to deale with those whom they would by peece meale destroy first shap't to themselves his Image in waxe then prickt and stab'd it with needles striving by their many Reproaches of his Government and Defamations of the Bishops to reduce his Honour by degrees to a consumption and to make it Languish and pine and wither away in the Hatred and Disaffection of his People But perhaps Sir your Friend and I are not well agreed upon our Termes If therefore he doe once more strive to perswade you that notwithstanding all this which I have said to the contrary the King would if he had not been hindered have destroyed the Protestant Religion pray desire him to let me know what he means by the Religion which he calls Protestant Doth he mean that Religion which succeeded Popery at the Reformation and hath ever since distinguisht us from the Church of Rome Doth he meane that Religion which so many Holy Martyrs seal'd with their Blood that for which Queene Mary is so odious and Queene Elizabeth so pretious to our memories Lastly Doth he meane that Religion which is comprised in the 39. Articles and confest to be Protestant by an Act of Parliament If these be the Markes these the Characters of it let him tell me whether this be not the Religion which the King in one of his Letters to the Queene calls the only Thing of difference between Him and Her that 's dearest to Him whether this also be not the Religion in which if there be yet any of the old Ore and Drosse from whence 't was extracted Any thing either essentially or accidentally evill which requires yet more sifting or a more through Reformation Any thing of Doctrine to offend the strong or of Discipline or Ceremony to offend the weake His Majesty have not long since offered to have it passe the fiery Tryall and Disputes of a Synod legally called To all which questions 'till He and his Com presbyters give a satisfying Answer however they may think to hide themselves under their old Tortoise-shall and cry out Templum Domini the Temple of the Lord They must not take it ill if I aske them one question more and desire them to tell me whether this be not the Religion which they long since compelled to take flight with the King and which hath scarce been to be found in this Kingdome ever since the time it was deprived of the Sanctuary it had taken under the Kings Standard This then being so hath your Friend or his fellow Assemblers yet a purer or more primitive Notion of the Protestant Religion which compared with the Religion which we and our Fathers have been of will prove it to be Idolatrous and no better then a hundred years superstition Let them in Charity as they are bound not to let us perish in our Ignorance shew ut their Modell If it be more agreeable to the Scripture then Ours have more of the white Robe and not of the new invention we may perhaps be their converse And their Righteousnesse meeting with our Peaâ—…eâ—…ay â—…ay 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eaâ—…h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 timâ—… Sir 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wiâ—… not define â—…e Protâ—…stant Religion so bâ—… Negâ—…tives 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 No Bishops No Liâ—… or No Commâ—… â—…er Boâ—…ke These we 〈◊〉 yâ—… coâ—…vinced to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 goâ—…d 〈◊〉 but not Essâ—…ntialls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we câ—…l the Proâ—…t Religion 〈◊〉 Siâ—…e Their Negation then can bâ—… 〈◊〉 true Essentiall Constituent of the same Religion on theirs There is but Onâ—… positive Notion more in all he world 〈◊〉 whiâ—…h câ—…n pâ—…ly â—…nderstand Them when They say Tâ—…ey have all this while Fought for the Defence of the Protestant Religion Tâ—…at iâ—… thâ—…t by the Defence of the Protestant Religion if they meane any Thing or if this â—…ave not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tâ—… 〈◊〉 more dangerous secret They meane the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 New Directory and their aâ—… length concâ—… Goâ—…rnment of the Church by Presbyters If this be theiâ—… 〈◊〉 And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should rock my Invention I câ—…not make 〈◊〉 find â—…other The Second part of that most Holy and Glorious Cause which hath drawne the eveâ—… of Europe upon it and renderd the Name of a Protestant a â—…roverbe to expresse Disloyalty by That Pure Chast Uirgin without spâ—…t or wrinkle-Cause which like the Scythian Diana hath been feâ—… with â—…o many Humane Sacrifices And to which as â—…o another Moloch so many Men as well as Children have been compell'd 〈◊〉 through the Fire resolves it selfe into this Vnchristiaen Bloudy conclusion That an Assembly of profest Protestant Divines hâ—…ve advised 〈◊〉 Two Parliaments of Englandâ—…nd â—…nd Scotland confeâ—… Subiects to take â—…p Arâ—… 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 King their Lawfull Severaigne Hâ—…e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Three Kingdoms in a â—…lame been the Aâ—…rs oâ—… more Protâ—…stants 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Civiâ—… thâ—…n 〈◊〉 â—…ave served to â—…ver the Palaâ—…ate by a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 buâ—… thiâ—… vnnâ—…cessary â—…vell accidentall Considerâ—…on Tâ—…t the King 〈◊〉 compell'd by Force would never consâ—…nt not indeed without Perjury could to the Change 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ancient Primitive Apostolike Vnâ—…versally received Government of this Church by Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 new vpstartâ—… Mushrome Calvinisticall Government 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Preâ—…bytery of Spirituall Lay-Elders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by â—…rinciples â—…en both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…ture proved â—…o yâ—…u iâ—… the mâ—…st 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Râ—…sistance 〈◊〉 no aâ—… Invasion of the Higher 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Higher 〈◊〉 being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gods Oâ—…dinance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Warre made against God â—…imselfe And â—…he Authors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unlesse they repent and 〈◊〉 â—…hemselves tâ—… timely râ—…turne to their Obedâ—…ence in â—…anger to draw upon themselves this other sâ—…d tragicall irresistible Conclusion wâ—…ich St Paul tels us is the inevitable Catastrophe 〈◊〉 Disobedience which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you may English iâ—… swift Destruction And thuâ—… Sir Though â—…ll weakâ—… Defences have something of the Nature of prevarication 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aâ—…d he may in part be thought to betray a Cause 〈◊〉 feebly argâ—… for 〈◊〉 I have return'd you a large Answere 〈◊〉 the two Quere's 〈◊〉 your short Letter which iâ—…â—…ou shall vouchsafe 〈◊〉 Satisfaction you will very much assiâ—…t my Modesty whicâ—… will not suffer me to thinke that I in this Argument have said more then Others Only being so fairely invited by you to say something to have remain'd silent had been to have consâ—…stâ—…ny â—…ny 〈◊〉 convinced And my Negligence in a Tâ—…me so seasonableâ—…o â—…o speak Truth in might perhaps in the Opinion of the Gentleman your Friend have seemed to take part with those oâ—… his side against whose Cause though not â—…ir Persons haâ—…e thuâ—… freely armed my Pen Sir I should think my selfe fortunate if Any Thinge which I â—…ave 〈◊〉 in this Letter mighâ—… make him a Proselyte But this being rather my wish then my Hope all the Successe which this Paper aspires to is this that you will accept it as a Creature borne at your Command Anâ—…â—…hat you will place it among your other Records as a Testimony how much greater my Desires then my Abilities are to deserve the stile of being thought worthy to be From my Chamber Iune 7. 1647. Your affectionate servant JASPER MAYNE Jude 13. 2. * Levit. 26. 12. * Esay 52. 11. * Esay 52. 11. †2 Pet. 3. 16. †Col. 3. 5. * Mat. 13. â—…am 3. 6. â—…1 〈◊〉 qualifi 〈◊〉 5 15. Luk. 2â—… Acts 9. The aâ—… insinua himself 4. Unity of blies 〈◊〉 3. 16. 5. â—…ty of minds Mat. 15. 1 2 Cor. 10. â—…b 11. 29. â—…r 4. 7. division 1 The comâ—…ance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…he frailty of â—…d designes * Exod. 3. 〈◊〉 first abuse â—…eir functi 4. â—…he second aâ—…e of their â—…nction 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—…jury ofâ—… to God â—…ek 13. 3. â—…ay 30. 10. The conc sion * c. 7. v. 〈◊〉 2 Tim 3. 6 Imago nos tantùm ut memoriale excitat uti Iesuitae passim Dico non esse â—…am certum in Ecclesiâ an sint faciendae imagines Dei sive Trinitatis quaÌ„ Christi sanctoruÌ„ hoc enim ad fidem â—…ertinet illud est in opinione Bella. de imag l. 2. c. 8 Inanimata spiritualem quandam virtutem exconsecratione adipiscuntur c. Tho. p. 3. q. 83. art 3. Deum imaginibus inhabitanteÌ„ colunt Deum â—…utem virtuteÌ„ stam spiritualeÌ„â—…etrahere alâ—…quando sive 〈◊〉 fatentur Cajetanus hac â—…n re ne Gentiâ—…ibus quidem â—…apientior haâ—…tur * Pro. 26. 4 5. * Psa. 〈◊〉 1. * Pro. 26. 18. 19. * Mat. 5. 22 * 2 Pet. 1. 20 * v. 9. * v. 17. * V. 5. * Deuter. 17. v. 16 17 18 19. Lib. 4. c. 4. Grot. lib. 1. c. 3. de Iure Belli pacis * Iudg Ienkins * Sir Iohn Banks * 〈◊〉 Sae q. â—…0 c. 3. * Grot. l. 2. de Iure Belâ—…i ac pacis c. 20. * Adv. Mathemat p. 3â—…8 * Lib. 2. de jure bell pacis c. 20. * Act. 17. 30. * Luke 9. 54. * v. 55. 56. * Luke 9. 5. * C. de Iudiciis dist 45. * Iu Arcanâ Historiâ * Luke 14. 28. * c. 13. 20. * Revel 9. * Cabinet Opened * Rom. 13. 2. * V. 2.
your selfe that the great Councell of the Kingdome by whom you are imployed if they will vouchsafe to reade my Sermon will not presently discerne your Art And withall perceive that though the Text upon which I out of the Integrity of my soule preacht that Sermon stick as close to False Prophets as the Cenâ—…aures shirt did to Hercules and set them a raging yet that they having never Parliamentarily profest to propagate Religion by their speare can no way be concerned when I say that such a perswasion in us Christians would be Mahumetan and we thereby should translate a piece of the Alchoran into a piece of the Gospel Sir I am so confident of the wisdome of that Honourable Assembly of my owne innocent meaning and of your guilt who have beene one of those Turkish Prophets and in your Letter to me still are who have preacht that piece of the Alchoran for good doctrine that for answer to all your slye impotently-malicious mis-applications and shiftings off that which I have said onely of such as your selfe to the Parliament I shall onely appeale to my Sermon And by that if you please to undertake the Devils part and be my Accuser shall be content to stand or fall In the meane time Sir I must repeat what I said before that if it be read or lookt on through those refractions with which you have mis-shap'd and crookt it I shall consent to what you say in the end of your filthy Paragraph That 't was once a Sermon but you almost à Carceribus usque ad metam have made it a Libell In your next what shall I call it you are very Critically pleasant And because I talke of a Religion wherein I was borne aske me whether I were borne in a Surplice or Cope and then very distinguishingly proceed and say Christiani non nascuntur sed fiunt To the first I reply that it had been as unnaturall for me to be borne in a Surplice or Cope as for you to come into the world with a little Geneva set-ruffe about your neck Next Sir for your sharpe distinction I hope though the Muses be your Step-dames yet you thinke not the figures of Rhetorick to be so superstitious that it shall be Popery in me to make use of a Metonymy and to express my selfe by the Adjunct when I mean the place and Country I grant Sir that men are not borne but re-born Christians yet 't will be no great Errour in speech for a man to say he is born in Christianity if he be a Christian and were born in the place where Christianity is establish'd Sir I doubt you begin to think secular learning to be a profane thing And that you are bound to persecute Tropes out of Expression as you have Liturgy out of the Church If you do Sir we shall in time if we proceed in this conflict fulfill a peece of one of Saint Paul's Epistles between us I become a Barbarian to you and you to me I am glad to hear you say That the Parliament will not suppress the true Protestant Religion Sir I never thought they would But then 't will be no harm to you if I pray That whilst you pursue such a through Reformation of it as of late years hath left it doubtfull in the minds of the people what the true Protestant Religion is you let not in Popery at that Gate by which they strive to shut it out If Queen Maries dayes do once more break in upon us through the â—…luce which we open to them by our unsetledness and Distractions and if I then fall a sacrifice in defence of the same Religion for which I now contend I hope you then will think your self confuted And no longer beleeve that I am such an ill Iudge of Religions or so profusely prodigall of my life that I would make it a Holocaust or Oblation either to Tyranny or Popery In short Sir let the King and Parliament agree to burn Copes and Surplices to throw away the Common-Prayer-Book or to break our Windows I shall not place so much Religion in them as not to think them alterable and this done by Right Authority But as for the Covenant 't is a pill Sir which no secular interest can so sweeten to me that I should think my self obliged to be so far of any mans Religion as to swallow both parts of a contradiction in an Oath if it appear to me to be such Your promise that my Sermon should be first confuted before it be burnt gives me hope it will be longer liv'd then upon the first report I thought it would But then I wonder you should passe that sentence on it and choose Paraeus for your precedent I must confesse to you Sir had I written so destructively of Parliaments as He did of Kings I should think it no injustice from that High Court if they should doom me the Author to be sacrificed on the same Altar with my Book But having upon the highest warrant that can possibly lend courage to a good action directed it wholy against False Prophets and no where reflected upon the Members of either House but where I maintain it to be unlawfull to speak evill of dignities to condemn it to the flame for speaking such Truths as I could not leave unspoken unlesse I had prevaricated with the Scripture will be so far from the reproach of a punishment that 't will encrease the esteem and value of it from its sufferings and make it ascend to heaven as the Angel in the Book of Iudges did in the breath and ayrc and perfume of an acceptable sacrifice to God Sir As your she-Dâ—…ciple did very much mis-inform you if she told you that I endeavoured to incense an Officer of this Garrison against you so 't was one Errour more in her as upon just occasion I shall demonstrate to you to tell you that I vented damnable Doctrines in her Company which I was not able to maintain She is my Gentle Adversary and I desire she should know that as I desire not to fight serious duells with that unequall Sex so when ever she will again provoke me to a Dispute so it be not at Saint Maries for S. Paul forbids women to argue in the Church she shall return with prizes and I will confess my self conquer'd In the mean time Sir whither she came to you or you went to her Her Sex puts me in mind of some false Teachers not mention'd in my Sermon but branded by Saint Paul * for creeping into houses and leading captive silly Women If your Intelligencer be one of these as I shrewdly suspect she is I should be sorry for those Friends sake in whose Acquaintance we both meet that she should be lyable to the Character of such silly women in the next verse where 't is said That they were ever learning and never able to come to the knowledge of the Truth You proceed and say That you were in manifest Danger to loose
your Right to the Exercise of the Protestant Religion whereupon the High Court of Parliament thought it fit to repell force by force Sir do not entertain me with your own false fears and â—…ealousies but demonstrate to me that the King for Him I presume you mean meant to extirpate the true Protestant Religion by the sword and to plant Popery in its stead And you shall not more 〈◊〉 charge me that I make the Parliament by such a Resistance to Denizon the Alchoran then I shall truely pronounce the Kings party in fighting for him to that end guilty of a Mahumetan perswasion In saying this you exceedingly mistake me if you think I contend for a Vorstian Liberty or am hereby a Friend to the Rebels in Ireland Sir I hope you can distinguish between mens Disloyalty and Religion As Rebels I hold it fit if they will not otherway return to their Alleagance that they be reduced by force There is a right to their subjection pursued by such a War which makes all Armes warrantable which are imploy'd for the recovery of such a losse But to think that as they are Papists nay Sir I shall not shrink from my word if they were outright Infidels that the Protestant Relâ—…gion is to be imposed upon them by force is to make our selves guilty of all the hard Censures which have past upon the Spaniards Conquest of the Indians where their Silver Mines were the true cause and Religion the pretence Notwithstanding your Holy War therefore mention'd in the Revelation which place I have considered and find it as mysterious as the pale or black Horse for ought you have said in disproof of it I find not my self tempted to desert my Opinion which is That to come into the field with an Armed Gospel is not the way chosen by Christ to make Proselytes And therefore Sir I will not so much distrust the Wisdome or Iustice of the Parliament that upon your bare Assertion they will make me miserable because I maintain that they cannot waâ—…rantably compell any man to be happy Why the bare mention of your Scruple-house should put you into such a fit of ill language as to pronounce me unworthy to carry the Books of the Reverend Divines after them who met there to heal Doubts or why my Carfax-Sermon should contribute to the raging of that fit I cannot reasonably imagine Sir I have no mind to fight many Duells at Once nor having received a challenge from no other but your self to ingage my self with them by whom I have not been provok'â—… Whither they be ungifted preachers or Gifted Disputants is best known to themselves But certainly Sir if the Report which was made to me by some who brought both their understandings as well as Eares with tâ—…em to the famous meeting November 12. be true there was nothing so demonstratively by them either objected or replyed as might incourage them or their Hearers to beleeve this peece of Popery that they are unerring and infallible in the chair pray Sir do not think my Famous pride or self-conceitedness which you say hath provoked you to break your chaines and to let loose your pen that you might whip me into Humility hath prompted me to say this Had you named the Reverend persons whose Books I am not worthy to carry after them so they be Greek or Latine Books and those well understood by them perhaps I should have exprest a greater Act of Humility then you are aware of and have been content though one of the new Doctors yet by the second Subscription of your Letter but a Master of Art to sit a while at the feet of such learned Gamaliel's But speaking indefinitely as you do I hope Sir for twenty years study sake in this University where I have learnt to distinguish the letters of the Greek Alphabet and at first sight do know that it would beget a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or quarrell among the Vowells if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in a word should usurp the place of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you will find me a nobler imployment then to carry Books after Them who count Liberaries Superfluous humane Secular Things And think a Minister not Minister of Gospel as your Scribe hath twice erred in the transcription of your letter in a vowell very fatall to you needs no other furniture but the Spirit Cottons Concordance and the English Bible without the Apocrypha Sir I am sorry the Fit which the mention of the Scruple-house did put you into should be increased by the mention of a Dark Roome There goes a Story of one who had tasted a while of Bedlam and was at length by the help of Discipline dyet and Physick cured of his Distraction yet not so perfectly but that still when he came within the sight of the place his fancy remembred him of his old Distemper and tempted him to do something which required a second cure I speak not this parable to upbraid any with an infirmity which is unavoydably naturall to them and no way contracted from the pride or irregularity of their own Wills But if you have read Tully's Paradoxes you may remember Sir that he there maintains the Opinion of the Stoicks that not onely they whose chaines and fetters proclaim them distempered but that all foolish over passionate men are to be reckoned into the number of those who are to be cured by manacles and chaynes pray Sir do not take it ill if being as you say a Poet I cite a Poet who was of this Opinion but maintains it like a Philosopher I will not say a School Divine And having insisted in verse upon Covetousness as one Ambition as another The love of beauty either in reall or painted faces as another Species of Madness He concludes in Anger and sayes Ira furor brevis est that is That the Cholerick man during the fit of his oholer is in a short phrenzy That which Seneca Tully and Horace called madness though not the other more naturall which I should be uncharitable to object to you you by this letter especially the angry part of it have given me very justifiable cause to apply to you who as all dispassionated men may judge have fulfill'd the Poets definition of Madness upon your self in all the parts of it but one which is that your Anger against me is not furor Brevis a short distraction but extends from the word Scruple-house to the End of your Letter For first Sir in Language almost as unclean as the sin of uncleanness it self you endeavour to raise a Suspition upon me in the world as if I had been more familiar then I should with light Women in dark Roomes Sir besides the poverty of your wit and quibling Antitheses of Expression to which I finde you in other places of your letter very subject I am not afraid with all the confidence of an Innocent man to tell you That as I never was an Enemy to that Sex so I never
own true genuine light they appeared so many cleare transparent Copies of a sincere and Gallant Mind Look't upon by the People of whom you know who said populus iste vult decipi decipiatur through the Answers and Observations and venomous Comments which some men made upon them a fallacy in judgement followed very like the fallacy of the sight where an Object beheld through a false deceitfull medium partakes of the cosenage of the conveyance and way and puts on a false Resemblance As square bright angular things through a mist show darke and round and straight things seen through water show broken and distorted It seems Sir by your Letter to me that your Friend with whom you say you have lately had a dispute about the Kings Supremacy and the Subjects Rights is one of those who hath had the ill luck to be thus deceived Which I doe not wonder at when I consider how much he is concern'd in his fortunes that the Parliament should all this while be in the right Besides Sir Having lookt upon the Cause of that Side meerly in that plausible dresse with which some pens have attired it And having entertain'd a strâ—…ng prejudice against whatever shall be said to prove that a Parliament may erre it ought to be no marvaile to you if he be rather of M. â—…rinnes then Iudge Ienkins's Opinion And perswade himselfe that the Parliament having if not a superior yet a coordinate power with the King in which the People is interested where ever their Religion or Liberty is invaded may take up Armes against Him for the defence of either But then Sir finding by my reading of the publick writings of both sides that both sides challenged to themselves the Defence of one and the same Cause I must confesse to you That 〈◊〉 a while the many Battailes which so often coloured our fields with Bloud appeared to me like Battailsâ—…ught â—…ught in Dreams Where the person combating in his slâ—…epe imagines he hath an Adversary but a wake perceives his error that he helâ—… coâ—…flict with himselfe To speak a little more freely to 〈◊〉 Sir the Kings Declarations and the Parliaments Remonstrances equally pretending to the maintenance of the same Protestant Religion and the same Liberty of the Subject I wondered a while how they could make two opposite sides or could so frequently come into the field without a Quarrell But since your Friend is pleased to let me no longer remain a Sceptick but clearly to state the Quarrell by suffering the two great words of Charme Liberty and Religion from whence both sides have so often made their Recruits to stand no longer as a Salamis or controverted Iland between two equall Challengers And since he is pleased to espouse the defence of them so wholly to the Parliament as to call the Warre made by the King the Invasion of them Both for his and your satisfaction who have layed this taske upon me give me leave to propose this reasonable Dilemma to you Either 't is true what your Friend saies that the Parliament hath all this while sought for the defence of their Liberty and Religion or 't is only a pretence and hath hid some darker secret under it If it have been only a pretence there being not a third word in all the World which can afford so good Colour to make an unjust Warre passe for a just the first discovery of it will be the fall and ruine of it And the People who have been misled with so much holy Imposture will not only hate it for the Hypocrisie but the Injustice too If it be true yet I cannot see how they are hereby advantaged or how either or both these joyned can legitimate their Armes For first Sir I would fain know of your friend what he means by the Liberty of the Subject I presume he doth not mean a Releasement from servitude Since amongst all their other complaints delivered in Petitions to the Parliament they never yet adventured to say that they were govern'd as Servants by a hard Master not as Subjects by a Prince Nor doe I find that the King was such a Pharaoh to them that they were able to say that he changed a Kingdome of Freemen into a House of Bondage Some Acts of his Government I confesse some have call'd Illegal namely the exaction of Ship-mony But this certainly was a grievance which if it had not been redrest deserved not to be reckoned among the Brick kills of Aegypt or to denominate his Government despoticall too Next then doth your friend by Liberty meane a Releasement from Tyranny as Tyranny allowes men to be Subjects but not much removed from slaves Had the King indeed made his Will the Rule of his Government and had his Will revealed it selfe in nineteen years of Injustice had he like Caligula worne a Table-book in his pocket with the names of the Nobility in it design'd and Markt for slaughter Had he without any Trialls of Law made his pleasure passe for sentence and lopt off Senators heads as Tarquin did Poppeys Had he in his oppressions of the People made them feele Times like those which Tacitus describes where no man durst be virtuous least he should be thought to upbrayd his Prince where to complaine of hard usage was capitall and where men had not only their words but their very looks and sighs proscribed his Raigne would beare that Name But alas Sir you your selfe know that these are Acts of Tyranny which were so farre from being practised that they have not yet been faigned among us 'T is true indeed certain dark Iealousies were cast among the people as if some Evill Counsellors about the King had had it in their designe to introduce an Arbitrary Government But these were but Iealousies blown by those whose plot 't was to make the popular hatred their engine to remove those Counsellors that by their ruine they might raise a Ladder to their own Ambitions For if the Calamity of these times have not quite blotted out the memory of former people cannot but remember that no Nation under Heaven more freely enjoyed the Blessing of the Scripture then we every one secure under the shade of his own Uine perhaps a grape or two extraordinary was gathered for the publique But if any did refuse to contribute I doe not find that like Naboth they were stoned for their Uineyard If therefore the Gentleman your friend understand Liberty in this sense the most he can say for the Parliament is that they have taken up Armes against their King not because he was but because he possibly might be a Tyrant Which feare of theirs being in it selfe altogether unreasonable and therefore not to be satisfied could not but naturally endeavour as we find by sad experience it hath done â—…o secure it selfe by removing out right the formidable obâ—…ect which caused it which being not to be done but by the Removall of Monarchicall Government it selfe could not but cast them at length
depend for their credit and evidence of their truth upon the authority of Christs miracles conveyed along in tradition and story pag. 16. and therefore I say your Religion leanes too hard and too heavy upon Tradition You are offended that I spoke not distinctly concerning Prelacy you may if you please try your strength and endeavour to prove that Christ hath put the sole power of Ordination and Iurisdiction in the hand of a Prelate 2. You may if you can justifie that no Church that ever the Sun look'd upon hath been more blest with purity of Religion for the Doctrine of it or better establish'd for the Government and Discipline of it then the Church of England pag. 7. if you believe this confident assertion you may proceed and justifie all the Doctrines which were publikely countenanced or approved all the superstitious practises and prelaticall usurpations nay the delegation of the Prelates usurped power to Chancellors and all the Tyranny of the high Commission together with all the corruptions and innovations introduced into the State Church University from the yeare 1630. till 1640. by a prevailing faction who were not the Church or University but the disease indeed the plague of both If you dare not undertake so sad a taske you cannot justifie the 17. 18. 22 23. 27. 35. pages of the False Prâ—…het you must prove that the proceedings of the Parliament are Turkish pag. 15. 17. that none of the Members of either House of Parliament who complaine of the blemishes of the Church are to be esteemed good Protestants pag. â—…8 that the Reformation which they have made is vanity of vanities pag. 20. that they are guided by no other principles but such as are contrary to all rules of right judgement either common to men or Christians pag. 21. that the Ministers who have appeared for the Parliament are all of them False Prophets who have encouraged the Parliament to oppression sacriledge murther and to make all names that are great and sacred cheap and odious in the eares of the people That the Ministers are the liars and the Parliament-men the compliers as appears by all your unworthy insinuations hints intimations quite throughout your Scurrillous Libell falsly called a Sermon let any prudent man judge whether this be not your maine drift and scope à carceribus usque ad metam You talke of a Religion in which you were borne were you borne in a Surplice or a Cope Christiani non nascuntur sed fiunt Sir the Parliament doth not defame nor will they suppress the true Protestant Religion and therefore if you fall in this quarrell I said that you must be sacrificed in the defence of Tyranny Prelacy Popery if you put not Religion in Copes Images Prelates or Service-Booke quorsum haec perditio why doe you talk of being Martyr'd say that if the King will give you leave you will burne your Copes and Surplices throw off the Bishops and Common-Prayer Booke you 'l break your windowes and take the Covenant and make it evident that you are and ever will be of the Kings Religion for you hold none of these things necessary now whatever you have said heretofore unless they be made necessary by right Authority Sir if I made any prediction it was that your Sermon would be confuted before it was burnt you know Paraeus was burnt before he was confuted and if you be not guilty of any doctrine received in Poland I wonder First why you did endeavour to incense an Officer of this Garrison against me because I had refuted M. Yerburies blasphemous errors 2. Why you did maintaine those damnable Doctrines on the last Sabbath forgive me this injurie for I heare you did but vent them and were no way able to maintain them Sir I acknowledge that I doe contend for the restitution of the true Protestant Religion and contend for the civill right which we have to exercise the true Protestant Religion we were in manifest danger to lose our right by the force and violence of potent Enemies whereupon the high Court of Parliament judged it fit to repell force by forces be pleased to shew how the Parliament doth hereby canonize the Alchoran or declare themselves to be of the Mahumetan perswasion the Parliament will not compell you to be happy onely take heed that you do not compell them to make you miserable Though you renounce all Doctrines that M. Yerberie maintaines yet I thinke you are too great a friend to the Rebels in Ireland you contend for a Vorstian liberty not for a liberty of conscience for you desire a liberty for men that have no conscience such as turne from being Protestants to be Infidels There is one of M. Yerburies opinion who saith that the righteous are at liberty he that is righteous let him be righteous still and the wicked are at liberty he that is wicked let him be wicked still but you are of a more dangerous opinion the wicked as as you think are at liberty to kill and slay but the godly are not at liberty to defend themselves by the power of the highest Court of Justice in the Kingdome from illegall and unjust oppression violence I am convinced by many passages in your Sermon especially the 15 16 17. pages that you think we ought not to fight against the Rebells in Ireland because it is part of their Religion as it was of your brethren the Cavaliers to put all Roundheads as you terme them to the sword missajam mordet the Mass may be armed but the Gospel must not What thinke you of the War fore-told in the book of the Revelation Sir you abuse your betters when you talk of the Scruple-house You are not worthy to carrie the books of those Reverend Ministers after them nor could your Carfax-Sermon have ever silenced the ungifted Preachers you would have found them gifted Disputants if you think otherwise try one or two of them in some of their beaten points Sir I speake thus freely because I was not present at the famous meeting Novemb. 12. but I see you can cite one of your owne Prophets Poets I should say but he is no truer a Prophet then you are like to prove a Martyr a Cretian Prophet Sir the knowledge of my Brethrens worth and your famous pride and self-conceitedness hath provoked me to let my pen loose that I might disabuse and humble you It seems you are unwilling to come upon the stage though that be a fitter place for you then the pulpit to appear before a Theater of men and women Sir you love the stage too well take heed you doe not love women too ill there is a friend of yours that doth entreat you to beware of dark rooms and sight women for though a great Physitian doth advise you to the use of such pleasing physick yet the Frenchmen will assure you that it is not wholsome for the body and the English can assure you that it is not good for the soul your kind
but prove to me that the Priests whom you make to be the lower orbe of their Faction did so mingle and confound the services of the Church as to put no difference between the holy and profane or that in complyance with them they saw vanity and divined lyes to the people and I shall think them capable of all the hard language which you or others have for some yeares heapt upon them Till then Sir pray mistake not Concrets for their Abstracts nor charge the faults of persons upon the innocency of their functions Prelacy is an Order so well rooted in the Scripture though now deprived of all its Branches in this Kingdome that I verily perswade my selfe that as Caiaphas in the Gospell when he spoke Prophecy perceived not himself at that time to be a Prophet so you over-rul'd by the guidance of a higher power have in this Paragraph exceedingly praised Prelacy whilst you laboured to revile it For either it must be Non-sense or a very great Encomium of it when you say that as long as it enjoyed a root here in this Kingdome it had not onely a destructive influence into the evils of the Church but of the Civill State too If the Influence of it were so destructive of evils as indeed it was pray with what Logick can you say that Salus populi quae suprema lex est did compell the Parliament to extirpate a thing so preservative and full of Antidote both to Church and State Sir if mens styles denominations be to be given to them by the place clymate where they are borne bred I shall grant you are an English nay an Oxford Christian. But if you preach maintain that Religion is to be propagated by the Sworâ—… I must tell you that an English Presbyter may in this case be a Turkish Prophet and that though his Text be chosen from the Gospel yet the Doctrine raised from it may be a piece of the Alchoran I shall allow you to say that the Protestants in Ireland had a Right to the defence of the free exercise of their Religion against the furious assaults of the bloody Rebels But when you tell me that Christ is King of Nations as well as King of Saints which I shall grant you and say that as one of his wayes to make Proselytes is by the perswasion of his Word and Spirit so if that will not do his other way to break the power of Antichrist that is as I conceive you mean to convert men from Popery is by civill and naturall meanes that is if you meane any thing to compell them to be Protestants by the Sword Me-thinks I am at Mechâ—… and heare a piece of Turcisme preacht to me by one of Mahomets Priests In short Sir whether the Papists in England were confederate with the Irish Rebels I know not But doe you prove demonstratively not jealously to me that the Queene and her Agents had an intent to extirpate the Protestant Religion and to plant Popery by the Sword and the Army that should bring that designe to pass shall in my opinion be styled an Army not of Papists but of baptized Ianizaries As for your bidding me dispute the right of taking up Armes in such a case with the Parliament First I must desire you to accept the Answer which Favroinus the Philosopher gave to a friend of his who askt him why he would let Adrian the Emperour have the better of him in a Dispute I am loth to enter into an Argumentation with those who command Thirty Legions Next Sir if I were of consideration enough to be heard to speak publickly to that Great Assembly having first kist my weapon I should not doubt with all the respective liberty which might witness to them that I strive not to diminish the rights of their power but to defend the truth of my cause to tell them that to come into the field with an armed Gospel is not the way chosen by Christ to make Proselites If this be an error or mis-perswasion in me shew me but one undenyable demonstration of the Spirit to disprove it besides your untopicall perswasion of your selfe to the contrary and without any farther conference or dispute in this point I shall acknowledge my selfe your convert and be most glad to be convinced In the mean time Sir you are obliged though I be in your opinion in an error to think more nobly of me then of those Cowards of your side who durst not speak Truth in a time of danger when you see me in the like time such a resolute Champion as you conceive for the wrong Sir 't is one of the prayses of a good picture to be drawne so livingly that every one in the room that beholds it shall thinke it looks only on him 'T is just so with some Texts in Scripture and some parts of morall Philosophy which when they speake very Characterizingly of an irregular passion or vice if they meet with a man Conscious and one subject to such passions remember him of his guilt and prick his minde as if he only were signified by that which was writ to all the World By your charging me that I dealt more sharply with you then I should you give me cause to suspect that my Letter proved such a picture to you and you to your guilty selfe seemed a person so concerned The words of bitterness which you have layed together in one heape are composed of such Language as upon your twentieth perusall you will never be able to finde in my Letter Sir Christianity and my profession however you in your letter forgot both have taught me not to returne Vomit for Vomit And the love which I beare to to the Civility of expression would never suffer me to be so revilingly broad If I made use of one of Senoca's Epistles or of Tully's Paradoxes or Horace's poeticall Controversies and if you would apply what they said of Ambition Pride or Choller to your self certainly Sir you have no reason to call this the Luxuriancy of my wit And thereupon to inferre these provocative conclusions that my wit is wanton therefore I am effeminate That I am superstitious therefore lascivious too Sir as my wit is so poore that I shall observe your Councell that is never wax proud upon the strength of it or despise those that are more weake so without sparing me at all I doe once more challenge you to prove that the wantonness of it hath betrayed me to the loose Conversation of any that are light Lastly Sir I hope you doe not think I have so much of the vaine glory or selfe-conceitedness of those Reverend Hypocrites in the Gospell in me who were able to boast of their long Prayers and broad phylactaries and of their fasting twice a weeke that I will offer to thinke my selfe more temperate then the Apostles Yet Sir I dare once more challenge you the precisest of your inspired informers to prove me at any time
the other for it's Founder But then the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the peculiar Epithet of Monarchy will beare another sence then I have hitherto given it And will not only signifie the King to be Supream for so the Rulers of a Free State are within their owne Territories but compared with other Formes of Supremacy to be the most excellent Monarchy being in it selfe least subject to Disunion or civill Disturbance And for that Reason pronounced by the wisest Stateists to be that Forme of Governement into which all other incline naturally to resolve themselves for their perfection But by Governours in that place understanding as he doth not the Senate in a Free-state but the Subordinate Magistrates under a Prince the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most certainly belongs to the King To whom the Apostle there assignes the Mission of Governours as one of the Essentiall Markes and Notes that He is in His owne Realm Supream And thus Sir having drawne the portraiture of Regall Power to you by the best Light in the world but with the meanest Pencill I know you expect that in the next place I should shew you what Rayes or Beames of this power are Inherent in our King Which being a taske fitter for one of our greatest Sages of the Law then for me who being One who doe not pretend to any exact knowledg in the Fundamentall Lawes or Customes of this Kingdome which are to stand the Land-marks and markes of partition between the Kings Prerogative and the Liberty of the Subject may perhaps be thought by drawing a line or circle about either to limne Figures in the Dust whose â—…ate bangs on the Mercy of the next Winde that blowes the steps by which I will proceed leaving you to the late writings of that most learned and honest Iudge Ienkins for your fuller satisfaction in this point shall be breifly these two First I will shew you what are the Genuine markes and properties of Supream power Next how many of them have been challenged by the King and have not hitherto been denyed Him by any Publique Declaration of the Parliament Sir if you have read Aristotles Politicks as I presume you have you may please to remember that he * there divides the Supream Powere of a State into three generall parts The Ordering of Things for the publique the Creation of Magistrates and the Finall resolution of Iudgment upon Appeales To which he afterwards addes the power of Levying Warre or concluding of Peace of making or breaking Leagues with forraigne Nations of enacting or abrogating Lawes of Pardoning or Punishing Offendors with Banishment Confiscation Imprisonment or Death To which Dyonisius Halicarnassensis addes the power to call or dissolve Comitia or publique Assemblies As well Synods and Councells in Deliberations concerning Religion as Parliaments or Senates in Deliberations secular concerning the State To all which markes of Supreame power a * Moderne Lawyer who only wants their Age to be of as great Authority as either addes the power to exact Tribute and to presse Souldiers In the exercise of which two Acts consists that Dominium Eminens or Dominion Para mount which the state when ever it stands in need And that too to be the Iudge of its owne Necessity hath not only over the Fortunes but the Persons of the Subject In a measure so much greater then they have over themselves as the publique poole is to be preferr'd before the private Cisterne Now Sir if you please to apply this to the King though good Lawyers will tell you that the power of making or repealing Laws be not solely in Him but that the two Houses have a concurrent right in their production and Abolishment yet they will tell you too that His power extends thus farre that no Law can be made or repealed without Him Since for either or both Houses to produce a Statute Law by themselves hath alwaies in this State been thought a Birth as Monstrous as if a Child should be begotten by a Mother upon her selfe They usually are the Matrice and Womb where Lawes receive their first Impregnation and are shap't and formed for the publique But besides the opinion of all present Lawyers of this Kingdome who like that great example of Loyalty dare speak their knowledge it hath alwaies been acknowledged by the Law made 2. H. 5. By the sentence of Refusall Le Roy S' Avisera and indeed by all Parliaments of former Ages That the King is thus farre Pater Patriae that these Lawes are but abortive unlesse his Consent passe upon them A Negative power He hath then though not an out-right Legislative And if it be here objected by your Friend that the two Houses severally have so too I shall perhaps grant it if in this particular they will be modest and content to go sharers in this Power And no longer challenge to their Ordinances the legality force of Acts of Parliament As for the other parts of Royalty which I reckoned up to you As the Creation of Officers and Counsellours of State of Iudges for Law and Commanders for Warre the Ordering of the Militia by Sea and Land The Benefit of Confiscations and Escheats where Families want an Heyre The power to absolve and pardon where the Law hath Condemned The power to call and disolve Parliaments As also the Receipt of Custome and Tribute with many other particulars which you are able to suggest to your selfe They have alwaies been held to be such undoubted Flowers of this Crowne that every one of them like his Coyne which you know Sir is by the Law of this Land Treason to counterfeit which is an other mark of Royalty hath in all Ages but Ours worne the Kings Image and superscription upon it Not to be invaded by any without the crime of Rebellion And though as your Friend saies this be but a regulated power and rise no higher in the just exercise of these Acts then a Trust committed by the Lawes of this Kingdome for the Governement of it to the King for I never yet perceived by any of His Declarations That His Majesâ—…y câ—…aimed these as due to Him by Right of Conquest or any â—…er of those Absolute and Vnlimited waies which might render His Crowne Patrimoniall to Him or such an out-right Aâ—…odium that He might Alienate it or chuse His Successour or Rule as He pleased Himselfe yet as in the making of these Lawes He holds the first place so none of these Rights which he derives from them can without His own Consent be taken from Him For proofe hereof I will only instance in three particulars to you for I must remember that I am now writing a Letter to you not penning a Treatise which will carry the greater force of perswasion because confâ—…st by this Parliament The first was an Act presented to the King for the setling of the Militia for a limited time in such Hands as they might confide in A clear Argument that without such