or rather re-edifying thereof more gracefull than the first erecting And now the Parliament do publish That whereas his Majesty doth make a VVar against his Parliament for the promoting thereof divers Forces both of Horse and Foot have been and are levied therefore that no man be mislead through ignorance the
am sure the Sale of their King was never inserted in their Solemn Covenant and for the true effects of their Declaration let the King give them an Answer for upon the calling in of them and their coming he avers That the Scots are a Nation upon whom I have not onely common Ties of Nature Sovereignty and Bounty with my Father of blessed memory but also special and late obligations of favours having gratified the active Spirits among them so far that I seemed to many to prefer the desires of that party before mine own Interest and Honour But I see Royal bounty emboldens some men to ask and act beyond all bounds of modesty and gratitude My charity and Act of Pacification forbids me to reflect on former passages wherein I shall ever be far from letting any mans ingratitude or inconstancy make me repent of what I granted them for the publick good I pray God it may so prove The coming again of that Party into England with an Army onely to conform this Church to their late New Model cannot but seem as unreasonable as they would have thought the same measure offered from hence to themselves Other Errand I could never understand they had besides those common and vulgar flourishes for Religion and Liberty save onely to confirm the Presbyterian Copy they had set by making this Church to write after them though it were in bloudy Characters Which design and end whether it will justifie the use of such violent means before the divine Iustice I leave to their Consciences to judg who have already felt the misery of the means but not reaped the benefit of the end either in this Kingdom or that Such knots and crosness of grain being objected here as will hardly suffer that Form which they cry up as the onely just Reformation and setling of Government and Discipline in Churches to go on so smoothly here as it might do in Scotland and was by them imagined would have done in England when so many of the English Clergie through levity or discontent if no worse passion suddenly quitted their former Engagements to Episcopacy and faced about to their Presbytery It cannotâ— but seem either passion or some self-seeking more than true Zeal and pious Discretion for any foreign State or Church to prescribe such Medicines onely for others which themselves have used rather succesfully than commendably not considering that the same Physick on different constitutions will have different operations That may kill one which doth but cure another Nor do I know any such tough and malignant humours in the constitution of the English Church which gentler Applications than those of an Army might not easily have removed Nor is it so proper to hew out religious Reformations by the Sword as to polish them by fair and equal Disputations among those that are most concerned in the Differences whom not Force but Reason ought to convince But their Design now seemed rather to cut off all Disputation here than to procure a fair and equal one For it was concluded there that the English Clergie must conform to the Scot's pattern before ever they could be heard what they could say for themselves or against the other's way I could have wish'd fairer proceedings both for their credits who urge things with such violence and for other mens Consciences too who can receive little satisfaction in these points which are maintained rather by Souldiers fighting in the Fields than Scholars disputing in free and learned Synods Sure in matters of Religion those Truths gain most on mens Iudgments and Consciences which are least urged with secular violence which weakens Truth with prejudices and is unreasonable to be used till such means of rational conviction have been applied as leaving no excuse for ignorance condemn mens obstinacy to deserved penalties Which no charity will easily suspect of so many learned and pious Church-men in England who being always bred up and conformable to the Government of Episcopacy cannot so soon renounce both their former opinion and practice onely because that party of the Scots will needs by force assist a like party here either to drive all Ministers as Sheep into the common Fold of Presbytery or destroy them at least fliece them by depriving them of the benefit of their Flocks If the Scotch sole Presbytery were proved to be the onely Institution of Jesus Christ for all Churches Government yet I believe it would be hard to prove that Christ had given those Scots or any other of my Subjects Commission by the Sword to set it up in any of my Kingdoms without my Consent What respect and obedience Christ and his Apostles paid to the chief Governours of States where they lived is very clear in the Gospel but that he or they ever commanded to set up such a parity of Presbyters and in such a way as those Scots endeavour I think is not very disputable If Presbytery in such a supremacy be an Institution of Christ sure it differs from all others and is the first and onely point of Christianity that was to be planted and watered with so much Christian bloud whose effusion runs in a stream so contrary to that of the Primitive Planters both of Christianity and Episcopacy which was with patient shedding of their own bloud not violent drawing other mens Sure there is too much of Man in it to have much of Christ none of whose Institutions were carried on or begun with the temptations of Covetousness or Ambition of both which this is vehemently suspected Yet was there never any thing upon the point which those Scots had by Army or Commissioners to move me with by their many Solemn Obtestations and pious threatnings but only this to represent to Me the wonderful necessitie of setting up their Presbytery in England to avoid the further miseries of a War which som men chiefly on this design at first had begun and now further engaged themselves to continue What hinders that any Sects Schisms or Heresies if they can get but number strength and opportunity may not according to this opinion and pattern set up their waies by the like methods of violence all which Presbytery seek's to suppresse and render odious under those names when wise and learned men think that nothing hath more marks of Schism and Sectarism then this Presbyterian way both as to the Ancient and still most Universal way of the Châ—â—ch-Government and especially as to the particular Laws and Constitutions of this English Church which are not yet repealed nor are like to be for Mee till I see more Rational and Religious motives then Souldiers use to carry in their Knapsacks But we must leave the success of all to God who hath many waies having first taken us off from the folly of our opinions and fury of our passion to teach us those rules of true Reason and peaceable Wisdom which is from above tending most to God's glory and his Churches good which I think My self
Close Committee For Subjects to make foreign Confederacies without their Soveraigns assent to invade the Territories of their undoubted King to go about by force to change the Laws and Religion established is grosse Treason without all contradiction and in this case it argues strongly who have been the Contrivers and Fomenters of all our Troubles No Covenant whatsoever or with whomsoever can justifie such proceedings or oblige a Subject to run such disloyal courses If any man out of Ignorance or Fear or Credulity have entred into such a Covenant it bindes him not except it be to Repentance Neitheâ— is there any such necessity as is pretended of your present posture your selves cannot allege that you are any way provoked by us neither are we conscious to our selves of the least intention to molest you Those ends which you propose are plausible indeed to them who do not understand them the blackest Designs did never want the same pretences If by the Protestant Religion you intend our Articles which are the publick Confession of our Church and our Book of Common Prayer established by Act of Parliament you need not trouble your selves we are ready to defend them with our Bloud If it be otherwise it is plain to all the World that it is not the Preservation but the Innovation of Religion which you seek however by you styled Reformation And what calling have you to refâ—rm us by the Sword We do not remember that ever the like indignity was offered by one Nation to another by a lesser to a greater That those men who have heretofore pleaded to vehemently for Liberty of Conscience against all Oaths and Subscriptions should now assume a power to themselves by Arms to impose a Law upon the Consciences of their fellow Subjects A vanquished Nation would scarce endure such Terms from their Conquerours But this we are sure of that this is the way to make the Protestant Religion odious to all Monarchs Christian and Pagan Your other two ends that is the honour and happiness of the King and the publick Peace and Liberty of his Dominions are so manifestly contrary to your practice that we need no other motives to withdraw you from such a course as tends so directly to make his Majesty contemptible at home and abroad and to fill all his Dominions with Rapine and Bloud In an Army all have not the same intentions We have seen the Articles agreed upon and those vast Sums and Conditions contained in them as if our Countreymen thought that England was indeed a Well that could never be drawn dry and whatsoever the intentions be we know right well what will be the consequents if it were otherwise no intention or consequent whatsoever can justifie an unlawfull action And therefore you do wisely to decline all disputation about it it is an easie thing to pretend the Cause of God as the Jews did the Temple of the Lord but this is far from those evident Demonstrations which you often mention never make Consider that there must be an account given to God of all the Bloud which shall be shed in this Quarrel The way to prevent it is not by such insinuations but to retire before the Sword be unsheathed or the Breach be made too wide you cannot think we are grown such tame Creatures to desert our Religion our Laws our Liberties our Estates upon command of Foreigners and to suffer our selves and our Posterity to be made Beggars and Slaves without opposition If any of ours shall joyn with you in this Action we cannot look upon them otherwise than as Traitours to their King Vipers to their native Countrey and such as have been Plotters or Fomenters of this Design from the beginning But if mis-information or fear hath drawn any of yours ignorantly or unwillingly into this Cause we desire them to withdraw themselve at last and not to make themselves Accessaries to that Deluge of Mischief which this second Voyage is like to bring upon both Kingdoms The Scots for a Moneth together have likewise spread abroad this slander That divers of the Nobility have lately deserted the King which the Lords of the Assembly of Parliament at Oxford took upon them to convince that in time to come there might not be left one Loop-hole of Excuse for this their Rebellion Directing their Letters To the Lords of the Privy Council and Conservatours of the Peace of the Kingdom of Scotland Our very good Lords If for no other reason yet that Posterity may know we have done our Duties and not sate still whilest our Brethren of Scotland were transported with a dangerous and fatal misunderstanding c. We have thought it necessary to tell you that when you are informed that the Earls of Arundel and Thanet and the Lords of Stafford Stanhop Coventry Goring and Craven are beyond Seas and the Earls of Chesterfield Westmerland and the Lord Montague of Boughton under restraint at London for their Loyalty and Duty to his Majesty and the Kingdom your Lordships will easily conclude how very few now make up the Peers at Westminster there being not above five and twenty Lords present or privy to these Councils And so they go on to give their Reasons why this Assembly at Oxford are dissenting and absent from Westminster being forced away by the Multitude of the meaner sort of the City Rabble of London and prosecuted by unparliamentary Debates and Votes without freedom or safety to their Lives And therefore we do protest against any Invitation made to the Scotish Nation to enter this Kingdom with an Army And we do conjure your Lordships by our common Allegeance under one gracious Sovereign by the amity and affection of both Nations by the Treaty of Pacification and by all obligation divine and humane which can preserve peace upon earth to prevent the effusion of so much Christian Bloud and the confusion and desolation which must follow this Invasion c. And therefore your Lordships may be assured we shall expose our lives and fortunes in the just and necessary defence of the Kingdom Engaging our Honours to be our selves most religious observers of the Act of Pacification and we hope to receive such an answer from you as may preserve the two Nations c. Your Lorships most affectionate humble servants And signed by all the Lords and Peers of the great Assembly at Oxford about sixty as before in the Roll aforesaid We will end this year with Prince Ruperts relief of that gallant Garison at Newark from the three weeks hot siege of Sir Iohn Meldrum for the Parliament wasting his Army from seven thousand to five thousand the manner was thus Prince Rupert being at West-Chester upon Tuesday night March 12. received his Majesties commands to march with all speed to the relief of Newark with four thousand Foot under five Regiments and four Colours and two thousand Horse and Dragooners Upon these Summons he made haste to Shrewsbury speeding away Major Legge General of the
had their several successes and losses on each other recovered from suddain ruine by the assistance of either Allies their Colleagues for the French Swede and all the Protestant Princes against the Emperour and House of Austria who had the help of Spain with the most of Catholiques The Weymarians were well reinforced by the conduct of four Marshals of France with their French Troops and undertook to quarter in Bavaria and were thwarted by the Duke of Loraine whose sufferings from the French forced him to accept the Spanish Command he was accompanied with Iohn de Werde and the Baron of Mercy directors of the Cavalrie to spie out the enemy and in the end met with the Messieurs routed each quarter after other took the Marshals prisoners with four hundred Officers and one thousand common Souldiers without counting the pillage This defeat was as famous for the Spaniard and saved Bavaria from that storm intended and put the French to raise another Army under the same name Weymarian but with a new General for Guebriana was killed the day before the fight And this glorious battel takes name of Durling where it was disputed we shall not read of any such battels so memorable in this last age the first was in May and began the happy reign of Lewis 14 th The other in the end of November and these may stand parallel with those of Leipsick and Northingen the last year This Victory set up Lorain who was caressed into a treaty by the French without any fruit having been once at Paris to that purpose and abused back again to take revenge and marches away to the Low-countries takes Falconstia and leaves the Army to the brave Baron of Mercy who takes Rotweil and Uburling comes to Fiburgh and Brisquer where he meets with his match the Prince of Conde The Parliament having sent their Emissaries to the neigbour Princes and States to caress them for their friendships the King was careful likewise to satisfie them of the true cause of these differences And as they had sent to the King of Denmark so does he also by an expresse one Colonel Cockram with these instructions You are to inform the King â—f Denmark that by his Majesties command as to the nearest ally of his Crown his Unkle and who he believes will not be unconcerned in his affairs as well in interests as affections you are sent to give a particular account of the state of his Majesties affairs to renew the antient League and Amity between the two Kingdoms and Families Royal and to reduce it to more exact particulars such as might be useful to the present affairs of England and all occurrence of those of Denmark That the present affair of your negotiation is to demand an assistance from his Majesty such as the present state of the affairs of England requires against a dangerous combination of his Majesties Subjects who have not only invaded his Majesty in his particular rights but have laid a design to dissolve the Monarchy and frame of Government under pretence of Liberty and Religion becoming a dangerous precedent to all the Monarches of Christendom to be looked upon with successe to their design That the nature of their proceedings hath been such as hath not admitted any foreign treaty to be interessed in suppressing their design without giving them advantage of Scandaling his Majesties intentions and drawing away universally the hearts of his people whom they had insinuated under pretence of Reformation of particular abuses of Government and Ministers of Estate to concur generally with approbation of their proceedings and in which though the dangerous consequence aâ—d design were visible to his Majesty a present compliance was necessary lest any publick opposition on his Majesties part that might seem to defeat the great expeâ—tations which they had raised in the Commons in those plausible particulars might have occasioned a general revolt throughout the Kingdoms great jealousies being dispersed and fomented amongst them of his Majesties Foreign Treaties and Force to be used to oppose and suppresse those their desires and the movers therein Upon the credit they had herewith on the peoples opinions they proceeded under pretence of Reformation of Religion to disolve the Government of the Church according to its constitution in England a chief column and support to that Monarchy and Crown They lastly invaded his Majesty in all the prerogatives of his Crown and under pretence of ill Ministers and Councellours of Estate whom they pretended to remove endeavoured to invest in themselves in all times for the future the nomination of all Ministers of Estate and of his Majesties Family withdrew all his Revenue into their own hands and to confirm themselves in an absolute power of disposing His estate entred upon possessing themselves of the Militia of the Kingdom His Navy and Magazines in which his Majesty being forced to appear in opposition dangerous Tumults were raised against Him so that He was forced to forsake London for preservation of His Person His Queen and Children That since for the safety of the Queen He hath been forced to send her into Holland to retire Himself to the best affected party of His Subjects from whence by Declarations setting forth the sinister proceedings of that Faction discovering their designs of innovating the Government and falsifying the scandals they had imputed to Him He hath had the advantage generally to undeceive His people to draw to Him universally the Nobility and Gentry of the Kingdom But the other Faction still keeping up some interest and credit with the Commons in the desperate estate they finde themselves begin to make head against Him have appointed a General and are levying Forces to maintain their party committing divers acts of hostility violence and Rebellion That his Majesty having great encouragements given Him by the exceeding numbers of Gentry and Noblemen that resort to Him is already advanced near them with six thousand Horse and ten thousand Foot That the States of Holland have condescended to give Her Majesty the Queen a convoy of the greatest part of their Fleet now at Sea for her â—eturn into England That divers Forts and Counties upon his Majesties personal appearance have declared for Him so that His affairs at home grow daily into abetter estate as he likewise expects and hopes that all His Neighbour Princes and Allies will not look upon so dangerous a president to their own Crowns and Monarchies without contributing to suppressâ— this so pernicious a design begun within His Kingdom That to give His Majesty the juster ground to reflect upon the dangerous consequences in relation to His own interest of their successe it hath been by them publickly moved in the Commons House long since to interpose in the accommodation of the Dutch and to set out a Fleet to take away His Customs of the Sound That they have since imputed to his Majesty as a ground to scandal Him with His people that he did
Forms of constant Praiers must be not amended in what upon free and publick advice might seem to sober men inconvenient for matter or manner to which I should easily consent but wholly cashiered and abolished and after many popular contempts offered to the Book and those that used it according to their Consciences and the Laws in force it must be crucified by an Ordinance the better to please either those men who gloried in their extemporarie vein and fluency or others who conscious to their own formalitie in the use of it thought they fully expâ—ated their sin of not using it aright by laying all the blame upon it and a total rejection of it as a dead letter thereby to excuse the deadness of their hearts As for the matter contained in the Book sober and learned men have sufficiently vindicated it against the cavils and exceptions of those who thought it a part of piety to make what prophane objections they could against it especially for Poperie and Superstition whereas no doubt the Liturgie was exactly conformed to the doctrine of the Church of England and this by all Reformed Churches is confessed to be most sound and Orthodox For the manner of using Set and Prescribed Forms there is no doubt but that wholsom words being known and fitted to mens understandings are soonest received into their hearts and aptest to excite and carrie along with them Iudicious and Fervent Affections Nor do I see any reason why Christians should be weary of a well-composed Liturgie as I hold this to be more then of all other things wherein the Constancie abates nothing of the excellencie and usefulness I could never see any Reason why any Christian should abhor or be forbidden to use the same Forms of Praier since he praies to the same God believes in the same Saviour professeth the same truths reads the same Scriptures hath the same duties upon him and feels the same daily wants for the most part both inward and outward which are common to the whole Church Sure we may as well before-hand know what we pray as to whom we pray and in what words as to what sence when we desire the same things what hinders we may not use the same words our appetite and digestion too may be good when we use as we pray for Our daily bread Some men I hear are so impatient not to use in all their devotions their own invention and gifts that they not only dis-use as too many but wholly cast away and contemn the Lord's Prayer whose great guilt is that it is the warrant and original pattern of all set Liturgies in the Christian Church I ever thought that the proud ostentation of mens abilities for invention and the vain affectations of variety for expressions in Publick Praier or any Sacred Administrations merits a greater brand of sin then that which they call Coldness and Barrenness Nor are men in those Novelties lesse subject to formal and superficial tempers as to their hearts then in the use of constant Forms where not the words but mens hearts are to blame I make no doubt but a man may be very formal in the most extemporary variety and very fervently devout in the most wonted expressions Nor is God more a God of variety then of constancy Nor are constant Forms of Praiers more likely to flat and hinder the Spirit of Praier and Devotion then un-premeditated and confused variety to distract and lose it Though I am not against a grave modest discreet and humble use of Ministers gifts even in Publick the better to fit and excite their own and the peoples affections to the present occasions yet I know no necessity why private and single abilities should quite justle out and deprive the Church of the joynt abilities and concurrent gifts of many learned and godly men such as the Composers of the Service-Book were who may in all reason be thought to have more of gifts and graces enabling them to compose with serious deliberation and concurrent advise such Forms of Praiers as may best fit the Churches common wants inform the Hearers understanding and stir up that fiduciarie and fervent application of their Spirits wherein consists the very life and soul of Praier and that so much pretended Spirit of Praier then any private man by his solitary abilities can be presumed to have which what they are many times even there where they made a great noise and shew the affectations emptiness impertinencie rudeness confusions flatness levity obscurity vain and ridiculous repetitions the senslesse and oft-times blasphemous expressions all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable length do sufficiently convince all men but those who glory in that Pharisaick way Wherein men must be strangly impudent and flatterers of themselves not to have an infinite shame of what they 〈◊〉 do and say in things of so sacred a nature before God and the Church after so ridiculous and indeed profane a manner Nor can it be expected but that in duties of frequent performance as Sacramental administrations and the like which are still the same Ministers must either come to use their own Forms constantly which are not like to be so sound or comprehensive of the nature of the duty as Forms of Publick composure or else they must every time affect new expressions when the subject is the same which can hardly be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiencies not to want many times much of that compleatness order and gravity becoming those duties which by this means are exposed at every celebration to every Ministers private infirmities indispositions errors disorders and defects both for â—udgement and expression A serious sense of which inconvenience in the Church unavoidably following every mans several manner of officiating no doubt first occasioned the wisdome and piety of the Antient Churches to remedy those mischiefs by the use of constant Liturgies of Publick composure The want of which I believe this Church will sufficiently feel when the unhappie fruits of many mens ungovern'd Ignorance and confident Defects shall be discovered in more Errours Schisms Disorders and uncharitable Distractions in Religion which are alreadie but too many the more pitie However if violence must needs bring in and abet those Innovations that men may not seem to have nothing to do which Law Reason and Religion forbid at least to be so obtruded as wholly to justle out the publick Liturgie Yet nothing can excuse that most unjust and partial severitie of those men who either lately had subscribed to used and maintained the Service Book or refusing to use it cried out of the Rigour of Laws and Bishops which suffered them not to use the Libertie of their Consciences in not using it That these men I say should so suddenly change the Liturgy into a Directorie as if the Spirit needed help for Invention though not for expressions or as if matter prescribed did not as much stint and obstruct the Spirit as if it were clothed in and
refer you to my other Letter and for matter of Religion I doe hereby promise them and command you to see it done that the Penal Statutes against Roman Catholicks shall not be put in execution the Peace being made and they remaining in their due obedience and further that when the Irish gives me that assistance which they have promised for this suppression of this Rebellion and I shall be restored to my Rights then I will consent to the Repeal of them by a Law but all those against Appeals to Rome and Premunire mustâ—â—and This being in Cipher he is commanded to impart to none but to Brown the Lord Muskery and Plunket and that with injunction of strict secresie and concludes his Letter again for his speedy dispatch of the Peace of Ireland and his necessary supply fromthence 15. Decemb. 1644. Oxford Then so soon as the Treaty was on foot the King writes again to Ormond Upon the great Rumours and expectations now of Peace I think it necessary to tell you That the Rebels here have agreed to Treat and most assuredly one of the first and chiefest Articles they will insist on will be to continue the Irish War Which is a point not popular for me to treat on of which you are to make a double use First to hasten with all possible diligence the Peace there the timely conclusion of which will take off that inconvenience which otherwise I may be subject unto by the refusal of that Article upon any other reason Secondly by dexterous conveying to the Irish the danger that may be of their total and perpetual exclusion from these Favours I intend them in case the Rebels here clap up a Peace with Me upon reasonable terms and only exclude them which possibly were not counselable for me to refuse if the Irish Peace should be the only difference betwixt us before it were perfected there These I hope are sufficient Grounds for you to perswade the Irish to dispach a Peace upon reasonable terms assuring them that when you have once fully engaged my Word in the conclusion of a Peace all the earth shall not make me break it But not doubting of a Peace I must again remember you to presse the Irish for their speedy assistance to me here and their friends in Scotland My intentions being to draw from thenâ—e into Wales the peace being once concluded as many as I can of my Armed Protestant Subjects and desire that the Irish would send as great a Body as they can to land about Cumberland which will put these Northern Counties in a brave condition Provide all the Shiping you may as well Dunkirk as Irish Bottoms and remember that after March it will be difficult to transport into England the Rebels being Masters of the Seas 7. Jan. Oxford But the Treaty assigned at Uxbridge and the day neer at hand the thirtieth of Ianuary the King gives these Memorials to Secretary Nicholas First For Religion and Church Government the King will not goe one jot further then is by you offered already Secondly And so for the Militia more then what you have allowed by me but even in that you must observe that I must have free Nomination of the full half as if the total number Scots and all be thirty I will name fifteen Yet if the Parliameâ—â— will be so unworthy as to admit of ten Scots to twenty English I am contented to name five Scots and ten English and so proportional to any number As for gaining of particular persons besides security promise them rewards for performed Services not sparing to ingage for Places so they be not of great Trust not to dispossesse honest men but as much profit as you will with this last you are only to acquaint Richmond Southampton Culpepper and Hide And the King gives directions to his Commissioners in writing thus First concerning Religion In this the Government of the Church as I suppose will be the chief Question wherein these two things are to be considered Conscience and Policy in the first I cannot yield to the change of the Government of Bishops not only as I concur with the most general opinion of Christians in all Ages as being the best but likewise I hold my self particularly bound by the Oath I took at my Coronation not to alter the Government of the Church from what I found it And as for the Churches Patrimony I cannot suffer any diminution or alienation of it it being without peradventure Sacrilege and likewise contrary to the former Oath But whatsoever shall be offered for rectifying of abuses if any hath crept in or yet for the ease of tender Consciences so that it endammage not the Foundation I am content to hear and will be ready to give a Gracious Answer For the second Policy as the Kings duty is to protect the Church so it is the Churches to assist the King in the maintenance of his just Authority wherefore my Predecessâ—â—s have been alwaies careful especially since the Reformation to keep the dependency of the Clergy intirely upon the Crown without which it will scarcely sit fast upon the Kings Head Therefore doe nothing to change or lessen this necessary dependence Concerning the Militia After Conscience this is certainly the fittest Subject for a Kings quarrel for without it the Kings Power is but a shadow and therefore upon no means to be quitted but to be maintained according to the Ancient Lawes of the Land Yet because to attain to this so much wished Peace by all good men It is in a manner necessary that sufficient and real security be given for performance of Agreement I permit you therefore either by leaving strong Towns or other Military Forces into their possession until Articles be performed to give such assurance for performance of Conditions as you shall judge necessary for to conclude a peace Provided alwaies that you take at least as great care by sufficient security that Conditions be performed to me And to make sure that the Peace once setled all things shall return into their Ancient Channels For Ireland I confess they have very specious popular Arguments to presse this Point the gaining no Article more conducing to their ends then this And I have as much reason both in Honour and Policy to take care how to answer this as any All the world knows the eminent inevitable necessity which caused me to make the Irish Cessation and there remain yet as strong Reasons for the concluding of that Peace wherefore you must consent to nothing to hinder me therein until a clear way be shown to me how my Protestant Subjects there may probably at least defend themselves and that I shall have no more need to defend my Conscience and Crown from the Injuries of this Rebellion The Protestation consented unto and taken by his Majesties Commissioners appointed to Treat I A. B. One of the Commissioners assigned by his Majesty for this present Treaty at Uxbridge doe protest and promise
in the sight of Almighty God that I will not disclose nor reveale unto any Person or Persons whatsoever who is not a Commissioner any matter or thing that shall be spoken of during the Treaty by any one or more of his Majesties Commissioners in any private Debate amongst our selves concerning the said Treaty so as to name or describe directly or indirectly the person or persons that shall speak any such matter or thing unlesse by the consent of all the said Commissioners that shall be then living Memorandum That it is by all the said Commissioners agreed that this shall not binde where any ten of the Commissioners shall agree to certifie his Majesty the number of the Assenters or Dissenters upon any particular result in this Treaty not naming or describing the persons Upon the Kings former Message from Evesham Iuly 4. And his second Message from Tavestock Septem 8. and the consideration of the Parliaments late Propositions sent to the King at Oxford Novem. 23. which he Answered in the general the effect whereof produced an offer of the King for a Treaty so that at last it was assented unto and Commissioners appointed on all sides for the King and for the Parliament of England and the Parliament of Scotland to Treat at Uxbridge the 30. of Ianuary The day came and after eithers Commission was assented unto the Kings Commissioners complain against one Mr. Love who preached in Uxbridge to the people that very day Thursday Market day Telling them that the Kings Commissioners came with hearts full of bloud and that there is as great distance between this Treaty and Peace as between Heaven and Hell With divers other seditious passages against the King and his Treaty It was Answered that Mr. Love was none of their Train and that they would present this Complaint to the Parliament who will no doubt proceed in justice therein who was sent to the Parliament and slightly blamed but grew into so much favour with a Faction and therein very bold that we shall finde him hereafter a Traitor and sentenced to be hanged drawn and quartered but had the favour of the Ax. The observable end of many such in these times Commissioners pro Rege Duke of Richmond and Lenox Marquess of Hertford Earl of Southampton Earl of Kingston Earl of Chichester Lord Capel Lord Seamour Lord Hatton Lord Culpepper Sir Edward Nicholas Sir Edward Hide Sir Richard Lane Sir Thomas Grandure Sir Orlando Bridgeman Mr. Io. Ashburnham Mr. Ieffery Palmer Doctor Stuard Commissioners pro Parl. Earl of Northumberland Earl of Pembroke Montgomery Earl of Salisbury Earl of Denbigh Lord Wenman Mr. Hollis Mr. Pierpoint Sir Hen. Vane Iunior Mr. Crew Mr. Whitlock Mr. St. Iohns Mr. Prideaux Lord Loudon Sir Charles Ersken Scots Commissioners Mr. Doudas Mr. Brackley Mr. Henderson Then they proceed to their Order of Treaty 1. concerning Religion 2. Militia 3. Ireland But ere the Treaty began this Paper was delivered in to the Commissioners of Parliament from the other for reconciling all differences in the Matter of Religion and procuring a Peace we are willing 1. That freedom be left to all Persons of what opinion soever in Matters of Ceremony and that all the penalties of the Lawes and Customs which enjoyn these penalties be suspended 2. That the Bishops shall exercise no Act of Iurisdiction or Ordination without the consent and Councel of the Presbyters who shall be chosen by the Clergy of each Diocess out of the Learned'st and gravest Ministers of that Diocess 3. That the Bishop keep his constant Residence in his Diocess except when he shall be required by his Majesty to attend him on any occasion and that if he be not hindered by the Infirmity of old age or sickness he preach every Sunday in some Church within his Diocess 4. That the Ordination on Ministers shall be alwayes in the Publick and Solemn Manner and very strict rules observed concerning the sufficience and other qualifications of those men who shall be received into holy Orders And the Bishop shall not receive any into holy Orders without the Approbation and consent of the Presbyters or the Major part of them 5. That competent Maintenance be established by Parliament to such Vicarages as belong to Bishops Deans and Chapters out of the Impropriations according to their value of the several Parishes 6. That no Man shall be capable of two Parsonages or Vicarages with cure of Souls 7. That toward the setling of the Publick peace a hundred thousand pounds shall be raised by Parliament out of the estates of Bishops Deans and Chapters in such manner as the King and Parliament shall think fit without the Alienation of any of the said Lands 8. That the Iurisdiction in causes Testamentary Decimals and Matrimonials be setled in such a manner as shall seem most convenient by the King and Parliament And likewise that Acts to be passed for regulating of Visitations and against immoderate Fees in Ecclesiastical Courts and abuses by frivolous Excommunications and all other abuses in Ecclesiastical Iurisdictions as shall be agreed upon by King and Parliament And if the Parliaments Commissioners will insist upon any other things which they shall think necessary for Religion the Kings Commissioners shall very willingly apply themselves to the consideration thereof But no Answer was given thereto The Parliaments Commissioners paper concerning Religion That the Bill be passed for Abolishing and taking away of all Archbishops Bishops c. according to the third Proposition That the Ordinances concerning the calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines be confirmed by Act of Parliament That the Directory for Publick Worship already passed both Houses and the Propositions concerning Church Government annexed and passed both Houses be Enacted as a part of Reformation of Religion and Vniformity according to the first Proposition That His Majesty take the Solemn League and Covenant and that the Covenants be enjoyned to be taken according to the second Proposition To this was annexed the following Paper That the ordinary way of dividing Christians into distinct Congregations and most expedient for edification is by the respective bounds of their dwellings That the Minister and the Church Officers in each Congregation shall joyn in the Government of the Church as shall be established by Parliament That many particular Congregations shall be under one Presbyterial Government That the Church be Governed by Congregational Classical and Synodical Assemblies to be established by Parliament That Synodical Assemblies shall consist both of Provincial and National Assemblies Which Papers suffered three dayes of the Treaty in dispute The next three dayes were ordered for the Militia and was afterwards resumed for other three dayes Propositions concerning the Militia 4 February We desire that the Subject of England may be Armed Trained and Disciplined as the Parliament shall think fit That the like for Scotland as the Parliament there shall think fit An Act for setling the Admiralty and forces at Sea and
monies thereto for maintenance may be as the Parliament shall think fit The like for Scotland An Act for setling all forces by Sea and Land in Commissioners to be named by Parliament and as both Kingdoms shall confide in and to Suppresse all powers and forces contrary hereto and to act as they shall be directed by Parliament So for the Kingdom of Scotland That the Militia of the City London and of the Parishes without London and the Liberties within the weekly Bills of Mortality be in the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common-council That the Tower of London may be in the Government of the City and the Chief Officers those be nominated and removable by the Common-council That the Citizens or forces of London may not be drawn out of the City without their own consent and that the example in these distracted times may be no Precedent for the future The next three dayes began the 7. of February and the same was also taken up again Feb. 18. for other three dayes for Ireland That an Act of Parliament be passed to make void the Cessation of Ireland and all Treaties of the Rebells without Consent of Parliment and to settle the prosecution of the War of Ireland in the Parliament to be managed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms and his Majesty to assist and to do no act to discountenance or molest them therein But the Kings Commissioners were so far from yeilding to this Proposition that they had intimation from the King how he was ingaged for Ireland having two dayes before in great earnest writ to hasten the Peace in Ireland in these words Ormond I cannot but mention the necessity of hastning the Irish Peace But in case against all expectation and reason Peace cannot be had you must not by any means fall into a new rupture with them but continue the Cessation c. for a year for which you shall promise them if you can have it no cheaper to joyn with them against the Scots and Inchequin for I hope by that time my condition may be such as the Irish may be glad to accept lesse or I be able to grant more 16 February 1644. Oxford By those Letters the mystery is opened why the King is so violent for Peace with the Irish but this was tenderly treated by the Kings Commissioners and well they might be willing to shadow these designs if they were acquainted with the bottom which few could fathom In general the Kings Commissioners had upon the matter of the Parliaments Propositions consented unto many particulars and alterations of great Importance and complain that the other have not abated one title of the most severe of their Propositions nor have offered any prospect towards Peace but by submitting totally to those Propositions which would dissolve the Frame of Government Ecclesiastical and Civil In the matter of Religion the Kings Commissioners offered all such alterations as they conceived might give satisfaction to any Objection that hath or can be made against that government with their reasons why they cannot consent to the Propositions but if consented unto could not be in Order to Reformation or publique Peace And though in the Parliaments Covenant enjoyned to be taken by the King and all his Subjects they undertake the Reformation in Government and in Doctrine too thereby laying an imputation of Religion it self yet the Parliaments Commissioners have not given the other the least Argument nor the least prejudice to the Doctrine of the Church of England Nor given any view in particular of what they would propose to be abolished And therefore the Kings Commissioners offered That if the Articles proposed by them did not give satisfaction that then so great an alteration as the total abolishment of a Government established by Law may for the imparlance of it and any reformation in Doctrine for the scandal of it be suspended till after the Disbanding of all Armies the King may be present with the Parliament and calling a National Synod may receive such advice both from the one and the other as may be necessary and as any Reformation thus calmly made must needs prove for the singular benefit so whether the contrary that is an alteration even to things though in themselves good can by the principles of Christian Religion be enforced upon the King or Kingdom In that of the Militia Though the Parliaments Commissioners did not deny that the apprehensions of danger are mutual and that the chief end of depositing the Militia into the hands of certain persons is for securitie against possible dangers Yet they did insist that those persons should be nominated by the Parliaments of England and Scotland and that the time of that great unheard of Trust shall be in such manner that though it seems limited for seven years yet in truth it shall not be otherwise exercised then as the King and Parliament shall agree and he may thereby be totallie divested of the Sword without which he cannot defend himself from Foreign or Domestick or protect his Subjects Add to all that Scotland professing distinct and different Laws shall yet have a great share in the Government of this Kingdom Instead of consenting to these Changes the Kings Commissioners proposed That the persons to be Trusted with the Militia may be Nominated between them or that an equal number the one half by the King the other by the Parliament and all those to take Oath for the due discharge of that Trust so their securitie being mutual neither can be supposed to violate the agreement the whole Kingdom being eye-witnesses of the failing And as it is reasonable that for this security the King parting with so much of his own power as makes him unable to break the Agreements so it is most necessary when the apprehension of all danger of that breach be over that then the Soverain power of the Militia should revert and be as it hath alwaies been in the Kings proper Charge And therefore the Kings Commissioners proposed that the Trust should be for three years a time sufficient to produce a right understanding of both sides and if any thing else material may be necessary to be done that the same may be considered after the Peace setled But in all that this Kingdom may depend of it self and not of Scotland as Scotland shall without advice of this Kingdom Concerning Ireland The Parliaments Commissioners proposed that the King Nul this Cessation made by Royal Authority The Lords Justices and Councels desires and for the preservation of the remain of the poor Protestants there from Famine and Sword And to put the whole War Militia and Government of Ireland into the hands of the Scots General by advice of a Ioint Committee of both Kingdoms wherein each to have a Negative voice To which the Kings Commissioners acquainted them with the just Grounds of the Kings proceedings in that businesse of Ireland which they conceived might satisfie all men of his
deliver in their Answer observing that all the Omissions Additions or Alterations made in them are in those things which concern the joint interest and union of both Kingdoms Upon the twenty sixth of March the Parliament appointed a Committee to debate those differences which are chiefly as follow concerning Religion The Parliament in general desire the King to assent to what they have or shall agree concerning Reformation and Uniformity as the Kingdoms shall agree The Commissioners would know the particulars that after so long consult of the Assembly they may know what to assent unto But it was answered The Parliament had not resolved nor would the Commissioners consent Militia The Commissioners desire the same that was sent to Uâ—bridg but the Parliament will have the Militia of each Kingdom setled by it self the Commissioners would have such a conjunction at least as both may joyn together for the publick of both but the Parliament will not be limited and not onely the King but his posterity and the Crown excluded The Commissioners as they will not have it in the King alone so they hold it unsafe to alter the Fundamental Laws and the Crown utterly excluded but after some time the Militia may be in both King and Parliament according to the Declarations to be in King and Parliament together Ireland The Parliament say that the Transactions made at Edingburgh Novemb. 28. 1643. are no Treaties The Commissioners aver that it is a Treaty Articles drawn up which the Parliament confirm the ninth of March and eleventh of April 1643. calling it a Treaty and Scotland performs their part makes their Army stay and advance to the charge of an hundred thousand pounds Sterling at the desire of England being then so low and now the Parliament make question to perform to Scotland 1. That Peace and War 2. The Education of the Kings Children 3. Disbanding the Armies 4. The Act of Oblivion may not be made in either without consent of both Kingdoms But the Committee of Parliament declared They had no power to alter any thing though they were convinced in reason Whereupon the Commissioners gave in a Paper to the Parliament concerning the Propositions of Peace viz. To have Religion setled according to the Covenant That the Propositions formerly agreed upon by the two Kingdoms may be sent to the King That upon the eight and twentieth of February last they received some of the Propositions and were assured that they were all except such as concerned Delinquents and the City which were speedily to be delivered to us And now we desire these particulars considering that the Preface Title and Conclusion of the Propositions may be the same To the four first Propositions they agree in a manner To the fifth and sixth they desire to see what the Parliament have agreed upon concerning Religion and then they will give Answer To the 7 8 9 10 11 12. Propositions they agree To the thirteenth they say That the Treaty at Edinburgh November 28. 1643. which was comprehended in the twelfth Proposition agreed upon between both Kingdoms is excluded by these words in the thirteenth Proposition And whereunto they are obliged by the aforesaid Treaties for the Kingdoms were not obliged by any of the former Treaties to make a subsequent Treaty and therefore they desire the said Treaty of November 28. 1643. together with the Ordinances of the 9 of March and 11. of April ratifying the same may be expressed in the Proposition for which they offer the Reasons following which we refer to the time and place heretofore mentioned the eight and twentieth of Novemb. 1643. and for brevity we now omit To the fourteenth Proposition they desire that all the Articles concerning Religion in England may be extended to Ireland according to the Covenant To the fifteenth sixteenth seventeenth they agree The eighteenth Proposition they say doth differ from that which was formerly for the former Propositions did setle a power in Commissioners of both Kingdoms for resisting Invasions and suppressing all Forces in either Kingdoms to the disturbance of the Peace but this new Proposition rather argues a diffidence of that mutual confidence which was laid and grounded by the former Proposition And they conceive it necessary so to setle the Militia as the King although he were willing be not able to involve them again into a miserable War so they think it is not their intentions to divest the King his Posterity and Crown hereafter of all interest in the matter of the Militia for although they should be never so willing to follow the advise of their Parliaments yet they shall hereby be made incapable and not be admitted to joyn with their Parliaments for resisting their Enemies and protecting their Subjects and as may be collected from the Debate at Uxbridg may be interpreted to be a fundamental alteration of the Government contrary to the Resolution and Declarations of both Kingdoms and not agreeable to the Covenant may be made use of by the Adversary to bring the common cause into contempt both parts were provided for in the other Proposition not to be in the power of the King yet that the Commissioners to be impowered for the execution of the Militia were to have it from King and Parliament and the time to be limited for seven years and afterwards to be setled by the King and Parliament but by this new Proposition the whole power is to be setled in the Parliament for ever Nor in this new Proposition being a mutation and alteration from the former there is no mention of any mean to be used or course to be taken for conserving the peace between both Kingdoms and betwixt the King and either of them but all passed in silence And so they desire that the former Propositions may be sent as they were proposed at Uxbridg To the nineteenth twentieth twenty one they agree The Propositions concerning the Kings Children making Peace or War Disbanding the Armies Act of Oblivion In all these there is omitted these words by consent of both Kingdoms And upon the whole matter they advise to send onely for the present Propositions concerning Religion Militia and Ireland as they were proposed at Uxbridg If not but all then with the former amendments And there were dated March 16. 1646. Ten days after they gave in another Paper The Commissioners had waited a long time in silence for the setling of church-Church-government according to the Govenant not being willing to judg of the Model of Church-government in England to be uniform with Scotland by previous and particular Ordinances of Parliament being but parts of the Building but expected the last Ordinance to supply the defect of the former and by rearing up the whole Body give satisfaction to all And had caressed the Parliament with their humble thanks for removing the Book of Common Prayer and abolishing Episcopacy yet and yet again stil somewhat or rather the most was wanting of greatest consequence which now by the effects
their eyes are wide open to see Heresies and Sects are so multiplied and Schism so much prevails that the Church after so many Miseries of a bloudy and long-lasting War will be in worse case than the former was From which it was pretended for a great happiness to be delivered And in a Treaty of the tenth of March 1641. the Scotish Commissioners had pressed unity and uniformity in matters of Religion in the three Kingdoms unto which the Parliament gave a hopefull Answer Thereafter Anno 1642. the general Assembly in Scotland renewed the same and received thanks for the Motives then further urged therein In fine the mutual Desires were concluded with a solemn League and Covenant and that translated in other Tongues as a Rule and Direction to other Reformed Churches All which considered the Commissioners did tell the Parliament That it would be a sin and shame to England that all sorts of Blasphemies Heresies and Sects now multiplied and liberty of conscience now pleaded for should have place nay that unity and uniformity so much preached should now be slighted and the Covenant it self wrested and perverted to speak any thing and the Churches further from uniformity and unity than ever before And they pray God that the Ruine of Religion and the consequence thereof do not forthwith follow There had been an Ordinance of Parliament March 14. 1645. and Directions thereupon August 19. then next following and now of late some Questions debated in the House of Commons and propounded to the Assembly of Divines at VVestminster touching the point of Ius Divinum as aforesaid the last of April in which the Commissioners of Scotland thought themselves concerned as being intrusted by the Church of Scotland first concerning The subordination of the Assemblies of the Church to the Parliament making no question but the Parliament to be superior to all Assemblies of the Church in place Dignity Honour and earthly power That civil powers are the Vicegerents of God on earth Ministers onely Servants and Ambassadours the Magistrate is Custos utriusque Tabulae and to compell the Ministers to perform their Duties and to account to the civil powers But yet somewhat troubled the Commissioners or rather Mr. Alexander Henderson First the expression of Subordination may be altered lest it should suppose that the relation of one Church-assembly to another and of the Assemblies to the Parliament and of appeals of one to another are of the same kinde and in the same line as if the civil power were not onely about matters of the Church and Religion but were formally Ecclesiastical to be exercised Ecclesiastically because some may interpret it such a Supremacy in the Church as sometimes was in the Pope and hath been as they pretend retained in substance in this Kingdom which they account to be the Fountain of the late High Commission and Foundation of other corruptions and because it is pretended against the Doctrine of the Reformed Churches which are next to the Scripture proposed they pretend in the Covenant as the Example of Reformation Secondly the provincial Commissioners for judging of Scandal there being no Warrant for such a mixture in Church-government from Christ who hath appointed his own Spiritual Officers to whom he hath committed the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven and to whom the Reformed Churches conceive the judging of Offences and qualification of Communicants doth as properly belong as Preaching of the Word and Administration of the Sacraments Nor can it be supposed that some few civil men having no calling from God can be more able to judg of matters of this nature than the Assembly of the Church separated for the work of the Gospel The same Churches and particularly the Church of Scotland which all this time hath been in expectation of great purity and perfection of Reformation in the Church of England were in jealousies and fears that this may be the laying of a new Foundation of an High Commission Court or Episcopacie and so for a new partition-wall to divide the Church of England and Scotland into Schism and Separation Thirdly concerning the Meeting of the National Assemblie it was acknowledged that the supreme Magistrate may call a National Assemblie and the Church is to obey his call but then the Commissioners would have it withall acknowledged that this power of the Magistrate is accumulative or positive but it is not a privative or destructive power and therefore they would that the liberty of the Church from Christ be not restrained the safety of the Church being here the supreme Law And so they moved the Parliament to appoint fixed times for the Meeting of the National Assemblies otherwise what will become of the ill administration of Provincial Synods and of Appeals from them to the National Assemblies These considerations were discoursed and considered by them as being bound they say to endeavour the Reformation of the Discipline and Government of the Church of England and Ireland according to the Word of God and the Example of the best Reformed Churches And with these and the like Discourses Considerations and Exceptions was the Propositions of long time hammering and modelling into some kinde of Agreement without which the Commissioners themselves concluded and however we finde by the sequel all their Labours and our Sufferings were in vain the long consultations of the Divines of both Kingdoms fruitless and the Commissioners in a Labyrinth what to answer to the Church and Kingdom of Scotland returned home afterwards as wise as they were when they came hither of these Arrands So then we see that the Propositions of Peace have been seemingly a long time in preparation and several Debates thereupon evermore referring to the knowledg and consent of the Commissioners of Scotland here who must be allowed convenient time to send to the Assemblie and Parliament of Scotland and to stay for their Return of Answer but now that the Parliament of England were so prosperous not having hardly an Enemy left unless that of the Scots Army began to neglect their former dependence and concordance with Scotland which their Commissioners here well observing and that their Papers of reasonable Exceptions to some points of the Propositions would not take with the Parliament the Commissioners caused them to be printed published and justified they contained four papers of consequence 1. Their Answer upon the whole Propositions of Peace 2. Reasons touching the Militia 3. The Citations of several passages out of the Declaration of the Houses of Parliament concerning the Militia and Uniformitie in Religion 4. Reasons why the Result of the Committee of both Kingdoms at Edinburgh Novemb. 28. 1643. is a Treaty These were the Heads but the matter was accounted exactly satisfactory and reasonable to all indifferent apprehensions truly stating the several cases comprehended in these papers Which so troubled the Houses that out comes the Declaration concerning the Scotish Papers by the Commons onely for they were now entered and could do things
Souldiers of that Garison with a multitude came to his House in York broke his windows and cryed money money money forcing his doors to get it To whom he came out and asked them what they would have they cock't their Matches and held their Pikes to his breast and would have him their Prisoner until all their Arrears were paid and so took him to the Mayor of York with whom he found another Company of Mutiners that had forced their entrance into his Bed-chamber and left not till they had got all their Arrears from the Committee 14. Novem. But the Scots are to be gon and many desired the Covenant might accompany them and to be rid of all together Which yet by the Ordinance was to be taken by all the Inhabitants of the three Kingdoms and now read devoutly in the House by the Favourers of the Presbytery Not so said some and began the debate excepting tender Consciences A new Note lately taken up for a general distinction of each ones Faith excepting Papists But the result of this almost midnights debate after the reading thereof but once whether the Ordinance and the Instructions shall be read any more and Ordered to be read no more The great Debate continued from time to time in the Houses and with the Scots Commissioners about disposing of the Kings person And Papers and Pamphlets Printed by the Scots concerning their debates which took much with the people And therefore to undeceive them the House of Commons had drawn up a Declaration thereof but Voted not to desire the House of Lords consent but before the Printing they dealt fairly with the Scots Commissioners and sent them the Copy which they utterly neglected as being without the Lords assenting However it was Answered and the Commons Reply and the other rejoin and all the dispute hudled together in a printed Pamphlet difficult enough to pick out the true reason to which the Reader is referred Yet in a word thus the English assert We doe affirm that the Kingdom of Scotland hath no right of joynt exercise of interest in disposing the Person of the King in the Kingdom of England The Scots argue If this Argument were turned over the strength or weakness of it may the more easily appear Suppose the King were here at Westminster it may be upon the same grounds urged that the Kingdom of Scotland would have no consent in his disposal and so much the more that the Houses claim the sole interest and judgement to dispose upon the kings Person which we desire may be done jointly as may be best for the security and safety of both Kingdoms And we see no reason why it may not now be determined when he is in the Scotish Army who were intrusted by both and subject to the resolution of both Kingdoms as well as hereafter since he came thither of his own accord and his residence there is voluntary And if his Majestie shall think fit to repair to his Houses of Parliament they shall doe no act which may either hinder or disswade him but cannot constrain him or deliver him to the Houses to be disposed of as they shall think fit In a word the Objection of the Scots brings this result our Army say they cannot part with the King without the consent of the Kingdom of Scotland the Kingdom of Scotland cannot consent unless they may joyn in the disposal of his person they will not joyn till it be agreed that he be disposed of for the good of both Kingdoms But then the Commissioners fell to Debate the Propositions for the departure of their Army The Scots complained that they had no pay for six moneths the reason of their free Quarter Which is strangely enforced for an Argument when they took 19700. l. monethly in money besides much free Quarter Moreover they had by a just accompt for one year ending the last of October last seventy two thousand nine hundred seventy two pounds two shillings and eleven pence for the Custome and other Impositions of Coals only And now they must have two hundred thousand pounds in hand for the present to be gon Or else they advise out of their charity to the deplorable estate of the Northern parts to march into fresh Quarters more Southward to the warm sun And they were modest Not they say to have the King to go into Scotland which were prejudicial to both Kingdoms nor into Ireland or beyond seas And so whilst they dispute the Armies marching home is retarded For until the English dispose of the King the Scots are not like to have 40000. l. a considerable sum for Scots to sell their souâ—s And the Parliament argue the groundless Insinuations in the Scots Speeches and Papers as if the Parliament of England were averse from their Ancient and Fundamental Government by King Lord and Commons which we had thought say they The Declaration of the Commons 17. April last sufficiently cleared to the whole World or that they were not as really forward as any for procureing of a safe and wel-gounded Peace which is the greatest and chiefest of our desires and it will be manifested to the judgements and Consciences of all That as we really endeavour the good of the King and both Kingdoms so shall we constantly and faithfully persevere in these endeavours Not doubting but upon our sincere performing our Covenant and Treaties the blessing of God will so accompanie us as there will be a most sweet and brotherly agreement between the Nations pleasing to God and happie to all Oh the monstrous Miseries at this time of this unhappy Kingdom Religion unsetled the Civil Government loose a Foreign Army and another of our own eating out the bowels of meâ—â—y without compassion and the anger of God sensible to us all by the confluence of continual foggy rainy cold sâ—ckly unseasonable weatâ—er against which we fast and pray and sin the more and as if to appease Gods anger for all the Bloâ—d that hath been spilt we are ordering Councils of War Courts of Justice to censure Delinquents persecuted from Post to Pillar that they know not how to dispose of themselves from being made Offenders And now the War is ended the old General Essex must die the fourteenth day of September 1646. at Essex House in the Straâ—d His â—ife and Death we have in Print by his dear Friend who begins the Discourse with the Renown of his Fathers Master piece that he did â—eget so brave a Son and I may call it says he his Sons Master-piece that he did resemble so brave a Father But to give you a Parallel says he of these two Worthies is a Task impossible and I say impertinent He was born in London Anno 1592. his Mother the Widow of Sir Philip Sidney And in brief we shall say what is said of her Son That the Presages in his Cradle like Hercules be strang led in each hand the two invading Dragons
for his labour Then the Scots select a Committee of their own Lowthian and others to move the King once more for all to take the Covenant and sign to the Propositions which they did endeavour but could not prevail For the Kings intention to escape was thus proved out of several Letters of the Kings to Hudson whilst he was out of prison by way of direction how to manage the design with great promises of reward to such as should assist therein Hudson sends a Copy of this Letter inclosed in one of his own to Major Gen. Langhorn a Commander in Wales and tels him what a great value the King had of his worth and desires his assistance with other his friends to restore his Majestie to his Rights This letter was sent to Mr. Gibb late of Lincolns Inn who sent it to Mr. Price in Wales who delivered it to Langhorn And had the King escaped it was conceited that he was to be received into a Holland Ship that had lain off at Sea near the Shields this two moneths to carry him God knows whither for none on earth could imagine But now the Scots are ready to deliver up their King and Soveraign to Commissioners appointed by the Parliament to receive him and to convey him to Holmby Viz. the Earls of Pembroke Denbigh and the L. Mountague Sir Iames Harrington Sir Io. Hollyland Siâ— Walter Earl Sir Io. Cook Mr. Crew and Major General Brown And the servants to attend the King in Ordinary were Voted to be Sir Thomas Herbert Mr. Maxwell Mr. Astley Mr. Harrington Mr. Patrick Marel Sir Foulk Grevil Mr. Middleton Serjeant at Arms and Doctor Wilson Physician Mr. Marshall and Mr. Caryll to attend them as Chaplains The Parliament of Edenburgh had some debate concerning the King and Queries put to the General Assembly of Ministers Queries If the King shall come to this Kingdom and that the Kingdom of England shall exclude him from the Government there for his leaving them without granting their Propositions whether or no it will be lawfull for this Kingdom to assist him for the recovery of the Government he not granting the Propositions concerning Religion and the Convenant and not giving a satisfactory Answer to the rest of the Propositions They answer The Quere presupposeth the Kings coming into this Kingdom which Case we humbly conceive should not be put into the Question and therefore we desire your Lordships to go about all means to prevent it as a matter of most dangerous consequence to Religion this Kirk and Kingdom and to the King himself and his Posterity But if the Question be stated simply in these terms If the King be excluded from Government in England for not granting the Propositions concerning Religion and the Covenant and for not giving a satisfactory Answer to the rest of the Propositions whether in that case it be lawfull for this Kingdom to assist him for the Recovery of the Government or if it be not lawfull Being put to it we cannot but answer In regard of the Ingagement of this Kingdom by Covenant and Treaty Negative Hereupon the Parliament of Scotland resolve 1. Resolved upon the Question That the Kingdom of Scotland shall be governed as it hath been these five last years all means being used that the King may take the Covenant and pass the Propositions 2. Resolved That the taking of the Scots Covenant and passing some of the Propositions doth not give warrant to assist him against England 3. Resolved That upon bare taking the National Covenant we may not receive him 4. Resolved That the clause in the Covenant for defence of the Kings person to be understood in defence and safety of the Kingdoms 5. Resolved That the King shall not excute any power in the Kingdom of Scotland untill such time that he hath granted the Propositions concerning Religion and the Covenant and given a satisfactory Answer to both Kingdoms in the rest of the Propositions presented to him by both Kingdoms at Newcastle 6. Resolved That if the King refuse to pass the Propositions he shall be disposed of according to the Covenant and Treaty 7. Resolved That the Union be firmly kept between the two Kingdoms according â—o the Covenant and Treaties And to shew you the consequence hereof see the joint consent of the Estate of Scotland together with the Army for delivering up of the King If the King have any thoughts of coming to this Kingdome Scotland at this time he not having subscribed the League and Covenant nor satisfied the lawfull desires of his loyal subjects in both Nations we fear the consequence will be very dangerous which we desire may be timely prevented Neither is it possible but that our receiving him in this present posture of affairs will confirm the suspition of the English Nation of our under dealing with him before his coming to our Armies and make them not without cause to think that we purpose to dispose of him without their consent Which is contrary to the profession of those that were in trust at the Kings first coming to the Scots Quarters and overthroweth all the Arguments that have been used by the Commissioners of our Parliament in their Papers concerning the disposing of his Majesties Person by the consent of both Kingdomes given in to the Parliament in England Nor do we see how we can vindicate such a practice from a direct breach of our engagement to them by Covenant and Treaty which were not onely to expose us to the hazard of a bloody war but to involve us in the guilt of perjury And what greater disservice could be done to the King and his posterity than to give way to a course that might prove prejudicial to their Interest in the Crown and Kingdome of England and conclude Our carriage now for many years past in the midst of many temptations hath put us beyond all suspition in the point of our Loyaltie Ianuary 14. If otherwise let the world judge And yet the King put some Queries to the Scots Commissioners at Newcastle Ianuary 14 It is a received opinion by many That Engagements Acts or Promises of a restrained person are neither valid nor obligatory How true or false this is I will not dispute but I am sure if I am not free I am not fit to answer your or any Propositions Wherefore you should first resolve me in what state I stand as in relation to freedome before I can give you any further answer the reason of this my answer the Governour can best resolve you But if you object the loss of time and urgency of it certainly in one respect it presses none so much as my self which makes me also think necessary that I be not to seek what to do when this Garison shall be surrendred up to demand of you in case I go into Scotland if I shall be there with Honour Freedom and Safety or how being ready to give you a farther and more particular answer how
before their Ministers whom though I respect them for that worth and piety which may be in them yet I cannot think so proper for any present Comforters or Physicians who have some of them at least had so great an influence in occasioning these calamities and inflicting these wounds upon me Nor are the soberest of them so apt for that Devotional compliance and conjuncture of hearts which I desire to bear in those holy Offices to be performed with me and for me since their judgments standing at a distance from or in jealousie of me or in opposition against me their Spirits cannot so harmoniously accord with mine or mine with theirs either in Praier or other Holy Duties as is meet and most comfortable whose golden Rule and bond of perfection consists in that of mutual love and Charity Some Remedies are worse then the Disease and some Comforters more miserable then Misery it self when like Job's friends nhey seek not to fortifie ones minde with patience but perswade a man by betraying his own innocency to dispair of Gods mercy and by justifying their injuries to strengthen the hands and harden the hearts of insolent Enemies I am so much a friend to all Church-men that have any thing in them beseeming that Sacred Function that I have hazarded my own Interest chiefly upon Conscience and Constancy to maintain their Rights whom the more I looked upon as Orphans and under the Sacrilegious eyes of many cruel and rapacious Reformers so I thought it my Duty the more to appear as a Father and a Patron for them and the Church Although I am very unhandsomly requited by some of them who may live to repent no lesse for my sufferings then their own ungrateful errors and that injurious contempt and meannesse which they have brought upon their Calling and Persons I pittie all of them I despise none onely I thought I might have leave to make choise of some for My special Attendants who were best approved in My judgment and most suitable to My affection For I held it better to seem undevout and to hear no mens praiers then to be forced or seem to comply with those Petitions to which the heart cannot consent nor the tongue say Amen without contradicting a mans own understanding or belying his own soul. In Devotions I love neither Prophane boldness nor Pious non-sense but such an humble and judicious gravitie as shews the Speaker to be at once considerate of Gods Majesty the Churches Honour and his own Vileness both knowing what things God allows him to ask and in what manner it becoms a Sinner to supplicate the divine Mercie for himself and others I am equally scandalized with all praiers that sound either imperiously or rudely or passionately as either wanting humility to God or charity to men or respect to the duty I confess I am better pleased as with studied and premeditated Sermons so with such publick Forms of Praier as sare fitted to the Churches and every Christians daily and common necessities because I am by them better assured what I may join My heart unto then I can be of any mans extemporary sufficiency which as I do not wholly exclude from Publick occasions so I allow its just libertie and use in private and devout retirements where neither the solemnity of the Duty nor the modest regard to others do require so great exactness as to the outward manner of performance Though the light of understanding and the fervency of affection I hold the main and most necessary requisites both in constant and occasional solitary and social Devotions So that I must needs seem to all equal minds with as much Reason to prefer the service of My own Chaplains before that of their Ministers as I do the Liturgie before their Directory In the one I have been alwaies educated aâ—d exercised in the other I am not yet Catechized nor acquainted And if I were yet should I not by that as by any certain Rule and Canon of Devotion be able to follow or finde out the indirect extravagancies of most of those men who highly cry up that as a peice of rare composure and use which is already as much despised and disused by many of them as the Common-praier somtimes was by those men a great part of whose pietie hung upon that popular pin of railing against and contemning the Government and Liturgie of this Church But I had rather be condemned to the wo of Vae soli then to that of Vae vobis Hypocritae by seeming to pray what I do not approve It may be I am esteemed by my Denyers sufficient of my self to discharge my Dutie to GOD as a PRIEST though not to men as a Prince Indeed I think both Offices Regal and Sacerdotal might well become the same Person as anciently they were under one name and the united rightes of Primogeniture Nor could I follow better precedents if I were able then those two eminent Kings David and Solomon not more famous for their Scepters and Crowns then one was for devout Psalms and Praiers the other for his divine Parables and Preaching whence the one merited and assumed the name of a Prophet the other of a Preacher Titles indeed of greater honour where rightly placed then any of those the Romane Emperours affected from the Nations they subdued It being infinitely more glorious to convert Souls to Gods Church by the Word then to Conquer men to a Subjection by the Sword Yet since the order of Gods Wisdom and Providence hath for the most part alwaies distinguished the gifts and offices of Kings and Priests of Princes and Preachers both in the Iewish and Christian Churches I am sorrie to finde my self reduced to the necessitie of being both or enjoying neither For such as seek to deprive me of my Kingly Power and Sovereigntie would no lesse enforce me to live many Months without all Praiers Sacraments and Sermons unlesse I become my own Chaplain As I ow the Clergie the protection of a Christian King so I desire to enjoy from them the benefit of their gifts and praiers which I look upon as more prevalent then my own or other mens by how much they flow from mindes more enlightned and affections lesse distracted then those which are encomb'red with Secular Affairs Besides I think a greater blessing and acceptablenesse attends those Duties which are rightly performed as proper to and within the limits of that Calling to which God and the Church have specially designed and Consecrated some men And however as to that Spiritual Government by which the devout Soul is subject to Christ and through his Merits daily offers it self and it's Services to God every private believer is a King and Priest invested with the honour of a Royal Priest hood yet as to Ecclesiastical Order and the outward Politie of the Church I think confusion in Religion will as certainly follow every mans turning Priest or Preacher as it will in the State where every one affects to
of this Synod is to have meetings and Counsels together and are able to draw their brethren Pupils of their Faction as servum pecus slavishly yet with much zeal to voice as they please for their ends These prime men of God are almost deified by the Commons and are honour'd by the subtil and cunning Nobles and Gentlemen caressed and invited principal Guests to their Ladies and Wives And therefore however this Church Government pretends purity it is protestatio contra factum And Mas Robert Bruce was so attended into Edenburgh which occasioned King Iames to say Bruce intends to be King and to declare himself heir to King Robert the Bruce and it may easily be so believed if we confer the story of Mas Bruce his carriage with King Iames being seriously asked by the King whether upon his coming to the Crown of England he might not redeem the Roman Catholicks of Scotland Angus Huntly and Arrol in point of State security and give them a pardon and to restore them to their honour and Lands Bruce answered you may pardon Angus and Arrol but not Huntly Nay said the King rather he then they he my kinsman and friend doe as you think fit replyed Bruce you shall not have me and Huntly both for you see the story and yet this man was but a Minister at Edenburgh The General Assembly the great and high Sanhedrim the last resolution of faith the ultimate decision of all Controversies Infallibilitie the Jurisdiction universal concerning Ecclesiastica Ecclesiasticos and all Temporalia in ordine ad spiritualia It hath an Independent Soveraignty immediately from Christ to punish in Estate Life or Body in Life and death The King is to be Excommunicable and every Individual person whatsoever is to concur to compel censure punish dethrone un-King to kill c. It is composed of Commissioners from all the Presbyteries each Presbyterie sending two preaching Elders and a Lay Elder Every Corporation one Commissioner The Universities send Commissioners Lay-men and Graduates in Liberal Arts and Sciences The King is a Member Personally or Virtually and Representatively He hath one voice affirmative only Some hold he is there Princeps membrum some say he sits there as the Representative of the Civil body of the Kingdom and hath power to keep the peace there He may have four or five Assistants for advice whilst matters are in debating but in Vote he hath only one voice and that Affirmative only not Negative and is bound to put it to execution though against his conscience for Potestas juris is radically in the whole Assembly the King having but potestatem facti to be an Executioner Rei judicatae The King presides they say but so that it is only civilly in his civil capacity He cannot propose any thing Spiritual the Moderator must He cannot hinder the proposing of any thing concerning the Kingdom of Christ for then it were no free General Assembly Nay if the thing proposed be Spiritual and twisted with things civil and so endanger a change and distemper in the State and Government or danger to the King or Crown the Moderator or any Commissioner only hath power to propose and to determine it and that for God and Christs glory And observe that the proper Moderator should be a Preaching-Elder though we have noted before how Laymen Buchanan Melvil and Bruce have been Moderators but a Lay Elder cannot be Moderator Here is the Legislative Power the Soveraignty of Christs Kingdom the highest Tribunal and Judicatory of Christ upon Earth from which no Person no Officer no condition of Creature is priviledged from it no appeal They indict the Assembly by their own power Necessarily once a year they meet This Assembly vindicateth to it self only authoritativè within the Church of the Kingdom and Nation Yet consensivè and charitativè to extend to all Churches in the World what ever it be that concerneth fidem cultum Regimen c. credenda agenda And in ordine ad Spiritualia they will give the King Laws repeal his Laws command obedience to theirs otherwise Excommunication follows and if he neglect that then they incite inferiour Magistrates Nobles and Commons to order him compel and force him He is in a worse condition under this Soveraignty then under the Pope who is but One these a multitude And in this Assembly the Lay Judges Elders are de jure divino in the highest points of Faith Worship c. and have Vocem deliberativam vocem decisivam and to give Normam fidei cultus politiae what shall we say now to that of the Councel of Chalcedon Concilium Episcoporum est c. and that old verse Ite for as Laici non est vobis locus ici By the power of this Assembly all things there done are animated with a Potestative power by the influence which these Orders received from that Legislative power Christ hath intrusted them within his Oeconomical Kingdom They are above the King and his Soveraignty Their constant Tenet That if the King Queen Regent or Protector of the people or any other in whose person Soveraignty is fixed or will not submit to this holy Scepter any man or men are bound to doe it at their direction Representatively by a Fiduciary trust One of their own says that there is no authority above the Brotherhood No Magistrate may lawfully maim or deform the body of Christ the Church no lawful Church Government is changeable at the pleasure of the Magistrate of necessity all Christian Magistrates are bound to receive this Government Another says That what the holy Brotherhood cannot obtain by suit and dispute the people must bring it to pass The Scots maintain Religion may be reformed or preserved by violence if the King will not the Nobles may if neither of them will the people must Inferiour Magistrates and people may joyn every Individual in this good work may and ought to their utmost power intend and endeavour Reformation they have Texts of Scripture for all of Phineas who killed the Adulterers of Ehud who slew Eglon of Iael who killed Sisera of Matthias who killed a Iew for committing Idolatry and who in the same zeal killed the Kings Commissioner and all to be done in zeal as they fancy to God and his Cause All well affected may Covenant and Combine for doing this work The Confederates may by themselves give Orders of Reformation without the Authority of Soveraignty The have protested in Scotland against King and Parliament contemned Soveraign Authority usurped Royal power renounced their lawful Soveraign command all the Brotherhood to be assistant Denounce War against their Adversaries hear of no peace but enter combination for mutual defence Depose the Queen Regent And for Presidents of all or any of these we may have them in the History of Knox. In a word so absolute so incontroleable is this high Celestial Court that it commandeth conscience and Soul disposeth of Body and Estate that if you conform not to their
down thither for Subscribers Then comes out an Apology of the common Souldiers to their General presented under the Hands of the Agents or Commissioners as they call themselves for the several Regiments wherein they complain of the Design of Modelling and Disbanding some of their Forces styling the publick proceedings To be a Plot a meer Cloak for some who have lately tasted of Sovereigntie and being lifted beyond their ordinary Sphere of Servants seek to become Masters and degenerate into Tyrants and therefore utterly refuse the Service of Ireland untill their Desires be granted the just Right and Liberties of the Subject vindicated and maintained To which they all subsign April 28. for which some of them were questioned and imprisoned but then they are angry indeed and complain to their General That they speaking but for the Rights and Liberties of this Nation are some of them slighted abused beaten and dragged to Goals to the Ruine of their Estates and loss of their Lives The Parliament bussle and vote the Apologizers Enemies to the State and such as they could catch were laid by the heels at London The King was close beset with watchfull eys over him and yet one Major Bosvil once of his Army and of the Lord Cleveland's Regiment disguised in a Countrey-mans Habit the King walking out passed over a narrow Bridg he put a Pacquet into the Kings hand but was discovered by the Miller directing the Pursuit after the Major who was overtaken and brought to confession That the Letters came from the Queen at Paris and that they contain a Desire of the Prince of Wales to go with the Duke of Orleans into the Field this Summer who commands the French Armie against the Spaniards in Flanders But the King being desired to acquaint his Guardians with the Contents he answered That he was not to give account to any man living And because the Countrey flocked to the Court for cure of the Disease called The Kings Evil the Parliament declare That the People shall be satisfied of the fond Superstition of that custome to be touched by the King and that they are not suffered to be healed by him And being the Feast of the Church called Easter the Parliament discharged that Solemn Custom But were told by the King that the Feast was Instituted by the same Authority which changed the Iewish Sabbath into the Lords day or Sunday for the Scripture doth not mention this So then we may as well return to the Sabbath Saturday if we refuse the Church Authority which Instituted both 23. April This day was read the Kings Letter to the Parliament in effect to Answer the Propositions formerly sent to him which he had lying by him and that himself without a Secretary had formed this Answer CHARLES REX As the daily expectation of the coming of the Propositions hath made his Majesty this long time to forbear giving his Answer unto them so the appearance of their sending being no more for any thing he can hear than it was at his first coming hither notwithstanding that the Earl of Louderdale hath been at London above these ten daies whose not coming was said to be the only stop hath caused his Majestie thus to anticipate their coming to him and yet considering his condition that his Servants are denied accesse to him all but very few and those by appointment not his own election and that it is declared a crime for any but the Commissioners or such who are particularly permitted by them to converse with his Majesty or that any Letters should be given to or received from him may he not truly say that he is not in case fit to make concessions or give Answers since he is not master of those ordinary actions which are the undoubted rights of any free-born man how mean soever his birth be And certainly he would still be silent as to this Subject untill his condition were much mended did he not prefer such a right understanding betwixt him and his Parliaments of both Kingdoms which may make a firm and lasting peace in all his Dominions before any particular of his own or any earthly blessing and therefore his Majesty hath diligently emploied his utmost endeavours for divers moneths past so to inform his understanding and satisfie his Conscience that he might be able to give such Answers to the Propositions as would be most conformable to his Parliament but he ingeniously professes that notwithstanding all the pains that he hath taken therein the nature of some of them appears such unto him that without disclaiming that Reason which God hath given him to judge by for the good of him and his people and without putting the greatest violence upon his own Conscience he cannot give his consent to all of them Yet his Majesty that it may appear to all the World how desirous he is to give full satisfaction hath thought fit hereby to expresse his readinesse to grant what he may and his willingnesse to receive from them and that personally if his two Houses at Westminster shall approve thereof such further information in the rest as may best convince his iudgment and satisfie those doubts which are not yet clear unto him desiring them also to consider that if his Majesty intended to winde himself out of these troubles by indirect means were it not easie for him now readily to consent to what hath or shall be proposed unto him and afterwards choose his time to break all alleging that forced Concessions are not to be kept surely he might and not incur a hard censure from indifferent men But maxims in this kinde are not the guides of his Majesties actions for he freely and clearly avowes that he holds it unlawfull for any man and most base in a King to recede from his promises for having been obtained by force or under restraint wherefore his Majestie not only rejecting those acts which he esteems unworthy of him but even passing by that which he might well insist upon a point of honour in respect of his present condition thus answers the first Proposition That upon his Majesties coming to London he will heartily joyn in all that shall concern the honour of his two Kingdoms or the Assembly of the States of Scotland or of the Commissioners or Deputies of either Kingdom particularly in those things which are desired in that Proposition upon confidence that all of them respectively with the same tendernesse will look upon those things which concern his Majesties honour In Answer to all the Propositions concerning Religion his Majesty proposeth that he will confirm the Presbyterial government the Assembly of Divines at Westminster and the Directory for three years being the time set down by the two Houses so that his Majesty and his houshold be not hindered from that Form of Gods Service which they formerly have And also that a free consultation and debate be had with the Divines at Westminster twenty of his Majesties nomination being added
of Rochel doth fitly follow to shew how Malice when it is at the height is ordinarily accompanied for there are none but ignorant or forgetful men who know not that it was meerly the want of assistance from the two Houses of Parliament contrary to their pulick geneneral Engagement that lost Rochel and there is nothing more clear to any who hath known French Occurrences than that real assistance which the KING to the utmost of his power gave to those of the Religion at that time made the Cardinal of Richelieu an irreconcileable enemy to the King wherefore I cannot but say that it is a strange forgetfulness to charge the KING with that which was evidently other mens faults There as also other things that to any knowing man will rather seem jears than Accusations as the German Horse and Spanish Fleet in the year 1639. But my affection shall not so blinde me as to say that the KING never erred yet as when a just debt is paid Bonds ought to be cancelled so Grievances be they never so just being once redressed ought no more to be objected as Errors And it is no Paradox to affirm that truths this way told are no better than slanders and such are the Catalogue of Grievances here enumerated which when they are well examined every one of them will not be found such as here they are described to be Now as concerning those discourses which mention the beginnings of these troubles which are in two several places of this Declaration I will only say this That what the KING did upon those occasions was meerly to defend the Rights of his Crown which were and are evidently sought to be taken from him nor can I acknowledge all those Relations such as private Levies of men by Popish Agents Arming of Papists in the North calling in of Danish Forces and the like And as for the tale of calling up the Northern Army now renewed it is well known that the two Houses even at that time were not so partial to the KING as to have concealed a practice of that kinde if they could have got it sufficiently proved But if the Irish Rebellion can be justly charged upon the KING then I shall not blame any for believing all the rest of the Allegations against him And it is no litle wonder that so grave an assembly as the House of Commons should so slightly examine a business of that great Weight that the Scots great Seal did countenance the Irish rebellion when I know it can be proved by witnesseâ— without exception that for many moneths before until the now Lord Chancellour had the keeping of it there was nothing at all sealed by it Nor concerning this great point will I only say that the King is innocent and bid them prove which to most accusations is a sufficient Answer but I can prove that if the KING had been obeyed in the Irish affairs before he went last into Scotland there had been no Irish Rebellion and after it was begun it had in few moneths been suppressed if his directions had been observed for if the KING had been suffered to have performed his engagements to the Irish Agents and had disposed of the discontented Irish Army beyond Sea according to his contracts with the French and Spanish Ambassadours there is nothing more clear than that tâ—ere could have been no Rebellion in Ireland because they had wanted both pretence and means to have made one then when it was broken forth if those vigorous courses had been pursued which the KING proposed first to the Scots then to the English Parliament doubtless that Rebellion had been soon suppressed But what he proposed took so little effect that in many moneths after there was nothing sent into Ireland but what the KING himself sent assisted by the Duke of Richmond before he came from Scotland unto Sir Robert Steward which though it were little will be found to have done much service as may be seen by the said Sir Roberts voluntary Testimony given in writing to the Parliament Commissioners then attending the King at Stoak And certainly a greater evidence for constancy in Religion there cannot be than the KING shewed in his Irish Treaty for in the time that he most needed assistance it was in his power to have made that Kingdom declare unanimously for him and have had the whole Forces thereof imployed in his Service if he would have granted their demand in points of Religion they not insisting in any thing of Civil Government which his Majesty might not have granted without prejudice to Regall Authority and this can be clearly proved by the Marquess of Ormonds Treaties with the Irish not without very good evidence by some of the KINGS Letters to the QUEEN which were taken at Naseby that are concealed they too plainly discover the KINGS detestation of that Rebellion and his riged firmness to the Protestant profession Nor can I end this point without Remarking with wonder that men should have so ill memories as again to renew that old slander of the Kings giving Passes to divers Papists and persons of quality who headed the Rebels of which he so cleared himself that he demanded reparation for it but could not have it albeit no shew of proof could be produced for that allegation as is most plainly to be seen in the first book of the Collection of all Remonstrances Declarations c. fol. 69. 70. Thus having given a particular Answer to the most Material points in this Declaration the rest are frivolous and many of them groundless Yet one thing more I must observe that they not only endeavour to make Fables passe for currant coin but likewise seek to blinde mens judgements with false inferences upon some truths For Example It is true the King hath said in some of his Specches or Declarations that he oweth an account of his actions to none but God alone and that the Houses of Parliament joynt or separate have no power either to make or declare any Law But that this is a fit foundation for all Tyranny I must utterly deny indeed if it had been said that the King without the two Houses of Parliament could make or create Laws then there might be some strength in the Argument but before this Parliament it was never so much as pretended that either or both Houses without the King could make or declare any Law and certainly his Majesty is not the first King of England that hath not held himself accountable to any Earthly power besides it will be found that his Majesties position is most agreeable to all Divine and Humane Laws so far it is from being Destructive to a Kingdom or a foundation for Tyranny To conclude I appeal to God and the World whether it can be paralleld by example or warranted by Justice that any man should be yet denyed the sight of an accusation and so far from being permitted to Answer that if he have erred there is no way
Sanderson Shelden Hamond Oldsworth Turner Haywood Lawyers Sir Tho. Gardner Sir Orlando Bridgman Sir R. Holburn Mr. Ieffery Palmer Mr. Tho. Cook Mr. Io. Vaughan Clerks and Writers Sir Edward Walker Mr. Phil. Warwick Mr. Nich. Oudart Mr. Charles Whittane To make ready the House for Treating Peter Newton The Commissioners nominated to attend the Treaty for the Parliament were the Earls of Salisbury Pembroke Middlesex Northumberland and the Lord Say And of the Commons were the Lord Wainman Mr. Hollis lately re-admitted into the House Mr. Perpoint Sir Harry Vane Jun. Sir Harbotel Grimston Mr. Brown Mr. Crew Mr. â—lin lately re-admitted into the House Sir Io. Pots and Mr. Bulkley And the King desired a safe conduct for Commissioners to come out of Scotland to joyn in the Treaty with him viz. the Lord Carnagy Sir Alexander Gibson the Lord Clerk Register and Sir Iames Carmichel The two first were refused as having been in arms against the Parliament of England And that four Bishops might attend him Armagh Exeter Rochester and Worcester and for Doctor Ferne and Doctor Morley And for his Advocate Sir Thomas Reves and for Doctor Duck Civil Lawyers but none of these aforesaid the Kings friends were intromitted into the Scene or to speech but to stand behind the Hangings and in the Tâ—ring-room so that the Kings single solitary self opposed all the other party And Order is given to Colonel Hamond to free the King of his imprisonment to ride abroad where he pleaseth upon his engagement to return at night to Sir William Hodges House the place appointed to Treat where galloppiâ—g down a steep Hill 14 Septem and reining his Horse too hard the Bridle broke and he without a Curb ran with speed endangering the King whose excellent Horsemanship saved him from the terrible effects which amazed the beholders And it is remarkable that long before this Lilly had foretold in his Astrological Predictions pag 15. lin 31. And were his Majesty at liberty it shews or threatens danger to his person by inordinate Horsmanship or some fall from on high Friday the 15. of September the Commissioners of Parliament are come to the King and Saturday was kept a fast by him and all his Family and Friends assistant with the ancient service of the Book of Common Prayer and preaching with this particular Prayer for a blessing on the Treaty O Most merciful Father Lord God of Peace and truth we a people sorely afflicted by the scourge of an unnatural war do here earnestly beseâ—ch thee to command a blessing from Heaven upon this Treaty brought about by thy providence and the only visible remedy left for the establishment of an happy peace Soften the most obdurate hearts with a true Christian desire of saving those mens blood for whom Christ himself hath shed his O Lord let not the guilt of our sins cause this Treaty to break off but let the Truth of thy Spirit so clearly shine in our mindes that all private ends laid a side we may every one of us heartily and sincerely pursue the publick good and that thy people may be no longer so blindly miserable as not 〈◊〉 see at least in this their day the things that belong unto their peace Grant this gracious God for his sake who is our peace it self even Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen The King told the Commissioners that he was glad of their coming to treat with him for a Peace and desired God to perfect that good work professing that he was in charity with all men not willing to revenge upon any nor to delay the hopes of a blessed issue and concludes to begin the Treaty on Munday morning 9. a clock 18. Septemb. The Treaty begins and to make it more difficult to Peace Occasion is given to oppose four Demands or Bills to the Kings demands which as a pledge of trust should be granted before whereto if the King assent they promise to commence a Treaty to the rest 1. To order for the future the Militia without the Kings consent to raise what Arms they please and that all others upon the pain of Treason shall not assemble to the number of thirty persons without the Authority of Parliament 2. That the Houses may sit and adjourn and assemble to what place and at what time at their own discretion 3. All Oaths Interdictions and declarations against the Parliament to be declared void 4. Whomsoever the King had dignified with Titles from the time himself departed and conveyed away the great Seal of England be degraded of their honours And these must be first ratified and to command them to be passed into Laws Then they go on with the Preface the matter of the Treaty For as much as both Houses of Parliament have been necessitated to undertake a War for their just defence and for the prosecuting thereof have bound themselves in a Covenant be it enacted by the Kings command The Propositions were in number eleven 1. That all Declarations and Proclamations against the two Houses of Parliament or their Adherents and all Judgments and Indictments c. against them be declared Null 2. That a Satute be Enacted for abolishing of all Arch Bishops and Bishops out of the Churches of England and Ireland for the selling of their Lands and Revenues As also that the calling and sitting in Synod of the Divines be approved 〈◊〉 the Royal assent the Reformation of Religion for England and Ireland according to such Models as the Members of Parliament have or shall decree consultations first had with the said Divines In particular that the King grant his assent that the Act of both Houses formerly made concerning the Directory as concerning the publick Celebration of Gods worship throughout England and Ireland for the abolishing the Ancient Liturgie for the form of Church Government and Articles of Religion with the Catechisms the great and the less for the more Religious observation of the Lords day for supressing of Innovations in Churches and Chappels for the incouraging of the publick Preachers to their duties by a just reward for prohibiting of Pluralities of Benefices and non-residence to Clergy-men henceforth pass into Statutes or Laws That the King would set his hand to the National League and Covenant and suffer himself to be bound by the same that by publick Act it be enjoyned all the Subjects of both the Kingdoms of England and Scotland to be bound thereby under a penalty to be imposed at the pleasure of both Houses That it may belong to the Houses of Parliament to visit and reform the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge the Colledges also of Westminster Winchester and Eaton That it be provided by Statutes that Jesuites Priests and Papists disturb not the Common-wealth nor elude the Laws as also for the discriminating of them an Oath be administred to them wherein they shall abjure the Pope of Romes Supremacie Transubstantiation Purgatory Image-worship and other Superstitious errors of the Church of Rome That
hath over them who knows them to be exposed to as many dangers being the greatest Patrons of Law Justice Order and Religion on earth as there be either men or Devils which love confusion Nor will he suffer those men long to prosper in their Babel who build it with the bones and cement it with the bloud of their Kings I am confident they will finde Avengers of my death among themselves the injuries I have susteined from them shall be first punished by them who agreed in nothing so much as in opposing me Their impatience to bear the loud cry of my bloud shall make them think no way better to expiate it then by shedding theirs who with them most thirsted after mine The sad confusions following my destruction are already presaged and confirmed to Me by those I have lived to see since my troubles in which God alone who only could hath many waies pleaded my cause not suffering them to go unpunished whose confederacie in sin was their only security who have cause to 〈◊〉 that God will both further divide and by mutual vengeance afâ—â—â—ward destroy them My greatest conquest of death is from the power and love of Christ who hath swallowed up death in the victory of his Resurrection and the glory of his Ascension My next comfort is that he gives me not only the honour to imitate his example in suffering for righteousness-sake though obscured by the â—oulest charges of Tyranny and Injustice but also that charity which is the noblest revenge upon and victory over my Destroyers by which I thank God I can both forgive them and pray for them that God would not impute my bloud to them further then to convince them what need they have of Christs bloud to wash their souls from the guilt of shedding mine At present the will of my enemies seems to be their only rule their power the measure and their success the exactor of what they please to call Justice while they flatter themselves with the Fancy of their own safety by my danger and the security of their lives and designs by my death forgetting that as the greatest temptations to sin are wrapped up in seeming prosperities so the severest vengeances of God are then most accomplished when men are suffered to complete their wicked purposes I bless God I pray not so much that this bitter cup of a violent death may pass from me as that of his wrath may pass from all those whose hands by deserting me are sprinkled or by acting and consenting to my death are embrewed with my bloud The will of God hath confined and concluded mine I shall have the pleasure of dying without any pleasure of desired vengeance This I think becomes a Christian toward his enemies and a King toward his Subjects They cannot deprive me of more then I am content to lose when God sees fit by their hands to take it from me whose mercy I believe will more then infinitely recompense what ever by mans injustice he is pleased to deprive me of The glory attending my death will far surpass all I could enjoy or conceive in life I shall not want the heavy and envied Crowns of this world when my God hath mercifully crowned and consummated his graces with glory and exchanged the shadows of my earthly Kingdoms among men for the substance of that heavenly Kingdom with himself For the censures of the world I know the sharp and necessary Tyranny of my destroyers will sufficiently confute the Calumnies of Tyranny against me I am perswaded I am happy in the judicious love of the ablest and best of my Subjects who doe not only pitty and pray for me but would be content even to dye with me or for me These know how to excuse my failings as a man and yet to retain and pay their duty to me as their King there being no Religious necessity binding any Subjects by pretending to punish infinitely to exceed the faults and errors of their Princes especially there where more then sufficient satisfaction hath been made to the publick the enjoynment of which private ambitions have hitherto frustrated Others I believe oâ—â—ofter tempers and less advantaged by my ruine do already feel sharp convictions and some remorse in their consciences where they cannot but see the proportions of their evil dealings against me in the measure of Gods retaliations upon them who cannot hope long to enjoy their own thumbs and toes having under pretence of pairing others nailes been so cruel as to cut off their chiefest strength The punishment of the more insolent and obstinate may be like that of Korah and his complices at once mutining against both Prince and Priest in such a method of divine justice as is not ordinary the earth of the lowest and meanest people opening upon them and swallowing them up in a just disdain of their ill-gotten and worse used Authority upon whose support and strength they chiefly depended for their building and establishing their designs against me the Church and State My chiefest comfort in death consists in my peace which I trust is made with God before whose exact Tribunal I shall not fear to appear as to the cause so long disputed by the Sword between me and my causeless enemies where I doubt not but his righteous judgment will confute their fallacy who from wordly success rather like Sophisters then sound Christians draw those popular conclusions for Gods approbation of their actions whose wise providence we know oft permits many events which his revealed word the only clear safe and fixed Rule of good actions and good consciences in no sort approves I am confident the Justice of my Cause and clearness of my conscience before God and towards my people will carry me as much above them in Gods decision as their successes have lifted them above me in the vulgar opinion who consider not that many times those undertakings of men are lifted up to Heaven in the prosperiry and applause of the world whose rise is from Hell as to the injuriousness and oppression of the design The prosperous windes which oft fill the sails of Pirats do not justifie their Piracie and rapine I look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of soul to have been worsted in my enforced contestation for and vindication of the Laws of the Land the freedom and honour of Parliaments the Rights of my Crown the just liberty of my Subjects and the true Christian Religion in its Doctrine Government and due encouragements then if I had with the greatest advantages of success over-born them all as some men have now evidently done what ever designs they at first pretended The prayers and patience of my friends and loving Subjects will contribute much to the sweetning of this bitter Cup which I doubt not but I shall more chearfully take and drink as from Gods hand if it must be so then they can give it to me whose hands are unjustly and barbarously lifted up against me And
up and Anarchy goes down yet rather then to sink the Presbyter complies and the Houses agree whom the Army resolve so to ballance as by their Authority for the present to doe the great work and to dissolve Monarchy Some Members out of honour and conscience forbearing the rest of them receive the Report of the 38. Committee-men and their general Charge against the King That Charls Stuart hath acted contrary to his trust in departing from the Parliament setting up his standard making war against them and thereby been the occasion of much bloudshed and misery to the people whom he was set over for good That he gave Commissions to Irish Rebels c. and since was occasion of a second War c. besides what done contrary to the Liberties of the Subject and tending to the destruction of the Fundamental Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom 27. December The Queen of England now at Paris in France writes to the King which was conveyed to him by one Wheeler imployed by Major Boswels man where the Queen expresseth her deep sence and sorrow for the Kings sad condition with whom she bears an equal share and wishes to dye for him nor will she live without him for whose interest she hath and will doe her utmost in all possible waies and means to help him Then another Letter was delivered by the French Ambassador to the General from the Queen and directed To her trusty and welbeloved Tho. Lord Fairfax General imploring his help and assistance that she may have leave as the Ambassador unfolded to come over to the King her Husband to see him before he be proceeded against by any Tryal or Charge and to have a Pass for her secure coming and returning which letter the General sent to the House and they laid it aside And to confirm the present intended Tryal the Commons House declare That by the Fundamental Laws of the Realm it is Treason in the King of England for the time to come to levy War against the Parliament and Kingdom The Ordinance for the Kings tryal was refused by the Lords Ian. 2. but they will send answer and presently adjourn for ten daies The Commons examining the Lords Journal Books finde three Votes 1. To send an Answer 2. That their Lordships do not concur to the Declaration 3. That their Lordships reject the Ordinance for tryal of the King Upon which the Commons Vote That all Members and others appointed to act in any Ordinance are impowred and injoyned to Sit Act and Execute notwithstanding the House of Peers joyn not with them The House 4. Ianuary turned into a grant Committee resolve and declare 1. That the People under God are the Original of all just power 2. That the Commons of England assembled in Parliament being chosen by and representing the People have the Supream Authority of this Nation 3. That whatsoever is enacted and declared for Law by the Commons of England assembled in Parliament hath the force of a Law 4. That all the people of this Nation are included thereby although the consent and concurrance of the King and House of Peers be not had thereunto 5. That to raise Arms against the Peoples Representative or Parliament and to make War upon them is high Treason 6. That the King himself took Arms against the Parliament and on that account in guilty of the bloodshed throughout the Civil War and that he ought to expiate the crime with his own bloud Thus they prepare for the design which must be attempted by degrees The Tryal of the King The Ordinance for his Tryal was 6. Ian. ingrossed and read and the manner is referred to the Commissioners who are to try him and meet in the Painted Chamber Munday 8. Ianuary and resolved that Proclamation be made in Westminster Hall that the Commissioners are to sit again to morrow and that those who had any thing to say against the King shall be heard In this manner Mr. Denby the younger a Serjeant at Arms to the Commissioners rid into the Hall with his Mace and some Officers all bare six Trumpetters on Horseback sounded in the midst of the Hall and the Drums of the Guard beat without in the Pallace Yard and in like manner at the Old Exchange and in Cheapside 9. Ian. The Commons Vote the Title in Writs Carolus Dei Gratiâ c. to be altered and referred to a Committee That the great Seal of England be broken and ordered a new Seal with the Arms of England and the Harp for Ireland with this word The great Seal of England And on the reverse the picture of the House of Commons sitting with these words In the first year of freedom by Gods blessing restored 1648. And in perpetuam rei memoriam the Mayor Aldermen and Common Council petitioned the House of Commons for justice against the King to settle the Votes that the Supreme power is in them and the City resolving to stand by them to the utmost And this Petition was ordered to be Recorded in the Books amongst the Acts of the Common Council And in respect of the Kings intended Tryal Hillary Term begining the 23. of Ian. was adjourned for 14. dayes after and proclaimed in London and Westminster and all Market Towns The Scots Parliament began Ianu. 4. and the proceedings of the Parliament of England being reported to them they unanimously did dissent First in the toleration of Religion in reference to the Covenant in the Tryal of the King and in the alteration of the form of Government And in order hereunto some Papers were brought to the House of Commons at Westminster directed To William Lenthal Esquire Speaker of the House of Commons and no more where they use to say to be communicated to the House of Commons by which they acknowledge them an House and so the House thought not fit to read them but Voted to send Commissioners to Scotland to preserve a good correspondence between both Nations The Commissioners for the Kings Trial debated and concluded That the Sword and the Mace although with the Kings Arms thereon should be ordered to be in Court at his Tryal And the King to be brought from St. Iame's whither he was come a prisoner to Sir Robert Cottons House at Westminster The Higher House sat and sent a Message to the Commons grounded upon the dissent of the Lords Commissioners of the great Seal joyned with the Commons That they could not agree to pass the Act of the Commons for adjourning the Term without the Lords concurrence first to be had And that by the instructions given to the said Commissioners the Commons Commissioners could do nothing without assent of one of the Lords The Message therefore was to the Commons to concur with the Lords for adjourning the Term for a fortnight and that the Commissioners of the great Seal may be required to passe the same under seal This Massage crossed the Commons late Votes
are divided to so high a rivalrie as sets them more at defiance against each other then against their first Antagonist Time will dissipate all Factions when once the rough horns of private mens covetous and ambitious designs shall discover themselves which were at first wrapt up and hidden under the soft and smooth pretensions of Religion Reformation and Liberty as the wolf is not less cruel so he will be more justly hated when he shall appear no better then a Woolf under sheeps cloathing But as for the seduced Train of the Vulgar who in their simplicity follow those disguises my charge and Counsel to you is that as you need no palliations for any designs as other men so you study really to exceed in true and constant demonstrations of goodness piety and vertue towards the people even all those men that make the greatest noise and ostentations of Religion so you shall neither fear any detection as they do who have but the face and mask of goodness nor shall you frustrate the just expectations of your people who cannot in Reason promise themselves so much good from any Subjects Novelties as from the virtuous constancy of their King When these mountains of congealed Factions shall by the sun-shine of Gods mercy and the splendor of your virtues be thawed and dissipated and the abused Vulgar shall have learned that none are greater oppressors of their Estates Liberties and Consciences then those men that entitle themselves the Patrons and Vindicators of them only to usurp power over them Let then no passion betray you to any study of revenge upon those whose own sin and folly will sufficiently punish them in due time But as soon as the forked Arrow of Factious Emulations is drawn out use all Princely Arts and Clemency to heal the Wounds that the smart of the cure may not equal the anguish of the hurt I have offered Acts of Indemnity and Oblivion to so great a Latitude as may include all that can but suspect themselves to be any way obnoxious to the Laws and which might serve to exclude all future jealousies and insecurities I would have you alwaies propense to the same way when ever it shall be desired and accepted let it be granted not only as an Act of State Policy and necessity but of Christian charity and choise It is all I have now left me a power to forgive those that have deprived me of all and I thank God I have a heart to do it and joy as much in this grace which God hath given me as in all my former enjoyments for this is a greater argument of Gods love to me then any prosperity can be Be confident as I am that the most of all sides who have don amiss have done so not out of malice but misinformation or misapprehension of things None will be more Loyal and faithfull to me and you then those Subjects who sensible of their Errors and our Injuries will feel in their own souls most vehement motives to repentance and earnest desires to make some reparations for their former defects As your quality sets you beyond any Duel with any Subject so the nobleness of your minde must raise you above the meditating any revenge or executing your anger upon the many The more conscious you shall be to your own merits upon your people the more prone you will be to expect all Love and Loyalty from them and to inflict no punishment upon them for former miscarriages you will have more inward complacency in pardoning one then in punishing a thousand This I write to you not despairing of God's mercy and my Subjects affections towards you both which I hope you will study to deserve yet we cannot merit of God but by his own mercy If God shall see fit to restore me and you after me to those enjoyments which the Laws have assigned to us and no Subjects without an high degree of guilt and sin can devest us of then may I have better opportunity when I shall be so happy to see you in peace to let you more fully understand the things that belong to Gods glory your own honour and the Kingdoms peace But if you never see my face again and God will have me buried in such a barbarous imprisonment and obscurity which the perfecting some mens designs requires wherein few hearts that love me are permitted to exchange a word or a look with me I do require and entreat you as your Father and your KING that you never suffer your heart to receive the least check against or disaffection from the true Religion established in the Church of England I tell you I have tryed it and after much search and many disputes have concluded it to be the best in the world not only in the Community as Christian but also in the special notion as reformed keeping the middle way between the pomp of superstitios Tyranny and the meanness of fantastick Anarchy Not but that the draught being excellent as to the main both for Doctrine and Government in the Church of England some lines as in very good figures may haply need some sweetning or polishing which might here have easily been done by a safe and gentle hand if some mens precipitancy had not violently demanded such rude Alterations as would have quite destroyed all the beauty and proportions of the whole The scandal of the late troubles which some may object and urge to you against the Protestant Religion established in England is easily answered to them or your own thoughts in this that scarce any one who hath been a beginner or an active prosecutor of this late War against the Church the Laws and me either was or is a true Lover Embracer or practiser of the Protestant Religion established in England which neither gives such Rules nor ever before set such Examples 'T is true some heretofore had the boldness to present threatning Petitions to their Princes and Parliaments which others of the same Faction but of worse spirits have now put in execution but let not counterfeit and disorderly zeal abate your value and esteem of true Piety both of them are to be known by their Fruits the sweetness of the Vine and Fig-tree is not to be despised though the Brambles and Thorns should pretend to bear Figs and Grapes thereby to rule over the Trees Nor would I have you to entertain any aversation or dislike of Parliaments which in their right constitution with Freedom and Honour will never injure or diminish your greatness but will rather be as interchangings of Love Loyalty and confidence between a Prince and his people Nor would the events of this black Parliament have been other then such however much biassed by Factions in the Elections if it had been preserved from the insolencies of popular dictates and tumultuary impressions the sad effects of which will no doubt make all Parliaments after this more cautious to preserve that freedom and honour which belongs to such Assemblies
when once they have fully shaken off this yoke of vulgar incroachment since the publick interest consists in the mutual and common good both of Prince and people Nothing can be more happy for all then in fair grave and honourable waies to contribute their Counsels in Common enacting all things by publick consent without Tyranny or Tumults We must not starve our selves because some have surfeited of wholsome food And if neither I nor you be ever restored to our Right but God in his severest Iustice will punish my Subjects with continuance in their sin and suffer them to be deluded with the prosperity of their wickedness I hope God will give me and you that grace which will teach and enable us to want as well as to wear a Crown which is not worth taking up or enjoying upon sordid dishonourable and irreligious terms Keep you to true principles of piety vertue and honour you shall never want a Kingdom A principal point of your honour will consist in your deferring 〈◊〉 respect love and protection to your Mother my Wife who hath many waies deserved well of me and chiefly in this that having been a means to bless me with so many hopeful Children all which with their Mother I recommend to your love and care shee hath been content with incomparable magnanimity and patience to suffer both for and with me and you My prayer to God Almighty is whatever becomes of me who am I thank God wrapt up and fortified in my own Innocency and his Grace that he would be pleased to make you an Anchor or Harbour rather to these tossed and weather-beaten Kingdoms a Repairer by your wisdom justice piety valour of what the folly and wickedness of some men have so far ruined as to leave nothing entire in Church or State to the Crown the Nobility the Clergie or the Commons either as to Laws Liberties Estates Order Honour Conscience or Lives When they have destroyed me for I know not how far God may permit the malice and cruelty of my enemies to proceed and such apprehensions some mens words and actions have already given me as I doubt not but my bloud will cry aloud for vengence to heaven So I beseech God not to pour out his wrath upon the generality of the people who have either deserted me or engaged against me through the Artifice and hypocrisie of their Leaders whose inward horrour will be their first tormentor nor will they escape exemplary judgments For those that loved me I pray God they may have no miss of me when I am gon so much I wish and hope that all good Subjects may be satisfied with the blessings of your presence and virtues For those that repent of any defects in their duty toward me as I freely forgive them in the word of a Christian King so I believe you will finde them truly zealous to repay with interest that Loyalty and Love to you which was due to me In sum what good I intended do you perform when God shall give you power much good I have offered more I purposed to Church and State if times had been capable of it The deception will soon vanish and the vizards will fall off apace This Mask of Religion on the face of Rebellion for so it now plainly appears since my restraint and cruel usage that they fought not for me as was pretended will not long serve to hide some mens deformities Happy times I hope attend you wherein your Subjects by their miseries will have learned That Religion to their God and Loyalty to their King cannot be parted without both their sin and their infelicity I pray God bless you and establish your Kingdoms in righteousness your soul in true Religion and your Honour in the Love of God and your people And if God will have disloyalty perfected by my destruction let my memory ever with my name live in you as of your Father that loves you and once a KING of three flourishing Kingdoms whom God thought fit to honour not only with the Scepter and Government of them but also with the suffering many indignities and an untimely death for them while I studied to preserve the Rights of the Church the power of the Laws the honour of my Crown the priviledge of Parliaments the Liberties of my people and my own Conscience which I thank God is dearer to me than a thousand Kingdoms I know God can I hope he will restore me to my Rights I cannot dispair either of his mercy or my peoples love and pitty At worst I trust I shall but go before you to a better Kingdom which God hath prepared for me and me for it through my Saviour Iesus Christ to whose mercy I commend you and all mine Farewell till we meet if not on earth yet in heaven The world was busied with Epitaphs upon his death and there were those who have been passionately disposed to parallel his sufferings with the holy Jesus but we forbear to censure them or to say so much Only we may aver that he was a King whose Reign and Death makes as full and perfect a Story of goodness and glory as earth would suffer and whose Christian virtues deserve as faithful a Register as Earth can keep but Reader not to overwhelm thee in a deluge of sorrow as I am drowned in tears I conclude The End Those wonderfull mutations in Church and State which followed hereupon even to this day we may God willing adventure to sum up hereafter in a succeeding continued History whilst these by favour finde acceptance A Table of the chief Occurrences in the preceding HISTORY A. A Rch-bishop Abbot sequestred fol. 104 dies 194 The King Marches to Aino 586 Aldern Fight 876 Sir Giles Allington his incest 160 his case and sentence 161 French Ambassadour affronted 661 Amiens described 2 Sir Robert Amstroder sent Ambassador to the Emperour 143 and again the second time 162 Bishop Andrews dies 72 Princess Anne born 218 Arguile defeated 795 Bishop of Armagh his Speech 68. His direction to the Parliament touching the Leiturgie and Episcopal Government 363. He confirms Dr. Reynalds original of it 366 367. His Propositions in Church Government 423 Design of the Army discovered 409. New Modelling of it 770. They mutiny for money 926. They Petition the Parliament 979 are discontent 984 draw towards London 986. Their Representative 987. They come to Southwark 1000. March in state to Westminster and through London 1001. Their desires 1008. Their Agitators send Letters to the General 1011 which he answers 1013. They demand their Arrears and are voted payment 1098 Their large Remonstrance 1099 and Declaration 1100. They come to White-Hall ibid. Their Representative stiled the Agreement of the people 1107 Arras lost 371 Earl of Arundel committed 30 sent Ambassador to the new Emperour of Ger. 212. and aboard the Spaniards 280 Arundel Castle surrendred to Waller 662 Ashburnham sent into England 89 Lord Ashley defeated 885 Ast Ferry Fight 733 Lord
for the Spaniard Cockram's Instructions to the King of Denmark Annâ— 1644. 〈…〉 Sir W. Waller 's Commission The Scots are caressed Fight at Braâ—dean Heath Essex's Army recruited Tax of weekly Meals Bewdley taken Fairfax in the North. Parliaments Army hastened The Parliament assembled at Oxford proroguâ—d Parliament at Westminster write to the Parliament in Scotland Anno 1643. The Queen journeys to the West and so to France The Kings Protestation aâ— the Sacrament of the Eucharist Swansey summoned Anno 1644. Siege at Latham House from Aâ—ril 17 raised May 27. The Lady Winter summoned to yield Her Answer Malmsbury taken The Kings design to march from Oxford Essex and Waller divide Forces Waller to catch the King Waller defeated at Copredy Bridge General Essex defeated in Cornwal Anno 1643. Anno 1644. The King returns to Oxford The Kings Letter to the Earl of Essex The Lords Letters to Essex Another from Tavestock Holland Ambassadours have audience for Peace York relieved by P. Rupert York surrendered to the Parliament Dennington Castle assaulted by the Parliaments Forces A second Attempt upon the Castle Church Reformation Princess Henretta Maria born at Exceter Iune 16. Ambassadours mediatours for Peace A Letter from beyond Seas to a member at Westminster The Kings Letter to the Parliament for a Peacâ— Upon the Victory against Essex's Army in Cornwal Banbury stormed by the Parliament and repulsed Earl of Northampton defeats the Besiegers Massey meets Myns design Grâ—y and Hammond fall out Myn de feated and slain Prince Rupert near Bristol Ast Ferry Fight Lieutenant Col. Kirle betrays Monmouth to Massey Military affairs in Monmouthshire Fight on the East side of Spine Earl of Cleveland commended Fight near Shaw Monmouth surprized and how Sir Iac. Astley at Cirencester Sentenced to death Captain Hotham arraigned Hothams Letter to the Earl of Newcastle Eikon Bas. cap. 8. p. 46. A new Government of the Church voted Eikon Bas. Cap. 16. Parliaments Propositions for Peace Directions to Ormond to make peace with the Rebels in Ireland Memorials for Secretary Nicholas at the Treaty Directions to the Kings Commissioners to treat Treaty at Uxbridge The Kings Commissioners offers concerning Religion Ireland Observations concerning the Treaty Anno 1644. Upon Uxbridg Treaty and other the Kings offers Eikon Bas. Chap. 18. Irish Rebels Macquire and Mac-Mahone Executed The design of new modelling the Army Newcastle siege Newcastle surrendred The siege of Basing House Basing relieved the 12 of Sept. The Besiegers rise from Basing Arch-Bishop of Canterbury arraigned Acts 6. 12. Acts 12. 3. Isa. 1. 15. Psal. 9. 12. Heb. 12. His Prayer at the Block Colonel Stephens surprizing was surprized The Cavaliers prevail Price Rupert in Wales with additional Forces Military affairs in Scotland Montrose spoils the Mâ—neses Dâ—feat at Aberdinc Fight at Favy Montrose in Arguile divastates all Arguile defeated A Design for the Duke of Lorain's assistance to the King The reason of the Danish War Anno 1645. General Fairfax his Commission Peace with the Swedes Shrewsbury betrayed to the Parliaments Forces Anno 1645. The Earls of Essex Manchester and Denbigh surrender their Commissions A Paper delivered to the Lord by the Earl of Essex together with his Commission Declaration in behalf of these Generals Grand Ordinance to disable Members from Offices and Commands Both Armies how disposed Blackington delivered to the Parliament Colonel Windebank shot to death Taunton besieged by the Kings Forces Taunton relieved for the present and again besieged State Ambassadours take leave Sir Iohn Winter recruited Lidbury fight A Protestation of Loyalty to the King Leicester taken by the King Naseby Fight Their Order The Kings Letters taken and divulged Upon his Majesties Letters taken and divulged Eikon Bas. ch 21. And his Declaration Leicester Surrendered upon Articles to the Parliament Prince Elector arrested for debt at the City feast Oxford straitned Carlisle surrendered Club-men are up Club-men treat with Fairfax His Answer Club-men's mis-rule Goring and Fairfax fight at Sutton Field Goring goes Westward Fairfax to Bridgwater Bridgwater bravely defended Bridgwater bravely defended at last surrendered Scarborough Castle delivered to the Parliament Bath rendered to Fairfax Siege of Hereford by the Scots raised by the King Summons Answers The King raises the Siege The Scots in discontent Sherburn taken by storm Club-men surprized by Cromwel Huntington taken by the King The King comes to Wales Fight at Bauton Heath Bristol besieged by Fairfax and Cromwel Cromwels Letter from Bristol to the Speaker He takes the Devizes And Winchester His Letter A Ranting Commander Basing taken by storm The wealth of Basing The Kings condition His Forces defeated at Sherburn in Yorkshire Digbie's Letters taken concerning Ireland The Kings Officers quarrâ—l Commanders quit their Commissions Belvoir surrendred to the Parliament Latham House rendred to the Parliament Hereford surprized for the Parliament Of treachery or Corruptions Qualifications concerning Delinquents Prince Charles desires conduct for two Lords to treat about a peace Fairfax's Answer The Princes Reply The Kings Letter to the Parliamentâ— for a conduct for persons to treat The Parliaments answer The Parliaments Answer to the Kings former Letters Anno. 1645. Fasting and Prayer at Oxford Irish Letters Intercepted The Kings Commission to the Barl of Glamorgan Message about Ireland and personal Treaty Arch-Bishop of York his letter to the Lord Ashley Digby's letter Glamorgans letter to the King out of Ireland Westchester besieged and surrendered Court of Wards and Liveries voted down Lilburn petitions for justice Dartmouth besieged and surrendred to the Parliament Exeter summoned Hopton defeated at Torrington Lamiston quitted Hopton agrees to disband Eikon Bas. pa. 17. 2. His expedition to Dundâ—e Aldern Battel Kilsithe famous Battel Foreign Affairs Prisoners of note Anno. 1646. The Prince of Wales invited to the Parliament The King at Oxâ—ord in distress Lord Ashley defeated totally The King desires to come to his Parliament He is answered negatively Cavaliers to depart the City Court Martial and their Articles Misery of the Cavalier The Brass Tomb of Windsor sold. Garisons surrendred Exeter surrendred Garisons rendred up to the Parliament Williams Arch-bishop of York turnned Souldier against the King Dudley Castle surrendred Oxford City besieged the second time Instructions to treat Oxford surrendred upon Articles Prince Elector visits his Brothers The Kings Seal of State broken The Duke of York brought to London Princess Henretta conveyed into France Sir Richard Onslow complains of Withers Newark siege and surrender of it First summons Second summons Banbury Castle surrendered and Carnarvan Ragland Castle besieged The King escapes out of Oxford And arrives at the Scots Army before Newark The Kings Letter to Ormond of his intention to go to the Scots Army Order to dispose of the King Levens Letter concerning the King The Kings Message to the Parliament from Southwel Votes to dispose of the King Eikon Bas. chap. 21. The Prince invited again to the Parliament The King enters into Newcastle The Scots Army voted to be gone
but three Days before at Guild-hall satisfied most of these Particulars yet he was pleased to return them an Answer That he cannot possibly express a greater sense of Ireland than he hath done and hopes by assistance of the Parliament may be effected to which he will contribute all his power And he hath removed a Servant of good trust and reputation from the charge of the Tower onely to satisfie the Cities Fears whose safety is as his own And for the fortifying of White-hall they must needs know of the Tumult there and at Westminster his own person endangered and if any Citizens were wounded it happened by their own corrupt Demeanours That his going to the House of Commons with his Attendance onely nor otherwise armed but as Gentlemen with Swords was to apprehend those five Members for Treason to which the Privileges of Parliament can extend nor to Felony nor Breach of the Peace against whom his Majesty intends lawfully to proceed with justice and favour And is confident that this his extraordinary way of satisfying a Petition of so unusual a nature will appear to be the greatest Instance of his clear Intentions to the Citie c. And because the proceedings against the five Members as they are numbered besides Kimbolton begat much Dispute and willing the King was to retrive his former Actings therein is now pleased by Mâ—ssage to both Houses to wave his former proceedings in reference to the Privileges of Parliament and all Doubts being thereby settled when the mindes of men are composed he will proceed thereupon in an unquestionable way and upon all occasions be carefull of their Privileges as of his Life or Crown But the House was hot upon it to dispatch the business to some issue and to that end the County of Bucks petition the King for Iohn Hambden their Knight of the Shire against whom and other Members in the manner of their Impeachment of Treason they conceive it to oppugn the Rights of Parliament being rather by the malice of their Enemies than their Deserts the Petitioners and others being through their sides wounded in their judgment and care by whose choice they were presented And pray that Master Hambden and the rest that ly under the burden or Accusation may enjoy their just Privilâ—ges But such increase and Numbers of ordinary people flocked tumultuously about White-hall and Westminster that the King Queen Prince and Duke of York were forced for security of their persons to retâ—re to Hampton Court being necessitated to consider of sufficient Forces about his Court as a Guard To whose aid came divers of the Gentry giving some cause of suspition to increase into a Number which the Parliament jealously considered And therefore now the King being in better leisure takes some time before he gives Answer to the Buckingham Petition concerning the five Members who were guarded to Westminster by Water with hundreds of Boats Barges Flags of Triumph by the Seamen and a Rabble of such other by Land braving and threatning as they passed by Whitehall Hereupon occasion is given to offer to the view of the World what were the Kings Reasons to retire from Westminster by his own Relation With what willingness says the King I with-drew from Westminster let them judg who unprovided of tackling and victual are forced to Sea by Storm yet better do so than venture splitting or sinking on a Lee-shore I staied at White-hall till I was driven away by shame more than fear to see the barbarous rudeness of those Tumults who resolved they would take the boldness to demand anie thing and not leave either my self or the Members of Parliament the libertie of our Reason and Conscience to denie them anie thing Nor was this intolerable oppression my case alone though chiefly mine for the Lords and Commons might be content to be over-voted by the major part of their Houses when they had used each their own freedom Whose agreeing Votes were not by anie Law or Reason conclusive to my Iudgment nor can they include or carrie with them my consent whom they represent not in anie kinde Nor am I further bound to agree with the Votes of both Houses than I see them agree with the will of God with my just Rights as a King and the general good of my People I see that as many men they are seldom of one minde and I may oft see that the major part of them are not in the right I had formerly declared to sober and moderate mindes how desirous I was to give all just content when I agreed to so many Bills which had been enough to secure and satisfie all If some mens Hydropick insatiableness had not learned to thirst the more by how much the more they drank whom no fountain of royal bountie was able to overcome so resolved they seemed either utterly to exhaust it or barbarously to obstruct it Sure it ceases to be Counsel when not Reason is used as to men to perswade but force and terrour as to beasts to drive and compell men to assent to whatever tumultuarie patrons shall project He deserves to be a slave without pitie or redemption that is content to have the rational Sovereigntie of his Soul and Libertie of his Will and Words so captivated Nor do I think my Kingdoms so considerable as to preserve them with the forfeiture of that freedom which cannot be denied me as a King because it belongs to me as a Man and a Christian owning the Dictates of none but God to be above me as obliging me to consent Better for me to die enjoying this Empire of my Soul which subjects me onely to God so far as by Reason or Religion he directs me than live with the Title of a King if it should carrie such a Vassallage with it as not to suffer me to use my Reason and Conscience in what I declare as a King to like or dislike So far am I from thinking the Majestie of the Crown of England to be bound by anie Coronation-Oath in a blinde and brutish formalitie to consent to whatever its subjects in Parliament shall require as some men will needs infer while denying me anie power of a Negative Voice as King they are not ashamed to seek to deprive me of the Libertie of using my Reason with a good Conscience which themselves and all the Commons of England enjoie proportionable to their influence on the Publick who would take it verie ill to be urged not to denie whatever my self as King or the House of Peers with me should not so much desire as enjoin them to pass I think my Oath fully discharged in that point by my Governing onely by such Laws as my People with the House of Peers have chosen and my self have consented to I shall never think my self conscienciously tied to go as oft against my Conscience as I should consent to such new Proposals which my Reason in Iustice Honour and Religion bids me
denie Yet so tender I see some men are of their being subject to Arbitrarie Government that is the Law of anothers will to which themselves give no consent that they care not with how much Dishonour and Absurditie they make the King the onely man that must be subject to the will of others without having power left him to use his own Reason either in person or by anie Representation And if my Dissentings aâ— anie time were as some have suspected and uncharitably avowed out of errour opinionativeness weakness or wilfulness and what they call Obstinacie in me which not true judgment of things but some vehement prejudice or passion hath fixed on my minde yet can no man think it other than the Badg and Method of Slaverie by savage rudeness and importunate obtrusions of violence to have the mist of his errour and passion dispelled which is a shadow of Reason and must serve those that are destitute of the substance Sure that man cannot be blameable to God or Man who seriously endeavours to see the best reason of things and faithfully follows what he takes for Reason The uprightness of his intentions will excuse the possible failings of his understanding If a Pilot at Sea cannot see the Pole-star it can be no fault in him to steer his course by such Stars as do best appear to him It argues rather those men to be conscious of their Defects of Reason and convincing Arguments who call in the assistance of meer force to carrie on the weakness of their Counsels and Proposals I may in the truth and uprightness of my heart protest before God and Men that I never wilfully opposed or denied anie thing that was in a fair way after full and free Debates propounded to me by the two Houses further than I thought in good Reason I might and was bound to do Nor did anie thing ever please me more than when my Iudgment so concurred with theirs that I might with good Conscience consent to them yea in many thing where not absolute and moral necessitie of Reason but temporarie convenience in point of Honour was to be considered I chose rather to denie my self than them as preferring that which they thought necessarie for my Peoples good before what I saw but convenient for my self For I can be content to recede much from mine own Interests and personal Rights of which I conceive my self to be Master but in what concerns Truth Iustice the Rights of the Church and my Crown together with the general good of my Kingdoms which I am bound to preserve as much as morally lies in me here I am and ever shall be fixt and resolute nor shall any man gain my consent to that wherein my Heart gives my Tongue or Hand the Lie nor will I be brought to affirm that to men which in my Conscience I denie before God I will rather chuse to wear a Crown of Thorns with my Saviour than to exchange that of Gold which is due to me for one of Lead whose embased flexibleness shall be forced to bend and complie to the various and oft-contrarie Dictates of anie Factions when in stead of Reason and publick concernments they obtrude nothing but what makes for the Interest of parties and flows from the partialittes of private Wills and Passions I know no Resolutions more worthie a Christian King than to prefer his Conscience before his Kingdoms And now the King is pleased to give the like Answer to the Buckingham Petition as was his late Message to the Parliament to which he refers them and therein so to proceed against the five Members as that it shall appear he had sufficient cause to question however he conceives that their Crimes cannot reflect upon those good Subjects that elected Master Hambden or the others to serve in Parliament But the Parliament in some doubt of the issue and effect of the Kings Design at Windsor and not willing to trust him in Arms before they might be as ready to encounter upon information of Troops of Horse to be gathered by the Lord Digby and Colonel Lunsford at Kingston where the County Magazine is lodged They order that the Sheriffs of the several Counties of England and Wales with the assistance of the Justices of Peace and the Trained Bands shall suppress all unlawfull Assemblies and that they take care to secure the Counties and their Magazines in them and to be published in all Market-towns Iune 14. And Lunsford was seized and sent to the Tower but Digby escaped beyond Seas All that the King could do to appease the wrath of the Parliament concerning the impeached Members by waving all Proceedings and no doubt quite declining away further prosecution This not satisfying to their spirits and the Court removed to Roiston the Commons fall upon the Attourney General Sir Edward Herbert being summoned to appear at the Lords Bar he is interrogated by a Committee of Commons Question Whether he did contrive frame or advise the said seven Articles against the impeached Members Answer He did not in any of the three or all Question Do you know the truth of these Articles or anie of them or by Information Answer He knows nothing of the truth nor was informed but by his Master the King Question Will you make good these Articles if required by course of Law Answer He cannot otherwise than the King shall command and enable him Question From whom had you these Articles and by whose advice did you exhibit them Answer It was the Kings express command from whose hand he received them Question Whether had you any Testimonie or Proof of these Article before the exhibiting of them Answer For the exhibiting he had the Kings command To which Answer Serjeant Wilde replied The House of Commons desires to know whether you had any Proof or Testimonie or any Information of any Proof of them Answer To this he desired time to consider in regard of a Trust between a Master and Servant This not yet satisfactory because so general the House of Commons resolve That he hath broken the Privilege of Parliament in preferring the Articles illegal and he is criminous and that a Charge be sent up to the Lords against him for satisfaction of this great Scandal unless by Thursday next he prove the Articles against any of them Jan. 15. The Parliament finding the King in good earnest and resolving to hasten the business to an issue and therefore both Houses petition him to give end to their humble Desires either to discharge the accused Members or to proceed judicially against them according to the Privilege and use of Parliament in such Cases observed and this was posted to him by the Earl of Newport and the Lord Seymer Ian. 21. The King by Letter returns Answer That finding his first mistake in the way of his proceeding which hath caused some Delaies for to be informed in what order to put the same and till then he thinks not fit to discover his
provision be made for the education of the Children of Papists in the faith and Religion of Protestants for the imposing of Mulcts on Papists and disposing the benefit thereof at the discretion of the Parliament That provision be made for suppressing the practises of Papists against the Common-wealth for the executing the Laws against them without fraud and for the stricter forbidding of administring and frequenting Mass whether in the Court or whatsoever place within England and Ireland 3. That the power of the Militia by Land and Sea throughout England and Ireland reside in the Parliament solely to raise train as many Souldiers as they please to lead them whither they please to levy what monies they think fit for their pay whereby they may encounter intestine troubles and invasions foreign and that the King and his successors shall not claim any right therein for the space of twenty years after the expiration whereof if the Parliam shall think the safety of the Commonwealth to be concerned that an Army whether for Land or Sea service be raised and pay alotted them and exact the same by their Authority that such Votes shall have the force of a Law or Statute even though the King refuse If persons of what quality soever to the number of thirty be gathered together in Arms and at the command of the Lords and Commons shall not lay down Arms they shall be accounted guilty of high Treason without hope of pardon from the King To these by way of Corollarie were added some provisions touching the City of London Priviledges and ordinary power of Ministers of Iustice in executing sentence given 4. That by an Act the Cessation of Ireland and all Treaties and Articles there made without the consent of Parliament be voided That the right of prosecuting the Irish War depend upon the discretion of Parliament That the Deputy and all Ministers whether of the Martial or â—ivil Government be nominated by Parliament the Chancellor of Ireland Keep of the great Seal Treasurer all Officers of the Kingdom all the Judges the places offices honours 〈◊〉 Donations of Lands grâ—nted by the King since the Cessation made be â—ulled 5. That all Honours and Titles since the second of May 1642. at which time the 〈◊〉 of the great Seal carried away the Seal with himself from the Parliâ—ment be declared Null No man likewise 〈◊〉 chosen into the Order of Peeâ—age shall sit in the House of Lords without the consent of both Houses 6. That the Parliament raise what moneys they please for payment of the publick debts and dammages and for whatsoever publick uses they shall see hereafter needfull 7. In the first tank of Delinquents be reckoned to whom no hope of pardon shall be left either for life or fortune with the Kings Kings consent The two Princes Palatine of the Rhine Rupert and Maâ—ricâ— three Earls five Lords two Bishops two Judges of the Kingdom twenty two Knights whose names to remember were too large but these persons were those who had done the King the most acceptable service All Papists which had been in Arms namely the Marquess of Winchester with two Earls two Lords and six Knights as also all that raised or fomented the Rebellion in Ireland In the 2. Rank were placed fifty Noblemen and Knights all Memberâ— of the lower House who deserting the Parliament passed over to the Kings Party as also all the Judges Lawyers Clergy-men be banished from the Kings Court and abstain from publick Offices and that under penalty of Treason loss of life and fortunes that the Judges and Lawyers be proscribed from Courts and their practice the Clergy interdicted their Benefices and liberty of Preaching Such fell upon the third Rank as had committed or councelled ought against the Parliament none whereof shall obtain in future the Office of Justice of Peace or Judge or Sheriff or publick Officer To the fourth Rank are reckoned the Common Souldier and all persons of baser rank whose fortunes were narrower then two hundred pounds All the Lands and goods of those of the first Rank be publickly sold to pay publick debts but of the Members which in the new Parliament held at Oxford pronounced those guilty of High Treason which adhered to Westminster two parts in three of their lands and goods The Moity of others of the Judges Lawyers Clergy-men the third part and the sixth of all the third Rank be sold for the foresaid points The rest be let goe without Câ—nsure Provided they have ingaged themselves in the National Covenant All in the second and third Rank after the payment of their Fines the pardon of Parliament being sued granted be entirely restored 8. That all Offices of the Kingdom and chief Magistracies for â—wenty years next ensuing be collated and constituted according to the pleasure of Parliament 9. That the new Seal framed aâ— the Houses appointment pass by the King into the Seal of England and that no other hereafter be used That all Grants and Commissions sealed by this new one remain firm all under the old Seal which was with the King be voided from such time as the Keeper Littleton conveyed it away from the Parliament 10. That all Priviledges Grants Charters and Immunities of the City of London be confirmed with itâ—rated Acts That the Tower of London and Militia be ordered at the discretion of the Mayor of the City Members and Common Council therein That no Citizen be compelled to Military service out of the Liberties of the City unless at the Parliaments appointment and the last was 11. That the Court of Wards with all Offices and Employments thereto belonging be exterminated That all services likewise on that accompt imposed cease all inheritances which formerly were held of the King in Capite c. namely by Knights service being freed from burden and charges fifty thousand pounds notwithstanding being paid the King yearly in compensation These were the conditions of peace propounded by the Parliament for the Argument or Matter of the Treaty to be commenced so vehemently sought after by the desires of all men and by the Arms of many Nothing changed from those which being formerly sent to the King whilst he remained at Hampton Court were not only rejected by the King but also of the Army as being somewhat too unequal In this one thing they differed that in these last the Scots are unconsidered The Parliament Commissioners are vested with no other Authority then to reply to the Kings Arguments rejoyn Reasons to force his assent having no power to sweeten or alter a word nay not to pass over the Preface but are forthwith to adverâ—ise the Parliament touching the Kings Concessions to transact all in writing and to debate the Propositions one by one in order not to descend to another before agreement touching the precedent and the time limited to dispatch within fourty dayes The Treaty goes on for a good while when suddenly advice comes to the Parliament that