bloud insteed of shed their bloud as though God were a bloud-spiller or comaunded the same to be done vniustly by others but all is strained by the Minister to make vs odious wheras himself indeed is therby made ridiculous And for that I haue byn somewhat longer in this example then I had purposed as also for that by this one if it were but one yow may ghesse of al the rest of his proceeding I wil heere cease referring the rest of this kinde to other more fit places and occasions afterwardes 58. And yet truly I cannot wel pretermit for ending this Chapter one little note more of rare singularity in this man aboue others which I scarce euer haue obserued in any one of his fellowes and this is that the very first wordes of Scripture alledged by him in the first page of his booke for the poesy of his pamphlet are falsly alleadged corrupted and mangled though they conteine but one only verse of Isay the Prophet and then may yow imagine what liberty he will take to himself afterward throughout his whole discourse His sentence or poesy is this Isay. 29. vers 9. But stay your selues and wonder they are blinde and make yow blinde which he would haue to be vnderstood of vs Catholickes but let any man read the place of Isay it self and he shall finde no such matter either in wordes or sense but only the word wonder to wit obstupescite admiramini fluctuate vacillate inebriamini non a vino mouemini non ab ebrietate And according to this are the Greek and Hebrew textes also So as what should moue T. M. to set downe so corruptly the very first sentence of his booke and cite the Chapter and verse wherin his fraude may be descried I know not except he obserued not the last clause of the Prophetes precept mouemini non ab ebrietate And so much for this HOVV THIS TREATISE VVAS LAIED ASIDE By sicknesse of the Author and some other causes And why it was taken in hand againe vpon the sight of a Catholicke Answere and a new Reply of T. M. dedicated to his Maiesty with the Authors iudgment of them both CHAP. III. HAuing written hitherto and passed thus far-forth in examination of the Ministers opprobrious libel of Discouery I was partly forced by grieuous sicknesse that continued for some moneths partly also induced for that I vnderstood that another Catholicke man had answered the said libell to lay that which I had written a side as also for that the occasion of time wherin this Treatise was begun soone after the detection of the often forenamed powder-treason seemed in great part to be past and hauing once laied it out of my handes had no great will afterward to goe forward theriwth as an argument of loathsome contention against most odious imputations and calumniations but yet after diuers monethes againe seing the said Catholicke answere to appeare which before I had not viewed togeather with a large Reply to the same by the Minister that first made and deuised the libell and that the said Minister had now resolued vpon instance of the said Answerer to manifest his name to wit of Thomas Morton which before went ciphered with the letters only of T. M. that might aswell haue signified Thomas Malmesbury or Montague or Monte-banke or any such like sur-name and further that he presumed to dedicate the same vnto the Kinges Maiesty by a speciall glosing Epistle full of fond Ministeriall malice against Catholickes intituling his said Reply A full satisfaction concerning a double Romish iniquity heynous Rebellion and more then heathenish 〈◊〉 And further that he had encreased his said worke with two or three new Treatises partly for iustifying of Protestantes in the case of Rebellion and partly for confuting of a Treatise written in defence of Equiuocation I was moued aswell of my self as by others exhortation to resume the thing into my handes againe to adioine by the view of the whole that which was wanting to the full confutation of this Ministers iniquity in laying such heinous Rebellion heathenish Equiuocation vnto Catholickes charge who of all men liuing are most free from iust reprehension in them both and the Caluinian sect and sectaries conuinced to be most guilty in the one and consciencelesse in the other as the iudicious Reader I doubt not shall see euidently proued and confirmed in that which is to ensue 2. It moued me also not a little to goe forward somewhat with this confutation though in as breiffe manner as might be to see that this deuise though neuer so fond and false of charging Catholicke doctrine with Rebellion Equiuocation was applauded not a little by some men of marke in our State as namely by his Maiesties late Attorney Generall aswel in his writing as pleadinges against Catholicks borrowing from this Ministers first Treatise diuers large parcelles and passages of his calumnious imputations about the forenamed two heades of Rebelliō and Equiuocation lending him againe in lue therof for his second Reply sundry obseruations collections of his owne concerning diuers Kings of England that seemed to him not so much to fauour or acknowledge the Bishop of Rome his authority ouer the English Church which yet now vpon further search is found to be contrary and so set downe and demonstrated at large by a late Answere published to the said Attorney his booke of Reportes as I thinke in hast will not be answered Wherupon forsomuch as this new deuised accusation of Rebellious doctrine and Equiuocation is taken vp by so many handes of those that be enemies to Catholicke Religion I thought it conuenient to cleere somewhat more this 〈◊〉 and as I had before I laid aside this worke treated sufficiently as it seemed to me of the former point concerning Rebellious doctrine vpon the sight only of T. M. his first pamphlet as in the precedent two Chapters yow haue seen yet now vpon the appearance of this Minister Thomas Morton in his proper name and person of his new Reply that promiseth full satisfaction in all it seemed necessary that I should goe forward to finish my first intent and to examine the second point or head of his accusation in like manner apperteining to the doctrine of Equiuocation made no lesse odious now by continuall clamours of sycophancy then the other of Rebellion it selfe 3. One other circumstance also stirred me greatly to proceed in this short worke which was that togeather with these bookes sent out of England aduertisement was giuen that this Minister Thomas Morton was Chaplain to my Lord of Canterbury who being head of the spirituall Court of Arches which is or ought to be the supreame for matters of cōscience in England I was in hope to haue some remedy against this his Lordships Chaplaine if I should demonstrate that he dealeth against all conscience obseruing no law either of truth or modesty towardes Catholick men
of the Church therin which should be a greater sinne but yet is not necessary for that the perfect nature of Heresy is consummated by knowing that it is against the Church and for that this notice or knowledge belongeth to the vnderstanding therfore Vasquez holdeth that the last perfection or consummation of this sinne is in the vnderstanding and not in the will not meaning to exclude therby obstinacy of the wil as ignorantly T.M. doth when he saith wee may not be ignorant but to shew in what power of the minde the last perfection consummation of this heinous sinne consisteth to wit that a man may be a perfect and consummate Hereticke by holding obstinatly any opinion against the doctrine of the Church after wee once know it to be against the said Churches doctrine though we haue not that further malice also of expresse will and purpose to contradict therby the said Church but only we hold the same for that the opinion pleaseth vs or is profitable or honorable to vs or therby to contradict another or some such like inducement according to those wordes of S. Augustine to Honoratus Haereticus est qui alicuius temporalis commodi maximè gloriae principatusque sui gratia falsas ac nouas opiniones vel gignit vel sequitur An Hereticke is he who in respect of some temporall commodity but especially for his owne glory and preheminence doth beget or follow false and new opinions 45. The same S. Augustine also against the Donatistes proposeth this example Constituamus saith he aliquem sentire de Christo quod Photinus c. Let vs imagine one to thinke of Christ as Photinus the Hereticke did perswading himself that it is the Catholicke faith c. istum nondū Haereticum dico saith he nisi manifestata sibi doctrina Catholicae fidei resistere maluerit illud quod tenebat elegerit I doe not yet say that this man is an 〈◊〉 vntill after that the doctrine of the Catholicke faith being opened vnto him he shall choose notwithstanding to resist and to hold by choice that which before he held by errour In which wordes S. Augustine doth euidently declare how necessary both knowledge will are vnto Heresy and consequently how absurd and ridiculous the assertion of M. Morton is that Heresy being a vice proper to the vnderstanding may denominate the subiect whatsoeuer an Hereticke without obstinacy of will For 〈◊〉 we grant with all Deuines that Heresy is in the vnderstanding as in her subiect and so is faith also that is her opposite and further that her last perfection and consummation is from the foresaid knowledge in the vnderstanding as Vasquez doth explane it yet doth not Vasquez or any Deuine els exclude the necessity of pertinacity also and election in the will consequently both his wordes and meaning haue byn euidently falsified and calumniated by T. M. and so much of this first charge wherby yow may see what bookes might be made against him if we would follow his steppes in all his fraudulent traces But yet let vs see somewhat more in this very leaf and page 46. For within few lines after he beginneth his third Chapter with these wordes That is only true Religion say your Romish Doctors which is taught in the Romish Church therfore whosoeuer mainteineth any doctrine cōdemned in that Church must be accompted an obstinate Hereticke And in the margent he citeth Cunerus alledging his Latin wordes thus Haec est Religionis sola ratio vt omnes intelligant sic simpliciter esse credendum atque loquendum quemadmodum Romana Ecclesia credendum esse docet ac praedicat Which wordes if they were truly alledged out of the Author yet were they not truly translated for if by only true Religion a corrupt translation of Religionis solaratio be applied to particuler positions and articles of Religion then we grant that such true Religion may be also among Hereticks not only taught in the Roman Church for that as S. Augustine well noteth Heretickes also hold many articles of true Catholicke Religion but heere the corruption and falsification goeth yet further and it is worthy the noting for that Cunerus hauing 〈◊〉 largely against the insurrections and Rebellions of those of Holland and Zeland for cause of Religion and other pretences against their lawfull King taketh vpon him in his thirteenth Chapter to lay downe some meanes how in his opinion those dissentions may be compounded giuing this title to the said Chapter Quae sit vera componendi dissidij 〈◊〉 what is the true way of composing this dissention and then after some discourse setteth downe this conclusion Haec igitur in Religione concordiae sola est ratio vt omnes pio ac simplici animo purè integrè sic sapiant viuant loquantur ac praedicent quemadmodum sancta Catholica Romana Ecclesia quae Dei prouidentia magistra veritatis Orbi praeposita est docet loquitur praedicat This therfore in Religion is the only way of concord that all men with a pious simple minde doe wholy and purely conceaue liue speake preach as the holy Catholicke Roman Church which God by his prouidence hath giuen for a teacher of truth vnto the whole world doth teach speake and preach 47. And now consider yow this dealing that wheras B. Cunerus saith haec est in Religione cocordiae sola ratio this is the only way of concord in Religion this man alledgeth it in his margent haec est Religionis sola ratio this is the only way of Religion as though concord and Religion were al one then by another tricke of crafty translation in his English text that is only true Religion as though true Religion and the way or meanes to come to true Religion were not different and then for all the rest how it is mangled and how many wordes and sentences are put in by this Minister which are none of Cunerus and how many of his altered and put out is easy for the Reader to see by comparing the 〈◊〉 o Latin textes before alleadged and therby to consider how facile a matter it is for this fellow to deuide our tongues A course saith he which I professe in all disputes when he deuideth and separateth the wordes from their Authors and the sense from the wordes and the whole drift from them both a very fine course and fit for a man of his profession But let vs proceed 48. In the very next page he going about to make vs odious by our seuere censuring of Heretickes putteth downe first these wordes of Alphonsus de Castro He that vnderstanding any opinion to be expressely condemned by the Church shall hold the same is to be accompted an obstinate Hereticke Wherupon M. Morton playeth his pageant thus VVhat obstinate It may be some doe but doubtingly defend it what will yow iudge of these wherunto he answereth out of
then to betray the truth of God The wordes I then spake as neere as I can call them to mynd were these that if any learned man of all our Aduersaries or if all the learned men that be aliue be able to bring any one sufficient sentence out of any old Catholicke Doctor or Father out of any one old Generall Councell out of the holy Scriptures of God or any one example of the primitiue Church wherby any of these ensuing articles of priuate Masse reall presence Primacy of the Bishop of Rome setting vp and honoring of Images Common prayer in a strange language offering vp Christ in sacrifice c. may be proued I am content to yeeld and subscribe c. 17. And againe in an other place My offer was this in my sermon at the Court that if any of all those things that I then rehearsed could be proued by your side by any sufficient authority either of Scriptures Councels or by any one allowed example c. I would yeald now it standeth vpon yow to proue but one example to the contrary And yet further in an other place in my Sermon saith he at Paules and els where I required yow to bring forth on your parte either some Scripture or some old Doctor or some ancient Councell c. and if yow of your parte would vouchsafe to bring but two lines the whole matter were concluded And yet further I protest before God bring me but one sufficiēt authority or one old Doctor on your side and I will yeeld c. At least yow should haue alleadged Augustine Ambrose Chrysostome Hierome c. I haue offered yow oftentymes bring me but two lines of your side and the field is yours c. O M. Doctor deale simply in Gods cause and say yow haue Doctors when yow haue them indeed 18. This and much more hath he to this effect all tending to shew his rare confidence in the Protestant cause which he defended but yet that he did not speake as he thought in these matters and that his iudgement did not concurre with his tongue and pen and consequently that he did Equiuocate in this worse sorte of Equiuocation many argumentes do mightely perswade me and especially these halfe dozen that follow Sixt argumentes of Maister Iewell his hipocrysy in this case §. 2. 19. FIRST for that he cannot be presumed to haue beene so ignorāt but that how soeuer he might thinke of the Scriptures that by his priuate interpretations he could shifte them of and deliuer himselfe from their Authority yet that the Fathers could not so easily be dispached wherof he had seene the profe but few yeares before in the disputation held in Oxford with B. Cranmer Ridley and Latymer vpon the 16. 17. and 18. dayes of Aprill in the yeare of Christ 1554. in which disputation M. Iewell as Fox saith was Notary among others and saw so many most euident testimonyes of auncient Fathers both Greeke and Latyn alleadged there and vrged against them as they could no wayes answere or handsomely shifte of as yow may see in Fox himselfe though neuer so partially related but much more orderly fully in a speciall Treatise writen of late of that matter intituled A Reuiew of ten publicke disputatiōs about Religion vnder the raignes of K. Edward and Queene Marie which euidency of testimony did worke so greatly with M. Iewell himselfe as after these disputatiōs ended he subscribed publikly in S. mary-Mary-Church of Oxford to the Roman Catholicke doctrine in that behalf as M. Doctor Harding then present writeth to himfelfe in a speciall Epistle prefixed before his Reioynder which being so with what conscience could he say now so soone after Shew me one only Father one Doctor one place one sentence two lynes and the like for so much as lately before he had heard and registred so great a multitude of Fathers sentences that are yet extant in those disputations wherfore this must needs be Equiuocation of the worst kynde which could not be true neyther in the meaninge of the speaker himselfe 20. The second reason is that M. Iewell could not be ignorant that diuers ancient Fathers within the tyme by him limited had not only many sentences for the Catholicke parte in these heades of controuersyes alleadged by him and others but whole discourses also homilyes sermons chapters and treatises if not bookes therof As for exāple about the reall presence if he had read the Fathers he could not be ignorant of the mayne multitude of large Authorityes alleaged in these our dayes aswell by Bishop Claudius de Sainctes as Bellarmin and others about that matter not out of single or doubtfull sentēces but of whole discourses as hath bene said and those as effectually writen by the Authors for the truth of the reall presence as we can do in a manner now as namely S. Cyprian S. Hilary both Cyrills S. Ambrose S. Basil three Gregories Saint Chrysostome S. Hierome and others downward And the like multitude or more is alleadged for the Masse or dayly sacrifice of the Catholicke Church by the same Author And further no man can deny but that S. Augustine for example hath many large discourses treatises or Bookes directly tending to the proofe of diuers poynts now in controuersie betwene Protestants and vs as De cura pro mortuis habenda De libero arbitrio De fide operibus De nuptiis concupiscentia many others where he doth largely and of purpose impugne diuers Protestant opinions and confirme ours both about the valour of the Masse or dayly sacrifice for quicke and dead merite of workes and the like not only approuing but prouing also the same by great variety of Scriptures And the like doth S. Hierome against Iouinian and Vigilantius and S. Epiphanius against Aërius and other heretickes that held the same proposition that Protestants do now All which authorityes if M. Iewell had read or heard of them as may be presumed he had how then could he say with any conscience at all Bring me one Author one Father one Doctor one sentence one place or two lines and the like which he could not do without notable Equiuocation as yow see himselfe knowing that he spake falsely in that behalfe 21. The third reason is that M. Iewell could not but haue seene and considered the small accoumpt which other Protestāt writers more elder then himself had made and did make of the ancient Fathers when in any thing they were against their opinions nay their reiecting of them with contempt doth euidently shew that they held them for their aduersaries As for example M. Iewell beginneth his chalenge as yow remēber O Gregory O Augustine O Hierome O Chrysostome O Leo O Dionyse c. Now as for S. Gregory Caluin giueth this generall sentence of him Gregorius homo multis erroribus imbutus Gregory a man corrupted with many errors and Martyn Luther the Father
time vvhen this treason vvas plotted as to vse his owne wordes no 〈◊〉 grudge no invvard vvhispering of discōtentment did any vvay appeare VVhich assertion if you consider it well and compare it with our domesticall differences in Religion and variety of punishments laied vpon diuers sortes of men at that time euen before this fact fell out for the same will seeme a very great hyperbolicall exaggeration and ouerlashing for that the penalties of Recusancy and other like molestations were as rife then as at any other time before complaintes of Catholickes in diuers countreys no lesse pittifull 14. Another like Treatise followed this intituled A true reporte of the imprisonment arraignment and execution of the late Traitors imprinted by Geffery Chorlton VVhich so raileth vpon Catholicks and Catholicke Religion from the very beginning to the end therof as if none of them had byn free from the fact attempted or that their common doctrine had publickly allowed the same whereunto this seditious libell of the minister T. M. which now I am to confute endeauoreth to beare false witnes I will pretermit two other most virulent and spitefull Treatises intituled Pagano-Papismus and The picture of a Papist in which the Religion wherin all our auncestors both liued and died from the beginning of their Christianity vnto our daies and so many worthy nations great Princes and famous learned men doe professe round about vs at this day and doe hope to be saued therby is made worse then Paganisme vea the horrible sinke of all damnable heresies which notwithstanding were condemned by the same Religion and Church in former ages and consequently this censure sauoureth more of fury then of reason 15. But to leaue of the recitall of any more bookes or pamphlets to this effect there hath appeared further a matter of far greater importance which is a Catalogue of new lawes suggested in this Parlament against the said Catholickes wherin besides the former heape of penall statutes made to this affliction in precedent times diuers new are proposed for an addition and aggrauation of their Calamities far more rigorous if they passe then the former which being considered by forreine people doe make the state of English Catholickes vnder Protestant gouernement to seeme vnto them much more miserable and intolerable then that of the Ievves vnder any sorte of Christian Princes or that of the Grecians or other Christians vnder the Turke or Persian or that of bondsubiectes vnder the Polonians Svvecians Moscouians and other such Nations so as all this tendeth as yow see and as before we haue noted to more desperate disunion of mindes and exasperation of hartes 16. Only I must confesse that in two mens writings I finde more moderation then in any of the rest who yet being more interessed in the late grieuous designed delict then any of the other that write therof had most cause to be prouoked against the delinquents The first is his Maiesties speach both in his Proclamation and Court of Parlament In the former he professeth to distinguish betvveene all others calling themselues Catholicks the Authors of detestable treason and that by good experience he vvas so vvell persuaded of the loyalty of diuers of that 〈◊〉 as that he assured himselfe that they did as much abhorre that odious 〈◊〉 as himselfe And in the second his Maiesty speaking in Parlament distinguished betweene different sortes of Catholicks allowing to the one sort both the opinion of loyalty and possibility of saluation detesting in that point to vse his Highnes wordes the cruelty of the Puritanes and thinking it vvorthy of fier that vvill admit no saluation to any Papist VVhich is an argument of his Princely moderate meaning not to condemne the whole for a part though in our sense the distinction vsed by his Maiesty in that place of some Catholicks that holde some pointes of our Religion and of others that holde all cannot stand For that we accompt them not for Catholicks at all nor may wee that holde not all but a part for that Catholicum is secundum totum and not secundum partem as well S. Augustine noteth and consequently he that belieueth a part only or any one iote lesse then the whole cannot be in our sense nor in that of S. Augustine a true Catholicke 17. And surely though his Maiesty in this place out of the preiudicate persuasions of others and 〈◊〉 suggested informations seeme to be persuaded that no Catholicks of this condition that belieue and imbrace the whole can euer proue either good Christians or faithfull subiects yet is our hope and constant praier to almighty God that he will in time so illustrate that excellent vnderstanding of his Highnes as the same will see and discerne betweene these absolute and perfect Catholicks that yeeld themselues wholy in obsequium obedientiam fidei in all that the vniuer sall Church prescribeth vnto them to be belieued and others that chuse take and leaue what they like or list vpon their owne iudgement which choice or election called otherwise heresy if wee belieue the Holy Scriptures and sense of all antiquity in this behalfe is the most dangerous and pernicious disease in respect of both those effects heere mentioned by his Maiesty that is vpon earth And when his Highnes shall further with deliberation and maturity haue pondered how many ages his noble Auncestors Catholicke Kings and Queenes of both Realmes haue raigned in peace honour and safty ouer subiects of the first sorte and how infinite troubles turmoiles violences dangers hurtes and losses his Maiesties owne person and all his neerest in bloud and kinred haue suffered in a few yeares of those other new chusers to omit their doctrine I doubt not but that out of his great prudence and equanimity he will mollify and mitigate the hard opinion conceaued of the former notwithstanding this late odious accident fallen out by the temerity of a few as the world knoweth 18. The second example of some moderation before mentioned or at least wise meant was my L. of Salisburies answere to Certeine scandalous papers as he called them which though being written in the time and occasion they were the answerer wanteth not his stinges that pearce euen to the quicke yet supposing the pretended iniury offered by that fond menacing letter and the condition of men in his place and dignity not accustomed to beare or dissemble prouocations of that kind all may be called moderate that is not extreme though for the letter it self if any such were I presume so much of his Lordships wisedome and prudence as he could hardly deeme or suspect any Catholicke to be so mad as to write such a franticke commination but rather that it came from the forge of some such other as togeather with the blowe to be giuen therby to all Catholickes had furthermore a desire to drawe forth from his L. the answere therby to see and try his style and to that end gaue
preuented in like occasions to wit that multitudes are not to be put in despaire no nor particuler men into extreame exasperation without hope of remedy for that despaire is the mother of precipitation extreme exasperation is the next dore to fury No counsaile no reason no regard of Religion nor other respect humaine or deuine holdeth place when men grow desperate all stringes of hope are cut of We see by experience that the least and weakest wormes of the earth which cannot abide the looke of a man yet when they are extremely pressed and put in despaire of escape they turne and leape in mans face it selfe which otherwise they so 〈◊〉 feare and dread 4. Wherfore seing this dangerous stickler would put this extreme despaire into so many thousandes of his Maiesties subiectes yow 〈◊〉 imagine what good seruice he meaneth to do him therby and what pay he deserueth for his labour Surely if a great rich man whose wealth lay in his flocke of sheepe had neuer so faire and fawning a dog following neuer so diligently his trencher and playing neuer so many flattering trickes before him yet if togeather with this he had that other currish quality also as to woory his maisters sheepe disseuer his fold disperse his flock and driue them into flight and precipitation it is like that his Maister out of his wisedome though otherwise he were delighted with his officious fawning would rather hange such a dog then aduenture to suffer so great and important losses by him And no Iesse is to be expected of the great equity prudence of our great Monarch when he shall well consider of the cause and consequence therof 5. And thus much of the malice and pernicious sequele of this assertion let vs see somewhat now also of the folly falsity therof To which effect I would first enquire if it be so that subiectes of different Religions are not comportable togeather vnder a Prince that is of one of those Religions for so must the question be proposed if we will handle it in generall then how doe the Iewes Christians liue togeather vnder many Christian Princes in Germany and Italy vnder the state of Venice yea vnder the Pope himselfe how doe Christians and Turkes liue togeather vnder the Turkish Emperour of Constantinople as also vnder the Persian without persecution for their Religion how did Catholickes and Arrians liue so many yeares togeather vnder Arrian Kinges and Emperours in old times both in Spaine and els 〈◊〉 how doe Catholickes and Protestantes liue togeather at this day vnder the most Christian King of France vnder the great King of Polonia and vnder the German Emperour in diuers partes of his dominions all Catholicke Princes and in the free-cityes of the Empyre And in particuler is to be considered that the Hussites haue liued now some hundreds of yeares in Bohemia vnder the Cathòlicke Princes and Emperours Lordes of that Countrey with such freedome of conuersation with Catholicke subiectes and vnion of obedience to the said Princes as at this day in the great Citty of Praga where the Emperour commonly resideth and where Catholicks 〈◊〉 wholy gouerne there is not so much as one 〈◊〉 Church knowne to be in the handes of any Catholicke Pastor of that citty but all are Hussites that haue the ordinary charges of soules and Catholickes for seruice sermons and Sacraments doe repaire only to monasteries according to ancient agreementes and conuentions betweene them though in number the said Catholickes be many times more then the other and haue all the gouernment and Commaundry in their handes as hath byn said These are demonstratiue proofes ad hominem and cannot be denied and consequently doe conuince that this make-bate Ministers proposition is false in generall That subiects of different religion may not liue togeather in 〈◊〉 peace if their gouernours will permit them Now if he can alleadge any seuerall weighty causes why this generall assertion holdeth not or may not holde in the particuler case of English Catholiks and Protestants vnder our present King we shall discusse them also and see how much they weigh 6. He pretendeth ten seuerall reasons in his pamphlet for causes of this incompossibility and therof doth his whole inuectiue consist Eight of them appertaine to doctrine and practice of rebellion in vs as he auoucheth and the other two vnto doubtfull speech or Equiuocation Of which later point hauing touched somewhat in the precedent Preface being to haue occasion to doe the same againe more largely afterward wee shall now consider principally of the former concerning doctrine and practice of quiet or vnquiet peaceable or dangerous humours behauiours of subiects both Catholicke Protestant 7. And as for Catholickes the Minister in all his eight reasons bringeth out nothing of nouelty against vs but only such pointes of doctrine as himselfe doth consesse and expresly proue that they were held and recevued in our publique schooles aboue foure hundred yeares gone as namely in his first reason For that we hold Protestants for hereticks so farre forth as they decline and differ obstinately from the receyued doctrine and sense of the Roman Catholicke Church and consequently that being Hereticks they are not true Christians nor can haue true faith in any one article of Christian beliefe and that the punishment determined by the ancient Canon lawes which are many and grieuous both spirituall temporall do or may therby light vpon them And in his second third and fourth reasons that wee teach That the Bishop of Rome as spirituall head of the vniuersall Church hath power aboue temporall Princes and may procure to let the Election and succession of such as are opposite or enemies to Catholicke Religion and that in some cases he may dissolue oathes of obediēce and the like 8. And further yet in his fifth sixt seauenth and eight reasons that in certaine occasions and vpon certaine necessities for preuenting of greater euils imminent to any Countrey Kingdome or common wealth especially if they be spirituall and appertaine to the saluation of soules the same high Pastour may restraine resist or punish the enormous excesses of temporall Princes if any such fall out by Censures excommunication depriuation or deposition though this not but vpon true iust and vrgent causes when other means cannot preuaile for auoiding those euerlasting euils 9. All which doctrines for this is the summe of all he saith or alleadgeth do cōteine as yow see no new matter of malice against Protestant Princes inuented by vs for that the Minister himselfe as now we haue said confesseth that for these three or foure later hundred yeares these positions haue byn generally receiued by all the vniuersall Church and face of Christendome so as being established so many hundred yeares before Protestants were borne or named in the world they could not be made or inuented against them in particuler but only are drawne vnto them at this time by
Protestants But the Romish Seminaries and Iesuites doe so ergo This is his reason and manner of reasoning and in this sorte goe all the rest ech thing with his ergo that yow may know that the learned man hath studied Logicke or rather sophistry to set downe all in forme of syllogisme And to proue his propositions or premisses in this first argument he vseth two meanes first to cite the hard speeches of certaine Catholicke writers against the Caluinian faith as though it were none at all but rather infidelity wherin we shall see after what great store of Protestant writers they haue also with them in that point the other medium is a certeine odious enumeration of the penalties inflicted by Church-lawes and Canons of old time vpon heresy and Hereticks in generall all which T. M. will needes apply to himself and to English Protestantes at this day to breake therby all ciuill association with vs that are Catholickes but both the one and the other are proofes of no validity Let vs begin with the first 4. He citeth the wordes of Andreas Iurgiuicius Canon of Cracouia in Polonia affirming that Protestantes doe holde no one article of the Apostles Creed to wit rightly and entierly Of M. VVright in his articles teaching Protestantes to haue no faith no Religion no Christ. Of M. Reynoldes entituling his booke Caluino-Turcismus Of D. Gifford in the preface to the said booke auouching the pretented now Ghospel of Caluin in many things to be worse and more wicked then the Turkes Alcaron And finally of Antonius Posseuinus who wrote a booke De Atheismis Protestantium Of the Atheismes or pointes of doctrine leading to Atheisme which are taught by diuers Protestants especially by Caluin and his followers 5. Out of all which speeches T. M. inferreth the generall meaning of vs Catholicks to be That all humane society with Protestantes must be vtterly dissolued which is vtterly false and a meere mistaking For these speeches proue only that there cà be no society 〈◊〉 Catholickes and Protestants in their doctrine beliefe but not in life manners conuersation which is the point in question so as T. M. inferreth here quid pro quo And if he will heare one of his owne brethren hold this position also That there can be no vnion society or conformity betweene their our doctrine pretended by some let him read VVilliam Perkins epistle to S. VVilliam Bowes in the preface of his reformed or rather deformed Catholicke where he reprehendeth the new brethren of France and some also in England for giuing hope of this vnion So as in this point we agree that no agreement can be in Religion but in conuersatiō there may as we haue shewed by many examples in the precedent Chapter of people of different Religion that liue togeather at this day in vnion of obedience and quiet subiection vnder the 〈◊〉 Turke and Christian Emperour as also vnder the great Kings of France Polonia and other Princes Fondly then doth T. M. inferre the incompossibility of cohabitation conuersation out of the insociability of their doctrine and Religion 6. Now as for the hard and harsh speeches of the Authors alleadged though vnto many they may seeme somewhat sharpe exaggerations yet vnto him that shall consider well the matter in hand and the accustomed phrases of ancient Fathers in like occasions it will appeare far otherwise For first 〈◊〉 his meaning is nothing else as appeareth by his booke but that in all and euery article of the Creed Caluinistes haue innouated and altered somewhat in the true sense therof and added particuler errours of their owne as yow shall heare afterward proued and declared more largely out of the 〈◊〉 and assertions of diuers great Lutheran Protestants that hold Caluinists to haue peruerted all the articles of the said Creed Of which point our learned countriman M. VVilliam Reinoldes that had bvn diuers yeares a Protestant and Preacher of that doctrine after long study to proue the same by many demonstrations resolued to write a whole booke That Caluinistes belieue no one article of the Apostles Creed but afterwardes turned the same into that other worke entituled Caluino-Turcismus which is held by strangers to be one of the most learned that hath byn written of this kinde of controuersy in our age and M. Sutcliffe hath made himself ridiculous by attempting to answere the same 7. Those wordes also of M. VVright if he vsed them that Hereticks haue no faith no Religion no Christ but are meere infideles doe conteine an ancient position of Catholicke doctrine deliuered in schooles and Fathers writings against old Heretickes many hundred yeares before the name of Protestantes was heard of in the world so that this cannot be of malice properly against them The famous doctor S. Thomas aboue three hundred yeares gone hath this Question in his Treatise of faith Whether he that 〈◊〉 obstinatly in one point or article of his beliefe doth leese his whole faith in all the rest and holdeth yea alleadging for the same inuincible reasons And the same Doctor in like manner proposeth another question to wit which of three sinnes belonging to infidelity is most grieuous Iudaisme Paganisme or Heresy resolueth the question thus That albeit in some respects the former two may be thought more grieuous in that they deny more points of faith yet absolutely in regarde of the malice and obstinacy of an Hereticke that knew once the Catholicke truth and now wilfully impugneth the same against the iudgement of the vniuersall visible Church his sinne and damnation is much more grieuous and hereupon the ancient Fathers doe euery where aggrauate the heynousnes of this sinne aboue all other sinnes and in particuler doe deny them to be Christians but rather to be Infideles and worse then Infideles as now by S. Thomas hath byn said which is most conforme to the writinges of the Apostles themselues and Apostolicke men who detested this sinne in the highest degree as might largely be shewed out of their workes euen to the horror of the Reader if this place did beare it That seuere speach of S. Paul may be sufficient for all the rest exhorting his disciple Titus to auoide an hereticall man after one or two reprehensions knowing that such a one is subuerted and sinneth as damned by his owne iudgment Which is neuer found written of other sortes of Infideles 8. No man then ought to be offended with these earnest and sharpe speeches where heresy or the presumption therof is in question for that nothing is more dreadfull to Catholicke people then the very name and apprehension of heresy howsoeuer in our vnfortunate daies it be made a matter of dispute only or table-talke by many now in England and he that will see store of proofes and reasons laied togeather by the foresaid learned man M. Reynoldes to proue that the heresies of these
made But he will replye perhaps that S. Augustine saith he could not say nescio I know not whether he be dead or aliue which is allowed by vs in some Equiuocations as in the precedent Chapter hath byn said But to this I answere that this case is not like those for that heere is no 〈◊〉 demand no force no compulsion no iniurie offred and consequently no right of vsing such euasion foriust defence for so much as this is in common conuersation from which we haue exempted before the vse of Equiuocations albeit we haue heard also out of the same S. Augustine himselfe Aliud est mentiri aliud veritatem celare It is one thing to lye and another thing to couer a truth without lying S. Augustine speaketh against the first and so do we and consequently this example proueth nothing 32. His second is out of the same Father in another worke of like argument where he putteth the example of a certain Bishop of Tagaste in Africa named Firmus who in time of the Pagan Emperours hauing hidden a man that fledd to his refuge answered the Emperours officers that came to seeke him nec prodam nec mentiar I will neither bewray him neither will I make a ly and so was content rather to suffer tormentes then he would do either for which S. Augugustine greatly commendeth him and so was he worthy for it was indeed an heroicall act And if therin he did more resolutly then he was bound as many priests in England haue done that presently vpon their apprehension haue confessed themselues to be priestes it inferreth no law that all men are bound to do the like For as the lawe it selfe saith Cuique licet de iure suo cedere It is lawfull for euery man to yeeld of his owne right what he please as S. Paul though in one place he saith that it is lawfull for him that scrueth the Altar to liue by the Altar and that he which soweth spirituall thinges may well reape temporall yet of himselfe he saith that he did it not nor would do it and that he would rather dye then loose this glory to wit of not hauing vsed his right therin This was perfection in that glorious Apostle but not obligation and though it edifye all yet it byndeth not any to the necessarie imitation therof but he that will and the like we may say of the renowned fact of Bishop Firmus His third example of Pagan writers he setteth downe in these wordes out of Cicero §. 7. 33. THERE was a man saith he who togeather with mine other prisoners being dismissed out of the prison of Carthage vpon his oath that he within a prefixed time should returne againe As soone as he was out of prisō he returned as though he had forgot somthing and by by departeth home to Rome where he stayed beyond the time appointed answering that he was freed from his oath but see now the opinion of his owne Countryman Cicero concerning this Equiuocation of returne This was not well done saith Tullie for that craft in an oath doth not lessen but make the periury more heynous Wherfore the graue Senators of Rome sent this Coseming mate backe againe to the prison of Hannibal their enemy from whome he had escaped c. 34. Thus relateth Morton the case and then maketh this malicious conclusion against vs This was the honestie of the ancient heathenish Rome which must ryse vp in iudgement against this present Rome to condemne it which hath changed that faithfull Roman faith in fidem Punicam into Carthaginian faith which now by custome of speach is taken for perfidiousnes it selfe And would not yow thinke that Morton did hold himselfe very free from this perfidiousnes that obiecteth the same so freely against vs And not only against vs but to the whole Church of Rome it selfe and to the vniuersall Catholike Religiō conioyned therwith Marke then the deportment of this man in this one poynt and if yow knew him not before learne to know him by this 35. First then I would haue some Grammer-scholler that studyeth Tullies Offices to turne to the places heere quoted and comparing them with that which this Minister setteth downe in English consider how they hange togeather and how he picketh out one sentence in one place another in another leapeth forth and backe to make some coherence of speach contrary to the Authors order sense and method as is ridiculous to behold and fit for the Cosening mate of whom he talketh in his text And secondly after this is to be noted that he setteth downe the narration it selfe of ten men deliuered vpon their oath by Hannibal not as Cicero doth out of two historio graphers Polybius and Accilius and in particuler against the faith of both their histories and Tullies asseueration which saith that those ten were dismissed by Hannibal out of his campe post Cannensem pugnam after the famous battle of Canna in Apulia Morton ignorantly saith they were dismissed out of the prison of Carthage wheras they of all liklihood had neuer seene Carthage in their lyues 36. But the most notorious Cosenage is that he peruerteth all Cicero his meaning wordes sense and discourse in this matter alleadging them quite contrary to himselfe as before yow haue heard him do many other Authors so as he belyeth and corrupteth them all both prophane and dyuine And if in this one poynt he can deliuer himselfe from Punica fides I will say he playeth the man indeed For first Cicero whom heere he would seeme to bring against vs doth fully agree with vs for that we say in the case of those ten Romanes deliuered by Hannibal vpon their oath to returne againe if they should not obteyne that which they were sent for which was to persuade the Senate to redeeme diuers thousands of other Roman souldiers whom Hannibal had taken in the said victory at Canna we hold I say first that if they swore absolutely to returne againe if they obteyned not their sute they were bound truly to performe the same and secondly that they being now iustly by law of armes prisoners of Hannibal they were bound to sweare sincerely to his intention and not to any other reserued meaning of their owne as in the former chapter hath byn declared And this very same doctryne also 〈◊〉 Cicero by light of nature in these wordes perfidiously cut of and left out by this Minister Morton in the very same place out of which he taketh the rest 37. Est autem saith he ius etiam bellicum fidesque iurisiurandi saepe hosti seruanda quod enim ita iuratum est vt mens conciperet fieri oportere id seruandum est quod aliter id si non feceris nullum periurium est There is 〈◊〉 a law of armes saith he and a faith in our swearing to be obserued oftentymes euen vnto our enemy for that which is so sworne
they are printed by Pinson the law-printer in the tyme of King Henry the eight before the Protestant religion came vp And the Lord Brooke in his Abridgement of the law in the tytle of Corone placito 129. doth accordingly sett downe the same case with mencyoning of the Bulles of Pope 〈◊〉 for the said immunities and priuiledges But all the Protestant editions in the tyme of the late Queene Elizabeth printed by Tottell and 〈◊〉 wert haue committed a notable tricke of falsificatiō in leauing out altogeathcr these markable wordes That Leo then Pope did graunt the said immunityes and priuiledges and also those wordes of King Edwyn which of his Catholike 〈◊〉 S. Leo King Kenulphus were granted c. And againe By force of the letters and Bulles aforesaid the said village of Culnam was a Sanctuary and place priuiledged 89. And hereby allois euident that the King did not by his Charter in Parliament for it appeareth to be made by the Counsell and consent of his Bishops and Senators not by Parlament as M. Attorney doth misreport it neyther was there any Parlament held at that tyme in the land or many hundred yeares after for as it appeareth by Holinsheds Cronicle pag. 34. the first vse of Parlament in England was in the tyme of King Henry the first it is cleare I say that the King did not discharge and exempt the said Abbot from Iurisdiction of the Bishop nor did graunt vnto the said Abbot Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction within the said Abbey neyther had that Abbot any Ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction deriued from the Crowne But as it appeareth by the authenticke reporte of the Case the Pope and the King did both ioyne in making the said Sanctuary according vnto their seuerall powers authorityes So that the exemption from Episcopall Iurisdiction did proceed duely from the graunt of Pope Leo as likewise the exemption from all regall and temporall Iurisdiction proceed from the Charter of King Kenulphus Note also that King Edwins grant was only that the said Monastery should be free from all earthly seruitude and toucheth not any spirituall immunities or iurisdiction at all 90. Thus farre my friend out of England And by this now yow may see how well M. Attorney hath obserued his foresaid protestation that he had cyted the very wordes and textes of the lawes without any inference argumēt or amplification at all And this being my friends aduertisement from England with like obseruation of many other places cyted by M. Attorney with like fidelity I thought good to produce this one amongst many being the first in order for a taste in this place reseruing the rest to a fitter or at leastwise to a second Edition of the foresaid answere of the Catholicke Deuyne where euery thing may be referred to his due place And with this will I end both this Chapter and the whole Booke THE CONCLVSION OF THE VVHOLE VVORKE VVith a briefe exhortation vnto Catholickes not to use the liberty of Equiuocation euen in lawfull cases but where some urgent occasion induceth them therunto CHAP. XIII AND now gentle reader hauing brought this Treatise to an end and iustified as I hope our Catholicke doctrine in the eyes and Iudgments of all indifferent men from the two odious imputations of Rebellion and Equiuocation iniuriouslie cast vpon the same by the malice of Thomas Morton there remayneth nothing but that I conclude this our small labour with an exhortation to all Catholicke people not only to abstayne from the first which is vtterly vnlawfull I meane the attempting of any thing contrary to their loyall dutyes in subiection be their pressures neuer so great but also from the practice and frequent vse of the second though in some cases most lawfull as abundantly hath byn 〈◊〉 except some vrgent occasion or obligation either of defence of innocency secresy right iustice or the auoyding of open wrong do force them to the contrary For as the holy Apostle in two seuerall places affirmeth to the Corinthians in cases not much vnlike to this about matter of scandall Omnia mihi licent sed non omnia expediunt All thinges are lawfull vnto me touching meates and other such thinges but all are not expedient to be practised And againe Omnia 〈◊〉 licent sed non omnia edificant All things are lawfull vnto me but all things do not edifye So I say in this case that albeit a man may without breach of truth or offence of almighty God in certayne cases equiuocate or vse a doubtfull speach for a good and necessary end either in oath or out of oath though the hearer doe not alwayes vnderstand it or be deceyued therwith and that many holy men haue done the same yea Christ himselfe that is the example and paterne of all holinesse and truth in speach as by many examples before at large hath byn declared yet considering the tymes and condition therof wherin Catholicks at this day liue in England the offence and scandall which Protestants and some others that vnderstand not the lawfulnes therof or will not vnderstand the same do receyue or raise thervpon my wish and counsell to Catholickes should be to vse the benefit of this liberty most sparingly euen in lawfull thinges and neuer but vpon great and vrgent 〈◊〉 and occasions 2. And the reasons of this my wish and counsell are principally the two already touched The one the auoyding of scandall euen with the Aduersary himself and that as Catholicke Religion is the only true in doctrine so the practice also therof in conuersation should not only be in all truth and sincerity re ipsa in very deed but in opinion likewise and estimation of others in so much as the word of a Catholicke man ought to weigh more then the oath of an other and the oath or promise of a Catholicke more then any band or obligation of an other which for the most parte I doubt not but is so already taken in England For that albeit by this doctrine before declared about Equiuocation men do know that Catholickes in certayne cases may vse the same yet know they also that the said cases are straitly limited with many exceptions and that in common conuersation as in buying selling traffique and the like Equiuocation may not be vsed to the 〈◊〉 or preiudice of any man and that in Iudgments and tribunals where most vse therof doth fall out all lawyers Iudges and Magistrates do know in Catholicke Countryes wherin the 〈◊〉 may vse Equiuocation wherin not and consequently truth Iustice can suffer no wrōg therby And moreouer they know as before hath byn said that the obligation of a Catholicke man is so great to auoyde all kynd of lyes whether veniall or mortall as for the gayning of a world no one is wittingly and willingly to be committed which accōpt I doubt whether men of other sectes and Religion do make or noe So as though already I perswade my self that
A TREATISE TENDING TO MITIGATION tovvardes Catholicke-Subiectes in England VVHERIN IS DECLARED That it is not impossible for Subiects of different Religion especially Catholickes and Protestantes to liue togeather in dutifull obedience and subiection vnder the gouernment of his Maiesty of Great Britany AGAINST The seditious wrytings of THOMAS MORTON Minister some others to the contrary Whose two false and slaunderous groundes pretended to be dravvne from Catholicke doctrine practice concerning REBELLION and EQVIVOCATION are ouerthrowne and cast vpon himselfe Dedicated to the learned Schoole-Deuines Cyuill and Canon Lavvyers of the tvvo Vniuersities of England By P. R. Prou. 26. Vers. 20. Susurrone subtracto iurgia conquiescunt The make-bate being remoued brawles do cease Permissu Superiorum 1607. THE SVMME OF ALL THAT IS HANDLED IN THIS TREATISE 1. IN the Preface and first six Chapters is discussed all that belongeth to the first imputation about Disobedience or Rebellion either out of the Catholicke or Protestant doctrine vse practice or consequence therof with what is obiected or answered on both partes 2. IN the other 7. Chapters is treated the Question of Equiuocation how it began what origen causes vse or necessity it hath or may haue what circumstances for lawfulnes what restraintes or limites and finally what practice among all sortes of men in certaine cases euen with those that most impugne the same 3. Vpon all which is inferred the principall conclusion that these two pretended obstacles do not let but that Catholicke and Protestant English Subiectes may liue togeather in vnion of dutifull obedience vnder his Maiesty to his and their both safety and comfortes if seditious make-bates be remoued THE EPISTLE DEDICATORY To the learned Schole-Deuines and Lawiers of both faculties in the Vniuersities of England IT was no part of my purpose learned Countrey-men when I tooke this Treatise first in hand either to wade so farre therin as now I haue byn compelled or yet to prefix any other Epistle Dedicatory before the same then the large common Preface it selfe that doth ensue which may partly appeare by the argument therof as namely also and principally by that which we haue set downe in the third Chapter of this Treatise for that taking in hand but to point as it were at the exorbitant number of some monstrous and malitious lyes and slaunders cast abroad this last yeare in a certayne small contemptible but wicked and hatefull libell vnder the tytle of A discouery of Romish doctrine in the case of Conspiracy and Rebellion by T. M. I thought it sufficient to that purpose to shew not only the cankred vntruthes of those most false virulent calumniations but the many inoÌ„ueniences also and publicke hurtes which do and must needes ensue to any Common wealth that suffereth such venemous tongues to sow hatred dissention diffidence and the seedes of perpetuall emnity and alienation among the Subiects therof 2. Which point hauing to my iudgment sufficiently performed I saw a farre greater booke published from the same Author stuffed with Marchandize of like marke but yet imbracing more matter to wit n t only the former argument or inuectiue of heynous Rebellion but to vse the writers wordes of heathenish hellish and execrable Equiuocation chargin Catholicke people so deeply and desperatly in them both as tâ—at in these two respects they are not only in his censure insociable intractable but also insufferable in any Protestant common wealth whervpon I was enforced as well to reassume againe that which before I had done and layd aside vpon certayn causes whiâ—h afterwards are vttered as also to dilate my selfe much further for defence of equity and truth and for the repressing somwhat this violent rayling 〈◊〉 and for rendering some euident reasons of Catholickes innocency and integrity in them both Wherin what I haue performed for their iust and lawfull defence I leaue it to the Iudgement of yow my learned Countrey-men after yow shall haue read ouer this our Answere presuming that your learning and vnderstanding is accoÌ„panyed also with such ingenuity of good nature and maturity of Iudgement as yow will not be carryed away with the wynd and sound of wordes only as others of lesser capacity nor yet be much moued with the false outcryes of perfidious Make-bates who inraged with the imaginations of hate and auersion do like 〈◊〉 houndes runne-counter vpon euery false sent they apprehend or frame vnto themselues but rather will stand firme and weigh the substance and proofes of matters with their due circumstances Which if yow performe yow shall fynd all these odious and clamorous accusations and exaggerations of this fyerie Minister to be nothing els but euaporations of a hoate distempered brayne with aboundance of hatred and want of Christian charit 3. And to say a word or two of the reasons that moued me to present this worke to yow the learned of our English Vniuersities in the foresayd sciences of Schoole Deuinity and Lawe both Canon Ciuill wherof the first is that the question of Equiuocation wherof our chiefe contention is being a matter handled in these three facultyes though vpon different occasions yow can far better 〈◊〉 therof then others who apprehending only the name togeather with their owne conceipts therof without true knowledge of the groundes reasons circumstances wherby it is made lawfull doe not so eagerly as ignorantly cry out against it condemning detesting that which they vnderstand not as largly is declared in the 7. Chapter of the ensuing Treatise which is the first concerning that argument But such as are more conuersant and better studied in the said sciences and know the true principles wheron the question standeth are not so rash nor headlong but goe more reseruedly therin distinguishing betweene 〈◊〉 and vnlawfull Amphybologie or Equiuocation as signing to 〈◊〉 one their tymes cases causes reseruations and limitations according to the obseruation of Aristotle Prudentis est distinguere It appertayneth to a wise and discreet man to distinguish wheras the ignorant and vnlearned doth commonly confound all without distinction 4. My second reason was for that forreine Vniuersities and learned men therof vnde standing such a booke to haue byn set forth by an English Vniuersity man and not without direction as he saith from his Superiors wherin all vse of Equiuocation or Amphybology in any case whatsoeuer is condemned as vnlawfull impious execrable hellish heathenish the black-art and other such tearmes without respect or regard that in all other Vniuersityes in Catholicke CouÌ„treyes throughout the world in all Courtes and Tribunalls and in all learned Authors professors of the foresaid three faculties for many ages some vse therof hath byn taught and allowed diuers learned I say haue wondred therat and laughed also especially being aduertised that this doctrine of Equiuocation is ascribed as a new thing to the Iesuits wheras many ages before their name was heard of in the world this doctrine was known taught and held
he was 〈◊〉 that he was the High-Priest he excused himselfe that he knew it not I did not know brethren saith he that he was Chiefe-Priest for it is writen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not speake 〈◊〉 of the Prince of thy 〈◊〉 And when the said Apostle doth afterwards handle in his Epistle to the Hebrewes this Iewish Priesthood as a figure of that of Christ our Sauiour and of the new 〈◊〉 he speaketh very honorably therof saying That 〈◊〉 Chief-Priest taken out from men is appointed for men in those things that belong to to God to offer giftes and sacrifices for 〈◊〉 c. But Christ himselfe most honorably of all other gaue to his disciples and to the people this aduertisement Vpon the Chayre of Moyses haue sitten Scribes and Pharisies all things therfore whatsoeuer they shall say vnto yow obserue and do them but do not according to their workes 28. And if vnto the ancient Aaronicall Priest-hood of the old Testament so much honour so much credit so much obedience was to be performed which yet was not so sanctifyed by the diuine person of Christ himselfe nor yet so adorned with the promise of his infallible assistance as ours of the new Testament is according to the Order of Melchisedech what impiety is this in Thomas Morton to go about to discredit the one by the other yea to ascribe the lying of the Iewish souldyers and their talking against common sense as he will haue it vnto their enthralled opinion of a neuer-erring Priest-hood Is not this sensles Had these souldyers an opinion perhaps that their Priests could not sinne Or did they hold this for 〈◊〉 point of doctrine determined vnto them out of Moyses chayre Or if te y did not how is this their fact attributed by Thomas Morton vnto that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 29. But he goeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 all our errors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 wherof 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that God in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 lyes and 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 examples the deliuery of 〈◊〉 soule out 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The donation of Constantine the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of our Lady the 〈◊〉 of a 〈◊〉 by S. 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Christians amongst the Indians c. But heere now Thomas 〈◊〉 if he would shew 〈◊〉 a man of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and iudgment indeed to deale really and not by calumniatio should proue three thinges First that all these positions are held by vs as he setteth them downe Secondly that they are all false indeed as we hold them and thirdly that therfore we erre in them for that we belieue our Priest-hood cannot erre so as the causality of these errors must fall vpon the enthralled opinion of our neuer-erring Priest-hood 30. Of which three pointes he proueth neuer a one nor goeth about to proue it and we deny them all in the sense that he obiecteth them For as for Traians soule no learned Catholicke man doth hold it either for true or likly and it is at large refuted by Baronius a Catholicke writer Constantines donation is a matter of story disputed to and fro by learned men of our religion The assumption of our B. Lady hath more groundes for it then either Morton or a thousand Mortous will be able to impugne for that he can not deny but that for many ages togeather it hath byn receaued through out all Christendome for an ancient tradition and from the time of the most learned S. Iohn Damascene that liued in the East Church almost mine hundred yeares gone and expresly recordeth the said tradition to be held for ancient in his time T. M. must needes graunt the same and then how many thousandes of more learned godly vigilant and prudent Christian men then Morton is haue belieued the same in so many worldes throughout all Christendome as namely S. Bernard and others euery man may easily see as also consider this one reason amongst the rest that if the sacred body of that Blessed Virgin Mother of God had byn left any where vpon earth as other Saintes bodyes were ther would haue remayned at least some memory some testimony therof or some deuotion to the place 31. And for so much as by Gods holy prouidence so great concourse hath byn made euer vnto the bodyes of S. Peter S. Paul and other of the Apostles Martyres and Saintes of God in different places though neuer so remote it is more then probable that some would haue byn made likewise vnto this sacred body of our Blessed Lady but the malice of these people is such to the holy memory of this blessed virgin vpon earth and their precipitation to 〈◊〉 so hasty and inconsiderate as whatsoeuer they see not with their eyes they deny as absolutly false For what certainty can T. M. haue thinke yow against the bodily 〈◊〉 of our Blessed Lady his assertion being a bare negatiue What certainty against the miracles wrought by God in the Indies Is the hand of God shortened Is not Christ as powerfull now as he was in the Primitiue Church when he extended his hand to miracles as his Disciples with exultation 〈◊〉 Are not these Indians new Christians as the other in Iury were Did not Christ euen then when he gaue power to worke miracles expressly say that he would be with them not for this or that age but vnto the end of the world How then doth this arrogant-sylly-gras-hopper insult here in fauour of Infidels and disgrace of Christians calling them lying miracles amongst the Indians Hath he perchance euer byn there Hath he aduentured his life to gaine those soules vnto Christ that dyed for them as others haue donne Hath he suffered hunger and thirst could and heates persecution and affliction with losse of his bloud for gayning of those poore Indian 〈◊〉 as others haue suffered and 〈◊〉 dayly Noe. He hath done nothing of this but contrary wise stood a farre of in England hath attended to good cheare and ease procured benefices and fauour of the State and now vpon the suddaine is become an aduocate for the Indian Pagans to scorne at the Christian miracles wrought by Gods power among them though testified by neuer so great and graue Authority vnto vs. And is not this a pious man thinke yow 32. As for S. Francis louse I neuer heard of that scorne before and I meruaile in what part of our Theologicall assertions he 〈◊〉 place 〈◊〉 or how he will deduce the 〈◊〉 of this louse from our enthraled opinion of our neuer-erring Priest-hood For soe he must if he talke to the purpose And when he will or can doe this euery man seeth In the meane space I leaue it to that glorious Saint now in heauen where no lise be to answere the contumely if he thinke good either vpon earth or else where Sure I am that I haue reade of strange euentes in some vpon lesse pride and in solency
aud sinfull And that Catholickes only vse the first in 〈◊〉 cases and with circumstances and limitations But T. 〈◊〉 and his followes 〈◊〉 the first do vse 〈◊〉 the second which is false and lying 〈◊〉 Chap. XII pag. 483. The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 in some Protestant 〈◊〉 Bishops § 1. pag. 490. Six argumentes of M. Iewell Superintendent of 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 in this case § 2. pag. 493. Six examples of M. 〈◊〉 particular Equiuocation § 3. pag. 504. The vse of Equiuocating in English Protestantes-Ministers § 4. pag. 517. The vse of Equiuocation in Laymen Knightes § 5. p. 529. The Conclusion of the whole 〈◊〉 with a briefe exhortation 〈◊〉 Catholickes not to vse the liberty of Equiuocation 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 cases but where some 〈◊〉 occasion induceth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Table of the particular matters 〈◊〉 in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 TO ALL TRVE-HARTED ENGLISH-MEN That loue the honour safety and best good of their Nation Prince and Countrey THE PREFACE OF THE PRESENT DIVISION AND DISAGREEMENT About matters of Religion in England and of many importune exasperations vsed by diuers sortes of men to encrease the same and namely by this Minister T. M. his iniurious Libell I DOE not see deare Countreymen why I may not iustly our tymes circumstances therof considered begin these my first lynes of Preface with those wordes of Complaint and Admiration of the Poet Lucan wherby in few verses he comprehended and laid forth the rufull state of the rented Common-welth and Romane Empire by ciuill warres saying Bella per Aemathios plusquam ciuilia campos Iusque datum sceleri canimus populumque potētem In sua victrici conuersum viscera dextra 2. For if heere we change but Thessalian fieldes into English land and the Poets singing into our weeping and wailing all the rest agreeth most aptly if our diuision be not more rufull and lamentable then that of the Romanes For first our wars may truly be said to be plus quam ciuilia more then ciuill in that they are not only internall but domesticall also in such sorte as no one Prouince no one towne no one village no one howse or family is lightly to be found where some parte or other of this warre and dissention vpon difference of Religion taketh not some holde The Father somewhere accusing or suspecting his children the children flying or fearing their Father the Mother entring into 〈◊〉 with her daughter the daughter not trusting or confiding in her Mother the brother impugning his brother and wife complaining of 〈◊〉 husband the friend breaking with his friend and the neerest of kyn with those whome lawe of nature bandof bloud did most straitly combine knit togeather 3. Neither is this warre ended only in wordes or in bare debate of mindes iudgements willes and affections but it breaketh forth also into workes and hostile actions to the sight and admiration of all the worlde no aduersary Camps or armies standing more watchfull and distrustfull one of an other or vsing more stratagems of discouery spiery preuention or impugnation the one against the other then we among our selues wherof our continuall searches priuy intelligences bloudy and desperate conspiracies apprehensions imprisonments tortures arraignementes condemnations and executions are most loath some and lamentable witnesses 4 And as for Ius datum sceleri neuer could it be spoken so properly in the Romans misery as in ours when in deed though in some different sense that which was ius before is now scelus to uvitt that which was law right and equity under Catholicke Religion is now offensiue and punishable by the lawes of Protestants that which was then piety is now iniquity that which by them was vsed for deuotion is now scorned for superstition that which they reuerenced for highest Religion is now held in contempt and greatest derision such as then should haue byn hated and punished for hereticks are now esteemed for Christian and best reformed Catholicks and they vvhich in those dayes vvere called Catholicks as vvell by their enemyes as themselues and sate in iudgement vpon the rest are now brought into iudgement vnder them vvhose iudges at that tyme they vvere in the self same cause right and lawe being changed vvith the tyme and equity vvith mens affections articles of olde faith become crymes of new treason and finally all so inuerted and turned vpside downe and the differences so pursued vvith such hostile emnity of exulcerated mindes as the Poets conclusion falleth vpon vs euidently in the eye of all Christendome that vve being a potent people and dreadfull otherwise to all our neighbours haue turned our victorious hands into our owne bowels by this disunion in Religion and therby haue iust cause to feare the euent and inference threatned by our Sauiour except his holy hand protect vs that Euery Kingdome deuided in it selfe shall come to desolation 5. And that vvhich most encreaseth the feeling of this misery is that no man endeauoreth to mollify matters but all to exasperate no man applieth lenitiues but all corrosiues no man powreth in vvyne or oyle into the wound but all salte and vinegar no man byndeth vp or fomenteth but euery one seeketh to crush bruze and breake more all cry and clap their hands to exulceration saying with the children of Edom in the day of Hierusalems affliction Exinanite exinanite vsque ad fundamentum in ea Pull her downc pull her downe euen vnto the foundation 6. And to this effect haue vve heard and seene many speeches and sermons made sundry Bookes and pamphlets cast abroad or set forth in print some before the late cruell and hatefull conspiracy which might perhaps be some incitation to the designemēt or hastening therof and some presently therupon not only to exaggerate that fact whose atrocity by it self is such as scarsely it leaueth any place to exaggeration but also to extend and draw out the hatred and participation therof to others of the same Religion most innocent therin yea vnto the whole multitude so far as in them lieth a matter of exorbitant iniustice and intemperate malice 7. Of the former sorte of bookes and pamphlets we haue seene one set forth the yeare past by Thomas Hamond intituled The late Commotion of certeine Papists in Hereford Shire about the buriall of one Alice VVellington Recusant after the Popish manner in the tovvne of Alens-moore tvvo miles frō Hereford c. VVhich thing though it were but the fact of a few poore countrey people Catholickly affected as most are knowne to be in those partes to bury the said Alice and that in a sorte they were forced therunto least the dead corps should rot aboue ground the Minister of the place most obstinatly refusing to bury the same and that some other false companion in like manner is thought to haue byn set a worke to induce them into that trap as since hath byn vnderstood yet was the matter so exaggerated euery where
the malicious application of this Minister to make the diuorce before mencioned betweene our Prince and vs to seeme remedilesse For if the doctrine approued and receyued so many ages before this difference of Religion was heard of shall be laid vnto vs now for matter of vndutifulnes with which doctrine notwithstanding our Auncestors liued most peaceably and duetifully for many hundred yeares as good subiectes vnder his Maiesties 〈◊〉 both in England Scotland what fault can this be in vs now or what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is it in the Minister to obiect it against vs yea to make a criminall accusation therof in this his calumnious libell against all Catholikes of our Countrey whatsoeuer 10. If we consider their doctrines and positions togeather with their practice and exercise concerning this point of quiet obedience and subiection euen from these later times of Luther Zuinglius and 〈◊〉 beginninges of innouation we shall find an other manner of nouelty to contemplate and another sorte of dangers for Princes to tremble at For if in steed of Rebellious doctrine of the 〈◊〉 Church which is the title of this aduersaries pamphlet wee should set downe the positions and practice of the Geneuian Church and Caluinian sect planted and directed therby we should easely see what were the difference as the whole world both may and doth For that concerning their positions and doctrine that touch this point they are extant in their owne bookes not wronge or drawne by strained inferences as our Ministers Calumniations are against Catholicks in this place but plainely cleerely and Categorically set downe by their owne pen testified and put in print by their owne writers and especially by one in England that is now in highest dignity vnder his Maiesty and another in place of some dignity also by his office who out of their owne bookes cited particulerly by them relate these and other like positions That Princes may be restrained by force pursued iudged and punished by the people excommunicated depriued deposed and cast into hell by the Ministers arraigned condemned and put to death by the inferiour Magistrates whensoeuer in their opinion he becommeth a 〈◊〉 or opposite to the ghospell which in effect falleth out to be so often as these head-strong new brethren shall mislike of his or her gouernement thinke them worthy to be remoued 11. And if to the testimony of our English Protestant writers in this point any be desirous to haue ad ioined the suffrages in like manner of externe authors of the same Religion concerning the same article about the lawfulnes of violent vsage towardes Princes in cases by them prescribed let them read Bezae himselfe in his Apology to the Bishop Claudius de Sainctes in defence and praise of Pultrot that murdered traiterously the famous great Duke of Guise his Maiesties great vncle and supreme Generall of all the French forces as also the discourse of the French famous Minister Suriau otherwise calling himselfe Rosier in his Booke of Reasons why it was lawfull for any of his 〈◊〉 brethren to kill as he saith Charles the ninth King of France and his mother if they would not obey the Caluinian Ghospell as both Launay Belsorest other French writers in their Histories do relate To which effect also was written that notorious and seditious booke intituled 〈◊〉 matin and others by the brethren of the ghospell yea aboue others that most dangerous firebrand by Orsinus Hoto man and the rest of Geneua allowed also by 〈◊〉 intitu led Vindiciaecontra Tyrannos The reuenge vpō Tyrantes conteyning a most shameles publique approbation of all desperate of all villanous attemptes whatsoeuer made or to be made by their brethren against lawfull Princes vnder the name of Tyrantes whensoeuer it might seeme to be done in fauour of their ghospell 12. So as now after all this manifest assertiue doctrine of theirs knowne and confessed in the world and practised by them in so many places for so many yeares in so notorious manner as no man can deny it for this Minister to come peeping forth with certaine poore illations strained inferences against Catholiks for that in certaine cases they acknowledge power to remaine in the head of the Church by way of Canonicall lawes and publique iudgment to restraine exorbitant outragious excesses of Princes when they shall fall out is a ridiculous kind of byting at the heele while the other do strike at the head and so will it also appeare if we obserue the euētes themselues for that heere in this place our Minister for example 〈◊〉 only foure factes or processes of Popes to wit two of Gregories the seauenth and ninth and other two of Pius and Sixtus the fifth who in so many ages haue giuen sentence of depriuation against Princes wheras if we consider but this one age only which hath passed since Luther began and not yet one whole age we shall find many more Princes deposed slaine molested or violated by Protestant people then by all Popes put togeather since the beginning of Pope-dome haue byn troubled or Censured which is a markeable point and not lightly to be passed ouer by prudent Princes for that the reason herof is that the one side proceedeth by lawe publique iudgement and mature deliberation the other by popular mutiny rash and temerarious precipitation And this of doctrine in this place vntill we come to the fourth Chapter where much more is to be added to this effect 13. But if we should come now from doctrine to action and examples of the exercise therof in this behalfe there were no end of the narration and there is no man or woman lightly of any yeares or vnderstanding in publique affaires whose mind and memory is not full of them For who remembreth not what passed in Germany presently almost vpon the beginning of Luthers doctrine at the least not aboue 7. or 8. yeares after to wit from the yeare 〈◊〉 testified aswell by Sleidan and other Protestant Authors as by those that were Catholicke how the new brethrē incited by this new doctrine again 〈◊〉 their Princes both temporall and spirituall tooke armes and entred into tumult and rebellion with such violence and headlong pertinacy throughout al that countrey as in one Prouince only there were aboue two hundred Monasteries and Castels taken razed and spoiled and aboue an hundred and thirty thousand people slaine this was for that beginning which fire once enkindled and the humour of sedition once setled in the heades o that Hereticall faction neuer ceased afterward but continued more or lesse still against 〈◊〉 Emperour Charles the 〈◊〉 vnder diuers deuises and pretences of the 〈◊〉 association and the like vntill more then twenty yeares after to wit vntill the yeare 1546. wherin he was forced to take in hand that great and dangerous warre Luther himselfe 〈◊〉 yet aliue against the Duke of Saxonie Marques of 〈◊〉 and other Protestant Princes whome he subdued therin but not without
great effusion of Christian bloud 14. And the like I might relate of many other particuler States and principalities of Germany as namely that of the Princes and Archbishops Electors of Collen Treuers and Mentz with all the State Palatine of Rhene the Bishoppricke and Dukedome of Liege and other partes adioining where togeather with this new Ghospell especially now deuided into different sectes of Lutheranisme Zuinglianisme Caluinisme Anabaptisme new Arrianisme and the like entred presently new sedition Rebellion and warres and from thence dispersed it selfe longe and wide both North and South East and West In the North to Saxony Denmarke Norway Sweueland Polonia 〈◊〉 and other adioining countries and on the south to Zwitzerland first Sauoy Grisons and other partes next adhering where diuers battailes were fought Zuinglius himselfe being present as the chief stirrer in those of the Cantons of Zwitzerland his countrey and 〈◊〉 therin and Caluin Beza Farellus and other such Ministers being the principall inciters in the Rebellions of Geneua and neighbour countries against the Duke of Sauoy and other Lordes and Princes therof as is apparant by their owne and other mens bookes of the same part and faction 15. Towardes the East the same fire of sedition passed with the same new Protestant Ghospell to Bemeland Austria Hungary Siletia Moldauia and other bordering Prouinces where more or lesse it hath continued till our time wherin we see by lamētable experience that they haue ioined euen with the Turke himselfe against their Soueraigne Lord and Emperour and against the Christian name and cause in despite of Catholicke Religion as Boscaine the famous Caluinian Rebell and others of that Religion or irreligion rather in these partes for some yeares now haue done and finally haue forced the said Emperour for auoiding the fatall ruine of Christendome to graunt him the Princedome of Transiluania during his life which God for his so great wickednes hath soone cut of 16. But to the West partes of the world to wit France and all partes and parcels of that 〈◊〉 Kingdome the same fire was transported with greatest fury of all as doe testify their foure generall most bloudy warres lasting for many yeares togeather wherof if I should recount but the least particulers set downe by their owne histories it would rue any Christian hart to heare or read the same 17. From hence if we draw neere homeward to Flanders England and Scotland the effectes of this new Ghospell and Ghospellers are yet more present vnto our eyes For who can recount the thousandes of people that vpon this occasion haue lost their liues both temporall and eternall as may be feared in these long bloudy warres of the low countries begunne first and continued euer since vpon the entrance of Protestant Religion in those States Who can number the Citties beseiged taken rifled and ransacked The townes and villages burnt and ouerthrowne The countries spoiled The people slaine and murdered about this difference And if we looke into England and the state but of one sole Catholicke Princes gouerning there but for foure or fiue yeares ouer Protestant subiectes misliking her gouernment for Religion yow shall find more conspiracies treasons and Rebellions practised against her in proportion of so few yeares by the said sorte of people if we consider what Northumberland Suffolke VViat Courtney Stafford Fetherstone VVilliam Thomas and others in different conspiracies practiced against her then in more then 40. yeares was done against her Protestant sister by her Catholicke subiectes though neuer so much afflicted iniured and persecuted by her 18. But of all other countries Scotland may be an example and president of Protestant spirites what they are vnder a Catholike Prince or Princesse though otherwise neuer so vertuous or neuer so mild For who can deny the exceeding great prudence moderation benignity liberality and other vertues of the Noble Queene Mary Regent of Scotland Grandmother to our Soueraigne that now raigneth when those furious and seditious Ministers Knox Goodman Mollocke Douglasse Meffan and others began to raise vp her subiectes against her from the yeare 1557. which was the fourth of Queene Maries raigne of England and continued the same in most spitefull and barbarous manner with intolerable insolency both of wordes and actes for 3. or 4. yeares togeather assisted principally by the helpes aide and encouragement of Queene Elizabeth that had succeded in the Crowne of England vntill through griefe sorrow and affliction the excellent Princesse gaue vp the Ghost vpō the yeare 1560. hauing byn 〈◊〉 deposed and the lye giuen her publickly and most 〈◊〉 by them And finally seing herselfe so extreemely 〈◊〉 and inuironed with these rebell forces and with a puissant army sent from England in their succour consumed and pyned away with 〈◊〉 of mind as hath byn said And no Christian could but haue compassion of her case The particulers are written by Knox and Buchanan themselues in their histories of Scotland who were two chiefe firebrandes in that combustion and by Holinshed an English Protestant Author in his description of Scotland allowing well and liking the same according to the sense of English Protestantes who concurred with them both in good will and cooperation 19. And thus much of the Queene Regent but now of her excellent daughter the Queene regnant Mother of our Soueraigne had they any greater respect vnto her notwithstanding all her benignity and benefites towardes them at her new returne out of France when she pardoned all that was past and accepted of new oathes and promises of faithfull obedience at their 〈◊〉 did all this I say any thing auaile her or procure her safty or quietnes in gouerning these new Ghospellers No truly so long as she remained Catholicke that is to her death and after her death they pursued her with the greatest hatred and most barbarous cruelty that euer perhaps was read of against Prince or Princesse before or after her I shall breifly heere set downe some 〈◊〉 particularities of many as I find them 〈◊〉 both in English and Scottish Histories themselues and that by Protestant writers as hath byn said 20. This Noble Queene after long deliberation in France what course to take in those troublesome times when the spirit of the new Caluinian Ghospell had raised tumultes conspiracies warres and Rebellions throughout the most part of all States Kingdomes and Prouinces round about her determined finally to credit the faire promises of her said Protestant subiectes in Scotland and to goe thither which she did and arriued at Lith the 20. of August vpon the yeare 1561. But before she departed from France there being sent to her from the Catholicke party Doctor Iohn Lesley Bishop of Rosse to counsaile her not to trust her bastard-brother Iames Steward Prior of S Andrewes that had byn the cheife Author of all the former broi les in Scotland and was now sent vnto her from the
performed by these places alleadged yow haue seene 28. Finally to stand no longer vpon this whether we or they Catholicks or Protestantes doe attribute more to popular licence against Princes when they giue not contentment may aboundantly be seene in that we haue set downe before and will ensue afterward both of their doctrine and practises in like occasions And so much of this first charge now will we passe to the second 29. The second is that we ascribe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 power and souer aignty ouer Kings vnto the Pope wherin first what he saith of ciuill souer aignty is a meere fiction and calumniation of his owne if it be out of the Popes owne temporall Dominions For we ascribe no such vnto him ouer other Princes or their subiects but that authority or soueraignty only which Catholicke doctrine ascribeth to the Bishop of Rome as Successor to S. Peter Prince of the Apostles spirituall head of the vniuersall visible Church of Christ which is only spirituall for spirituall ends to wit for the direction and saluation of soules And if at any time he be forced to passe further then this and by a certeine consequence to deale in some temporall affaires also it must be only indirectly in defence or conseruation of the said spirituall that is to say when the said spirituall power apperteining to soules cannot other wise be defended or conserued as more largely hath byn treated before 30. This then is the summe and substance of Catholicke doctrine about this point of the Popes authority which from the beginning of Christianity hath byn acknowledged in Gods Church and in no place more then in England where it hath byn both held practised from the very first Christened King of our nation Ethelbert vnto K. Henry the 8. for the space of almost a thousand yeares without interruption as largely and aboundantly hath byn shewed and laied forth to the view of all men in a late booke written in answere to S. Edward Cookes fifth part of Reportes and this with great honor prosperity of the Princes therof and vnion of their people vnder their gouernment and without such odious or turbulent inferences as now are made therevpon by vnquiet spirittes that would set at warre euen mens imaginations in the ayer therby to mainteine disunion discorde and diffidence betweene Princes and namely betweene our present noble Soueraigne and his Catholicke subiects 31. And first of all let vs heare this turbulent T. M. how vpon the enuy of this authority he frameth and foundeth all his ensuing reasons VVe demaunde saith he how farre these pretended powers of people Pope may extende and heervpon we argue To which I answere that in imagination they may extend so farre as any fantasticall braine shall list to draw them but in the true meaning of Catholicke reall doctrine they can extend no further then hath byn declared And as for the popular power of people ouer Princes we haue now refuted the calumniation shewed that it is a mere fiction of his owne and no position of ours and that his Protestant doctrine doth ascribe much more licence to popular tumult then the Catholicke without comparison and for that of the Pope I haue declared how it is to be vnderstood to be of his owne nature in spirituall affaires only without preiudice of ciuill Princely gouernement at all and so the practice of the worlde and experience of so many Princes great States and Monarches liuing quietly securely vnder the same authority both in former times and ours most euidently doth proue and confirme 32. But yet let vs see and consider how falsely and calumniously this Make-bate doth herevpon argue in his third reason inferring for his assumption or minor proposition thus But all Popish Priestes vpon this pretended Supremacy and prerogatiue of Pope and people doe vtterly abolish the title of succession in all Protestant Princes Ergo. Wherin to shew him a notable liar it shall be sufficient to name all the Protestant Princes that haue had title of successiō in our coūtrey for therof he speaketh principally since the name of Protestant hath byn heard of in the world being three in number to wit K. Edward the sixt Q. Elizabeth and K. Iames that now raigneth all which were admitted peaceably to their Crownes as well by Priestes as Catholicke people who notwithstanding in some of their admissions wanted not meanes to haue wrought disturbances as the world knoweth so as if one instance only doth truly ouerthrow any general proposition how much more doth this triple instance not able to be denied ouerthrow and cast to the ground this vniuersal false assertion of T. M. which auerreth That all Popish Priests 〈◊〉 vtterly abolish the Succession of all Protestant Princes Will he not be ashamed to see himself cōuinced ofso great and shameles ouerlashing 33. And on the other side one only Catholicke Princesse being to succeed in this time to wit Q. Mary we know what resistance the Protestants made both by bookes sermons Treatises and open armes and how many Rebellions conspiracies robberies priuy slaughters and other impediments were designed and practised afterward during the few yeares she raigned we know also what was executed against the gouernment and liues of the two noble Catholicke Queenes her neerest neighbours one of them most straitly conioyned in bloud that raigned at that time in Scotland to omit others before mētioned that were debarred from their lawfull succession or excluded from their rightfull possession for their Religion in Sweueland Flanders other places as cannot be denied 34. Wherfore it is more then extraordinary impudency in T. M. to charge vs with that which is either peculier or more eminent in themselues and false in vs and what or how farre this fellow may be trusted in these his assertions may be gathered by the last sentence of all his discourse in this matter where he hath these wordes F. Persons in his Doleman doth pronounce sentence that whosoeuer shall consent to the succession of a Protestant Prince is a most grieuous and damnable 〈◊〉 And is it so in deed Syr 〈◊〉 and will yow stand to it and leese your credit if this be falsely or calumniously alleadged then if yow please let vs heare the Authors owne wordes 35. And now saith he to apply all this to our purpose for England and for the matter we haue in hand I affirme and hold that for any man to giue his helpe consent or assistance towardes the making of a King whome he iudgeth or belieueth to be faulty in Religion and consequently would aduance no Religion or the wrong if he were in authority is a most grieuous damnable sinne to him that doth it of what side soeuer the truth be or how good or bad soeuer the party be that is preferred So he And his reason is for that he should sinne against his owne conscience in furthering such aKing And is
is not fire and sworde excommunication and anathematization prodition deposition conspiracy murther absoluing of subiects relaxation of oathes and other such hostile actions as our seditious aduersary heere laieth togeather to make the Popes office and authority more odious 42. Only two publicke examples to my remembrance can be alleadged of any Protestant Princes excommunicated censured or molested by the Sea Apostolicke since Luther began his breach which are now almost an hundred yeares notwithstāding there haue byn so many of them and so exorbitant things committed by them against Catholicke Religion and the said Sea Apostolicke as is notorious to all men And these two vpon speciall causes and inducements to wit Q. Elizabeth of England and King Henry then of Nauarre and now also of France for of King Henry of Enggland I make no mention for that his cause was not Religion at that time the first of the two in regarde of the publicke violent change of Religion which shee made in her Realme with the deposition depriuation imprisonment or exile of all Catholicke Bishops Prelates Clergy and others that would not yeeld their consent thereunto and this as is alleadged contrary to her publicke promise and oath at her Coronation 43. The second for feare least he comming to the Crowne of France in that disposition wherein then he was presumed to be should attempt the like change in that great Kingdome And to both these actes were the Popes of those times drawen and incited either secretly or openly by some of the chief Nobility of both Realmes whome most it concerned And albeit the former hath not had that successe which was hoped and perhaps suggested yet the finall euent of the second hath byn more prosperous then at that time could be expected no King lightly in Christendome hauing made more reall demonstratiōs of loue vnion and reuerence to the Sea of Rome then his most Christian Maiesty nor receaued greater enterchange of graces and fauours from the same Sea and this in matters of most importance for the setling and establishment of his Imperiall Crowne and royall race 44. Wherfore al this bitter barking of this Minister T. M. about excommunicating depriuing deposing and murthering Princes as also about absoluing of subiectes from their oathes and the like ceaseth as yow see by a little good correspondence betweene the said Princes and their generall Pastor And when matters passe at the worst and are in most exasperation betweene them yet is it not the tenth part of perill which Protestant doctrine and practice draweth them into vpon any generall disgust against their gouernments For if in lue of these two Protestant Princes censured by the Sea Apostolicke we should recount all the Catholicke Princes that haue byn vexed molested iniured or depriued of their States or violated in their persons or brought to confusion in our Northerne parts of the world in this time to wit in Sauoy France Switzerland Germany Bemeland Austria Poland Sweueland Denmark Flanders England and Scotland and some other places wherof we haue treated more largely in the precedent Chapter there would be no comparison at all Of false dealing and sleights of T. M. §. 4. ANd yet further yow must vnderstand that this malicious calumniator proposing vnto himself for his end to make vs hatefull doth not only encrease multiply and exaggerate matters against vs by all art of sycophancy as making some things to seeme odious that of themselues are true and laudable and exaggerating others to a farre higher degree then wherin they were spoken or are to be vnderstood inferring also generall propositions vpon some shewes of particuler proofes but besides all this he passeth also further obiecteth often times against vs the very same things that his owne Authours doe hold wherof before we haue laid downe some examples and shall doe more hereafter yea shameth not manifestly to falsify and ly also as when he auoucheth with great resolution that the late K. Henry of France was censured by Pope Xixtus v. for this only crime for that himselfe being a Papist yet fauoured the Protestantes and especially the Prince of Nauarre Wheras it is knowne that besides this he had murthered most miserably two principall peeres Princes of his Crowne the Duke and Cardinall of Guise neerest in bloud to his Maiesty of England and therby broken his solemne oath made but a little before in presence of many when he receaued the Bl. Sacrament to the contrary And how then was his only crime to haue fauoured the Protestants as this Minister auerreth 46. And againe in the same place or precedent page he hath these wordes Pope Adrian being guilty of like seditious practice against the Emperour Henry the second was choked with a fly And in his quotation citeth Nauclerus for it Generatione 139. which should be 39. for that Nauclerus hath nothing neere so many Generations in that Part and in steed of Henry the second he should haue said Frederick the first of that name for that Henry the second was before the time of our Conquest and almost two hundred yeares before Adrian the fourth our English Pope of whome we now speake who liued in the time of King Stephen and King Henry the second of England and was a Holy man and accompted the Apostle of Noruegia for conuerting the same to our Christian faith before he was Pope and all Authors doe write honorably of him so doth Nauclerus affirme and therefore though he make mention of such a fable related by Vrspergensis that was a Schismatical writer in those dayes who also doth not absolutely auouch it but with this temperament vt fertur as the reporte goeth yet doth the said Nauclerus reiect the same as false and confuteth it by the testimonies of al other writers especially of Italy that liued with him and therby knew best both his life and death And yet all this notwithstanding will this false ladde T. M. needes set downe this History as true affirming it for such and neuer so much as giuing his Reader to vnderstand that any other denied the same or that the only Author himself of this fiction doubted therof And is not this perfidious dealing or can any man excuse him from falshood and malice in this open treachery 47. Another like tricke he plaieth some few pages before this againe citing out of Doctor Bouchiers booke De iusta abdicatione these wordes 〈◊〉 occidere honestum est quod cuiuis impunè facere permittitur quod ex communi consensu dico And then he Englisheth the same thus Any man may lawfully murder a Tyrant which I defend saith he by common consent But he that shall read the place in the Author himself shall find that he holdeth the very contrary to wit that a priuate man may not kill a Tyrant that is not first iudged and declared to be a publicke enemy by the common-wealth and he proueth the same at
from Syr Edward Courtney Earle of Deuonshire Syr Nicolas Throckmorton others what to the conspiracy of VVilliam Thomas who hauing determined and plotted the murder of the said Queene and conuicted therof professed saith Stow at his death at Tyburne that he died for his countrey 30. I passe ouer other conspiracies and Rebellions as that of Vdall Throckmorton Iohn Daniel Stanton Cleber the three Lincolnes and after them Thomas Stafford and others that comming out of France with instructions of the brethren of Geneua surprised Scarborough Castle made proclamations against the Queene that she was iustly deposed and other such like attemptes by that sort of people who all professed themselues to be Protestantes and to haue entred into those affaires principally for their Religion And with what face or forhead then doth T. M. say in this place Shew vs what Protestant euer resisted c. 31. But much more impudent is the second part of his assertion about Ministers saying That no Minister of the Ghospell did euer kindle the least spark of sedition against Queene Mary Wheras his aduersary obiecteth many by name as Cranmer Ridley Rogers and Iewel before mentioned who as is euident by Fox his story in his Actes and Monumentes both dealt preached stirred people against her all that lay in their power And as for Cranmer it is euident he was condemned for the same treason in Parlament Ridley preached openly at Paules Crosse against her title Rogers at Clocester and Iewel was appointed to preach in Oxford had he not byn preuented by the sudden and vnexpected proclayming of the said Queene there by Syr Iohn VVilliams others 32. The instances also that we haue alledged of Goodman VVhittingham Gilby Couerdale VVitehead sundry others testified by my Lord of Canterbury to haue taught and practized sedition against the said Queene in those daies doe they not conuince this Minister Thomas Morton of rare singular impudency will any man euer belieue him hereafter what he saith or affirmeth denieth or shifteth of seing him to auouch so manifest vntruthes as these are with so shameles asseueration 33. But yet to conuince him somewhat more I think good to set downe some of the particuler wordes and phrases of two or three of the principall forenamed pillars of the Protestant primitiue Church in our Iland omitted for breuities sake by the moderate Answerer to the end yow may see their spirit iudge of this mans forehead in standing so resolutely in the deniall taken in hand For first Iohn Knox in a booke written printed at Geneua 1558. which was the last of her raigne wherin after he had said That is is not birth only or propinquity of bloud that 〈◊〉 a King lawfull to raigne aboue the people professing Iesus Christ c. He goeth forward saying thus I feare not to affirme that it had byn the duty of the Nobility Iudges Rulers and people of England not only to haue resisted and withstood Mary that Iezabel whome they called their Queene but also to haue punished her to death with all the sort of her Idolatrous Priestes togeather with all such as should haue assisted her c. Doe yow see here his Euangelicall spirit Doe yow see the essence of his doctrine Doe yow heare this new Prophet declare himself cleerly But let vs giue audience to another of like vocation and spirit 34. The second is his deere brother Christophor Goodman who in a booke of his printed also at Geneua the same yeare 1558. the title wherof was How Superiours ought to be obeyed writeth thus I know yow of England will say that the Crowne is not entailed to heire-males but appertaineth aswell to the daughters therfore by the lawes of the Realme ye could doe no otherwise then admit her but if this be true yet miserable is the answere of such as had so long time professed the Ghospell and the liuely word of God For if it had byn done by Pagans and heathens which knew not God by his word it might better haue byn borne with all but among them that beare the name of Godes people with whome his lawes should haue chief authority this answere is not tolerable If she had byn no bastard but the Kinges daughter as lawfully begotten as was her sister that Godly Lady and meeke lambe yet at the death of our lawfull Prince King Edward that should not haue byn your first coūsaile or question who should be your Queene but first and principally who had byn most meet among your Brethren to haue had the gouernment ouer yow For a woman to raigne Godes law forbiddeth whose raigne was neuer accompted lawfull by the word of God c. So he And behold heere now whether these mens worde of God did not serue them to all turnes euen to barre lawfull succession to depose the possessor and whatsoeuer themselues listed 35. The third Doctor of this learning was M. VVhittingham Deane afterwardes for his good merittes of Durham who made a preface to the foresaid booke of Goodman allowing and commending the same highly as a thing consulted examined approued by Caluin and the rest of the most learned Ghospellers of Geneua for thus he writeth M. Christophor Goodman conferred his articles and cheif propositions of his booke with the best learned in these partes who approuing the same he consented to enlarge the said worke and so to print it as a token of his duety and good affection towardes the Church of God and then if it were thought good in the iudgment of the Godly to translate the same into other languages that the profit therof might be more vniuersall So VVhittingham with whom concurred in iudgment VVhithead Couerdale Gilby and others then liuing in Geneua which Gilby wrote also of the like argument a speciall admonition to the Realmes of England and Scotland to call them to repentāce by all likelyhood for that they had admitted tolerated and not put to death Q. Mary of England and not yet deposed as after they did Q. Mary of Scotland both Mother and daughter and the booke was printed the same yeare by the same Crispin in Geneua wherin besides that which he vttereth against this Queene Mary as a Catholicke Princesse or rather no Princesse in his opinion he hath these wordes also of King Henry her Father euen after his fall from Catholicke Religion The boare was busy wrooting digging in the earth with all his pigges that followed him but they sought only for the pleasant fruites that they winded with their long snowtes and for their owne bellies sake c. This monstrous boare for all this must needes be called head of the Church vnder paine of treason displacing Christ our only head who alone ought to haue this title So Gilby And for that all this was spoken written and printed diuers yeares after Q. Mary was proclaimed and installed Queene and all tending euidently to sedition as
report the state therof the conclusion will be that yow may rather proue those Bishops to haue byn iniuriously ambitious then the Citty Rebellious So he 47. This is his faithfull reply and full satisfaction according to the title of his booke And now consider good Reader what honest men these two Ministers are that so contradict the one the other and that vpon conference togeather for thy deceipt and cosenage for euen now yow heard Doctour Sutcliffe to affirme that the Bishop of Geneua had byn temporall Prince for many hundred yeares and that vpon the preaching of Farellus Caluin and others they chaunged their Monarchy into a popular State and that himself misliked the same according to the groundes of deuinity and how then doth he say heere to his fellow Minister Morton that the Bishop of Geneua was neuer there Prince and that the state of the towne was a free State of it self Can these thinges stād togeather Morton saith moreouer he could not finde Sutcliffes booke which truly is a thing very strāge there being so many thousandes printed of them in England but more strange it is that Deane Sutcliffe should so soone forget his owne booke and what he wrote therin so egregiously cosin his Brother-Minister in their priuate conference as to make him belieue and vtter now in print quid pro quo and chalke for cheese as he doth But it cannot seeme probable that Morton belieued it himself but rather would make the simple Reader belieue the same and so dazell his eyes for his deceipt this is their manner of dealing in most matters where fraude may be vsed 48. It were ouer long to looke into all other examples obiected by the moderate answerer how they ar replied vnto by T. M. As for example the known reuoltes and Rebellions of Flanders and of those States against their lawfull Princes and so many outrages committed therin for almost now forty yeares if not more the bloudy tumultes in Germany and Switzerland vpon Luther and Zuinglius their doctrine wherin Zuinglius himself the head stirrer was slaine the like in Denmark for expelling Catholicke Religion and bringing in of Lutheranisme the manifest Rebellion intrusion and oppression of Duke Charles in Sweueland against his Nephew the King of Polonia lawfull Inheritour of those States enduring vnto these daies as also the open warres of Boscaine and his fellowes in Hungary against the Emperour in fauour of Protestant Religion and of the Turke himself whose Confederates they confesse themselues to be 49. Into these other examples as I said time will not permit vs to enter with any length nor will it be to any purpose for that we shall finde them as sleightely answered or shifted of as the rest before For vnto the first and last of Flanders and Hungary the Minister answereth in effect nothing at all and I meruaile not if he answered this with silence seing he answered all the tumultes of Scotland for so many yeares continued by saying only as yow haue heard That Buchanans Chronicle was recalled by an act of Parlament 50. To the other of Germany and Luthers seditious proceedinges both in wordes writinges and deedes wherin it is obiected among many other thinges that he censured both K. Henry of England and many other Princes with intolerable insolent and vile speaches affirming them vnworthy of all gouerment that Protestantes handes must be imbrued with bloud that thervpon ensued most bloudy warres throughout Germany and almost all Christendome besides Munsters Rebellions also in the same countries who preached that Rebellion against Catholicke Princes for Religion was to be called The warre of God and that he had 〈◊〉 commandement from God to that effect whervpon ensued the slaughter of a hundred thirty thousand men in three monethes c. To the first of Luther he answereth very sagely in these wordes Luthers literall censure of wordes will be partly confessed but the other of swordes which drew bloud can neuer be proued Yow see vpon what pointes of desperate deniall he standeth and yow may remember how cleerly the matter hath byn proued before and what is extant in most writers of our time about the same 51. The other of Munster he reiecteth as not being of his Religion yet no man can deny but that he was of Luthers schoole and spronge out of the first seed and spirit of that new Ghospell but hard it is to discerne who be brethren and who be not when it standeth for their commodity to acknowledge or deny one the other Heere yow see he denieth Munster acknowledgeth Luther to be of their Ghospell and fraternity and yet no man doth reiect them more contemptuosly or condemneth them more seriously for Heretikes then Luther himselfe as before out of his owne wordes yow haue heard To the stirres in Switzerland raised by Zuinglius who was slaine also in the feild he saith in like manner nothing and little more to Denmarke but that now all is quiet there and Lutherane Religion in full possession but he telleth vs not by what styrres and tumultes the same was brought in 52. To that of Sueueland and the open Rebellion of those Kingdomes he findeth only this shift to put of the matter It was saith he the demaund of the whole state for defence of their countrey priuiledges liberties and fruition of Religion can any Papist call this Rebellion No truely Syr in your sense who doe call the state whatsoeuer multitude of people doth rebell against their Princes for the liberty of your Ghospel for so yow called the party Protestant of Scotland if yow remember the Lordes of the Congregation and the state of the Realme and the other party that stood with the Queene was called a faction and so likewise in France and Flanders Germany and Sueueland those that tooke exceptions first and then armes against their Princes are called the State or States vnited Prouinces those of the Religion and by other like titles of honour and the other part or rather body it selfe hath the name of Enemies Persecutors Tyrantes Papistes and other odious appellations But I would make this demaund how came 〈◊〉 particuler men to be States to be called the Common-wealth were they not first subiectes And did they not first withdraw themselues from the obedience of their lawfull Princes by sleightes dissimulations pretence of greiuances liberty of Ghospell and the like deuises vntill at last they fell to open armes May not any number of rebells make themselues a state in this sense But I will vrge yow no further for that I well see yow cannot answere to driue yow beyond the wall is to small purpose I haue compassion of yow A BRIEF CENSVRE IS GIVEN OF A NEVV TREATISE set forth by T.M. INTITVLED A Confutation of the Popes Supremacy as supreme head of Rebellion c. Annexed to his former iustification of Protestant-Princes for matters of Rebellion CHAP. V. THis Minister Thomas
a thousand and six hundred yeares which Christian Religion hath endured this doctrine of liberty and immunity of temporall Princes to belieue hold and defend what they list had byn receaued and practised for good and currant vnto this time From which singuler inconuenience danger and desperate desolation the doctrine beliefe of the only Bishop of Rome his Supreame authority and exercise therof hath chiefly deliuered vs as to all men is euident And this only reason were sufficient in all reason to refute this mans ydle confutation of that Supremacy heere pretended which confutation standing vpon so feeble and ridiculous groundes as now in part yow haue seene supported principally by certaine new shifts and iugglinges scarcely vsed by any before by casting out shaddowes of our Catholicke Authors sayinges and sentences as making for him though I meane to passe no further in impugning his said grondes which are of so small weight as yow haue seene yet doe I not thinke it amisse to adde another seuerall Chapter for better discouering of the said iugglinges vsed by him in this short Treatise not conteyning much aboue twenty 〈◊〉 in all For by this little yow may gather what a volume might be framed of his false dealings if we would dwell any longer therin A BRIEF VIEVV OF CERTAINE NOTORIOVS FALSE AND FRAVDVLENT DEALINGS VSED BY T.M. In this his short seuerall Treatise against the Popes Supremacy As also sundry examples of the like proceeding in the former Part of his deceiptfull Reply CHAP. VI. IT is the saying both of Philosophers and Deuines Bonum nisi bene fiat bonum non esse A good thing except it be well rightly done is not good As for example if a man would relieue the necessity of poore and distressed people with almes gotten by stealth or robbery albeit giuing of alms of it selfe be a good thing yet for that it is not heere lawfully performed in this case it is not good nor lawfull So M. Thomas Morton taking vpon him to confute the Popes Supremacy ouer Kinges and Princes thought no doubt to doe a good worke therin at least-wise bonum vtile a profitable good thing for himself in regard of some fauour or beneuolence which he might hope to gaine with some Prince therby to his preferment but not performing the same by lawfull meanes of truth but of sleightes not withstanding to his Maiesty he tearmeth himself the Minister of simple truth though it should proue vtile yet not honestum that is for his gaine but not for his credit or conscience and consequently deserueth rather disgrace then estimation euen with those whome most he desired to gratify in that affaire 2. For demonstration wherof though I suppose to haue said sufficient before both in the second fourth and fifth Chapters by occasion of matters that occurred in discussion betweene vs yet now hauing determined with my self to passe on no further in the particuler refutatiō of this his Treatise as a thing not worth the time to be lost therin and handled far better by diuers of his owne side before him namely by M. Iewell M. Horne D. Iohn Reinoldes M. Bilson and some others in their bookes of this subiect I thought good notwithstanding for some kinde of recompence of this my breuity in answering so simple and idle a Treatise to ad some few examples more in this place of other corruptions and falsifications practized by him in this his confutation not of all for that alone would require a great booke but of some competent number wherby the Reader may ghesse at the rest his Maiesty take some proofe of the extraordinary vanity of that vaunt wherwith he presented himself to his Highnes in the very first entrance of his Epistle dedicatory in so constant assurance of an vpright conscience to vse his owne wordes as that he would willingly remit that iust aduantage against his aduersary which the difference betweene a Minister of simple truth and a professed Equiuocator did offer vnto him Now then let vs enter to the examination it self 3. Wherin only the Reader is to be aduertised that wheras this man by a new deuise of his owne doth pretend to put downe the sayings of our Catholicke writers for his purpose and that both in Latin and English the one in the text and the other in the margent pretending therby to make them speake cōtrary one to the other A course saith he to the Kinges Maiesty which I professe in all disputes he dealeth so perfidiously therin to bring them to debate as commonly the simple fellow committeth three seuerall sortes of fraudes and falshood in most of his allegations First in corrupting the meaning of the Authors alledging them quite against their owne whole drift and intended discourse and conclusion therof Secondly in setting downe fraudulently the Latin text by peecing patching their sentences togeather that stand farre a sunder in the Authors themselues by dismembring others that were coherent before as often now wee haue complained Thirdly in translating the same by like fraude into English vsing manifest violence to the wordes and sense it selfe to get therby some shew of aduantage or at least wise to say somewhat All which sortes and kindes of shifts yow shall see expressed in the examples that are to ensue 4. In the second page of his pretended confutation he hath these wordes In the old Testament the Iesuites are forced to allow that the King was supreame ouer the Priestes in spirituall affaires and ordering Priestes For proofe wherof he citeth in the margent Salmeron a Iesuit a very learned man that hath left written in our dayes many volumes vpon the Ghospells Epistles of S. Paul and other partes of Scriptures and was one of the first ten that ioined themselues with the famous holy man Ignatius de Loyola for the beginning of that Religious order in which citation diuers notable corruptions are to be seene First for that Salmeron proueth the quite contrary in the place by this man quoted to wit that neuer Kinges were head of the Church or aboue Priestes by their ordinary Kingly authority in Ecclesiasticall matters in the new or old Testament and hauing proued the same largly he commeth at length to set downe obiections to the contrary and to solue answere them saying Sed contra hanc solidam veritatem c. But now against this sound truth by me hitherto confirmed I know that many thinges may be obiected which we are diligently to confute First then may be obiected that Kinges in the old Testament did sometimes prescribe vnto Priestes what they were to doe in sacred thinges as also did put some negligent Priestes from the execution of their office To which is answered Vbi id euenisset mirum esse non debere If it had so fallen out it had byn no maruaile for that the Synagogue of the Iewes albeit it conteined some iust men yet was it called rather an earthly then
Azor If he doubt therof willingly he is certainly an Hereticke But by our Ministers leaue Azor addeth more Quoties quis voluntariè pertinaciter de fide dubitat eò ipso est haereticus as often as a man doth doubt willingly and obstinatly of his faith he is therby an Hereticke for that faith is a sure and certaine assert of minde vnto those thinges that are to be belieued and he that willingly obstinatly doubteth of the truth therof cannot haue this firme and perfect assent consequently hath no faith during the time of this wilfull obstinate doubting And that yow may vnderstand of what importance this word pertinaciter is that this man cunningly so cutteth out of Azor his words yow must know that he in the very same Chapter holdeth that if a man doubt without pertinacity being ready to submit his iudgment when he shal be instructed in the truth incurreth not Heresy at all So as heere the most substantiall word is left out craftily conueyed away by our deuider of tongues wherby the Author is made to say the quite opposite to that he saith and protesteth 49. It followeth presently in the same text of T. M. continuing his pleasant vaine of playing with vs But it may be saith he that he which doubteth is ignorant will no ignorance excuse him wherunto he frameth of himself this answere citing Tolet in the margent affected ignorance doth argue him an obstinate Hereticke Which if yow marke doth not answere the demaund for he demandeth whether no ignorance at all doth excuse him he answereth that affected ignorance doth not excuse him but doth rather argue him an Heretike Now those that be learned doe know that there be diuers sortes of ignorance and of diuers degrees wherof affected is the most culpable so as this is very impertinēt for that albeit affected ignorance doe not excuse him yet some other lesse faulty may doe it And this for the sense but if wee looke vpō the words themselues of Tolet cited by this man in the margent wee shall discouer much more impertinency or impudency rather for they are these Ignorantia crassa non excusat aliquē a pertinacia grosse ignorance doth not excuse a man frō pertinacy Now grosse ignorance and affected ignorance are two different thinges which may be vnderstood by this exāple that one may be ignorant of Catholicke Religion by grosse ignorance in that attending to worldly affaires he doth not care to informe himself but he is ignorant by affected ignorance that doth purposely fly to be informed so as heere still our ignorant Minister either ex ignorantia crassa or affectata telleth vs quid pro quo in translating affected ignorance for grosse ignorance then againe in Englishing non excusat aliquem a pertinacia doth argue him an obstinate Hereticke for that it is one thing to argue and an other not to excuse And wheras before T. M. held that pertinacy apperteined not at all to the nature of Heresy here contrary-wise he translateth pertinacia an obstinate Hereticke making it to signify both substantiue and adiectiue substance and quality But yet further then this yow must note that in citing this sentence out of Tolet he cunningly dissembleth the Authors assertion set downe cleerly not six lines before these wordes pertinacia necessaria est ad constituendum hominem Haereticum Pertinacy is necessary to make a man an Hereticke being the quite contrary propositiō to that of this man before set downe in the first example of his corruptions in this former Part of his Reply 50. But the greatest corruption in this page and it is notable indeed is of the wordes sense and meaning of our learned Countreyman Sayer of whome T. M. writeth thus In breif our Countreyman vpon this case of conscience saith an obstinate Hereticke is aswell he that is presumed so to be as he that is manifest and againe in the same page seeing therfore that as your great Casuist hath said euery one presumed to be an Hereticke is taken for an obstinate who can be free from your censures c. And then citeth in the margent these wordes of Sayer Contumax Haereticus est tam praesumptus quam manifestus An obstinate Hereticke is aswell he that is presumed to be so as he that is manifest or knowne for such which may seeme to be a great iniustice in our doctrine But if I doe not shew this deuise to be one of the most manifest and faithles deceiptes and corruptions that euer any honest man put in paper against his aduersary then let me be censured for to sharpe a Reprehēder 51. For first Sayer hath no such matter at all concerning obstinacy in Heresy his whole purpose being only to declare who may be excommunicated by a Iudge for contumacy in not appearing which is a different thing from obstinacy or pertinacy and this whether he be either Hereticke or Catholicke nay he speaketh either only or principally of Catholickes who doe shew contumacy in any Court or tribunall in not appearing or answering according as they are cited and summoned by a lawfull Iudge and so he defineth contumacy in these wordes Contumacia saith he nihil aliud est quà m inobedientia quaedam qua ius dicenti non paretur Contumacy is nothing els but a certaine disobedience wherby he is not obeied that sitteth in iudgment So as heere is no mention or meaning of obstinacy in Heresy and further he putteth downe two sortes of contumacy thus Contumax duobus modis esse potest nimirum manifestus praesumptus man may be contumacious in two sortes or manners either manifest or by presumption and he giueth diuers examples of both as namely if a man cited doe refuse openly to appeare or obey his Iudge this mans contumacy or disobedience is publicke and manifest but if he doe not refuse but by idle dilations or shiftes putteth of or deludeth the Court he is presumed to be contumacious and so may excommunication if it be a spirituall Court proceed against him as if his contumacy were manifest 52. Now then what hath all this to doe with Contumax Haereticus tam praesumptus quà m manifestus Hath Sayer any such word or sentence No truly or shall we thinke Thomas Morton to be so simple both in grammer law Deuinity as that he doth not know what difference there is betweene contumax and 〈◊〉 wherof the one is a fault in obedience towardes our Superiours as now hath byn shewed the other in tenacity of opinion as before we haue declared Or if Thomas Morton will not confesse this ignorance but that he know the difference of the wordes and of their significations sense and applications heere vsed by the Authors then must he confesse wilfull deceipt in vsing one for the other and much more in twice translating the wordes contumax Haereticus in this one page for an obstinate Hereticke and much more yet in foisting
is not affraide to hold vp his finger against the interpretations of the Sacred Euangelistes themselues So he 97. But to come to an end I will leaue nineteene or twenty more Prophesies vndiscussed to wit three that remaine of this first point about the comming and natiuity of Christ eight that did foretel his sacred passion and particulers therof foure of his resurrection and foure or fiue more of his miraculous ascension sitting on the right hand of God all which doth Iohn Caluin with metaphoricall and malicious interpretations weaken elude ouerthrow take from vs yea though the Euangelistes Apostles themselues haue expressely expounded them literally to appertaine to Christ which this Doctor Hunnius doth notably substantially proue out of Caluins owne wordes throughout this breif but iudicious booke of his making many exclamations against Caluins impiety therin especially in one place where seeing the mā endeauoreth to take from vs that whole Psalme Deus Deus meus which setteth downe most of the particulers of Christes passion as the percing of his feet and handes deuiding of his garments other such points which the Euangelists and 〈◊〉 themselues doe apply literally to our Sauiour and this man only in a metaphoricall sense to King Dauid yea saying further that the Euangelistes did 〈◊〉 thinges intempestiuè ad praesentem causam out of season to the present cause of Christ Et quòd dum negligunt sensum metaphoricum a natiuo sensu 〈◊〉 And whiles they did neglect Caluins metaphoricall sense they departed from the true naturall sense of the Prophet Doctor Hunnius I say vpon these other like insolences breaketh out into these wordes that he cannot sufficiently detest extremam Caluini impietatem cum intolerabili fastu coniunctam quo se super sanctissimos Dei seruos Euangelistas Apostolos quasi illorum censor effert that extreame impiety of Caluin ioyned with intolerable pride wherby he setteth himself aboue the most holy seruantes of God the Euangelistes and Apostles as their Censurer and therfore after he had demonstrated this pride and impiety in all the rest of the Prophesies by him peruerted drawing towardes the end he concludeth thus Quapropter vt receptui canam detectum satis superque iudico Angelum illum tenebrarum Iohannem Caluinum c. 98. Wherfore that I may now saith he retire my self I doe iudge that Angell of darknes Iohn Caluin to be sufficiently and more then sufficiently discouered who being raised from the pit of hell to the peruerting of mankinde hath partly by his detestable desire of wresting Scriptures and ouerthrowing the Bulwarkes of Christian Religion which it hath against Iewes and Arrians partly also by his impious pen a gainst the holy and sacred Maiesty of Iesus Nazarenus now exalted in heauen partly also by his peruerse doctrine of the Sacrament and horrible monstrous paradoxes of his absolute predestination By all these meanes I say he hath 〈◊〉 in these our later dayes no small part of the light and sunne of Godes truth drawne with him a great number of starres as the Apocalips saith into the bottomeles pit of eternall damnatiō God euerlasting out of his mercy signe his seruantes that they be not corrupted with this pestilent plague of Caluinian seducement and bring back againe vnto Iesus Christ the true Pastour of their soules those that are seduced by them that they perish not in their errour but be saued eternally with all those that faithfully loue God Amen And this I had saith he to admonish the Church of God of the most wicked deceiptes of Iohn Caluin And if Doctor 〈◊〉 will answere any thing to this let him not entertaine himselfe in generall speech only as his people are wont to doe but come to particulers c. So Hunnius 99. And now M. Morton will yow say that all this also which Doctor Hunnius hath brought against Caluin about furthering of Iudaisme and Arrianisme is out of the spirit only of opposition and contradiction as yow shifted of the Deane and Colledge of Tubinga alledged before by your Aduersary Will yow answere in like manner it is not much to be regarded what he saith seeing he bringeth so many great and substantiall proofes for the same out of M. Caluins confessed workes and wrytinges Or will yow say as yow said before that their iudgment hath byn depraued by our malignant Doctors seeing that yow haue heard this your owne Doctor Hunnius speake in his owne language and sense so resolutly and earnestly against Caluin and Caluinistes If you dare not say this again enow then was it but a shift and dissimulation before and if yow should say it againe now yow would be laughed at by all men And though yow doe not yet euery wise man will consider with what truth or ground yow said it before to wit for a meere shift not vnderstanding or thinking as yow speake And conforme to that will they esteem of the rest which yow say or write without further ground of reall substance but only that yow must say somewhat and that it serueth for your purpose to speake it for the present But now shall we returne to the place page of your Reply from whence we went forth in this digressiō about Caluin 100. Yow complaine in the said place as before hath byn shewed of the charge of Arrianisme laid falsly vpon Caluin by our Iesuites as yow say and this for one only speech of his where he saith That the Father is by a kinde of excellency God which yow say both in speech and sense is most orthodoxall and agreeing with the tenour of holy writ and iudgment of all ancient Fathers as our owne learned Iesuites confesse and doe produce say yow for their authority an inquest of Fathers to free Caluin in this point which Fathers vpon those wordes of S. Iohns Ghospell my Father is greate then I doe affirme that the Father is greater not in substance and being but by reason of birth and begetting for which yow alledge Cardinall Tolet Maldonate both Iesuites in their commentaries vpon S. Iohns Ghospell 101. But this Syr by your leaue supposing al were so doth not free Caluin in this point of Arrianisme for that he is otherwise manifoldly conuinced as now yow haue heard And secōdly for this sole point or sentēce heere mentioned albeit the two forenamed Iesuites doe cite diuers ancient Fathers that doe hold those wordes of Christ My Father is greater then I are true not only in respect of his humanity but also in a certaine sort as he is God to wit that betweene those personall relations of Father and Sonne Begetter and Begotten in the blessed Trinity there ariseth a more honourable respect out of the former then of the later yet doth not this make that in the Godhead it self the Father is more excellent then the Sonne or that by excellency he is God or that the name of God
able to cleare himselfe And herof we do finally inferre that he and his do equiuocate in the worst kind which by vs ours is neuer vsed and so while he declameth against lawfull Equiuocation and practiseth vnlawfull he sheweth himselfe a playne preuaricator And for that this matter is of so great importance for the Reader well to conceaue in these dayes of controuersies betwene vs I meane to stay my selfe somewhat in this Chapter vpon this poynt and to shew that indeed it is a substantiall signe distinctiue betwene all Sectaries vs at this tyme and that in matters of controuersy our writers shall neuer be found guylty in these kyndes of false lying malicious equiuocatiōs where not only vntruth is vttered but it is wittingly also vttered the writer knowing that he writeth vntruth as often now hath bene said Which manner of dealing inferreth two points the one that such a writer or speaker hath no conscience that vttereth things against his owne knowledge and which God seeth to be false and falsely meant in his harte and the other that his cause hath no ground of substantiall truth which cannot be defended without such wilfull lyes 11. In this then if yow please let vs insist a while and let Thomas Morton bringe forth any Catholicke Authors whatsoeuer that wrote against Protestāts since these heresies began that hath bene taken in this impiety I meane that hath set downe in print any such falsity as cannot be excused eyther by ignorance ouersight negligence error of print translatiō diuersity of editions or the like but that it must needs be presumed that he knew the vntruth and yet would set it forth of this kynd I say let him shew me but one example among all Catholicke writers of our tyme and I will in my conscience greatly mistrust and discredit the Author whether it be another or my selfe But if he shew me two or three in any writer of this kind I shal neuer be able to beleeue him more And wheras the number and variety of Catholicke writers is so great as the world seeth it were no great labour to shew it in some if that spirite did raigne among them as it doth in Protestant writers out of whom great volumes might be framed of this one point if a man would imbrace them all throughout all nations But I meaning to speake of Englishmen and those very few in respect of the multitude and not hauing al their workes by meat this present am forced only to vse some few notes taken heertofore out of their books which notwitstanding shall suffice for this short view which we pretend And for better methode memory I haue thought good to reduce my Notes at this tyme to three sortes of men that haue writen against vs. First Protestant Bishops then Ministers and lastly Lay-men but of good sorte I meane Knightes and of ech one of these shall we make our seuerall Paragraphes The vse of Equiuocation in some Protestant English Bishops §. 1. 12. AND first in this ranke may we worthily put in the first and chiefe place M. Iohn Iewell called afterwards Bishop of Salisburie who being the first and chiefest man that in the beginning of Queene Elizabethes raigne tooke vpon him the publicke defence of Caluins doctrine in England and was named by many for that respect The Iewell and prim-rose of that Ghospell had primitias spiritus in that behalfe for cunning and artificial deluding of others by these kind of false and deceyuing Equiuocations as both by his wordes workes preachinges and protestations extant this day in print is most manifest and the conuersion of many men from Protestant to Catholicke Religion vpon sight and consideration therof hath euidently couinced wherof heere we meane to giue some briefe taste for examples sake 13. He then as wel in his Sermons at Paule crosse and the Court set forth afterward in print and answered as well by Doctor Harding as other learned men of the Catholicke party did make such a generall and vniuersall chalenge against all Catholickes whatsoeuer for proofe of 28. seuerall articles framed out by himselfe standinge in controuersy betweene vs as he made the world to wonder at him and diuers of his owne side that were more learned and discreete to murmur at his rashnes therin but many more with great disdayne to condemne his hypocrisy For thus he began 14. O mercifull God who would thinke there could be so much wilfulnes in the harte of man O Gregorie O Augustine O Hierome O Chrysostome O Leo O Dionyse O 〈◊〉 O Sixtus O Paul O Christ if we be deceaued herein yow are they that haue deceyued vs yow haue taught vs these schismes diuisions yow haue taught vs these heresyes c. and that yow may the more maruaile at the wilfulnes of such men the Papistes they stand this day against so many old Fathers so many Doctors so many examples of the primitiue Church so manifest Scriptures and yet haue they herein not one Father not one Doctor not one allowed example of the primitiue Church I speake not this in vehemency of spirit or heate of talke but euen as before God by way of simplicity and truth least any of yow should happily be deceaued and thinke there is more weight in the other side then in cōclusion there shal be found and therfore once againe I say of all the wordes of the holy Scriptures of all the examples of the Primitiue Church of all the old Fathers of all the ancient Doctors in these causes they haue not one Thus in that Sermon at Paules crosse and in an other at the Court of the same subiect which was the occasion and beginning of all the Combat that ensued afterwards betweene Catholicke men and him 15. And in another Sermon to the same effect he vseth this speach for confirmation of his former protestation Heere saith he the matter it selfe that I haue now in hand putteth me in remembrance of certayne thinges that I vttered vnto yow to the same purpose at my last being in this place I remember I layd out then before yow a number of thinges that are now in Controuersy whervnto our aduersaryes will not yeeld And I said perhaps boldly as it might then seeme to some man but as I my selfe and the learned of our Aduersaryes themselues do well know sincerely and truly that none of them all that stand this day against vs are able or shall euer be able to proue against vs any one of all these pointes either by Scriptures or by example of the primitiue Church or by the old Doctors or by the ancient generall Councells c. 16. And againe Loth I am to trouble yow with rehearsall of such thinges as I haue spoken before and yet because the case so requireth I shall desire yow that haue already heard me to beare with me in this behalfe better it were to trouble your eares with twice hearing of one thing
wrought by him so myraculously as both the said S. 〈◊〉 and S. Bede after him and all other ancient historiographers as Malmesbury 〈◊〉 and the rest do call him our English Apostle of whose many and great miracles wrought in that worke not only the said Authors but S. Gregory himselfe doth write a speciall narration to Eulogius Archbishop of Alexandria yea 〈◊〉 Fox himselfe in his Acts and Monumentes albeit not a little imbued with M. Iewels spirit against this holy man for that he planted Catholicke Romane Religion in England yet writing the story of the conuersion of Ethelbert our first Christian English King he hath these words at lēgth When the King had well considered the honest conuersation of their life and moued with their miracles wrought through Gods hād by them he heard them more gladly and lastly by their wholsome exhortations and example of Godly life he was by them conuerted and Christened in the yeare of Christ aboue said 596. and the six and thirtith of his Reigne So Fox Whervnto I may add a testimony of much greater credit out of S. Bede that liued neere vnto his time recordeth the very Epitaph remayning in his dayes written vpon S. Augustines tombe in these wordes 34. Heere lyeth Blessed Augustine the first Archbishop of Canterbury who was sent hither by S. Gregory Bishop of Rome and strengthened of God by working of miracles who conuerted King Ethelbert and his Realme from the worshipping of Idolls to the faith of Christ. And thus much of the sanctity of this blessed man out of their testimony that liued with him or not long after him But now what writeth M. Iewell of him and with what truth and conscience He was a man saith he as it was iudged by them that saw him and knew him neither of Apostolicke spirite nor any way worthy to be called a Saint but an Hypocrite a super stitious man cruell bloody and proud aboue measure and for proofe of all this he cyteth only in his margent 〈◊〉 of Monmouth in his history of the Britans which Ieffrey dyed in the dayes of King Henry the 2. very neere 600. yeares after S. Augustine and almost 500. after S. Bede and writeth no such thing at all of S. Augustine as heere is set downe by M. Iewell but rather much in his commendacion with note of the emulous dealing of the British Bishops against him for the hatred they bare to the English nation and their conuersion 35. So as heere now M. Iewels assertion is not only false and impious against so venerable a man as Augustine was but must needs be also against his owne conscience this in diuers pointes For first he knew that there was no Author extant that wrote in his dayes saw him and knew him but only S. Gregory who writeth 〈◊〉 in his commendations as yow haue heard Secondly he knew that S. Bede who liued in the very next age after him and all other English Authors succeeding for the space of eyght or nine hundred yeares till our time did highly cōmend him in their workes and especially the forenamed Malmesbury Huntington that liued with Ieffrey Moumouth And lastly he knew that this only witnes the said Ieffrey had no such thing And what then will yow say to this Equiuocation may not M. Mortons Epithets of hellish heathenish impious and sacrilegious haue place heere 36. The fourth example may be those wordes of M. Iewell in the Apology of England writing against the Pope Let him in Gods name saith he call to mynd let him remember that they be of his owne Canonists which haue taught the people that fornication betwene single folke is not synne as though they had fetched that doctrine from 〈◊〉 in Terence whose words are It is no synne belieue me for a yong man to haunt harlotts And for this he cyteth in his margent Io. de Magistris li. de Temperantia And who would not thinke but that this accusation were sure for so much as it is so opprobriously vrged and insulted vpon But now I pray yow considerthe particulers and therwithal what a conscience this man had 37. First then Io. de Magistris was Martinus de Magistris not a Canonist but a Schoole deuine that wrote a Treatise De Temperantia Luxuria so as it seemeth that he that gaue this charge eyther had not read the Author himselfe which I suppose M. Iewell will not confesse or else meant to dazle the eyes of his Reader by naming Iohn for Martin Secondly this Author in his said Treatise as the fashion of Scholemen is propoundeth this question Vtrum simplex fornicatio sit peccatum mortale whether simple fornication be a mortall synne and according to vse of Schooles saith Arguitur quòd non It is argued or reasoned for the negatiue parte thus and so 〈◊〉 downe some arguments for that syde by way of obiections which afterward he solueth and cometh to conclude absolutly in the affirmatiue parte by six conclusions that simple fornication is not only synne but mortall synne for that it is forbidden by Gods law and excludeth from the Kingdome of heauen as S. Paul affirmeth And now lett any man consider of the conscience of him that auoucheth in print the other slaunder Would Maister Garnet or M. South-well or any other Catholicke man accused for lawfull Equiuocation euer haue made so notorious a lye against their owne consciencies Let our aduersaryes bring forth but two examples 38. The fifth example shall be also out of his wordes in the same Apologie writing against the reading of Saincts lyues in the Church The old Councell of Carthage saith he commaundeth nothing to be read in Christs congregation but the Canonicall Scriptures but these men read such things in their Churches as themselues know to be starke lyes and fond fables So he But now let vs see whether it be more probable that we know to be lyes those thinges which we read in our Churches or that he knew to be a lye that which heere he relateth and printeth in his booke For if he read the Canon it selfe which he mentioned which is the forty and seauenth of the third Councell of Carthage wherin Saint Augustine was present then must he needs know that he lyeth indeed egregiously for that the Canō beginneth thus Item placuit vt praeter Scripturas Canonicas nihil in Ecclesia legatur sub nomine diuinarum Scripturarum sunt autem Canonicae Scripturae Genesis Exodus c. 〈◊〉 ludith Hester Machabaeorum libri duo c. It hath seemed good to this Councell that nothing be read in the Church vnder the name of diuine Scripture but only such as be Canonicall Scriptures in deed as are Genesis Exodus c. The two bookes of the Machabees Tobias Iudith Esther and the rest Wherby we see that in alleadging these words that nothing be read in the Church but Canonicall Scriptures is guylfully
last words M. Iewell leaueth out of purpose to couer and conceale the meaning of our Sauiour and addeth of himselfe quod vni dico which our Sauiour hath not And thirdly he peruerteth wholy the meaning of Christ which was to perswade attention and watchfulnes about the day of Iudgement and applyeth it against the preheminence of S. Peter his Authority which he well knew to be farre from our Sauiours meaning And moreouer there ensueth an other most grosse absurditie which is that our Sauiour speaking to all euery one of them that were present when he saith vigilate be watchfull it followeth I say that in M. Iewels sense and application of his wordes euery one to whome the word vigilate apperteyneth which are all sortes and sexes of people both there 〈◊〉 and absent should haue as great spirituall authority ouer the Church of God as S. Peter quia quod vni dico omnibus dico whatsoeuer I say to only Peter to wit that he must feede that he is the rocke and the like I say to all men And now let any indifferent man consider with what conscience M. Iewell could feigne Christ to say as he alledgeth For either he had read the place in S. Marke which he cyteth or had not If not it was great negligence the matter and subiect being so weighty as it was and if he did and yet alledged it quite otherwise then there it is found what shall we say of this 〈◊〉 dealing What of such lying and perfidious Equiuocation who in this can excuse or defend him for a man of any conscience at all 43. And yet was he forsooth the Father and chiefe maister of all 〈◊〉 Caluinian doctrine in Englād which was first established by Queene Elizabeth at her entring for that Zuinglianisme had bene only admitted in King Edwardes dayes he was not only held for the chiefe preacher and teacher therof but for the publicke Champion also to defend it and therfore as the doctrine was false so must he haue a more speciall eminent gift of cunning and falshood to beare it out then other men for that others were to take 〈◊〉 eius of his fulnesse in that science And albeit he had diuers brethren also at that time that did participate with him of that spirite in their writings as M. Horne Bishop of VVinchester by name and some others yet were they esteemed farre inferior to M. Iewell in this point especially in the elegancy of cōueyance though in will and substance they might be equall And so if yow looke vpon six hundred fourescore and ten vntruthes which Doctor Stapleton gathered out of one worke of the said M. Horne written against Doctor Fecknam about the oath of the supremacy yow shall fynd as many and grosse lyes as any lightly of M. Iewell but not so sleightly 〈◊〉 nor smoothly faced out 44. As for example where he auoucheth flatly that the cōuersion of our King 〈◊〉 of Britanie and of his whole Realme establishing therof was done without any knowledge or consent of Pope Eleutherius is so grosse alye as it is refutable by all historyes from that tyme to ours yea by Iohn Fox Bale themselues who were greatest enemyes to all Popes So as this matter was not handsomely carryed And againe in the same worke M. Horne pretending to alledge some temporall lawyers to his purpose against the Popes Ecclesiasticall preheminence in England cyteth one Broughton as saying That the king 〈◊〉 Supreme in his Kingdome and saffereth no equall or superior and other such pointes which are not denyed when speach is of temporall men and affayres and he leaueth out diuers other passages in the very same Author and place which he cyteth expresly affirming that in spirituall affayres the Pope Bishops are to Iudge not temporall men which is the very decision of the Controuersie 45. And in this kind I might alledge an excefsiue multitude both out of the one the other Bishops workes but that the repetition therof would be ouer tedious albeit it fell not out without Gods speciall prouidence in that beginning that so notorious falsityes should be vttered and published to the world by these chiefe ring-leaders for that sundry principall Protestants that were curious to read these books in that 〈◊〉 entrance of heresye were conuerted made Catholicke by this speciall and principall motiue that they 〈◊〉 so many notorious and inexcusable vntruthes vttered by these principall men in their writinges at that day wherof I my selfe knew sundry in some other place haue named three one in the vniuersity of 〈◊〉 M. VVilliam 〈◊〉 a learned and zealous preacher of the Protestant doctrine the other in the court Syr Thomas Copley made afterward Lord by the King of France a great follower of my Lord of 〈◊〉 and feruent in the new profession as being extraordinarily well seene for a man of his calling in controuersies himself the third in London M. Doctor Stephens Secretary to M. Iewell and well seene at that time in Deuinity and the learned tongues all which made change of their Religion though to their great temporal losses vpon the great auersion they tooke at the discouery of the wilfull falshood of these chiefe teachers of new Religion whervpon the first of the aboue named three maketh this marginall note in a booke of his written against M. Doctor VVhitaker The incredible lying saith he and falsisication vsed by the 〈◊〉 writers of our time are a great motiue to the Catholicke 〈◊〉 And then in the text he declareth the matter further in these wordes 46. I know many saith he who hauing byn brought 〈◊〉 not in Catholike Religion but in heresie with M. 〈◊〉 and continuing a long tyme in the same and 〈◊〉 it with all their hartes yet comming afterwards to better iudgement through the grace of God vpon consideration of such lying writers as 〈◊〉 VVhitakers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to wit Maister 〈◊〉 Maister Horne c. haue byn so altered as they haue detested his ghospell euen to hel gates of which number I confesse my selfe to be one So he 47. And surely if we consider the speciall learning and vertu of this man and how he had read exactly all writhers that could be gotten of the Protestants side of what sort or sect soeuer as by his writings doth well appeare as also with what singuler patiēce humility and contentement of mynd he lyued for many yeares after in voluntary banishment and pouerty for loue of the Catholicke Religion wheras by accommodating himselfe to the current of the tyme he might haue receyued great prefermēt in his country and was in the way towards them when he lefte the same he will say that this motiue of lying Equiuocation in Protestant writers had made deepe and strong impression in him in deed And thus much for the Bishops now let vs looke into the like spirite of Ministers in this behalfe The vse of Equiuocating in English Protestant-Ministers §.
4. 48. AS for this sort of men though it might be sufficient which before we haue noted and set downe out of the writings of this one Minister T. M. for proofe of our 〈◊〉 yet to shew the conformity of spirit in others also of the same profession coate we shall briefly heere alledge some few more examples and those of the chiefest English Ministers for to talke of forraine were infinite that haue writen against Catholike Religion in these our dayes 49. And with whom in this poynt may we better begin then with Iohn Fox himselfe not vnfitly called by some the Father of lyes in his huge Volume of Acts and Monuments who as he was one of the first that tooke vpon him in our language to set abroad the prayses of that Protestant Church by way of history so did he by deedes leaue a document what liberty the writers of that professiō do take vnto themselues in this kynd of Equiuocation that auoucheth falsities well knowne to be such to the vtterer For that not only throughout his whole worke doth he vse the same vpon euery occasion but euen in the very first lynes and tytle also of his booke promising to set downe The continuance and succession of his said Church from the beginning to our dayes but indeede neuer meant to performe any parte therof as well knowing that he could not as by a special Treatise hath byn these years past most euidently made manifest that the said Fox towards the end of his said volume was enforced to begin his broken succession cōtinue the same with notorious condēned heretiks from Berengarius downeward as in that Treatise is largely declared manifold exāples are layd forth of his voluntary falshood in almost infinite points by him recorded against his owne knowledge and conscience as may be seene in the Table or Index of that booke vnder the word Fox 50. And finally the same Author in the end of the third parte of the said worke doth in one Chapter conuince him of aboue an hundred and twenty wilfull lyes vttered by him in lesse then three leaues in his said Acts and Monuments and those such as no wayes they may be excused eyther by ignorance error or other such circumstance which before we haue touched but must needs proceed of voluntary fraud and malice himselfe knowing that it was false which he related One only exāple will I cyte heere out of all the said 120. lyes wherby yow may make a ghesse of all the rest 51. The Papists do teach saith he most wickedly and horribly saying 〈◊〉 Christ suffred for Originall synne or synnes going before baptisme but the actuall synnes which follow after baeptisme must be done away by mans merits And this assertion of ours he putteth downe in a different letter as though they were our owne very wordes and sense which is most false for that we hold them neyther in wordes nor sense so as the are rather two wicked and horrible lyes of his then any wicked or horrible doctrine of ours 52. For first we say not That Christ suffered only for Originall synne but for all synnes both originall actuall precedent and subsequent after our baptisme S. Thomas his wordes are cleere for our common doctrinè in that behalf part 3. q. 1. art 4. Certum est c. It is certayne saith he that Christ came into the world to blot out not only originall sinne but all sinnes c. And this is the common doctrine of all Deuynes amongst vs. The secōd poynt also That actuall sinnes after baptisme cannot be done away by mans merit but by the merits of Christ and by the grace and vertue of his said passion is no lesse euident in all our writings as you may see in S. Thomas for all 1. 2. q. 114. art 7. where he saith Nullus potest mereri sibi reparationem post lapsum c. That no man can merite his rysing againe after synne but that it must needs proceede of the only grace of God and merite of Christ. And the same teacheth the Councel of Trent sess 6. cap. 14. 16. c. So as these are two not orious lyes in re grauissima in a matter of most moment as yow see and cannot be imputed to error or ignorance with any probability And of the same kynd are the other hundred and odde which before we haue mentioned and are vttered as hath byn said within the compasse of three leaues and therby we may take a scantling of Iohn Fox his Consciencie in this kind of lying equiuocation when it may make for his aduantage And this shall suffice for the first example 53. The second example shall be out of an other Minister that liued ioyntly with Iohn Fox to 〈◊〉 Doctor Calfhill of Christs Church in Oxford who was a speciall great defender of M. Iewells chalenge in those dayes of the primitiue English Protestant Church to wit That no one Doctor no one Father no one Councel no one Anthority could be brought for our doctrine c. But when a litle after there were certaine ordinarie 〈◊〉 appointed euery Saturday in a seuerall isle of the said Colledg-Church for triall of Controuersies and for some 〈◊〉 of the Protestants confidence therin those may remēber that liued in the vniuersity at that tyme that M. Bristow and some other 〈◊〉 students in Deuinity repayring thither to dispute forced M. Calfhill that was the moderator to deny or 〈◊〉 to shifte of so many Fathers Doctors and other ancient authorities as most men langhed to heare it and his owne friends were ashamed at the matter And when a litle after he wrote a very irreligious and prophane answere to a certaine Catholike Treatise writen by M. Martiall of the Holy Crosse of Christ he was oftentymes dryuen to the same follies eyther of open reiecting or ridiculous shifting of the same Fathers As for example when S. Ambrose writing of the necessity of 〈◊〉 signe among Christians and especially in Churches 〈◊〉 That a Church cannot stand without a Crosse no more then a shippe without a mast c. He answereth that it cannot stand without a 〈◊〉 beame or crosse 〈◊〉 or one piece of tymber shut into another And do yow imagine that he did think as he said 54. Againe in the same booke where it is obiected out of S. Athanasius words against the Gentils That infinite miracles were wrought by the signe of the Crosse as casting out dyuels and the like yea and that S. Athanasius did prouoke the Gentils to come and make proofe therof and Christians to vse the same saying Vtatur signo vt illi dicunt ridiculè Crucis c. Let him vse against all inchauntments the signe of the Crosse which Pagans call ridiculous and he shall see the Diuels to be put to flight by 〈◊〉 southsaying to cease Magicke and poysoning destroyed c. So 〈◊〉 Athanasius Whervnto Calfhill answereth thus If yow
gather saith he that the vse of the Crosse is commendable because of myracles done by the same reason the 〈◊〉 and thiefe may defend and maintayne their vnlawfull doinges because as great or greater miracles be wrought by them So he And do yow not thinke that he knew himselfe heere to lye and egregiously to Equiuocate in the worst sense And yet 〈◊〉 wheras the ancient Father S. Cyrill writing against Iulian the Apostata that obiected to Christians the vse of making the signe of the Crosse vpon their forheades and setting vp the same vpon their doores answered That such speach of the Apostata proceeded of wicked thoughtes and sauoured so extreme ignorance and that the said Salutare signum healthfull signe of the Crosse so are his reuerend wordes was made by the Christians in remembrāce of Christes benefites exhibited in his sacred 〈◊〉 c. M. 〈◊〉 teacheth his hearer that this was spokē by S. Cyrill to excuse the Christians and couer their fault as though in deed S. Cyrill had bene of the same mynd with Iulian the Apostata and had misliked the making of that signe as he did which is manifestly false and a great slander to the said holy Father And what then will yow say of this Ministers Equiuocating spirite in the worst kynd of 〈◊〉 55. The third example we shall take out of the writings of Meridith Hanmer and M. VVilliam Charke Ministers who being charged with a certayne pernicious doctrine 〈◊〉 Martyn Luther whom they earnestly defended and not being other wise able to escape vsed both of them a notorious Equiuocation in this kynd of lying The doctrine of Luther was this That if any woman saith he cannot or will not proue by order of lawe the insufficiency of her husband let her request at his hands a diuorce or els by his consent let her priuily lye with his brother or with some other man And this doctrine being obiected to these two ministers Hanmer thought best yow may imagine by what Equiuocation vtterly to deny the thing as neuer written or spoken by Luther inueighing greatly against Catholickes for raising such a slaunder vpō him but Charke doubting least he should be conuinced with Luthers owne booke and Edition of VVittenberge durst not stand to this Equiuocation but deuised another farre worse to wit that Luther gaue this Counsell when he was yet a Papist and therfore saith he if any shame be in this doctrine it lighteth vpon yow and not vpon vs. 56. But two things do conuince this of a notable wilfull vntruth The first for that the tyme and yeare being considered wherin Luther wrote this Sermon it appeareth euidently that he had left long before the Catholicke vnion though yet himselfe said in this place that he remayned still with some feare and dread of Antichrist which he meant in respect that it was yet doubtfull vnto him whether the Protection of the Duke of Saxonie would be sufficient for his defence against the Pope Emperour and other Catholicke Princes that sought to haue him punished but when in Processe of time he perceyued in deed that he was secure then he said he would giue other counsell Consilium tale iam tum impertij saith he cum adhuc me detineret pauor Antichristi nunc verò secùs longè animus esset I gaue such Counsell when I was yet vnder some feare of Antichrist but now my mynd should be to giue farre other counsell And heere VVilliam Charke breaketh of and leaueth out the wordes of Luther that immediatly follow and do solue the case which are these Talique marito qui adeò mulierem deludat dolis vehementius lanificium immissa manu conuellerem c. That laying my handes vpon the lockes of such a husband that should so craftily deceyue a woman I would vehemently shake or pull him by the lockes So he And what will yow say now of the craftie Equiuocation of these two Ministers which of them had least conscience either he that knowing it to be so yet denyed that Luther had any such wordes or the other that confessing the wordes wittingly peruerted the sense by cutting of that which should make all cleare 57. And I might cyte also an other like deceiptfull Equiuocation of VVilliam Charke not farre from the same place where being pressed with sundry arguments that proue concupiscence in the regenerate to be no sinne if consent be not giuen thervnto and namely by the Authority of S. Augustine saying Concupiscentia non est peccatum quando illi ad illicita opera non consentitur Concupiscence is not sinne when consent is not giuen thervnto for working thinges that be vnlawfull he to auoyd this authority of S. Augustine forgeth a place of the same Doctor to the contrarie thus S. Augustines place saith he is expounded by himselfe afterward where he saith Concupiscence is not so forgiuen in baptisme that it is not sinne but that it is not imputed as sinne and cyteth for his proofe the same booke of S. Augustine De nuptiis concupiscentia Cap. 23. 25. But if yow looke vpon the places yow shall fynd that the Minister hath heere of his owne foysted in the chiefe word that maketh or marreth all to wit peccatum sinne for that S. Augustines wordes are these Ad haec respondetur dimitti concupiscentiam carnis in baptismo non vt non sit sed vt in peccatum non imputetur quamuis reatu suo iam soluto maret tamen c. To this is answered saith S. Augustine that the Cōcupiscence of the flesh is forgiuen in baptisme not so that it is not or remayneth not but that it is not imputed vnto sinne it remayneth still though the guylt therof be taken away So he And was not this a subtile Equiuocation to make in a trice S. Augustine to be contrary to himselfe 58. The fourth example shall be of an other Minister VVilliam Perkins who though he wrote since the other yet in diuer points hath he out-gone them as well in this of false Equiuocation as in the deepe humour of phantasy by which he hath writen and published many bookes with strāge tytles some of them conteyning matter that neyther he nor his reader I 〈◊〉 say do vnderstand as namely about the Concatenation or tying together of causes of mans prodestination or reprobation and the like but among other his pretiest fancy was to write a booke calling it Areformed Catholicke which was in deed that which by Logitians is tearmed Implicatioin adiecto An implicancy or contradiction of the one word to the other for that he which is a Catholicke if we speake of 〈◊〉 belonging to doctrine and beliefe and not to manners cannot be reformed the essence of Catholicke Religion consisting in this that all and euery point of the receyued Christian faith be belieued and nothing more or lesse so as if any point must be added taken away altered or reformed it is not
Catholicke and consequently A reformed Catholicke in matters of faith must needs be A deformed Catholicke such a 〈◊〉 as Perkins in deed describeth that admitteth one two three foure more or lesse points of the common Catholicke receaued Religion and yet starteth from the fifth or sixt as himselfe best liketh and this calleth Perkins A reformed Catholicke when the belieuer chooseth to belieue or leaue what points do please him best which choise we say is properly heresy for that an Hereticke is a Chooser as the Greeke word importeth and this heresy or choice in matters of beliefe doth Perkins professe to teach his hearer saying That he will shew them how neare they may come vnto the Romane faith and yet not iumpe with it which is a doctrine common to all hereticks and heresies that euer were for that all haue agreed with the Catholicke faith in some points for that otherwise it should be Apostacy and not heresy if they denyed all yea the Turkes and Mores at this day do hold some points of Christian Religion with the Catholickes but for that neither they nor heretickes do hold all therfore they are no true Catholickes but such Reformed Catholickes as VVilliam Perkins would teach his disciples to be to wit properly Heretikes by their choise of religion 59. And to the end we may see not only the mans folly in choosing his argument but his falshood also in prosecuting the same I shall lay forth one only example out of his very first Chapter that beginneth with his ordinary argument of the VVhore of Babylon and by this one example let the reader iudge whether he be not a fit Chaplyn for that honest woman iflying cosenage and calumniation be propertyes of her profession For that hauing spent many impertinent wordes to shew that the impieties prophesied by S. Iohn of the said VVhore of Babylon and Saincts of God to be slayne by her was not meant of the persecution of Rome vnder the Pagan Emperors but of the Church of Rome now vnder the Christian Bishopps and Popes he hath these wordes 60. This exposition saith he of the Apocalips besydes the Authority of the text hath also the fauour and defence of ancient and learned men Bernard saith They are the Ministers of Christ but they serue Antichrist And againe the beast spoken of in the Apocalips to which a mouth is giuen to speake blasphemies and to make warre with the Saints of God is now gotten into Peters Chaire as a lyon prepared to his pray It wil be said that Bernard speaketh these later wordes of one that came to the Popedome by intrusion or vsurpation It is true in deed but wherfore was he an vsurper He rendreth a reason therof in the same place bycause the Antipope called Innocētius was chosen by the Kings of Alemaine France England Scotland Spaine Hierusalem with consent of the whole Clergy and people in these nations and the other was not And thus Bernard hath giuen his verdict that not only this vsurper but all the Popes for this many yeares are the beast in the Apocalips because now they are only chosen by the Colledg of Cardinals c. Thus he 61. And now how many 〈◊〉 decepts and falsities there be in this litle narration is easie for any man to see admyre and detest that will but looke vpō the places of S. Bernard by himselfe quoted For in the first place out of his 33. Sermon vpon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where he saith They are the Ministers of Christ but do serue Antichrist he speaketh against the vices of the Clergy especially of France where he liued in his dayes And that it is not meant particulerly of the pope S. Bernardes owne words do shew in that ve y place saying They will be and are Prelates of Churches Deanes Archdeacons Bishopps Archbishopps so as this is falsely brought in to proue any speciall thing against Rome or the Pope and much more wickedly alledged to proue Perkins his exposition of the Apocalips against Christian Rome to be true in S. Bernardes sense which he neuer thought of or by any least cogitation admitted as by the whole course of his writings to the contrary is euident no man more extolling the dignity of the Pope and Sea of Rome then he euen then when most he reprehendeth euill lyfe and manners 62. But the other that followeth is much more fraudulenty alledged For if S. Bernard complained greatly that in his tyme one Petrus Leonis an vsurper and Antipope being chosen by the 〈◊〉 lesse number of Cardinals voyces did by violence notwithstanding thrust himselfe into the Chaire of Peter and playe therin the parte of Antichrist what was this in preiudice of the true Pope Innocentius the second whome Saint Bernard doth call Christs Vicar and highly commendeth him as lawfully chosen by the maior part of the Colledge of Cardinals and exhorteth all Christian Kings to obey and follow him as their high and true lawfull vniuersall pastor So as heere 〈◊〉 Perkins maketh a notorious lye in saying that Innocentius by S. Bernards iudgement was an Antipope wheras he proued him expresly in the places heere alleadged to be the true Pope and Vicar of Christ and Petrus 〈◊〉 to be the Antipope Numquid saith he non omnes Principes cognouerunt quia ipse est verè Dei electus Francorum Anglorum Hispanorum postremò Romanorum Rex Innocentium in Papam suscipiunt recognoscunt 〈◊〉 Episcopum animarum suarum Do not all Princes know that Innocentius is truly the elected of God The Kinges of France England Spaine and 〈◊〉 do receyue Innocentius for Pope and do acknowledge him to be the singular Bishop of their soules 63. Secondly he lyeth much more apparantly when he saith that Innocentius was chosen by the said Kings of Alemaine France England c. wheras S. Bernard saith not that he was chosen by them but that he was accepted followed obeyed by them as true Pope after his election Alemaniae saith he Angliae Franciae Scotiae Hispaniarum 〈◊〉 Reges cum vniuerso clero populis fauent adhaerent Domino Innocentio tanquam filij Patri tanquam capiti membra The Kings of Germany France England Scotland Spaine and Hierusalem togeather with their whole Clergy and people do fauour and adhere to Pope 〈◊〉 he doth not say they choose him as children to their Father and as members to their head 64. Thirdly Perkins lyeth most desperately of all in his last conclusion 〈◊〉 And thus Bernard hath giuen his verdict that not only this vsurper but that all the Popes for 〈◊〉 many yeares are the beast in the 〈◊〉 because now they are only chosen by the Colledge of Cardinals This I say is a notorious lye for that S. Bernard giueth no such verdict but alloweth well the election of Innocentius by the said Cardinals saying Meritò autem illum 〈◊〉 Ecclesia cuius opinio clarior electio sanior
inuenta est nimirum 〈◊〉 numero vincens merito Worthily doth the Church admit him to wit Innocentius whose estimatiō is more renowned whose election is found to be more lawfull as passing the others election both in number and merit of the choosers And so in these few lynes we see how many wilfull lyes and falsifications this Minister hath vsed which cannot be excused eyther by ouersight ignorance or error but must needs be ascribed to wilfull malice and expresse purpose of deceyuing his hearer And so though I might alledge diuers other places to like effect yet this shall 〈◊〉 for one example yea for all them of that sorte in this behalfe For albeit examples without number may be alleaged out of these mens workes yet by these few 〈◊〉 may be made of the rest I shall therfore adioyne some three or foure examples more of lay-men to shew the conformity of their spirits to their spiritual guydes and so make an end The vse of Equiuocation in Lay-men and Knightes §. 5. 65. OF this sorte of men I will alledge only three in this place that in these later dayes haue written against Catholicke Religion but yet such as are more eminent amōg the rest they being Knightes all three whose honorable condition state of calling ought to haue obliged them to defence of truth and that also by true meanes and not by sleightes of this worst kynde of Equiuocation as heer yow shall see them doe The first is Sir Francis Hastings that wrote the iniurious VVatchword some yeares past aga nst Catholickes The second is Sir Philip Mornay Lord of Plessis that hath written many workes much respected by those of his partiality in Religion The third is Syr Edward Cooke late Attorney of his Maiesty now a Iudge and writer against Catholicks And albeit the second be a French-man borne yet for that he hath liued much in England and wrote some of his bookes there and all or most parte of them are 〈◊〉 to be in the English language I may well accompanie him with English Knightes in this behalfe 66. For the first then which is Syr Francis I may be the briefer with him for that his aduersarie or Antagonist hath in his Answers to the said VVatchword and Apologie therof often put him in mynd of his 〈◊〉 against truth euen then when himselfe must needs know it to be so and consequently that it was not only voluntarie but witting also and wilfull 〈◊〉 wherof I might alledge many particulars but two or three shall be ynough for a tast 67. In his defence of the VVatch-word pag. 74. he treating against the abuse of pardons auoucheth out of sundry Chronicles as he saith the storie of the poysoning of King Iohn by a Monke named Symon and this vpon dispensatiō first obteyned of his Abbot to do the fact without sinne which historie being taken by him out of Iohn Fox his Actes and Monumentes who affirmeth that most of the ancient Historiographers of our Country do agree in this matter both of them are conuinced of wilful vntruthes for that they could not be ignorant but that of all the old Historiographers that liued in the time of King Iohn or within two hundred yeares after no one did euer affirme the same but rather the quite contrarie setting downe other particuler causes occasions of King Iohns death And further they could not but know and haue read Iohn Stowes Chronicle printed anno 1592. who hauing made diligent search about this matter out of all authors of antiquity could fynd no such thing and so he testifyeth in these wordes Thus saith he haue I set downe the life and death though much abbreuiated of King Iohn according to the writinges of Roger 〈◊〉 Roger Houeden Rad. Niger Rad. Cogshall Matthew Paris and others who all lyued when the King raigned and wrote for that tyme what they saw or heard credibly reported c. 68. Now then if this Chronicle of Stow was out and in euery mans hand some yeares before Syr Francis wrote his VVatchword and that hereby is euident according to all ancient writers that the foresaid poysoning of King Iohn by a monke was neither written nor reported by any in those dayes with what Conscience could 〈◊〉 Francis and Fox alledge the 〈◊〉 againe 〈◊〉 a truth Was not heere wilfull deceipt nay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will and desire of deceauing 69. The same is layed against Syr Francis in cyting of sundry others as namely the Authority of S. Hierome for proofe of common prayer in a vulgar tongue Tota Ecclesia saith S. Hierome instar tonitruireboat Amen The whole Church like a mighty thunder doth sound out 〈◊〉 inferring therof that all by liklyhood did vnderstand the language wherin publicke seruice was then celebrated for that otherwise they could not so answere But marke the fraudes that are in this allegation First the Knight doth not explicate in particuler what Church it was wherof S. Hierome spake nor vpon what occasion nor to whome and secondly he doth conceale the wordes ' that immediatly went before followed after for that they made al against him For first S. Hierome spake of the Church of Rome in particuler where the latin tongue being in vse so commonly in his dayes that it was as it were their naturall language no maruaile though the common people could sound out Amen they vnderstanding for the most parte the latin tongue for we see also that in other Catholicke Countryes where the latin tongue is not so commonly in vse the common people by vse and practice can and do with common voyce sound out Amen in Letanies and other partes of latin seruice wherfore this circumstance was fraudulently concealed 70. As that other was in like manner that S. Hierome wrote these wordes vnto two vowed virgins Paula and Eustochium to whom he dedicated his said second booke of his Commentaries vpon the Epistle to the Galathians commending vnto them the faith and deuotiō of the Church of Rome aboue other Churches and yeelding a reason why the Apostle S. Paul did so highly commend the Roman Christians in his time both for their faith and obedience saying of the first I do giue thankes to my God by Iesus Christ for yow all sor that your faith is divulged throughout the whole world and in the end of the same Epistle he saith of their obedience in liuing according to their faith Your obedience is divulged into euery place of the world wherfore I take ioy in yow c. Vpon which testimony of the Apostle S. Hierome writeth thus Romanae plebis laudatur 〈◊〉 c. The faith of the Roman people is praysed by the Apostle for in what other place of the world is there such cōtinuall concourse vnto Churches and vnto the Sepulchers of Martyrs as in Rome In what place do they so sound out the word Amen to the likenesse of a certayne heauenly thunder Not for that the Romanes haue
Catholicke people stand in good conceipt with all sortes of men for their truth in concionable and vpright dealing euen with those which endeauour most in this point to slaunder them yet would I wish the same to be confirmed more daylie by factes in respect of this new calumniation raysed against them of the liberty of Equiuocation And this of the first reason 3. My other reason is as before hath byn insinuated in regard of the tyme present which being a tyme of tryall persecution requireth at Catholickes hands a more perfect Confession of their faith and of all matters belonging thervnto then at other tymes And albeit in the former Treatise among the Cases reserued wherin Equiuocation may not be vsed confession of faith be expresly and in the first place excepted so as therin no doublenes or doubtfulnes may be vsed yet no man can deny but many factes and cases may fall out concerning matters of Religion not tending to confession 〈◊〉 in tyme of persecutiō wherin a man may or perhaps also must by obligation if otherwise he cannot auoyd the wrong violence that is offred to himself or others vse Equiuocal speaches for concealing of that which in conscience he cannot vtter But whersoeuer this obligation is not there my wish is as now I haue said that Catholicke people but especially Priestes whose example must instruct the rest should yeald also of their right for encrease of their merite and crowne in heauen and vse all playnesse and sincerity in speach and free discouering not only of their religion but also of their state where it is hurtfull to none but to themselues which yet I speake in that sense and with that limitation which the holy Apostle did when he said That he gaue counsell of himselfe but no precept of our Lord. And for that this whole Treatise of Equiuocation hath proceeded vpō that question so often before repeated VVhether a Priest being taken may deny himselfe to be a Priest or no I shall 〈◊〉 downe dyuers circumstances and considerations of the Case wherby also shal be made more playne what my meaning is in this behalfe 4. When a Priest commeth first into England with full intent and resolution to offer his life if there be need for the confession of Catholicke Religion and is taken afterward brought before the Magistrate either he is taken in some mans house of whose ouerthrow he must be the cause if he confesse that he is a priest or be being taken forth of any house yet hath he cause to suspect and perswade himselfe that it may be knowne afterward by cōfession of others that are also taken or may be taken that he belongeth to such or such a house in these two cases there is no doubt but that if he thinke that his denying of himselfe to be a priest may saue them from hurte he is bound to deny the same with some kynd of lawfull Equiuocation but without telling a lye as before at large hath byn declared But if this priest should be taken in the port as he entreth or soone after in the high way or otherwise and brought before a Magistrate so as his confessing himselfe to be a priest could not preiudice any other and presupposing that he is vnlawfully demaunded that question against law reason and religion heere is he at his owne liberty to deny or confesse himselfe to be a priest and no man can absolutly determine what were best for him to answere but the spirite of God that speaketh within him to whome Christ hath promised to imparte such wisedome as is necessarie for that tyme and action yet if he were not a man of such great extraordinary talēts as by his losse or restraint Gods cause were to leese much or that he were not sure by his denyall to procure his liberty or that he might iustly doubt that he should quickly come to be knowne in prison and therby some scandall to arise to the simple or yll affected by his denyal In al these Cases I would thinke it more meritorious and of greater perfection and edification to confesse himselfe a priest without further denyall or declination which I speake not to condemne them or their doinges that being taken haue done or shall do the contrary for that they vse but their owne right as hath byn declared but rather I speake it for information of others that may doubt of the Case Nor do we intend heere to preiudice the most holy doctrine of S. Athanasius and other ancient Fathers of the lawfulnes of flight and escape in persecution councelled by Christ our Sauiour and authorized by the example of the Apostles themselues and namely of S. Paul when he fled and escaped out of a window and at an other tyme deluded the enuious pursuite of his enemyes by an Equiuocall speach to the Pharisies and Saducies as before hath byn declared but rather to shew that cleare confession is somtymes also most commendable and that in such a tyme of tryall and of Crownes offred to Catholicks and especially to Priests for the said confession of the Catholicke faith as now is no lawfull occasion is to be left for acquiring the same 5. And this is so much as in this matter I had to aduertise Catholickes in the Conclusion of this my answere not meaning to discend into further perticulers of actions obligations that may fall out which heere are hard to be determined but only by the present circumstances of the tyme place and matter in hand with regard and respect vnto the two principall vertues that must gouerne vs in these afayres to witt Truth and Iustice. Truth that all manner of falsity and lying be vtterly auoyded and Iustice that no iniury be done by vs to Gods cause our selues or other men which is the lawe of a iust man and true seruant of God to be obserued whatsoeuer temporall hurtes or damages may ensue therof 6. And wheras my Aduersary Thomas Morton doth conclude the very last lynes of his booke with a fynall Charge againe renewed of our Antichristian doctrines of lying and treason and threatning vs for the same not fancyed fyre of Purgatory saith he as for wood and strawe but vnquenchable hell-fyre as for pitch and tarre sulphur and pouder we shall more charitably conclude with him wishing that his offences of malice 〈◊〉 and deceipt discouered by vs in this our Answere may be wood and straw and that the fyre prepared by Gods Iustice for punishing the same may be a purging fyre and not a consuming 〈◊〉 or rather a consuming fyre and not an vnconsuming fyre as that is of hell which he threatneth to vs but in deed purchaseth to himselfe by the course he hitherto holdeth 7. And to this wish and prayer for him I doubt not but to drawe not only all good and pious Catholicks that vse it 〈◊〉 for their enemyes and persecutors but the
rabblement of false illations Iniurious dealing of T. M. The 〈◊〉 authority strained to many brāches of 〈◊〉 Many 〈◊〉 Princes neuer molested by the Pope Kinde offices of the sea Apostolick tovvardes his Maiesty of great Britanny See Thynnes addition to Holinshed pag. 446. the booke of dangerous positions p. 26 Pope Gregor 13. Tvvo Protestant Princes only censured by the Sea Apostolicke in our age Q. Elizabeth K. of Nauarre The happy successe in the K. of France Protestant people more pe rilous thē Popes Examples of bad dealing in T.M. Disc. p. 31. Naucl. p. 〈◊〉 gener 39. Our English Pope Adrian egregiously abused by T.M. Disc. p. 23. A notable corruptiō about Doctor 〈◊〉 1. Pet. 2. Consil. Constan. Sess. 15. Catholick moderation tovvardes censuring of Princes Knox 〈◊〉 hist. p. 372. Knox appel fol. 33. Disc pa. 4. Another cosenage about a text of Gratian. Apud Gra. causa 15. q. 6. cap. 4. gloss A doubt proposed solued See of this History of the Disputation before the King of France annexed to the confut of the first 6. moneths of Foxes Calendar Another fraudulēt case out of the Canon lavv Decret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de Haer. tit 7. c. 〈◊〉 Theseuere sentence of S. Augustine against Hereticks August l. de 〈◊〉 Cath. Deut. 13. Hier. contr vigilant eit a 〈◊〉 caus 23. q. 〈◊〉 c. legi A Catalogue of cor 〈◊〉 The very first text of Scripture alledged by him most corruptly T. M. his nevv Reply T. M. lendeth and borrovveth of S. Edvvard Cooke T. M. my Lord of Canterburies Chaplaine The Ministers manner of dealing Fond florishes of T. M. 〈◊〉 T. M. 〈◊〉 our Catholick Authors Iob 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. Prior. 〈◊〉 Protestant Princes troubled by Popes in our daies Hovv Protestantes vvere denied by the Ansvverer to be subiect to the penalties of Heresy Of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the more moderate follovved by the Ansvverer Moderate Ansvvere cap. 1. §. 〈◊〉 Reply c. 4. 5. 6. c. Greg. de val to 3. disp 1. q. 12. de Apostas 〈◊〉 2. para 4. T. M. vvill needes proue Protestantes to be held for Heretickes T. M a bad Proctor for Protestantes The imputation 〈◊〉 Heresy vnto Protestantes 〈◊〉 brought in by T. M T. M. an example of Equiuocation The Authors Cēsure both of the Ansvverer Replyer The Ministers Sleightes Marke these consequences Aug. de fide Cathol citat apud Grat. tit 7. de Haereticis c. 2 First charge of Heresy laied vpon Protestantesby men of their ovvne pro fession Moderate Ansvver pag. 14. In praefat cap. 1. 2 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. c. Reply pag. 17. His sleight 〈◊〉 not satisfying the doubt Stanc l. de Trinit medi. Lut. li. contr Sacra epist. ad Marchio Pruss Ansvverer pag 15 The secōd charge of Heresy frō Puritanes Admonit 2. to the Par. pa. 25. suppl vers 36. Hovv T. M. doth shift of the Censure of the Puritanes The notable shifting of Deane Sutcliffe Sutcliffe in his full ansvvere part 1. C. 1. pag. 14. A third charge of Heresy against Protestantes by one of their ovvne Moderate Ansvver pag. 14. M. Hugh Broughtō Reply c. 7. T. M. cannot defend his Religion from Heresy against his ovvne people Aug. l. de vera Relig cap. 7. The equity of our doctrine tried by the effects The contrary effects of Protestant doctrine The vanity of this Reply Moder Ansvverer cap 4. The doctrine of Goodman and other English Protestāts of Geneua Goodman pa. 94. 119. 203. c. Cap. 1. Full satisfaction part 2. pa. 103. Dang posit l. 2. c. 1. A shameles assertion of T. M. denying a manifest truth The B. of Cant. his testimony of the primitiue English Geneuiās dan. posit pag. 218. 219. 220. 221. In his preface to Goodmās booke An euasiō taken avvay Their sedicious do ctrine against Q. Elizabeth Dan. posit pag. 18. 133 〈◊〉 suppl to the gouernour of VVales p. 16. 36. 37. 38. Mod. ans cap. 4. Positions of Scottish Mininisters Knox in Hist. p. 372 item to Engl. and Scotland f 78 Buechanan de Iure Reg. p. 13. 25. 40. 58. 61. Cap. 2. §. Contrarywise Hovv fully T. M. ansvvereth matters giueth satisfaction Reply 〈◊〉 107. To the obiection about Knox Buchanans doctrine Reply pa. 103. To theobiection of his Maiesties iudgmēt about the English Ministers notes 〈◊〉 the Bible Marke his poore shift 2. Par. 15. Not only Kings by Gods lavv appointed deposers as the Minister T. M. saith Reply pag. 101. To the Rebelliōs against Q. Mary vvhat he ansvvereth Stovv Holinshead others in their Cronicles Many cleere exāples to cōuince T. M. Stovv an 1554. May 18. 〈◊〉 other insurrections 〈◊〉 conspiracies by Ministers More exāples of Ministers treasons against 〈◊〉 Mary Knok in his 〈◊〉 to the Nobility fol. 63. 77. Goodman in his booke hovv Superiours ought to be obeied c. 〈◊〉 fol. 54. Princes to be deposed by the liuely vvord of God M. VVhittingham in his preface to Goodmās booke Gilby in Admon pag. 69. Gilbyes immodest speech against K. Henry and the supremacy Fox in an 1554. pag. 1289. The 〈◊〉 of Syr Tho. VVyat 〈◊〉 l. 2 de Schis p. 332. Reply 〈◊〉 107. No substantiall ansvvering to any thing Dang posit l. 1. c. 6. To the examples of France Vide Lodouicum Richome in expost apolog ca. 94. A vaine shift To the examples of Geneua Reply pa. 116. Ibid. pag. 119. Reply pa. 19. Mod. Ansvver c. 9. Great hypocrisy in the demaund of T. M. Bishop of Geneua vvas Lord 〈◊〉 also of the Citty Caluin to Sadolet p. 171. Bodinus l. de Repub. pag 353. Sutcliffe in Suric pag. 14. D Sutclifs testimony of Protestants doctrine for deposing of Princes Full satisfaction pag. 119. A 〈◊〉 conferēce be tvveene Sutcliffe Mortō The absurd false dealing of tvvo Ministers togeather Sundry other Rebellions of Protestāts Seely ansvveres or rather shiftings of Reply pa. 124. The title of T. M. his 〈◊〉 Treatise The cause of this seuerall Chapter Confut. pag. 1. To his first cauillation Math. 4. To his second cauillation Pag. 2. Carerius li. 2. Rom. Pontif. ca. 18. Sander in visib monarch The dignity of Priesthood proued to be more then Regall False dealing against 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 2. Carer l. 2. c. 1. Salmeron Disp. 12. in 〈◊〉 Paul Carer l. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hebr. 4. Hovv the old Testament vvas a figure of the nevv 1. Cor. 9. Deut. 25. 1. Cor. 10. 〈◊〉 p. 3. 〈◊〉 of T. M. Conf. par 3. pag. 3. A Sophisticall fallacy in steed of a demonstratiue argument Reply par 3. pag. 54. VVhether Christes Priesthood or Kingly povver vvere grea ter vpon earth 〈◊〉 l. 3. de Sacerdotio subinitio Chrys. ho. 5. de verb. Isaiae Ibid. Naz. orat ad ciues timore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 3. de fid c. 5. Aug. l. 1. de consensu 〈◊〉 cap. 3. Psal. 2. Ibid. Hebr. 1. Psal. 8. 〈◊〉 28. Phil. 〈◊〉 Gen. 14. Hebr. 7. 〈◊〉 109. Hebr. 2. Hebr. 3. Hebr. 4.