great effusion of Christian bloud 14. And the like I might relate of many other particuler States and principalities of Germany as namely that of the Princes and Archbishops Electors of Collen Treuers and Mentz with all the State Palatine of Rhene the Bishoppricke and Dukedome of Liege and other partes adioining where togeather with this new Ghospell especially now deuided into different sectes of Lutheranisme Zuinglianisme Caluinisme Anabaptisme new Arrianisme and the like entred presently new sedition Rebellion and warres and from thence dispersed it selfe longe and wide both North and South East and West In the North to Saxony Denmarke Norway Sweueland Polonia 〈◊〉 and other adioining countries and on the south to Zwitzerland first Sauoy Grisons and other partes next adhering where diuers battailes were fought Zuinglius himselfe being present as the chief stirrer in those of the Cantons of Zwitzerland his countrey and 〈◊〉 therin and Caluin Beza Farellus and other such Ministers being the principall inciters in the Rebellions of Geneua and neighbour countries against the Duke of Sauoy and other Lordes and Princes therof as is apparant by their owne and other mens bookes of the same part and faction 15. Towardes the East the same fire of sedition passed with the same new Protestant Ghospell to Bemeland Austria Hungary Siletia Moldauia and other bordering Prouinces where more or lesse it hath continued till our time wherin we see by lamētable experience that they haue ioined euen with the Turke himselfe against their Soueraigne Lord and Emperour and against the Christian name and cause in despite of Catholicke Religion as Boscaine the famous Caluinian Rebell and others of that Religion or irreligion rather in these partes for some yeares now haue done and finally haue forced the said Emperour for auoiding the fatall ruine of Christendome to graunt him the Princedome of Transiluania during his life which God for his so great wickednes hath soone cut of 16. But to the West partes of the world to wit France and all partes and parcels of that 〈◊〉 Kingdome the same fire was transported with greatest fury of all as doe testify their foure generall most bloudy warres lasting for many yeares togeather wherof if I should recount but the least particulers set downe by their owne histories it would rue any Christian hart to heare or read the same 17. From hence if we draw neere homeward to Flanders England and Scotland the effectes of this new Ghospell and Ghospellers are yet more present vnto our eyes For who can recount the thousandes of people that vpon this occasion haue lost their liues both temporall and eternall as may be feared in these long bloudy warres of the low countries begunne first and continued euer since vpon the entrance of Protestant Religion in those States Who can number the Citties beseiged taken rifled and ransacked The townes and villages burnt and ouerthrowne The countries spoiled The people slaine and murdered about this difference And if we looke into England and the state but of one sole Catholicke Princes gouerning there but for foure or fiue yeares ouer Protestant subiectes misliking her gouernment for Religion yow shall find more conspiracies treasons and Rebellions practised against her in proportion of so few yeares by the said sorte of people if we consider what Northumberland Suffolke VViat Courtney Stafford Fetherstone VVilliam Thomas and others in different conspiracies practiced against her then in more then 40. yeares was done against her Protestant sister by her Catholicke subiectes though neuer so much afflicted iniured and persecuted by her 18. But of all other countries Scotland may be an example and president of Protestant spirites what they are vnder a Catholike Prince or Princesse though otherwise neuer so vertuous or neuer so mild For who can deny the exceeding great prudence moderation benignity liberality and other vertues of the Noble Queene Mary Regent of Scotland Grandmother to our Soueraigne that now raigneth when those furious and seditious Ministers Knox Goodman Mollocke Douglasse Meffan and others began to raise vp her subiectes against her from the yeare 1557. which was the fourth of Queene Maries raigne of England and continued the same in most spitefull and barbarous manner with intolerable insolency both of wordes and actes for 3. or 4. yeares togeather assisted principally by the helpes aide and encouragement of Queene Elizabeth that had succeded in the Crowne of England vntill through griefe sorrow and affliction the excellent Princesse gaue vp the Ghost vpō the yeare 1560. hauing byn 〈◊〉 deposed and the lye giuen her publickly and most 〈◊〉 by them And finally seing herselfe so extreemely 〈◊〉 and inuironed with these rebell forces and with a puissant army sent from England in their succour consumed and pyned away with 〈◊〉 of mind as hath byn said And no Christian could but haue compassion of her case The particulers are written by Knox and Buchanan themselues in their histories of Scotland who were two chiefe firebrandes in that combustion and by Holinshed an English Protestant Author in his description of Scotland allowing well and liking the same according to the sense of English Protestantes who concurred with them both in good will and cooperation 19. And thus much of the Queene Regent but now of her excellent daughter the Queene regnant Mother of our Soueraigne had they any greater respect vnto her notwithstanding all her benignity and benefites towardes them at her new returne out of France when she pardoned all that was past and accepted of new oathes and promises of faithfull obedience at their 〈◊〉 did all this I say any thing auaile her or procure her safty or quietnes in gouerning these new Ghospellers No truly so long as she remained Catholicke that is to her death and after her death they pursued her with the greatest hatred and most barbarous cruelty that euer perhaps was read of against Prince or Princesse before or after her I shall breifly heere set downe some 〈◊〉 particularities of many as I find them 〈◊〉 both in English and Scottish Histories themselues and that by Protestant writers as hath byn said 20. This Noble Queene after long deliberation in France what course to take in those troublesome times when the spirit of the new Caluinian Ghospell had raised tumultes conspiracies warres and Rebellions throughout the most part of all States Kingdomes and Prouinces round about her determined finally to credit the faire promises of her said Protestant subiectes in Scotland and to goe thither which she did and arriued at Lith the 20. of August vpon the yeare 1561. But before she departed from France there being sent to her from the Catholicke party Doctor Iohn Lesley Bishop of Rosse to counsaile her not to trust her bastard-brother Iames Steward Prior of S Andrewes that had byn the cheife Author of all the former broi les in Scotland and was now sent vnto her from the
Protestants But the Romish Seminaries and Iesuites doe so ergo This is his reason and manner of reasoning and in this sorte goe all the rest ech thing with his ergo that yow may know that the learned man hath studied Logicke or rather sophistry to set downe all in forme of syllogisme And to proue his propositions or premisses in this first argument he vseth two meanes first to cite the hard speeches of certaine Catholicke writers against the Caluinian faith as though it were none at all but rather infidelity wherin we shall see after what great store of Protestant writers they haue also with them in that point the other medium is a certeine odious enumeration of the penalties inflicted by Church-lawes and Canons of old time vpon heresy and Hereticks in generall all which T. M. will needes apply to himself and to English Protestantes at this day to breake therby all ciuill association with vs that are Catholickes but both the one and the other are proofes of no validity Let vs begin with the first 4. He citeth the wordes of Andreas Iurgiuicius Canon of Cracouia in Polonia affirming that Protestantes doe holde no one article of the Apostles Creed to wit rightly and entierly Of M. VVright in his articles teaching Protestantes to haue no faith no Religion no Christ. Of M. Reynoldes entituling his booke Caluino-Turcismus Of D. Gifford in the preface to the said booke auouching the pretented now Ghospel of Caluin in many things to be worse and more wicked then the Turkes Alcaron And finally of Antonius Posseuinus who wrote a booke De Atheismis Protestantium Of the Atheismes or pointes of doctrine leading to Atheisme which are taught by diuers Protestants especially by Caluin and his followers 5. Out of all which speeches T. M. inferreth the generall meaning of vs Catholicks to be That all humane society with Protestantes must be vtterly dissolued which is vtterly false and a meere mistaking For these speeches proue only that there cà be no society 〈◊〉 Catholickes and Protestants in their doctrine beliefe but not in life manners conuersation which is the point in question so as T. M. inferreth here quid pro quo And if he will heare one of his owne brethren hold this position also That there can be no vnion society or conformity betweene their our doctrine pretended by some let him read VVilliam Perkins epistle to S. VVilliam Bowes in the preface of his reformed or rather deformed Catholicke where he reprehendeth the new brethren of France and some also in England for giuing hope of this vnion So as in this point we agree that no agreement can be in Religion but in conuersatiō there may as we haue shewed by many examples in the precedent Chapter of people of different Religion that liue togeather at this day in vnion of obedience and quiet subiection vnder the 〈◊〉 Turke and Christian Emperour as also vnder the great Kings of France Polonia and other Princes Fondly then doth T. M. inferre the incompossibility of cohabitation conuersation out of the insociability of their doctrine and Religion 6. Now as for the hard and harsh speeches of the Authors alleadged though vnto many they may seeme somewhat sharpe exaggerations yet vnto him that shall consider well the matter in hand and the accustomed phrases of ancient Fathers in like occasions it will appeare far otherwise For first 〈◊〉 his meaning is nothing else as appeareth by his booke but that in all and euery article of the Creed Caluinistes haue innouated and altered somewhat in the true sense therof and added particuler errours of their owne as yow shall heare afterward proued and declared more largely out of the 〈◊〉 and assertions of diuers great Lutheran Protestants that hold Caluinists to haue peruerted all the articles of the said Creed Of which point our learned countriman M. VVilliam Reinoldes that had bvn diuers yeares a Protestant and Preacher of that doctrine after long study to proue the same by many demonstrations resolued to write a whole booke That Caluinistes belieue no one article of the Apostles Creed but afterwardes turned the same into that other worke entituled Caluino-Turcismus which is held by strangers to be one of the most learned that hath byn written of this kinde of controuersy in our age and M. Sutcliffe hath made himself ridiculous by attempting to answere the same 7. Those wordes also of M. VVright if he vsed them that Hereticks haue no faith no Religion no Christ but are meere infideles doe conteine an ancient position of Catholicke doctrine deliuered in schooles and Fathers writings against old Heretickes many hundred yeares before the name of Protestantes was heard of in the world so that this cannot be of malice properly against them The famous doctor S. Thomas aboue three hundred yeares gone hath this Question in his Treatise of faith Whether he that 〈◊〉 obstinatly in one point or article of his beliefe doth leese his whole faith in all the rest and holdeth yea alleadging for the same inuincible reasons And the same Doctor in like manner proposeth another question to wit which of three sinnes belonging to infidelity is most grieuous Iudaisme Paganisme or Heresy resolueth the question thus That albeit in some respects the former two may be thought more grieuous in that they deny more points of faith yet absolutely in regarde of the malice and obstinacy of an Hereticke that knew once the Catholicke truth and now wilfully impugneth the same against the iudgement of the vniuersall visible Church his sinne and damnation is much more grieuous and hereupon the ancient Fathers doe euery where aggrauate the heynousnes of this sinne aboue all other sinnes and in particuler doe deny them to be Christians but rather to be Infideles and worse then Infideles as now by S. Thomas hath byn said which is most conforme to the writinges of the Apostles themselues and Apostolicke men who detested this sinne in the highest degree as might largely be shewed out of their workes euen to the horror of the Reader if this place did beare it That seuere speach of S. Paul may be sufficient for all the rest exhorting his disciple Titus to auoide an hereticall man after one or two reprehensions knowing that such a one is subuerted and sinneth as damned by his owne iudgment Which is neuer found written of other sortes of Infideles 8. No man then ought to be offended with these earnest and sharpe speeches where heresy or the presumption therof is in question for that nothing is more dreadfull to Catholicke people then the very name and apprehension of heresy howsoeuer in our vnfortunate daies it be made a matter of dispute only or table-talke by many now in England and he that will see store of proofes and reasons laied togeather by the foresaid learned man M. Reynoldes to proue that the heresies of these
some English Kings that seemed not to respect much the Popes authority in some occasions which he hath borrowed out of Syr Edward Cookes Reportes he may see the answere to that booke and so I thinke remaine satisfied Wherefore this shall suffice for the second head of argumentes throughout the new Testament though after also in the examination of some falsifications we shall haue occasion to say more Argumentes from Reason §. 3. 43. VVHerfore to passe no further in the second point of argumentes vnder the new Testament we shall say a word or two only of the third to wit of proofes affirmed to be deduced by vs from force of reason for so he intituleth them to wit Popish Argumentes from reason And to the end you may see his talent therin wee shal examine only the third reason in this place which he declareth in these wordes Except saith the Romish pretence there were a way of deposing Apostata Princes God had not prouided sufficiētly for his Church for this he citeth the Constitution Extrauagant of Pope Bonifacius and saith This obiection is in your Extrauagantes and so it may be called because it rangeth extra that is without the bondes of Godes ordinance c. But as in all his other citations generally he is neuer lightly true and sincere in all points no not thrice I thinke veryly throughout all this lying booke of his so neither heere and it would require a great volume alone to examine only some part of his leaues about this point of his shiftes and corruptions they are so many and thicke and craftily hudled vp togeather As for example heere first this sentence is not in the Popes Extrauagant at all but only in a certaine addition to the ordinary glosse or Commentary of Iohn Picard which addition was made by Petrus Bertrandus a late writer Secondly this Commentary saith nothing of deposing Apostata Princes but only affirming the foresaid opinion of Canonistes to be true that Christ was Lord absolutly in this life ouer all not only in spirituall authority but in temporall also he inferreth therby Christ should not haue sufficiently prouided for the gouernment of his Church Kingdome vpon earth Nisi vnicum post se talem Vicarium reliquisset qui haec omnia posset except he had left some such one substitute or Vicar after him as should be able to performe all these thinges to wit as belong both to spirituall and temporall power according as necessity shall require which later clause yow see that T. M. cut of as he added the other about Apostata Princes And thus much for his variety of corruptions in this little sentence now to the thing it selfe 44. The reason if we consider it without passion is strong and weighty and founded vpon the prouidence wisedome and goodnes of almighty God who hauing prouided diligently and admirably for the preseruation of all other thinges and Communities by him created or ordained should leaue the Christian Common-wealth vnfurnished of all remedy for the greatest euill of all others that possibly can fall out which is the corruption of the head that may destroy the whole body wherof he is head if it be not redressed As if for examples sake the Prince would extirpate Christian Religion bring in Mahometisme or other such abhomination ouerthrow all good lawes plant and establish vice dissolution Atheisme or commit some other such exorbitant wickednes as were not tolerable wherunto notwithstanding mans frailty without the helpe of Godes grace is or may be subiect In this case saith the obiection some remedy must haue byn left by Christ or els his diuine wisdome and prouidence had not prouided sufficiently for the preseruation of his Kingdome as by light of nature he left remedy to the body of euery Common-wealth vnder the Gentiles before his cōming which is euident both by Plato Aristotle Cicero others that wrote of Common-wealthes in those dayes and did alwayes presume that the said Common-wealthes had sufficient authority by law of nature to restraine exorbitant Princes when they were perilous to the publicke and the same haue held al other learned men that euer wrote of that argument afterward 45. But as for our Catholicke learned men both Deuines and Lawiers though they affirme as out of T. M. his frequent allegations of them in this his Treatise is euident that all obedience both externall and internall in conscience and workes is by Godes ordinance due vnto them yet that in such publicke perilles of the Church Common-wealth as before are mentioned when they fal out Christ our Sauiour hath not left his Church wholy remedilesse but rather that besides the naturall right which ech Kingdome hath to defend themselues in certaine cases he left also supreame power in his high Priest and immediate substitute to direct and moderate that power and to adde also of his owne whē extraordinary need requireth though with great deliberation consultation weighty motiues lawfull meanes and other like circumstances 46. This I say is Catholicke doctrine but what Protestants doctrine is were hard to set downe for that they speake therin as time and occasion serueth them hauing no rule or Canon at all wherto they are bound For what was both their doctrine and practice when and where they were discontented with their Princes both in England Scotland Flanders Geneua and France is euident by that which before we haue alledged in the first fourth Chapters of this booke now this man telleth vs another tale for the time present but what he would say or doe if he were in the discontented occasion of those his fellow-Authors that wrote so sharpely and violently no man can tell but let vs see now at length how substantially he doth satisfy this obiectiō for he giueth three or foure seuerall solutions therunto you shall heare what ones they are 47. The first is from Godes ordinance saith he for by the word of God as your Cunerus Deuinely reasoneth which is not partiall nor by the self pleasing fancy of sensuall affection must this question be determined though therfore it may seeme to vs a decree of nature for euery one to defend himself and the thinges he doth enioy yet the Law of God doth forbid to doe this by taking armes against the higher powers c. So T. M. out of our Cunerus And it is well that he alloweth this Catholicke writer to reason deuinely so far forth as he may seeme to make for him though in truth in the cōclusion of his discourse he is wholy against him For as first his whole speech in this seauenth Chapter by him cited is expresly against the Hollanders that vnder diuers pretences both of Religion and Scriptures for the same liberty of their countrey and the like tooke armes against their true naturall King which he reproueth and condemneth very piously and learnedly throughout this whole Chapter and in the
ly you may not aduise her according to S. Augustine before recited no not for the sauing of her owne life or of any other to destroy or disgrace herself by her owne cōfession when the cryme is secret nor any witnes or other proofes extant were hard to counsell her and against equity if then without making a ly she might escape and deliuer her self by vsing some equiuocation of words will you call it heathenish 〈◊〉 a monstrous hydra But I do hope by this time that yow are somwhat calmed in your former heates against this doctrine and therfore I will vrge no further your outragious tearmes against the same but nowe shall passe to set downe the particuler cases wherin our Doctors do hold that some equiuocation or amphibologie of words may be lawfully vsed without ly or other offence OF CERTAINE PARTICVLER CASES AND OCCASIONS VVherin it may be lawfull to vse the manner of Equiuocation or Amphybology before set downe either in speach or oath VVith the reasons therof CHAP. X. HYtherto haue we treated of Amphibologie and Equiuocation in generall to wit what their nature is how different from lying consequently that in some causes and occurrent occasions they may be lawfull and vsed by good men without sinne or offence and so haue byn by 〈◊〉 holy persons yea often by the holy Ghost himselfe as before largely hath byn declared Now then for more perspicuitie it remayneth that we lay forth breifely some particuler and principall cases wherin the said vse of Amphibologie or Equiuocation by learned Catholick Deuynes is admitted and allowed which we shall do with the greatest breuitie and perspicuity that we may considering the great variety of Authors matters and opinions that vpon such Cases doe arise the seueral explication wherof would require a great volume But it shall be sufficient for the iudicious Reader to vnderstand that as in all other humaine and morall matters there may be and is commonly difference of opinions how this or that ought to be done or practised though they agree in the Doctrine so heere also when and how and in what wordes and what forme os speach a man may iustlie vse Amphibologie or Equiuocation for couering of Secrets that are not conuenient to be vttered all doe not agree but haue their different iudgements though in the principall they doe all concurre that in some cases the said Amphibologie or equiuocation may be lawfully vsed without lying or other sinne of which Cases we shall heere recite some principall The first case about the secret of Confession §. 1. 2. THE first and most generall case wherein all Schole Doctors without exception do agree that such Equiuocation may be vsed is in matters appertayning to the seale of Sacramentall Confession to wit if a Cōfessour or Priest that hath heard an other mans confession should be demaunded whether such a one had confessed such a syn vnto him or not though no wayes nor vpon any consideration whatsoeuer he may tell a lie according to our former Doctrine yet may he not only say nescio I know nothing but answere directly that he hath not confessed any such thing vnto him albeit he had so done and that the said Confessour may not say but sweare also this answere of his vnderstanding reseruing in his mynd that the penitent hath not cōfessed the same vnto him so as he may vtter it The reason of which answer albeit diuers Authors do diuersly explicate as that this was confessed to him not as to man but vnto God or as to Gods substitute in the tribunall of Cōfession and the like wherin I remit the Reader to Dominicus Sotus a learned Deuine and to Doctor Nauar no lesse renowned lawyer who handle the matter at large in seueral Treatises yet both they and all other Deuines and lawyers as hath byn said do hold that in this case of Confession the obligation of secrecy is so great as for no respect whatsoeuer nor to what person soeuer though he be neuer so lawful a Iudge Prince Prelate or Superiour nor for sauing of a whole Kingdome or common wealth and much lesse the liues of any particuler men or women or of the confessour himselfe no nor of the whole world togeather if it were possible or to worke neuer so much good therby nor though the said Cōfessour were put in neuer so great torments imò si mille mortes 〈◊〉 essent if a thousand deathes saith Tolet were to be suffered by him yet might he not vtter the same And further if the Case should fall out that he could not confesse his owne sinnes without giuing some particuler and personall suspicion of the other vnto his confessour he were bound vnder sinne to pretermit his owne confession vntill he found another Confessour vnto whome without this perill he might be confessed 3. Which sacred and inuiolable seale of this Sacramentall secrecy being considered and that Amphibologicall and Equiuocall speach with a true reseruation of mynd is no lye at all as in the precedent Chapters hath byn largely proued it is inferred that a Confessour in this case is not only allowed to vse the same prudently when need is for couering of the said secrecy but is bound also in conscience thervnto vnder greiuous sinne when by no other meanes of silence diuersiō or euasion the said secrecy can be concealed 4. And in this al Schole-Deuines whatsoeuer do agree as hath byn said and namely all those whome before we haue mentioned in the precedent Chapter and first point therof and among other M. Mortons Genesius in like manner is with vs against him whom he hath picked out as singular and single among all Catholicke writers in this behalfe denying the lawfulnes of Equiuocation in sundry other Cases but in this granting and auouching the same with great asseueration in these wordes Deus Ecclesia ipsaque ratio naturalis arcanum sacrae confessionis quod multis scriptis legibus nominatim est sancitum tam sanctum esse voluerunt vt in nulla prudenti modò coacta sic cognitorum peccatorum inficiatione possit esse vel periurium vel mandacium propter Sacramenti huius maiestatem maximam publicamque Religionis Christianae perturbationem God and the 〈◊〉 and naturall reason it selfe would haue this secret of holy Confession to be so inuiolable which is established also by many written lawes of the Church as by no denyall of sinnes so knowne in confession so it be prudently done and vpon compulsion can there be either periury or lying both in regard of the Maiesty of this Sacrament of Confession and of the great and publicke perturbation of Christian Religion which would otherwise ensue if matters reuealed in confession might at any time vpon any occasion be vttered againe So he Holding as you see that no denyall of matters heard or knowne by confession in what sort soeuer can be a lye or periurie the
preuented in like occasions to wit that multitudes are not to be put in despaire no nor particuler men into extreame exasperation without hope of remedy for that despaire is the mother of precipitation extreme exasperation is the next dore to fury No counsaile no reason no regard of Religion nor other respect humaine or deuine holdeth place when men grow desperate all stringes of hope are cut of We see by experience that the least and weakest wormes of the earth which cannot abide the looke of a man yet when they are extremely pressed and put in despaire of escape they turne and leape in mans face it selfe which otherwise they so 〈◊〉 feare and dread 4. Wherfore seing this dangerous stickler would put this extreme despaire into so many thousandes of his Maiesties subiectes yow 〈◊〉 imagine what good seruice he meaneth to do him therby and what pay he deserueth for his labour Surely if a great rich man whose wealth lay in his flocke of sheepe had neuer so faire and fawning a dog following neuer so diligently his trencher and playing neuer so many flattering trickes before him yet if togeather with this he had that other currish quality also as to woory his maisters sheepe disseuer his fold disperse his flock and driue them into flight and precipitation it is like that his Maister out of his wisedome though otherwise he were delighted with his officious fawning would rather hange such a dog then aduenture to suffer so great and important losses by him And no Iesse is to be expected of the great equity prudence of our great Monarch when he shall well consider of the cause and consequence therof 5. And thus much of the malice and pernicious sequele of this assertion let vs see somewhat now also of the folly falsity therof To which effect I would first enquire if it be so that subiectes of different Religions are not comportable togeather vnder a Prince that is of one of those Religions for so must the question be proposed if we will handle it in generall then how doe the Iewes Christians liue togeather vnder many Christian Princes in Germany and Italy vnder the state of Venice yea vnder the Pope himselfe how doe Christians and Turkes liue togeather vnder the Turkish Emperour of Constantinople as also vnder the Persian without persecution for their Religion how did Catholickes and Arrians liue so many yeares togeather vnder Arrian Kinges and Emperours in old times both in Spaine and els 〈◊〉 how doe Catholickes and Protestantes liue togeather at this day vnder the most Christian King of France vnder the great King of Polonia and vnder the German Emperour in diuers partes of his dominions all Catholicke Princes and in the free-cityes of the Empyre And in particuler is to be considered that the Hussites haue liued now some hundreds of yeares in Bohemia vnder the Cathòlicke Princes and Emperours Lordes of that Countrey with such freedome of conuersation with Catholicke subiectes and vnion of obedience to the said Princes as at this day in the great Citty of Praga where the Emperour commonly resideth and where Catholicks 〈◊〉 wholy gouerne there is not so much as one 〈◊〉 Church knowne to be in the handes of any Catholicke Pastor of that citty but all are Hussites that haue the ordinary charges of soules and Catholickes for seruice sermons and Sacraments doe repaire only to monasteries according to ancient agreementes and conuentions betweene them though in number the said Catholickes be many times more then the other and haue all the gouernment and Commaundry in their handes as hath byn said These are demonstratiue proofes ad hominem and cannot be denied and consequently doe conuince that this make-bate Ministers proposition is false in generall That subiects of different religion may not liue togeather in 〈◊〉 peace if their gouernours will permit them Now if he can alleadge any seuerall weighty causes why this generall assertion holdeth not or may not holde in the particuler case of English Catholiks and Protestants vnder our present King we shall discusse them also and see how much they weigh 6. He pretendeth ten seuerall reasons in his pamphlet for causes of this incompossibility and therof doth his whole inuectiue consist Eight of them appertaine to doctrine and practice of rebellion in vs as he auoucheth and the other two vnto doubtfull speech or Equiuocation Of which later point hauing touched somewhat in the precedent Preface being to haue occasion to doe the same againe more largely afterward wee shall now consider principally of the former concerning doctrine and practice of quiet or vnquiet peaceable or dangerous humours behauiours of subiects both Catholicke Protestant 7. And as for Catholickes the Minister in all his eight reasons bringeth out nothing of nouelty against vs but only such pointes of doctrine as himselfe doth consesse and expresly proue that they were held and recevued in our publique schooles aboue foure hundred yeares gone as namely in his first reason For that we hold Protestants for hereticks so farre forth as they decline and differ obstinately from the receyued doctrine and sense of the Roman Catholicke Church and consequently that being Hereticks they are not true Christians nor can haue true faith in any one article of Christian beliefe and that the punishment determined by the ancient Canon lawes which are many and grieuous both spirituall temporall do or may therby light vpon them And in his second third and fourth reasons that wee teach That the Bishop of Rome as spirituall head of the vniuersall Church hath power aboue temporall Princes and may procure to let the Election and succession of such as are opposite or enemies to Catholicke Religion and that in some cases he may dissolue oathes of obediēce and the like 8. And further yet in his fifth sixt seauenth and eight reasons that in certaine occasions and vpon certaine necessities for preuenting of greater euils imminent to any Countrey Kingdome or common wealth especially if they be spirituall and appertaine to the saluation of soules the same high Pastour may restraine resist or punish the enormous excesses of temporall Princes if any such fall out by Censures excommunication depriuation or deposition though this not but vpon true iust and vrgent causes when other means cannot preuaile for auoiding those euerlasting euils 9. All which doctrines for this is the summe of all he saith or alleadgeth do cōteine as yow see no new matter of malice against Protestant Princes inuented by vs for that the Minister himselfe as now we haue said confesseth that for these three or foure later hundred yeares these positions haue byn generally receiued by all the vniuersall Church and face of Christendome so as being established so many hundred yeares before Protestants were borne or named in the world they could not be made or inuented against them in particuler but only are drawne vnto them at this time by
doth not this man know that the difference betweene a good and bad gouernment a true King and a Tyrant consisteth in this that the one raigneth for his owne good the other for the good of his subiects What impiety were it to affirme this defect to be in Christes Kingly gouernment and consequētly what folly is it to bring in such reasons But let vs see what he saith further 21. Christ saith he as Priest is suppliant to his Father as King he is predominant ouer all powers and principalities equally with his Father But now wee haue shewed before that there be two partes or functions of Priesthood the one towardes God to be suppliant by sacrifice and intercession the other to be predominant ouer men by spirituall gouernment vpon their soules and that both these doe agree to Christ in respect of his high Priesthood and as he is man and much more the other of his temporall Kingdome so as to make him equall to his Father in this as T. M. doth is an impious absurdity for that vnder his Fathers vniuersall Kingdome Christ himself is also conteined as a subiect according to those wordes of graduation in S. Paul Omnia vestra sunt c. vos autem Christi Christus autem Dei All thinges are yours life death the world thinges past thinges to come and yow are of Christ Christ of God that is to say all thinges for Christ are subiect to yow so you are and ought to be subiect to Christ and Christ to God his Father Now then see how wisely this man frameth his foresaid maine Conclusion that as in Christ his Kingdome had the preheminence of his Priesthood which is false as we haue shewed so must it hold also among men that Kingly power be preferred before Priestly temporall before spirituall Of which opinion S. Chrysostome doth thinke that no man but mad or furious can be Equidem saith he neminem existere talem dixerim nisi si quis furiarum aestu percitus sit I cannot thinke any man to be of this opinion to preferre temporall authority before spirituall except a man should become mad with the rage of furies And so to S. Chrysostome I leaue our Minister to be charmed from these kinde of Hereticall furies THE SECOND PART OF THIS CHAPTER CONTEYNING Three particular kindes of proofes alledged by T. M. against the Popes Supremacy to vvit Of the new and old Testament and from reason it self ALl this that hitherto hath byn treated by our Aduersary hath byn by way as it were of preamble or preface for abasing Priesthood as you haue seene euen in Christ himself therby to subiect the same in Christians to temporall authority but about this point I wish the Reader to looke ouer the forenamed two Chapters of the late Answere to Syr Edward Cooke I meane the second and fourth and I suppose he will remaine satisfied in the preheminency of the one aboue the other Now notwithstanding for the second part of this Chapter we shall bring into a short view the principall pointes hādled by T. M. in this his confutation of the Popes Supremacy And albeit you may easily make a coniecture of what substance it is like to be by that which already you haue seéne discussed yet shall we descend to some principall particulars for that he reduceth in effect all his proofes to three chief heades the first concerning the state of the Sinagogue vnder the Iewes the second of the Christian Church vnder the new Testament the third by reason common to them both From the State of the old Testament §. 1. 23. FOr the first he setteth downe as argumentes of ours for licencing Popes to kill Princes a large list of Kinges and Princes deposed murthered or molested vnder the old Testament as though we did found our doctrine theron for which cause he giueth the title of Romish pretence to the said list alledging therin fourteene seuerall examples as Saul deposed by the Prophet Samuel Roboam by the Prophet Achia the Queene Athalia by the chief Priest Iehoida King Antiochus resisted and driuen out of his Dominion ouer Iury by the Priest Mathathias and the Machabees his children the Priestes of Baal and other Ministers of the King slaine by the Prophets Elias Elizeus the great Captaine Holofernes by Iudith King Eglon by Ahod Sisera by Iabel Queene Iezabel by Iehu at the appointmēt of the Prophet Elizeus with seauenty children of King Achab the death of King Achab who was slaine also miserably himself by Godes appointment the Prophetes prediction King Amon slaine by his owne seruantes for his wickednes to whome we may ad the death of King Agag by the commaundement of Samuel the Prophet the slaughter of King Ioas by his owne seruantes And lastly King Ozias for exercising the Priestes office and function was by the high Priest depriued of his Kingdome 24. And when he had set downe all this ranke of these vnfortunate Princes their deathes and depositions as though we had delighted therin or proposed all that heere is said to be imitated he saith Heere we heare nothing but fighting dispossessing and killing of Kinges those cheifly by Priestes and Prophetes of God in the old Testament propounded to the Prelates of the new to teach them to erect their Miters aboue Crownes Doe yow see the malice of the man If himself hath gathered together this Catalogue of Princes that came to ill endes were slaine or deposed is it maruaile though he heare nothing but that himself liketh to lay forth 25. The difference and comparison of Miters and Crownes is fond and ridiculous and brought in only to make the matter it self odious for the true comparison is only betweene spirituall and temporal authority the one apperteyning to soules the other to bodies the one called heauenly the other earthly the one proper to Priestes the other to ciuill Princes as before yow haue heard declared out of ancient Fathers who notwithstanding were neuer reprehended nor called into enuy for erecting Miters aboue Crownes in that sense as this prophane Calumniator doth heere vrge and exaggerate 26. And as for this whole matter of the examples out of the old Testamēt our principall question being only as before we haue declared VVhether God hath left any lawfull meanes for restrayning euill Princes in certaine cases of extreame danger and whether Priestes also and Prelates in Christian Religion but especially the highest Priest may deale therin These examples are fraudulently heaped and hudled togeather by T. M. as though all were equally stood vpon by Catholicke writers and this to the end that he may giue himself matter to answere afterward as he doth by distinguishing that all doe not proue the self same thing nor were equally lawfull nor done by equall authority or approbation nor appertaine equally to the matter we haue in hād which Catholicke writers also doe say and haue taught him to
Christ to S. Peter and that it is a strange art to make a sword of a paire of keyes which seemeth to him a fine iest then commeth he out with this vanut Neither can any shew me one Doctour but of reasonable antiquity peto vel ex millibus vnum who by keyes vnderstand ciuill power But Syr what needeth antiquity of Doctors in this behalf will not your owne moderne Protestant Doctors graunt that when the keyes of any Citty Towne or Fort are giuē to a Prince ciuill power ouer that Fort is meant therby who will deny this 38. And secondly whereas he alleadgeth Franciscus à Victoria to say that the keyes giuen to S Peter imported spiritual authority of remitting and reteyning sinnes ergo no way temporall is a fond illation for that albeit Victoria saith that those keyes did principally importe spirituall authority yet they include also supreme temporall indirectly when the defence of the spirituall doth require it Whereupon he frameth this conclusion in the same place Our eight proposition is saith he that the Pope by authority of the foresaid keyes hath most ample temporall power ouer all Princes and Kinges and the Emperour himself in order to a spirituall end which he proueth there by many arguments And this of the first iest about swordes to be made of keyes 39. The second iest also is as wise and witty as this former that when we found the same temporall sword or authority of S. Peter and his successours vpon the words of Christ Feed my sheep he doth inferre that Princes also must be fed and dietted corporally at the Popes discretion and other such toyes he not vnderstanding as it seemeth or rather dissembling the force of Catholicke argumentes drawne from those and other like Scriptures both by later Doctors and ancient Fathers which this fellow turneth into scofs and contempt or wicked railing for that presently he falleth into these rages O arrogant Glossers O impudent Glosers and peruerters of the sacred Oracles of God! And why is all this heat of exclamations Forsooth for that in some Popes Bulles though corruptly fraudulently alledged some mention is made of the great authority that was giuen to Elias Elizeus Ieremy and other Prophetes and especially to Christ himself vpon earth to plant destroy pull vp or punish where need should be and that this authority by allusion vnto the same wordes of Scripture is applied to Christes Successour vpon earth affirmed to be left in the Christian Church to be vsed when need shall require and is this so great an impiety thinke yow 40. But he goeth on and saith That next to this he will examine the antiquity of pretended Papall power from the Apostles time downward and then produceth this assertion of ours The Priestes saith the Romish pretence of the new Testament in the Priesthood of Christ haue more authority then that of the old law ouer Kinges to depose them whervnto he adioyneth presently his owne spruse Ministeriall answere in these wordes This is not probable except yow can shew some footinges either of Christ or his blessed Apostles or their Holy Successours in the purer periods of times And is not this answered as from a man of his coat Marke the phrase Of footings in purer periods I will for footinges in this matter referre him to the large demonstrations which out of Scriptures Doctours Fathers Councelles and Ecclesiasticall Histories the Authors by him heere often alledged Carerius Bozius Bellarmine Sanders Salmeron and others doe aboundantly and substancially alledge when he shall haue ouerthrowne or supplanted those footinges of theirs which they 〈◊〉 fix throughout all periods of times from the beginning of Christian Religion vnto our dayes and generall practice therof then may the poore man get to haue some little footing for himself and his cause which hitherto he hath none at all as to any man whosoeuer with any indifferency of iudgment shall read ouer and examine his booke will euidently appear yea though he compare but only that which himself alledgeth heere both in the text and margent which seldome agree in true sense if you marke it well But if yow would examine the Latin authorities cited in the said margent with the originalles of the Authors themselues you shall scarce euer finde them sincerly to agree but that one fraud or other is vsed in their allegation by chopping changing infarcing leauing out and other such sleightes and deceiptes which though the breuity of this Treatise permit me not to examin and lay forth at large in this place yet some we haue touched before and some others shall we haue occasion to note afterwardes and the Reader himself may vpon this warning make some little triall 41. And as for the succession of times which this Author T. M. pretendeth to bring downe from the Apostles dayes not to ours but for a thousand yeares only after Christ wherin he saith that no Pope can be shewed euer to haue had any temporall iurisdiction ouer any Emperour King or temporall Prince though Catholickes doe hold the later six hundred yeares also to be of no lesse force for president of examples in the Church of God then the former thousand yet are the instances so many and euident which may be alledged against his former prescription of the said thousand yeares as doe manifestly cōuince him of folly in that assertion wherin I referre me to the collections and demonstrations therof by the foresaid Authors Carerius Bozius Bellarmine Sanders and others in the places heere quoted in the margent but especially to the three that are not Iesuites to the first for all to wit Carerius that in diuers thinges wrote against the Iesuits whoe in his second booke alleadgeth 10. or 12. examples out of antiquity for prouing his purpose I remit me also to the many learned writinges set forth of late about the cause of the Venetians by Penia Baronius Bouius Eugenius Nardus others shewing the most euident right which the Pope had and hath to commaund them as high Pastor of the Church to recall certaine ciuill lawes made by them in preiudice of the said Church and Ecclesiasticall State which Commandement we doubt not but God will moue that most excellent Cōmon-wealth finally to obey they being knowne to be so good and sound Catholickes as they are though for some time in regard of some temporall respectes they haue deferred to doe the same 42. Many more pointes might be examined in this descēt of his throughout periodes of times but it would be ouerlong and my intention is to giue a tast only or short view for to examine the places cited out of Fathers of diuers ages for proofe of his pretence were time wholy lost For that in effect they say nothing else but that we graunt which is that temporall Princes are to be respected and obeyed by Ecclesiasticall men also but in temporall affaires And as for his examples of
next ensuing whose title is Quid in Tyrannide subdit is agendum sit What subiectes ought to doe in case of tyranny he sheweth two sortes of Tyranny and Tyrantes the one that inuadeth vniustly another mans dominions against the will authority of his King and Prince the other that leauing the office of a King and good Prince in protecting his people and Religion iustice among them turneth himselfe wholy to their affliction and oppression and that in the former case the people are taught by many examples of Scriptures to resist by armes where they can but in the second much more moderation is to be vsed all meanes of humble suite intreaty intercession prayer to God amendment of life and pacification to be vsed Quod si haec non iuuent saith he Superiorem in tempor alibus vti Reges Princeps non agnoscit tunc supremus Ecclesiae Pastor interpellandus occurrit qui bonis aequis subditorum querelis audit is plura Deo cooperante ratione auctoritate praestare poterit quà m vnquam 〈◊〉 armis impetrabit but if these meanes doe not help saith Cunerus and that the Prince doe acknowledge no Superiour in temporall causes as Kinges doe not then is the Supreme Pastor of the Church to be called vpon who hauing heard the iust good complaintes of the Subiects God assisting him shall be able to effectuate more by reason and authority with their Prince then euer the people themselues should haue obteyned by force of armes Thus he 48. And now will T. M. allow this also for deuinely spoken If he doe then we differ not in opinion If he doe not why doth he so often and continually cull out and cut of sentences of Authors that write directly against him as this Bishop Cunerus the Lawier Carerius the Deuine Bozius the Iesuites Bellarmine Salmeron Azor and others And yet I must admonish the Reader heere againe that if he compare the text it selfe of Cunerus with that which heere T. M. setteth downe in Latin and then the Latin with that he Englisheth he shall find such mangling vpon mangling by cutting of leauing out altering whole sentēces as he will see that this man can scarce deale truly in any thing And thus much for his first answere out of Cunerus making much more against him then for him as yow haue seene 49. And I leaue to discusse the Authority of S. Augustine which out of Cunerus he also alleadgeth for otherwise then out of our Authors bookes he hath little or nothing in any matter it being no lesse mangled by this man then is the text of Cunerus it selfe as euery one will finde that shall read Cunerus not so much as one note of c. being left any where lightly to signify that somewhat is cut of but all running togeather as if it were continuall speach in the Author whereas in deed they be but peeces scraps ioyned togeather and those also commonly with much corruption wherof I dare auouch that the Author shall finde aboue a hundred examples in this fraudulent Reply which is wholy patched vp out of the distracted sentences of our owne Authors by this art 50. But now to his second answere to the former obiection that Gods prouidence must needes haue lef't some remedy for the danger that may occurre by euill gouernment of Princes c. The second is saith he the consideration of examples of the primitiue Church when for the space of three hundred yeares it was in grieuous persecution there was found no power on earth to restraine that earthly power was therfore God wanting to his Church God forbid Nay rather he was not wanting for it is written Vertue is perfected in infirmity And againe As gold is purged in the fire so by affliction c. Because when the outward man suffereth the inward man is renewed and when I am weake then am I strong So he And doe yow see how patient and meeke this man is become now when there is nothing to suffer did his Protestant-Authors before mencioned write or teach this doctrine whē they were pressed by their Catholicke Princes to be quiet Or if this should be preached now at this day in Holland Zeland Frizeland Hungary Polonia Zweueland Transiluania where actually Protestantes are in armes against their naturall and lawfull Princes would it be receaued as currant and Euangelicall Would the examples of primitiue martyrs when there was scarce any temporall common-wealth extant among Christians be sufficient to prescribe a forme of patience sufferance to these men Why doe they not then put it in practice And why cease they not according to this mans doctrine from so notorious tumultuations against their lawfull Princes Why is not this doctrine of the Scripture of perfecting their vertue by bearing and suffering admitted by them I confesse it ought to be soe with all particuler men in their afflictions oppressions and tribulations and so teach our Doctors as before yow haue heard though when the hurt and danger concerneth a common wealth established in Christian Religion there be other considerations to be had as before hath byn set downe 51. But Protestantes obserue neither the one nor the other but both in particuler and common breake forth when they are streyned or discontēted into the vttermost violence they can and their Doctores are ready presently to defend them yea and to goe to the feild with them if need be against their Princes as experience hath taught vs both in Zwitzerland Scotland France and other places Wherfore this pretended preaching of patience and sufferance of T. M. in this place both in his outward and inward man is to small purpose 52. Wherfore his third answere is to the former obiection The view as he saith of our Popish principles wherby we teach that the Pope may not be iudged by any person vpon earth whether secular or Ecclesiasticall nor by a General Councel though he should doe something contrary to the vniuersall State of the Church neglect the Canons spare offenderes oppresse innocentes and the like For which he citeth both Bellarmine Carerius and Azor and then addeth that the Pope cannot be deposed for any of these no not though saith he to vse the wordes of your Pope himselfe one placed in the calendes of your martyrs he should carry many people with himselfe to hell yet no mortall creature may presume to say why doe yow so Thus he 53. Whervnto I answere first that all which Bellarmine Carerius Azorius and other Catholicke writers doe affirme of the Popes preheminency of authority immediatly vnder Christ so as he hath no Superiour Iudge betweene Christ and him that may sit in iudgment ouer him or giue sentence vpon him for matters of yll life tendeth only to shew that as he receiueth his supreame charge immediatly from Christ so by him must he be iudged not by man though
a thousand and six hundred yeares which Christian Religion hath endured this doctrine of liberty and immunity of temporall Princes to belieue hold and defend what they list had byn receaued and practised for good and currant vnto this time From which singuler inconuenience danger and desperate desolation the doctrine beliefe of the only Bishop of Rome his Supreame authority and exercise therof hath chiefly deliuered vs as to all men is euident And this only reason were sufficient in all reason to refute this mans ydle confutation of that Supremacy heere pretended which confutation standing vpon so feeble and ridiculous groundes as now in part yow haue seene supported principally by certaine new shifts and iugglinges scarcely vsed by any before by casting out shaddowes of our Catholicke Authors sayinges and sentences as making for him though I meane to passe no further in impugning his said grondes which are of so small weight as yow haue seene yet doe I not thinke it amisse to adde another seuerall Chapter for better discouering of the said iugglinges vsed by him in this short Treatise not conteyning much aboue twenty 〈◊〉 in all For by this little yow may gather what a volume might be framed of his false dealings if we would dwell any longer therin A BRIEF VIEVV OF CERTAINE NOTORIOVS FALSE AND FRAVDVLENT DEALINGS VSED BY T.M. In this his short seuerall Treatise against the Popes Supremacy As also sundry examples of the like proceeding in the former Part of his deceiptfull Reply CHAP. VI. IT is the saying both of Philosophers and Deuines Bonum nisi bene fiat bonum non esse A good thing except it be well rightly done is not good As for example if a man would relieue the necessity of poore and distressed people with almes gotten by stealth or robbery albeit giuing of alms of it selfe be a good thing yet for that it is not heere lawfully performed in this case it is not good nor lawfull So M. Thomas Morton taking vpon him to confute the Popes Supremacy ouer Kinges and Princes thought no doubt to doe a good worke therin at least-wise bonum vtile a profitable good thing for himself in regard of some fauour or beneuolence which he might hope to gaine with some Prince therby to his preferment but not performing the same by lawfull meanes of truth but of sleightes not withstanding to his Maiesty he tearmeth himself the Minister of simple truth though it should proue vtile yet not honestum that is for his gaine but not for his credit or conscience and consequently deserueth rather disgrace then estimation euen with those whome most he desired to gratify in that affaire 2. For demonstration wherof though I suppose to haue said sufficient before both in the second fourth and fifth Chapters by occasion of matters that occurred in discussion betweene vs yet now hauing determined with my self to passe on no further in the particuler refutatiō of this his Treatise as a thing not worth the time to be lost therin and handled far better by diuers of his owne side before him namely by M. Iewell M. Horne D. Iohn Reinoldes M. Bilson and some others in their bookes of this subiect I thought good notwithstanding for some kinde of recompence of this my breuity in answering so simple and idle a Treatise to ad some few examples more in this place of other corruptions and falsifications practized by him in this his confutation not of all for that alone would require a great booke but of some competent number wherby the Reader may ghesse at the rest his Maiesty take some proofe of the extraordinary vanity of that vaunt wherwith he presented himself to his Highnes in the very first entrance of his Epistle dedicatory in so constant assurance of an vpright conscience to vse his owne wordes as that he would willingly remit that iust aduantage against his aduersary which the difference betweene a Minister of simple truth and a professed Equiuocator did offer vnto him Now then let vs enter to the examination it self 3. Wherin only the Reader is to be aduertised that wheras this man by a new deuise of his owne doth pretend to put downe the sayings of our Catholicke writers for his purpose and that both in Latin and English the one in the text and the other in the margent pretending therby to make them speake cōtrary one to the other A course saith he to the Kinges Maiesty which I professe in all disputes he dealeth so perfidiously therin to bring them to debate as commonly the simple fellow committeth three seuerall sortes of fraudes and falshood in most of his allegations First in corrupting the meaning of the Authors alledging them quite against their owne whole drift and intended discourse and conclusion therof Secondly in setting downe fraudulently the Latin text by peecing patching their sentences togeather that stand farre a sunder in the Authors themselues by dismembring others that were coherent before as often now wee haue complained Thirdly in translating the same by like fraude into English vsing manifest violence to the wordes and sense it selfe to get therby some shew of aduantage or at least wise to say somewhat All which sortes and kindes of shifts yow shall see expressed in the examples that are to ensue 4. In the second page of his pretended confutation he hath these wordes In the old Testament the Iesuites are forced to allow that the King was supreame ouer the Priestes in spirituall affaires and ordering Priestes For proofe wherof he citeth in the margent Salmeron a Iesuit a very learned man that hath left written in our dayes many volumes vpon the Ghospells Epistles of S. Paul and other partes of Scriptures and was one of the first ten that ioined themselues with the famous holy man Ignatius de Loyola for the beginning of that Religious order in which citation diuers notable corruptions are to be seene First for that Salmeron proueth the quite contrary in the place by this man quoted to wit that neuer Kinges were head of the Church or aboue Priestes by their ordinary Kingly authority in Ecclesiasticall matters in the new or old Testament and hauing proued the same largly he commeth at length to set downe obiections to the contrary and to solue answere them saying Sed contra hanc solidam veritatem c. But now against this sound truth by me hitherto confirmed I know that many thinges may be obiected which we are diligently to confute First then may be obiected that Kinges in the old Testament did sometimes prescribe vnto Priestes what they were to doe in sacred thinges as also did put some negligent Priestes from the execution of their office To which is answered Vbi id euenisset mirum esse non debere If it had so fallen out it had byn no maruaile for that the Synagogue of the Iewes albeit it conteined some iust men yet was it called rather an earthly then
to extort from Bellarmine that confession of 〈◊〉 on his side which he neuer meant and much lesse vttered in his writings What dealing what conscience what truth is this 36. In the very next page after he talking of the great and famous contention that passed betweene Pope Gregory the seauenth called Hildebrand and Henry the fourth Emperour of that name about the yeare 1070. he citeth the Historiographer Otto Frisingensis with this ordinary title of our Otto for that he writeth that he found not any Emperour actually excommunicated or depriued of his Kingdome by any Pope before that time except saith he that may be esteemed for an excommunication which was done to Philippe the Emperour by the Bishop of Rome almost 1400. years gone when for a short time he was Inter paenitentes collocatus placed by the said Pope among those that did pennance as that also of the Emperour Theodosius who was sequestred from entring into the Church by S. Ambrose for that he had commanded a certaine cruell slaughter to be committed in the Citty of 〈◊〉 both which exceptions this Minister of simple truth leaueth out of purpose which is no simplicity as yow see but yet no great matter with him in respect of the other that ensueth which is that he alledgeth this Frisingensis quite contrary to his owne meaning as though he had 〈◊〉 Pope Gregory the seauenth for it wheras he condemneth that cause of the Emperour and commendeth highly the Pope for his constancy in punishing the notorious intolerable faultes of the said Henry 〈◊〉 saith he semper in Ecclesiastico rigore constantissimus fuit Hildebrand was euer the most constant in 〈◊〉 the rigour of Ecclesiasticall discipline And 〈◊〉 in this very Chapter heere alledged by T. M. Inter onnes Sacerdotes Romanos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 zeli authoritatis fuit he was among all the Priestes and Pops that had byn of the Roman Sea of most principall zeale and authority How different is this iudgment of Frisingensis from the censure of T. M. who now after fiue hundred yeares past compareth the cause of Pope Gregory to that of Pyrates theeues and murtherers and so citeth our 〈◊〉 Frisingensis as though he had fauored him in this impious assertion Can any thing be more fraudently alledged Is this the assurance 〈◊〉 his vpright conscience wherof he braggeth to his Maiesty 37. But the next fraud or impudency or rather impudent impiety is that which ensueth within foure lines after in these words Pope Gregory the seauenth saith your Chronographer was excommunicate of the Bishops of Italy for that he had defamed the Apostolicke Sea by Symony and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 itall crimes then citeth for proofe her of Lambertus Schafnaburg anno 〈◊〉 As if this our Chronographer had related this as a thing of truth or that it were approued by him and not rather as a slanderous obiection cast out by his Aduersaries that followed the part of Henry the Emperour Let any man read the place and yeare heere cited and if he be a modest man he will blush at such shameles dealing For that no Author of that time doth more earnestly defend the cause vertuous life of Pope Hildebrand then this man whose wordes are Sed apud omnes sanum aliquid sapientes luce clarius constabat falsa esse quae dicebātur Nam Papa tam eximiè tamque 〈◊〉 vitam instituebat c. But with all men of sound wisedome it was more cleere then the sunne that the thinges which were spoken against Pope Hildebrand were false for that the Pope did lead such an excellent and Apostolicke life as the sublimity of his conuersation did admit no least spot of wicked rumour against him he liuing in that great Citty and open concourse of men it could not haue byn hidden if he had committed any vnlawfull thing in his life and moreouer the signes and miracles which by his prayers were often times done and his most feruent zeale for God in defence of Ecclesiasticall lawes did sufficiently defend him against the poisoned tongues of his detractours And againe Hildebrandi constantia inuictus aduersus auaritiam animus omnia excludebat argumenta humanae fallaciae the constancy of Pope Hildebrand and his inuincible minde against the corruption of auarice did exclude all argumentes of humane fallacy and deceipt So Lambertus 38. And now let the Reader consider with what conscience and fidelity T. M. hath cited him for condemnation of Pope Hildebrand He relateth indeed what certaine Noble men Captaines and others that came with the Emperour to the Castell of Canusium and would not haue had him made peace with the Pope in that place said in their rage afterwardes for that against their Counsell he had submitted himself vnto the said Pope when a certaine Bishop named Eppo was sent to their Campe by the Pope and Emperour to enforme them of the agreement and submission made Fremere omnes saith this Story saeuire verbis manibus caeperunt Apostolicae legationi irrisoriis exclamationibus obstrepere conuitia maledicta turpissima quaecunque furor suggessisset irrogare All of them began to fret and wax fierce both in wordes and casting their handes and with scornefull outcries to contradict this Apostolicall legation sent vnto them and to cast vpon the Pope al the most foule reproaches and maledictions that fury could suggest vnto them Thus saith Lambertus and then setteth downe the particuler slanderous reproaches heere cited by T. M. which he approueth not but condemneth as yow haue heard highly commendeth not only the vertue but sanctity also of the Pope And will euer any man credit T. M. any more in any thing that he alledgeth when this conscienceles falsification is once discouered in him yea though it were but once throughout his whole booke it were sufficient to proue that he dealeth not out of any faith or conscience at all 39. If an enemy would discredit both Christ and Christian Religion and say your owne Euangelistes doe recount foule thinges against him as heere this Minister saith our Historiographer doth of Pope Gregory and namely that he was accused by the Scribes and Pharisies for casting out diuells in the power of Belzebub for deceiuing the people for denying tribute of the paid to Cesar for mouing sedition and other like crimes which our Euangelistes doe recount indeed but doe condemne them also as false and calumnious were not this as good and faithfull a manner of reasoning as this other of Thomas Morton out of Lambertus and Frisingensis against Pope Hildebrand who is by them both most highly commēded as yow haue heard and his Aduersaries condemned Truly if any man can shew me out of all the Catholicke writers that be extant English or other that euer any one of them vsed this shamefull fraud in writing where no excuse can free them from malicious and witting falshood then will I graunt that it is not proper
Pater in me I am in my Father and my Father in me which was another great bulwarke of ancient Christianity against Arrians Caluin ouerthroweth it thus Non hic saith he de essentiae vnitate sermo habetur c. Heere is not any speach of vnity of 〈◊〉 betweene the Father and the Sonne but only of the manifestation of Gods power in the person of Christ. And againe in another place Non ad diuinam Christi essentiam refero sed ad modum reuelationis I doe not referre those wordes to the diuine nature of Christ but to the manner of reuelation which were also the Answeres of old Arrians and are at this day of the new 89. And finally not to be tedious I passe ouer many other examples as that Ioan. 17. in Christes speach to his Father That my disciples may be one as we are one And againe That all may be one as thou Father art in me and I in thee which ancient Doctors did interpret to signify the naturall vnity of Christ in Godhead with his Father But what saith Caluin Multi ex Patribus saith he interpretati sunt Christum vnum esse cum Patre c. Many of the Fathers haue so interpreted these wordes as though they proued that Christ is one with his Father for that he is eternall God but their contention with the Arrians drew them violently to this that they should wrest broken sentences to a wronge sense The like he writeth of that excellent place of S. Iohn in his first Epistle Tres sunt qui testimonium dant in coelo c. There are three in heauen that giue testimony the Father the word and the holy Ghost and these three are one which Catholike Deuines haue euer vnderstood of the naturall vnity of the three persons in the blessed Trinity against the Arrians But what saith 〈◊〉 on their side Quod dicit tres esse vnum ad essentiam non refertur sed ad consensum potius In that S. Iohn saith these three to be one is not referred to their vnity of nature and essence but rather to the vnity of their will or consent And will yow say now that Caluin is not worthy to haue his fee of the Arrians Or will Thomas Morton say still that our malignant Doctors doe wrongfully accuse him Quis non videt saith Hunnius diabolum per acutum suum instrumētum c. Who doth not see that the diuell by this sharpe instrument of his doth goe about to disarme Christians and arme the enemies of the blessed Trinity For if these should aske vs what testimonies we haue what proofe of Christes vnity in Godhead with his Father we haue none left Vniuersa per aleatoriam istam quiduis eludendi 〈◊〉 è manibus 〈◊〉 All are stroken out of our handes by this dicing-deceipt of deluding any thing that is in Scripture for that purpose But D. Hunnius goeth forward 90. The like Comment maketh Caluin vpon those wordes of S. Paul to the Colossians cap. 1. where the Apostle calleth Christ Imaginem Dei inuisibilis the image of God inuisible and those other to the Hebrewes c. 1. Qui est splendor gloriae expressa imago substantiae illius Who is the splendor of his glory and the expresse image of his substance where manifestly the Apostle doth affirme the deity of Christ and the ancient Fathers out of the same wordes after him against the Arrians and namely S. Chrysostome at large what euasion thinke yow will Iohn Caluin teach the Arrians heere Yow shall heare him in his owne wordes Scio saith he qualiter veteres exponere soleant quia enim certamen habebant cum Arrianis c. I know how the ancient Fathers are wont to expound these wordes for that they hauing combate with the Arrians doe vrge the equality and consubstantiality of God the Sonne with his Father out of these places but in the meane space they hold their peace in that which is the principall to wit how God the Father doth exhibite himselfe to be knowne to vs in Christ. And as for Chrysostome who placeth all his ground in the word Image while he striueth to proue therby that a creature can not be the image of God the Creator it is tooto weak c. So he 91. And now saith Doctor Hunnius what way can be more effectuall then this to ouerthrow Christian Religion and bring in Arrianisme Or what place or text of Scripture remaineth now in force against the Iewes and Arrians for defence of Christes diuinity if Caluins censure be admitted against all those that haue byn cited It is euident saith he hoc genus eludendi Scripturas quo Caluinus vtitur exoptatissimum diabolo adminiculum esse c. that this kind of eluding Scriptures vsed by Caluin is the most desired help for the diuell that can be wished to shake the credit of one authority after another in mens hartes vntill before they be aware they become Arrians Thus Hunnius who both for that he is a learned man a Reader of Deuinity a Protestant proueth all that he saith out of Caluins owne wordes ought me thinks to be of great force against him or at leastwise with all others to looke well about them how they belieue either him or his About corrupting and eluding of Prophesyes §. 3. 92. ANd this is now for the first Part of his booke but in this second about the predictions and Prophesies of Christ and Christian Religion he saith he hath much more to produce against Caluin for his foule corruptions Quibus illustrissima vaticima Prophetarum de Messia 〈◊〉 is peruersionibus inuoluit wherby he hath with his Iudaicall peruersities obscured the most notorious and cleere predictions of Prophets about the Messias or Sauiour of the world In which expositions or rather corruptions of his non modò saith he Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum veterum recentiorum pias interpretationes altissimè despexit irrisit sed in nonnullis ipsorummet Euangelistarum 〈◊〉 Sacrosanctas explicationes nequiter illudere non est 〈◊〉 quod nisi ad oculum demonstrauero praesertim vbi ad illa vaticinia Prophetarum deuenero nolim ego nuhi vlla vnquam in re postea fidem adhiberi He doth not only most haughtely despise the Godly interpretations of all ancient and moderne Ecclesiasticall writers but in diuers thinges also he was not a fraid wickedly to elude the holy explications of the Euangelistes and Apostles themselues which except I shall demonstrate vnto the eye especially when I come to examine the predictions of Prophetes I will neuer haue any man to giue me credit afterward So confidently speaketh Doctor Hunnius of Caluins wickednes in this behalf so to weaken and eneruate the testimonies of Scripture that make for Christ vt omnem ad probandum vim atque valorem amittant penitus saith he that therby they wholy loose al their force value
is not affraide to hold vp his finger against the interpretations of the Sacred Euangelistes themselues So he 97. But to come to an end I will leaue nineteene or twenty more Prophesies vndiscussed to wit three that remaine of this first point about the comming and natiuity of Christ eight that did foretel his sacred passion and particulers therof foure of his resurrection and foure or fiue more of his miraculous ascension sitting on the right hand of God all which doth Iohn Caluin with metaphoricall and malicious interpretations weaken elude ouerthrow take from vs yea though the Euangelistes Apostles themselues haue expressely expounded them literally to appertaine to Christ which this Doctor Hunnius doth notably substantially proue out of Caluins owne wordes throughout this breif but iudicious booke of his making many exclamations against Caluins impiety therin especially in one place where seeing the mā endeauoreth to take from vs that whole Psalme Deus Deus meus which setteth downe most of the particulers of Christes passion as the percing of his feet and handes deuiding of his garments other such points which the Euangelists and 〈◊〉 themselues doe apply literally to our Sauiour and this man only in a metaphoricall sense to King Dauid yea saying further that the Euangelistes did 〈◊〉 thinges intempestiuè ad praesentem causam out of season to the present cause of Christ Et quòd dum negligunt sensum metaphoricum a natiuo sensu 〈◊〉 And whiles they did neglect Caluins metaphoricall sense they departed from the true naturall sense of the Prophet Doctor Hunnius I say vpon these other like insolences breaketh out into these wordes that he cannot sufficiently detest extremam Caluini impietatem cum intolerabili fastu coniunctam quo se super sanctissimos Dei seruos Euangelistas Apostolos quasi illorum censor effert that extreame impiety of Caluin ioyned with intolerable pride wherby he setteth himself aboue the most holy seruantes of God the Euangelistes and Apostles as their Censurer and therfore after he had demonstrated this pride and impiety in all the rest of the Prophesies by him peruerted drawing towardes the end he concludeth thus Quapropter vt receptui canam detectum satis superque iudico Angelum illum tenebrarum Iohannem Caluinum c. 98. Wherfore that I may now saith he retire my self I doe iudge that Angell of darknes Iohn Caluin to be sufficiently and more then sufficiently discouered who being raised from the pit of hell to the peruerting of mankinde hath partly by his detestable desire of wresting Scriptures and ouerthrowing the Bulwarkes of Christian Religion which it hath against Iewes and Arrians partly also by his impious pen a gainst the holy and sacred Maiesty of Iesus Nazarenus now exalted in heauen partly also by his peruerse doctrine of the Sacrament and horrible monstrous paradoxes of his absolute predestination By all these meanes I say he hath 〈◊〉 in these our later dayes no small part of the light and sunne of Godes truth drawne with him a great number of starres as the Apocalips saith into the bottomeles pit of eternall damnatiō God euerlasting out of his mercy signe his seruantes that they be not corrupted with this pestilent plague of Caluinian seducement and bring back againe vnto Iesus Christ the true Pastour of their soules those that are seduced by them that they perish not in their errour but be saued eternally with all those that faithfully loue God Amen And this I had saith he to admonish the Church of God of the most wicked deceiptes of Iohn Caluin And if Doctor 〈◊〉 will answere any thing to this let him not entertaine himselfe in generall speech only as his people are wont to doe but come to particulers c. So Hunnius 99. And now M. Morton will yow say that all this also which Doctor Hunnius hath brought against Caluin about furthering of Iudaisme and Arrianisme is out of the spirit only of opposition and contradiction as yow shifted of the Deane and Colledge of Tubinga alledged before by your Aduersary Will yow answere in like manner it is not much to be regarded what he saith seeing he bringeth so many great and substantiall proofes for the same out of M. Caluins confessed workes and wrytinges Or will yow say as yow said before that their iudgment hath byn depraued by our malignant Doctors seeing that yow haue heard this your owne Doctor Hunnius speake in his owne language and sense so resolutly and earnestly against Caluin and Caluinistes If you dare not say this again enow then was it but a shift and dissimulation before and if yow should say it againe now yow would be laughed at by all men And though yow doe not yet euery wise man will consider with what truth or ground yow said it before to wit for a meere shift not vnderstanding or thinking as yow speake And conforme to that will they esteem of the rest which yow say or write without further ground of reall substance but only that yow must say somewhat and that it serueth for your purpose to speake it for the present But now shall we returne to the place page of your Reply from whence we went forth in this digressiō about Caluin 100. Yow complaine in the said place as before hath byn shewed of the charge of Arrianisme laid falsly vpon Caluin by our Iesuites as yow say and this for one only speech of his where he saith That the Father is by a kinde of excellency God which yow say both in speech and sense is most orthodoxall and agreeing with the tenour of holy writ and iudgment of all ancient Fathers as our owne learned Iesuites confesse and doe produce say yow for their authority an inquest of Fathers to free Caluin in this point which Fathers vpon those wordes of S. Iohns Ghospell my Father is greate then I doe affirme that the Father is greater not in substance and being but by reason of birth and begetting for which yow alledge Cardinall Tolet Maldonate both Iesuites in their commentaries vpon S. Iohns Ghospell 101. But this Syr by your leaue supposing al were so doth not free Caluin in this point of Arrianisme for that he is otherwise manifoldly conuinced as now yow haue heard And secōdly for this sole point or sentēce heere mentioned albeit the two forenamed Iesuites doe cite diuers ancient Fathers that doe hold those wordes of Christ My Father is greater then I are true not only in respect of his humanity but also in a certaine sort as he is God to wit that betweene those personall relations of Father and Sonne Begetter and Begotten in the blessed Trinity there ariseth a more honourable respect out of the former then of the later yet doth not this make that in the Godhead it self the Father is more excellent then the Sonne or that by excellency he is God or that the name of God
wrought by him so myraculously as both the said S. 〈◊〉 and S. Bede after him and all other ancient historiographers as Malmesbury 〈◊〉 and the rest do call him our English Apostle of whose many and great miracles wrought in that worke not only the said Authors but S. Gregory himselfe doth write a speciall narration to Eulogius Archbishop of Alexandria yea 〈◊〉 Fox himselfe in his Acts and Monumentes albeit not a little imbued with M. Iewels spirit against this holy man for that he planted Catholicke Romane Religion in England yet writing the story of the conuersion of Ethelbert our first Christian English King he hath these words at lēgth When the King had well considered the honest conuersation of their life and moued with their miracles wrought through Gods hād by them he heard them more gladly and lastly by their wholsome exhortations and example of Godly life he was by them conuerted and Christened in the yeare of Christ aboue said 596. and the six and thirtith of his Reigne So Fox Whervnto I may add a testimony of much greater credit out of S. Bede that liued neere vnto his time recordeth the very Epitaph remayning in his dayes written vpon S. Augustines tombe in these wordes 34. Heere lyeth Blessed Augustine the first Archbishop of Canterbury who was sent hither by S. Gregory Bishop of Rome and strengthened of God by working of miracles who conuerted King Ethelbert and his Realme from the worshipping of Idolls to the faith of Christ. And thus much of the sanctity of this blessed man out of their testimony that liued with him or not long after him But now what writeth M. Iewell of him and with what truth and conscience He was a man saith he as it was iudged by them that saw him and knew him neither of Apostolicke spirite nor any way worthy to be called a Saint but an Hypocrite a super stitious man cruell bloody and proud aboue measure and for proofe of all this he cyteth only in his margent 〈◊〉 of Monmouth in his history of the Britans which Ieffrey dyed in the dayes of King Henry the 2. very neere 600. yeares after S. Augustine and almost 500. after S. Bede and writeth no such thing at all of S. Augustine as heere is set downe by M. Iewell but rather much in his commendacion with note of the emulous dealing of the British Bishops against him for the hatred they bare to the English nation and their conuersion 35. So as heere now M. Iewels assertion is not only false and impious against so venerable a man as Augustine was but must needs be also against his owne conscience this in diuers pointes For first he knew that there was no Author extant that wrote in his dayes saw him and knew him but only S. Gregory who writeth 〈◊〉 in his commendations as yow haue heard Secondly he knew that S. Bede who liued in the very next age after him and all other English Authors succeeding for the space of eyght or nine hundred yeares till our time did highly cōmend him in their workes and especially the forenamed Malmesbury Huntington that liued with Ieffrey Moumouth And lastly he knew that this only witnes the said Ieffrey had no such thing And what then will yow say to this Equiuocation may not M. Mortons Epithets of hellish heathenish impious and sacrilegious haue place heere 36. The fourth example may be those wordes of M. Iewell in the Apology of England writing against the Pope Let him in Gods name saith he call to mynd let him remember that they be of his owne Canonists which haue taught the people that fornication betwene single folke is not synne as though they had fetched that doctrine from 〈◊〉 in Terence whose words are It is no synne belieue me for a yong man to haunt harlotts And for this he cyteth in his margent Io. de Magistris li. de Temperantia And who would not thinke but that this accusation were sure for so much as it is so opprobriously vrged and insulted vpon But now I pray yow considerthe particulers and therwithal what a conscience this man had 37. First then Io. de Magistris was Martinus de Magistris not a Canonist but a Schoole deuine that wrote a Treatise De Temperantia Luxuria so as it seemeth that he that gaue this charge eyther had not read the Author himselfe which I suppose M. Iewell will not confesse or else meant to dazle the eyes of his Reader by naming Iohn for Martin Secondly this Author in his said Treatise as the fashion of Scholemen is propoundeth this question Vtrum simplex fornicatio sit peccatum mortale whether simple fornication be a mortall synne and according to vse of Schooles saith Arguitur quòd non It is argued or reasoned for the negatiue parte thus and so 〈◊〉 downe some arguments for that syde by way of obiections which afterward he solueth and cometh to conclude absolutly in the affirmatiue parte by six conclusions that simple fornication is not only synne but mortall synne for that it is forbidden by Gods law and excludeth from the Kingdome of heauen as S. Paul affirmeth And now lett any man consider of the conscience of him that auoucheth in print the other slaunder Would Maister Garnet or M. South-well or any other Catholicke man accused for lawfull Equiuocation euer haue made so notorious a lye against their owne consciencies Let our aduersaryes bring forth but two examples 38. The fifth example shall be also out of his wordes in the same Apologie writing against the reading of Saincts lyues in the Church The old Councell of Carthage saith he commaundeth nothing to be read in Christs congregation but the Canonicall Scriptures but these men read such things in their Churches as themselues know to be starke lyes and fond fables So he But now let vs see whether it be more probable that we know to be lyes those thinges which we read in our Churches or that he knew to be a lye that which heere he relateth and printeth in his booke For if he read the Canon it selfe which he mentioned which is the forty and seauenth of the third Councell of Carthage wherin Saint Augustine was present then must he needs know that he lyeth indeed egregiously for that the Canō beginneth thus Item placuit vt praeter Scripturas Canonicas nihil in Ecclesia legatur sub nomine diuinarum Scripturarum sunt autem Canonicae Scripturae Genesis Exodus c. 〈◊〉 ludith Hester Machabaeorum libri duo c. It hath seemed good to this Councell that nothing be read in the Church vnder the name of diuine Scripture but only such as be Canonicall Scriptures in deed as are Genesis Exodus c. The two bookes of the Machabees Tobias Iudith Esther and the rest Wherby we see that in alleadging these words that nothing be read in the Church but Canonicall Scriptures is guylfully
Catholicke and consequently A reformed Catholicke in matters of faith must needs be A deformed Catholicke such a 〈◊〉 as Perkins in deed describeth that admitteth one two three foure more or lesse points of the common Catholicke receaued Religion and yet starteth from the fifth or sixt as himselfe best liketh and this calleth Perkins A reformed Catholicke when the belieuer chooseth to belieue or leaue what points do please him best which choise we say is properly heresy for that an Hereticke is a Chooser as the Greeke word importeth and this heresy or choice in matters of beliefe doth Perkins professe to teach his hearer saying That he will shew them how neare they may come vnto the Romane faith and yet not iumpe with it which is a doctrine common to all hereticks and heresies that euer were for that all haue agreed with the Catholicke faith in some points for that otherwise it should be Apostacy and not heresy if they denyed all yea the Turkes and Mores at this day do hold some points of Christian Religion with the Catholickes but for that neither they nor heretickes do hold all therfore they are no true Catholickes but such Reformed Catholickes as VVilliam Perkins would teach his disciples to be to wit properly Heretikes by their choise of religion 59. And to the end we may see not only the mans folly in choosing his argument but his falshood also in prosecuting the same I shall lay forth one only example out of his very first Chapter that beginneth with his ordinary argument of the VVhore of Babylon and by this one example let the reader iudge whether he be not a fit Chaplyn for that honest woman iflying cosenage and calumniation be propertyes of her profession For that hauing spent many impertinent wordes to shew that the impieties prophesied by S. Iohn of the said VVhore of Babylon and Saincts of God to be slayne by her was not meant of the persecution of Rome vnder the Pagan Emperors but of the Church of Rome now vnder the Christian Bishopps and Popes he hath these wordes 60. This exposition saith he of the Apocalips besydes the Authority of the text hath also the fauour and defence of ancient and learned men Bernard saith They are the Ministers of Christ but they serue Antichrist And againe the beast spoken of in the Apocalips to which a mouth is giuen to speake blasphemies and to make warre with the Saints of God is now gotten into Peters Chaire as a lyon prepared to his pray It wil be said that Bernard speaketh these later wordes of one that came to the Popedome by intrusion or vsurpation It is true in deed but wherfore was he an vsurper He rendreth a reason therof in the same place bycause the Antipope called Innocētius was chosen by the Kings of Alemaine France England Scotland Spaine Hierusalem with consent of the whole Clergy and people in these nations and the other was not And thus Bernard hath giuen his verdict that not only this vsurper but all the Popes for this many yeares are the beast in the Apocalips because now they are only chosen by the Colledg of Cardinals c. Thus he 61. And now how many 〈◊〉 decepts and falsities there be in this litle narration is easie for any man to see admyre and detest that will but looke vpō the places of S. Bernard by himselfe quoted For in the first place out of his 33. Sermon vpon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where he saith They are the Ministers of Christ but do serue Antichrist he speaketh against the vices of the Clergy especially of France where he liued in his dayes And that it is not meant particulerly of the pope S. Bernardes owne words do shew in that ve y place saying They will be and are Prelates of Churches Deanes Archdeacons Bishopps Archbishopps so as this is falsely brought in to proue any speciall thing against Rome or the Pope and much more wickedly alledged to proue Perkins his exposition of the Apocalips against Christian Rome to be true in S. Bernardes sense which he neuer thought of or by any least cogitation admitted as by the whole course of his writings to the contrary is euident no man more extolling the dignity of the Pope and Sea of Rome then he euen then when most he reprehendeth euill lyfe and manners 62. But the other that followeth is much more fraudulenty alledged For if S. Bernard complained greatly that in his tyme one Petrus Leonis an vsurper and Antipope being chosen by the 〈◊〉 lesse number of Cardinals voyces did by violence notwithstanding thrust himselfe into the Chaire of Peter and playe therin the parte of Antichrist what was this in preiudice of the true Pope Innocentius the second whome Saint Bernard doth call Christs Vicar and highly commendeth him as lawfully chosen by the maior part of the Colledge of Cardinals and exhorteth all Christian Kings to obey and follow him as their high and true lawfull vniuersall pastor So as heere 〈◊〉 Perkins maketh a notorious lye in saying that Innocentius by S. Bernards iudgement was an Antipope wheras he proued him expresly in the places heere alleadged to be the true Pope and Vicar of Christ and Petrus 〈◊〉 to be the Antipope Numquid saith he non omnes Principes cognouerunt quia ipse est verè Dei electus Francorum Anglorum Hispanorum postremò Romanorum Rex Innocentium in Papam suscipiunt recognoscunt 〈◊〉 Episcopum animarum suarum Do not all Princes know that Innocentius is truly the elected of God The Kinges of France England Spaine and 〈◊〉 do receyue Innocentius for Pope and do acknowledge him to be the singular Bishop of their soules 63. Secondly he lyeth much more apparantly when he saith that Innocentius was chosen by the said Kings of Alemaine France England c. wheras S. Bernard saith not that he was chosen by them but that he was accepted followed obeyed by them as true Pope after his election Alemaniae saith he Angliae Franciae Scotiae Hispaniarum 〈◊〉 Reges cum vniuerso clero populis fauent adhaerent Domino Innocentio tanquam filij Patri tanquam capiti membra The Kings of Germany France England Scotland Spaine and Hierusalem togeather with their whole Clergy and people do fauour and adhere to Pope 〈◊〉 he doth not say they choose him as children to their Father and as members to their head 64. Thirdly Perkins lyeth most desperately of all in his last conclusion 〈◊〉 And thus Bernard hath giuen his verdict that not only this vsurper but that all the Popes for 〈◊〉 many yeares are the beast in the 〈◊〉 because now they are only chosen by the Colledge of Cardinals This I say is a notorious lye for that S. Bernard giueth no such verdict but alloweth well the election of Innocentius by the said Cardinals saying Meritò autem illum 〈◊〉 Ecclesia cuius opinio clarior electio sanior