a power and the People such ample priviledges that as our form of Government is Monarchy and that as perfect and free as the Sun ever saw so it is eternally secur'd from the corruption of Tyranny Over all this our present Age enjoys a Prince so moderate and so just that his mercy and goodness have been his greatest faults and his Government over us hath been so modest that his greatest Enemies are forc't to consess That his present Majesty never did any Act of arbitrary Power nor toâ—k from any particular Person the benefit of the Law Plato Red. p. 18 19. These considerations have oblig'd all Persons of all Nations whom I have hapned to meet abroad oâ— who have heard or read any thing concerning us to congratulate with me the incomparable Constitution and easiness of the Government under which we live and applying the happiness of Virgil's Husbandman to our own People have often repeated O fortunatos nimium bona si sua norint Anglicolas Now Cousin if you have an inclination to leave all those general blessings besides your particular ones of a noble House a healthful pleasant situation delightful Garden plenty of water fresh springs and many other great conveniences belonging to them then Cousin go abroad and there learn to be wiser Mer. No good Cousin I intend to remain a fool and stay at home to speak plainly if I had as good an Opinion of the present Constitution of our own Government as I have an ill one of those which you have mention'd all those foreign pleasures which the most Frenchefi'd Traveller would make us believe were to be found amongst them should not persuade me to leave Old England not so much as for one single Month. Trav. How dear Cousin Is it possible that there should be any thing in the Constitution of our own Government which can displease a man of your sense and solid Judgment and one whom hitherto I have ever thought very well affected to it Mer. Truly Sir few men love their King and Countrey better than my self I have never forwarded any irregular address to his Majesty nor given my Vote for any notorious Phanatick nor am I look'd upon as such amongst them But I must confess when I reflect upon the differences and animosities between the King and the House of Commons the discontents of a great number of People the Danger of Popery and many other such considerations which I have not at present in my mind I cannot but think there is a fault somewhere and where to lay it more modestly and more reasonably than upon the Constitution of the Government itself is what I cannot find out But we shall not want opportunity to discourse as much as you please of these matters ere we return to London And in the mean time I think it a good hour to break your fast What Drink do you choose for your Mornings draught Trav. Good faith Cousin a mouthful or two of good Air is to me the most acceptable Breakfast in the World Mer. Pray use no ceremonies You know and believe I hope that our friendship as well as near relation gives you the same freedom in my House as you have in your own If therefore you will eat or drink any thing speak what you like best and the Butler shall bring it you immediately But if you be resolv'd to stay till Dinner I will in the mean time carry you to a very pleasant walk and shew you a little Arbour at the end agreeable enough Trav. Most willingly I 'll only put on my Cravat and Perriwig and wait upon you Mer. And I until you are ready will with your leave examine what curious Books you have brought down from beyond Sea Trav. Very few besides such as I carried over for I find London the best Library and England the best University for learned men in Europe Mer. I am glad you think it so Let 's see what have we here Hugonis Grotii de Jure Belli ac Pacis This we have translated into English since you left us Trav. I heard so in Italy but never saw the Book I should have thought it a very difficult undertaking by reason of many expressions so particular to the Civil Law and Latin that they are hard to be rendred into our Language Mer. It is very well done and of good use I can shew it you when ever you please For in my vacant hours I love a little reading especially when I meet with an Author who is universally allow'd to be of a solid Judgment great Learning Trav. You could not have met with one in my opinion who more truly possesses those two qualifications then Grotius did Joseph Scaliger tells us that he was prudens Politicus optimus Groecus Juris-consultus modestus proestantissimus in Epigrammatibus and certainly he deserv'd all or more than he hath said of him Mer. What have you got next The holy Bible in English Nay then Cousin we may hope that besides your English inclinations you have brought over with you also your English Religion For I think the Papists seldom make use of the Bible Trav. Sir I assure you I profess the same Religion which I ever did and hope I ever shall I mean the true Orthodox Protestant Religion of the Church of England as it is by Law establish'd and in my Heart do believe it not only a safe Religion but the most sound and the most pure in its Doctrine as well as in its discipline that is profess'd this day in any part of the whole World Mer. I shall ever agree with you in the Doctrine and not much differ from you in the Discipline But let us proceed What fine gilt Book is this Plato Redivivus 'T is a strong piece Cousin Trav. As strong as Mustard Cousin Children are afraid of it because it bites them by the Nose as they fancy But those of riper years easily discover the fallacy for when examin'd it leaves no impression behind it Mer. Have you read it Sir Trav. Please to open it and you will find whether I have or no. Mer. I perceive indeed that your red Lead Pen hath examin'd it very strictly every leaf looks almost as dismal as a Martyr Trav. Not a Martyr I beseech you but if you will say a Sacrifice I will admit of the Comparison Mer. Why Cousin What distinction do you make between these two Trav. Martyr Sir is generally taken in a good sense and in a good cause but a Sacrifice may be said to be offer'd either to God or to the Devil Mer. Which is as much as to say That you believe the Author hath undertaken an ill cause Trav. Yes Sir and under any good Government besides our own especially in that Republick which he so much admires both himself and his works would have been made publick Sacrifices to Justice and to the quiet of the establish'd Government long before now Mer. But is it not hard that
Fourth of Edward the Third and the words of it are these It is accorded that a Parliament shall be holden every year once and more often if need be Now Sir you must observe that this Act was made whilst the King was but Nineteen years of age and both himself and Kingdom under the care of Twelve Governours His Mother Queen Isabel and Roger Mortimer very powerful the Governours of the Pupil King divided amongst themselves and many other pressing affairs of the Nation oblig'd most people to propose that expedient of frequent Parliaments as the most probable means to secure the peace and prosperity of the Kingdom at least until the King should come of riper years and thereby many differences be reconciled After this in the Thirty sixth year of his Reign he called a Parliament and wanting money as generally he did the Parliament would grant nothing until an Act passed for maintenance of former Articles and Statutes there expressed And that for redress of divers mischiefs and grievances which daily happen a Parliament shall be holden every year as another time was ordained by Statute These are the two Statutes intended by our Author when he tells us that the Statute of Edward the first was confirmed by that glorious Prince Edward the third Whereas in truth they were both made by the same King and both in a great measure revoked in his own time Having declared after the making this last Act that he yielded to it only to serve his own turn This Sir is the matter of Fact upon which our Author builds his great pretensions to the old constitutions of Annual Parliaments The first Act was made whilst the King was very young the second when he wanted money and had Twenty six shillings and eight pence granted him upon every sack of wool transported for three years And both first and second Acts were broken by several intermissions before he died Besides we must make this remark that a Parliament seldom met without giving the King some money which might encourage those Kings to assemble them oftner than lately they have done But the truth is Annual Parliaments were lookt upon as so great a grievance to the Nation that we find that about the Tenth year of Richard the Second his Successor it was thought a great Prerogative in the King that he might call a Parliament once a year And both Houses appointed the Duke of Glocester and Thomas Arundell Bishop of Ely to acquaint the King that by an old Statute the King once a year might lawfully summon his Court of Parliament for reformation of corruptions and enormities within the Realm And if we consider with our selves we shall find that if yearly Parliaments were imposed upon us they would become grievances equally insupportable as to have no Parliaments at all For if the Knights Citizens and Burgesses be chosen out of the Countrey Gentlemen and Merchants inhabiting those Countries where they are elected as sure they ought to be what inconvenience if not ruin must it bring upon their affairs when they shall be forced to run every year a hundred or two hundred Miles from their particular domestick affairs to serve in a formal Parliament in which it may be the greatest business will be to make business for the next Indeed for idle persons who live about Town and have nothing to do but to scrible knavish politicks to the disturbance of honest men such a constitution might do well enough if they could get to be chosen members But we find from experience and History that in those days when Ambition and Faction were not so much in vogue as at present men were so far from making parties to get into the Parliament that many Commoners and Lords too have petitioned and been excused their attendance The King 's Queen's and Prince's Servants have stood upon their priviledge of exemption So James Barner was discharged by the King's command Quia erat de retinentia Regis 7. R. 2 and the Lord de Vessey in Edward the Fourths time obtained Licence not to serve in Parliament during his life Rex concessit Henrico Bromflet Dom. de Vessey quod ipse durante vita sit exoneratus de veniendo ad Parl. Besides the very Writ of Summons shews that in the original institution and design of Parliaments a frequent meeting could not be necessary For they were only to treat concilium impendere de magnis arduis negotiis Now God help us if every year should produce such magna ardua negotia such difficult and weighty affairs that the King with his Judges and â—rivy Council could not determine them without assembling his great Council the Parliament I confess in our Authors Chimerical model I am perswaded our circumstances would be bad enough but I thank God we are not gotten there yet Thus you see Sir that this grievance in not having annual Parliaments is become no grievance at all Mer. I begin Cousin to lose all manner of respect for this mistaken Mountebank For I perceive notwithstanding his great words and pretences all is but wind emptinâ—ss and cheat Having therefore fully satisfieâ— me concerning our liberties properties and Parliaments pray forget not to say somewhat of our Religion Trav. Sir I shall not presume to meddle with the Doctrinal part of any Religion that being none of my Province Nor shall I say much concerning the Ceremonial part or discipline of our own that is to say the Church of England It is sufficient to mind you that both the Doctrine and Discipline in Church Government have been established and confirm'd by several Acts of Parliament and Statutes Which Parliaments being the most Soveraign power that our Author himself pretends to set up amongst us we ought all to acquiesce in and be concluded by what they have done until an equal authority shall repeal those Acts or otherwise determine concerning us Mer. There is no objection can be made against this answer But Sir since the difference in our Religion seems manifestly to occasion most of our troubles why may not the King by his own authority dispence with the penal part of these Laws or grant a toleration especially to Protestant Dissenters or encourage an Act of Parliament for uniting them into the Church of England or else why might not the same Church release some part of the rigour of the Discipline and Ceremony since 't is agreed on all hands that the observance or non-observance of them are not points necessary or absolutely conducing to Salvation Trav. Cousin I shall answer you all these questions as plain as I can And first I shall never believe that true and unfeigned Religion especially amongst men where the Doctrine agrees is ever the real cause of any troubles disturbance or disobedience to lawful authority such as is that which produces an Act of Parliament even in our Authors sence being so contrary to the Doctrine and Principles of Christian Religion that I may confidently affirm where
produce good reason and authority for this my opinion Mer. Pray Cousin use all manner of liberty in your discourse for I only minded you of your Profession yesterday not that I question your sincerity but as being an impartial Judge neither a Papist nor a Dissenter I might oblige you to settle this point equally between them Trav. I do not pretend to be a Judge but shall endeavour to open the case faithfully and leave the rest to your more prudent determination First then we must state the difference between these two parties as they relate to us and not to descend to particular points I shall only say that the Papists differ from us in the doctrinal part of Religion that is to say in points which they believe absolutely necessary to Salvation The Dissenters in the Discipline only viz. Ceremonies and Church Government which they declare may be either used or neglected without the necessary consequence of damnation Mer. Right Sir and from hence I should conclude that the Dissenters agreeing more nearly with us than the Papists ought rather to be tolerated than they who differ so much and so materially from us Trav. And I for that very reason hold the contrary Mer. Pray Sir proceed and unriddle this Paradox Trav. Next then we must agree that the doctrinal parts of the Popish Religion in which they differ from us as Transubstantiation and some others supposing them right and necâ—ssary as they believe they are consist of such high speculative points as cannot possibly be made demonstrable by humane reason nor otherwise be seen than by the eyes of faith but require a supernatural revelation or the special Grace of an invisible omnipotent power working in our hearts Hence Grotius tells us that Doctrina hâ—c penitus in animum admitti nequeat nisi sanctis Dei auxiliis accedentibus lib. 2. â—4 20. This then supposed I must affirm that outward force is not a proper means to convince a mans reason of speculative truths For a man cannot always believe just when he says he will but rather oftentimes when he pretends he will not he is then forc't to believe if proportionate arguments be used even whether he will or no and these proportionate arguments are such as force the reason only and whilst they perstringe the mind do not constrain the body such as oblige by way of â—atiocination to consent to certain propositions and necessary consequences which they cannot avoid arguments which reach the inward man but leave the outward man untoucht Now how improper a means â—orporal violence is to obtain such a spiritual end I leave to your judgment If it be then necessary that a mans reason should be convinc't of a speculative truth before he can beleive it it will follow that those who use violence and force to oblige a people to embrace an opinion which they do not or can not understand commit either the greatest injustice towards man or the greatest impiety toward God The injustice towards man lies in this that they either force them to profess what they do not believe which is hypocrisie and a lie or they punish them for not doing that which is not in their power to do which is the height of Tyranny And Grotius tells us in his Cap de poenis that it was provided in the Council of Toledo That thenâ—eforward no man should be forc'â— to believe for God will have mercy on whom he will have mercy and whom he pleaseth to harden he hardeneth Praecipit sancta Synodus nemini deinceps vim inferri cui enim vult Deus miseretur quem vult indurat And he adds quod perinique faciunt that they do most wickedly who punish men amongst Christians for not believing or erring in some speculative points which they do not understand St. Augustine also Athanasius Hilarius and Salviâ—nus are all of the same opinion as may be seen there more at large in the same Cap. de poenis where Grotius farther informs us that the French Bishops were condemned by the Church for using violence against the Prisciliâ—nistâ— In the next place if it be not injustice towards man it is impiety towards God and must suppose that the gift of the holy Spirit â—raâ—e oâ— Illâ—mination which is necessary for the understanding these Divine mysteries is in the power of mortal man which was the sin of Simon Magus son to buy the holy Ghost for money or to oâ—tain it by force is equally injuriouâ— and dishonourable to a Deity And we find that although the Sadduces differed from the rest of the Jewes in so material a point as that of the Resurrection which they totally denied yet they received no manner of punishment upon that account nor was there any force used to perswade them to embrace and believe so necessary a doctrine when yet at the same time Sabbath-breakers because it related to the discipline and Government of the Church were punished with Death Merch. I thank you Sir and do assure you that I was ever of this opinion But I do not yet understand why you do not apply the same reasons for Dissenters and other people as well as the Papists Trav. I thought Sir the last instance would have answered that question which is that the Dissenters differ only in point of discipliâ—… and Government which according to our constitution they agree command nothing damnable or impossible to be understood or contrary to the hopes of Salvation And in such case outward force is the proper means to reduce obstinate men to their duty and a compliance with that Government which they ought and which they confess they may obey So in some Roman Catholick Countries the Protestant Religion is tolerated and its professors secured by many Grants and Priviledges because their difference consists in speculative points whereas those Roman Catholicks themselves who agreeing in the Doctrinal part shall differ in the Discipline or Church Government are punished with the extreamest rigour We must distinguish therefore between Discipline and Doctrine as also between faith and obedience And in confirmation of this we may remember another reason why a toleration is more allowable to Popish Recâ—sants than to the Dissenters viz because it is notoriously known that the Papists have ventured both their lives and fortunes to support our present Government as it is by Law established even against these very dissenters who rebell'd against it and by force of arms and open hostility endeavour'd totally to subvert it And having obtain'd a victory did actually destroy both our lawful King and Governour as well as government Mer. This is too true and it were impudence to deny any part of it But it hath been said that the Papists in our late troubles ventur'd their lives more out of hopes of their own establishment than of the Government Trav. That under favour is a malicious and a frivolous objection For what grounds of hopes had they to alter the Government against the consent of the
necessary Blessings which Mankind enjoys that Government cannot subsist without Power and that Power is originally in God who is the Fountain of all Power nothing seems more reasonable than that we should deduce all humane Authority from that inexhaustible Source and respect it accordingly I have only one Argument against what you have propos'd which however it may seem strange yet I must beg leave to offer it to you And it is this That I have heard some Learned Men both Ancient and Modern seem to maintain That although God may possibly be the universal Governour of the World or governs the Universe in general as the Sun Moon and Stars and so forth yet that he doth not as being beneath so great a Majesty inspect or mind the little particular Governments of our small Globe of Earth Trav. This is indeed the pernicious Doctrine of the Epicureans which with its Disciples ought to be banish'd all good Governments Qui ex bene moratis urbibus ejecti sunt as Grotius tells us cap. de poenis Ita coerceri posse arbitror nomine humanae Societatis quam sine ratione probabili violant Gassendus I confess in his Treatise de Vita Moribus Epicuri seems too much to favour this Opinion But Grotius whose Judgment I prefer before the Philosophy of both and St. Paul whom we Christians ought to respect before all three tells us Heb. 11. v. 6. That he who cometh to God must believe that he is and that he is a Rewarder of those who diligently search him Grotius also in the same Chapter says farther That that Religion which in all Ages has been accounted true is chiefly grounded upon four Principles the third of which he says is this That God takes Care of humane Affairs and determines them according to his most just Decrees à Deo curari res humanas aequissimis Judiciis dijudicari And after he hath quoted to the same purpose Cicero Epictetus Lactantius and others he concludes That Revera negare Deum esse aut negare à Deo curari actiones humanas si moralem effectum respicimus tantundem valet That to deny there is a God or to deny that he regulates humane Affairs is in Effect the same thing And particularly in the same Chapter Sect. 44. he tells us farther that Epicurus when he took away the Providence of God in the Government of the World he left nothing of Justice but the empty Name That Justice is no farther necessary than profitable and that we ought to abstain from hurting one another out of no other Consideration than the Fear that those whom we offend should revenge themselves Epicurus cum Divinam providentiam sustulisset Justitiae quoque nihil reliquit nisi nomen inane c. But these and many other of the Epicurean Principles are rather plausible than solid witty than judicious and striking the Senses are rejected by a sober Vnderstanding Besides Cousin we Christians are obliged by a truer and much more Divine Philosophy to which we have all subserib'd and which is become a publick Law and Rule amongst us and with good Reason for nothing is more dangerous in all Governments than to regulate Publick Actions according to Private Opinions Publick Actions must have Publick Rules and publick Obedience must have Publick Laws under which we must acquiesce untill they be alter'd by Publick Authority otherwise we may eternally wander after the false Lights of foolish Men who from their Extravagancies would be accounted witty Mer. Sir I shall not dispute any farther either your Reasons or your Authorities both which I allow as most authentick pray therefore proceed Trav. Having told you then what Power is I come now to Force and as the first is the spiritual part of Government so the latter is the material part Force is the Arm and Nerve which being animated by lawful Authority produces Power in the general Acceptation which is properly and in a good Sense the Vnion of both Force without this Right is Vis injusta or Violence With it it becomes the just Defence which Nature hath given all Creatures as well as Man to preserve to themselves their Lives Liberties and Possessions Without it that is when we invade the Possessions of another it becomes Robbery and Rapine and is no more excusable in Alexander than the Pyrate Tully de Officiis 3. and Grotius who cites him besides many others tell us the same Truths in plain Words Vt quisque malit sibi quod ad vitae usum pertineat quam alteri acquiri concessum est non repugnante natura Illud natura non patitur ut aliorum spoliis nostras facultates opes copias augeamus And Grotius adds this Consequence Non est ergo contra Societatis naturam sibi prospicere atque consulere dum jus alienum non tollatur Ac proinde nec vis quae jus alterius non violat injusta est It is Right of Power therefore which makes Force justifiable both according to the Laws of Nature and the Laws of Man To conclude Power or Authority and Force are generally so united that they oftentimes are mistaken and pass for one another But they are also sometimes separated as a Right may be from the Possession and by this Instance we may easily distinguish them A lawful Prince hath first Power and Authority to which Force is added A Rebel first procures a Force or Strength and afterwards usurps a Power Mer. This is plain enough and I have nothing to reply Trav. Having then made these necessary Distinctions I affirm That the People which is the Force and Strength of all Kingdoms by how much their Strength is great whether in Land or Personal Estate by so much their Power which is Authority or Right of Government ought to be the less And this not only because it is incongruous and unnatural that the Governed should become their own Governours or that the several destructive Appetites of the Members should train after them the Reason which ought to regulate all but it is also very imprudent and against all the Rules of true Polity and Government For it hath been ever the Rule and Endeavour of wise Men so to ballance Power and Force that neither may offend the other but that by the harmonious Accord of just Commands and faithful Obedience a State may become most happy invincible and eternal Hence Power never ought to assume an adventitious Force such as Mercenary Souldiers which have generally prov'd destructive both to Prince and People nor the People usurp a Power which belongs not to them such as the Seditious Tribunes of Rome often pretended to which lost them both that Power and Liberty which they had Government consists in Command and Obedience whence Empire is defin'd by some to be certus ordo in jubendo parendo Command is the Effect of Power Obedience the Result of both and Peace Happiness and Security the end of all The general Interruption proceeds from
one is the other cannot be Such men therefore who make use of that Sacred name to countenance any disquiet in the Government ought according to the most impartial judgment which we can make of mens opinions by their actions to be esteemed as men having no Religion rather than as true Professors of the Christian Faith and that they put the highest abuse and indignity upon Christ and his Apostles when they make the profession of their most peaceable doctrine a pretence mask or cloak to cover their Secular interest or ambition Mer. But dear Cousin we must judge charitably and not conclude all Dissenters such knaves and villains as either to have no Religion or to make that which they have a blind to some other worldly design Trav. Truly Sir for the commoner sort of people I am inclin'd enough to think it may be better of them than they deserve knowing well how apt they are to be carried away with every wind of doctrine But those who are their Ringleaders are by so much the more inexcusable by how much they take advantage of the peoples weakness Yet this would be only pernicious to themselves and punishable in the world to come But their ungodly and malicious Preachers and factious heads mingling dexterously worldly poison with their spiritual food at length their whole bodies and mass of blood becomes corrupted when grown rank and swell'd like the heathen Prophetesses with the deadly poyson and power of the Devil they ravingly dispense their Enthusiastical dreams and visions no less injurious to the Providence of God than to the government of man Since then I say these their wicked Counsellors do certainly produce these effects it is equally charitable to think that they have no Religion as to say that they abuse that which they profess to such damnable ends Mer. But they tell you no such thing On the contrary no men talk more of God none inveigh more bitterly against the debaucherâ—es of the age we live in none pretend greater humility and in a word to outward appearance at least none seem to practise more sincerely the doctrine which they preach Trav. Quid opus est verbis cum facta videam What Poisoner do you think would not tell you that the Ratsbane which he offers you is the purest sugar You and I Cousin cannot forget how these very men some of which are living at this day and their disciples behaved themselves when in the rebellious sanctified times they usurp'd the whole power of the land Can you forget how they persecuted the Church of England how they Sequester'd our Estates Imprison'd Proscrib'd and murder'd our Persons forc'd many to seek out Dens and Caves in Woods and Rocks to secure their lives from the insolence and fury of these humble-minded gospel-preaching holy Wolves Are they yet chang'd are they not pursuing still the same point Are their Associations and Conspiracies against the foundation of our antient rights priviledges government and life it self of His present Sacred Majesty evidences of their repentance for the murder of the late Blessed Martyr for those flouds of innocent blood which have corrupted our land ever since and those violent extortions and impositions executed upon the Estates of their fellow Subjects and fellow-labourers too in that Vineyard which both pretend to cultivate and with whom they profess to agree in the Substantial and Doctrinal part of Religion Are these arguments to convince us of their sincere intentions towards us Mer. This is indeed notorious matter of fact and undeniable but however they now express a willingness to comply with us and to be comprehended all under one Church and Church government Only they desire that our Ceremonies might be abolish'd which being circumstantial only and not absolutely necessary to Salvation which is the great end of Religion they pray that our Governours in consideration of their weakness would not tye them to harder meat than they can digest but being babes and to be fed with milk would have us condescend to their infirmities and not to boast too much of our own strength for those who are strong ought to take heed lâ—st they fall Trav. I perceive Sir you have been more conversant with this sort of people than I thought you had for I find that you have gotten their very Cant but you shall have I hope a very satisfactory answer And first for our strength I confess it behoves us all to take heed lest we fall but if that great care be an argument against us it is no less against themselves For if it be so difficult for the strong to pass through this narrow way and over these dangerous preoipices what circumspection then ought the weak Travellers to use in this their Pilgrimage Ought they not rather to seek to us for some support than trust to their own imbecillity And you cannot deny but that they do truly acknowledge themselves to be weak or that they abuse us when they desire we should condescend to them both which will equally reflect upon them And next Sir for our compliance with them rather than their conformity with us I think it the most unreasonable request that ever men made Will a wise Father comply with a froward Son or a Master with his obstinate Servant or a Physician with the deprav'd and false appetite of his sick patient Sure it would be nothing less than inverting the whole course and order of nature Mer. Sir I am convinc'd that they may and ought to comply with our Government but since your hand is in pray let me have your opinion concerning the Popish Recusants and whether you do not think that they are more to be apprehended in our Government than the Dissenters are and by consequence that a Parliament or Parliamentary way of Government might not be very conducible to our security against them especially as our circumstances stand and may probably continue Trav. I understand you Sir and shall give you my sence of the thing freely as hitherto I have done And in the first place I answer plainly that I do not think the Papists I mean now and always the Secular or Temporal Papists or Laiâ—y so dangerous to our Government as the Dissenters but that according to the rule of true Polity the former are more tolerable among us than the latter Mer. Have a care Cousin that you do not contradict the good account which you gave of your own Religion yesterday For whosoever stands up for a Popish toleration at this time will be shrewdly suspected to be at least Popishly inclin'd if not a Papist Trav. Sir I again confirm what I said yesterday nor do I tell you now that I would have the Papists tolerated it belongs to the Government to look after these matters but I must affirm according to my judgment that if the question be put which may be the most safely tolerated the Papists or Dissenters I must give it for the Papists and I think I shall
I have made some other few remarks as the impertinent comparison which Plato hath made of a Bayliff Attorney or Referrâ—e as they relate to the choosing the Speaker of the House of Commons all which is directly against himself his magisterial definition of Prerogative and many other arrogances and follies all which I hope I shall be able to answer my self without giving you any farther trouble Trav. Sir I do not in the least quâ—stâ—on it however if any thing hath been omitted in which I may be able to give you farther satisfaction I shall â—vâ—r be ready to obey your Commands Coelum ipsum pâ—timus stultitiâ— neque Per nostâ—um pâ—â—imâ—â— scelâ—â— Iracunda Jovem ponere fulmina Horaâ— â—arm l. 1. THE CONTENTS DISCOURSE I. OF the Graâ—iâ—n Commonwealtâ—â— compâ—red wâ—â—h England Page â—4 â—5 Of Plato Lycurgus Sparta and Athens p. 26. 27. sequent The original of the Graecian Governments p. 34. seq Of Solon p. 37. Of Athens p. 41. Of Sparta p. 47. The Ephori p. 48. DISCOURSE II. Division of Government p. 59. Of the House of Commons p. 65. their Institution p. 68. Of the House of Lords p. 66. 67. Of the Kings prerogative in Adjourning Proroguing and Dissolving Parliaments p. 7â— The beginning of Government before the Flood p. 76. After the Flood 7â— Of Ogyges Sithuthrus Deucalian Noe p. 79. Of Natâ—â—e p. 8â— First Kingdoms afâ—… the Flood instituted by fathers of Famâ—lies p. 87. 802. No right of Power nor Liberty originally in the People p. 89 Commonwealths founded upon Vsurpaâ—â—on c. p. 90. Of the Creâ—tion of the World and Mankind according to â—â—cretius and some other Heathen Philoâ—oâ—â—ers p. 91. seq Of Moses â—â—d â—â—â— History p. 97. seq Abraham hâ—d Regal Authority p. 107 Saulâ— â—â—t chosen by the people nor depended â—poâ— them p. 109. Empire not founded oâ— Property p. 113. upon â—â—at it is foundâ—â— p. 125. 127. Not reasonâ—ble thâ—â— the People who have the greatest interest in the Property should have any right of power in the Governmeent except what is subordinate p. 14â— Of Power â—48 God governs humanâ— affairs p. 154. Of force p. 156. That the people by â—â—ving an interest in the Property have â—ot â—â—ereâ—â—â— greater power force or streâ—gtâ— than if they hâ—d it â—oâ— p. 1â—2 Of â—…es p. 169. All Soveraign Priâ—â—â—s â—â—vâ—â—â—ighâ— of â—oâ—er â—veâ— tâ—e 〈…〉 the properâ—y be diviâ—… the people p â—71 Moâ—â—rchs who hâ—ve â—â—joâ—eâ— the Sâ—pâ—eâ—e Aâ—thority hâ—ve yet left the property to the people Of the Scythians p. 178. Of the Assyrianâ— Medes and Persians p. 180. Of the Aegyptian Kings p. 182. Of the Romans p. 185. Of the Brittish Kings p. 192. Of the Kings of Israel â—r of the Jews p. 193. Definition of an â—bsolute Monarch p. 196 197. David â—â—â—bsolute Monarch p. 199. Of Zedâ—kiaâ— and Jeremiah p. 204. Of the â—aâ—hedrim p. 209. Of the Goths â— 212. Of the Lombards p. 216. Of the Vandalls p. 221. Of Clâ—â—mâ—â—â—s King of Sparta p. 225. The death of the last Christian Greek Emperour and loss of Constantinople p. 226. DISCOURSE III. Moses Theseus and Romulus â—ot Founders of Demoâ—râ—ciâ—s aâ— Plato Red averrs p. 242. Of the Gracchi and Agrarian Lâ—w p. 25â— â—53 Of Agis â—nâ— Clâ—â—mâ—neâ— p. 260. Punishmeâ—t of Sedition anâ— Calâ—mniâ—â—ors of the Government in Venice 26â— Of the French Gentry Frâ—emen and Râ—â—â—â—â—â—rs their â—…res p. 27â— Vindiâ—â—tion of 〈…〉 Clergy and Ecclestastical Government against the malicious reflections of Plato Red. p. 274. 277. Soveraign right of power solely in the King p. 279. 284. Of the Kings negative voice in Parliament p. 281. The Kings of England depend not upon the people nor received their right of power from them p. 285. seq 288. The Goths not in England p. 291. Of the Saxons and their Tenures p. 293. 297. Of our late Parliament p. 295. Of K. Edward the Confessor p. 298. Plato Red. designs to set up a Commonwealth p. 304. Of the Kingâ— prerogative p. 306. Of our Liberties p. 315. Of Calumniators p. 317. Of our Properties p. 322. Of Annual Parl. p. 325. Of Religion p. 333. Of Dissenters p. 335. Of Popish Recusants 340. Of Toleration 342. Of the Popes Supremacy 350. 355. Dissenters Doctrine of Deposing Princes 357. A Commonwealth not to be promoted in this present conjuncture of affairs 361. 367. Of Arbitrary power in the King 365. Of Liberty of Conscience 369. ERRATA IN the Preface Line 1. for Inquity read Iniquity p. 66. l. 17. put out But. p. 80. for pâ—rsonatus r. persâ—â—â—tatuâ— l. 12. for Abydnuâ— r. Abydenuâ— p. 86 l. 11. for Government r. faith p. 143. l ult for Vital heat r. Animal â—pirits p 144. l. 1. for Veins r. Nerves p. 185 255 256 294 for Praeda r. praedia p. 186. for lientiam r. licentiam