when they did not give colour to a bad designe with a good success CHAP. XIX A very mean Prince may easily subsist succeeding a brave and valourous Prince but a mean one following a mean brings a State into great hazzard WHen we consider the valour and the manner of Romulus Numa and Tullus proceedings the first Roman Kings we shall find that Rome hit upon a very great fortune having the first King fierce and warlick the second peaceable and religious the third of like courage to Romulus and a lover of war rather then peace For in Rome it was necessary that in her infancy there should arise some one to order her in the eourse of civill government but in like manner it was afterwards needfull that the other Kings should betake themselves again to Romulus his valour otherwise that City would have become effeminate and been prey'd on by her neighbours Whence we may observe that the successor though not of so great valour as the predecessour is able to maintain a State by the valour of him that hath govern'd it before and enjoy the fruits of his labour but if it come to pass either that he be of long life or that after him there follows no other of like valour as the first of necessity that kingdom must go to ruine So on the contrary if two of great valour successively follow one the other it is often seen they effect mighty things and eternize their names David was a man for armes for learning and judgement excellent and such was his valour that having overcome and subdued his neighbours he left his son Solomen a peaceable Kingdom which he might well maintain by peacefull meanes without any war and happily possess the fruits of his fathers vertue But he could not leave it now to Roboam his sonn who not resembling his Grandfather in vertue nor having the like good hap his father had with much adoe remain'd heire to the sixth part of the Kingdom Bajazet the Turkish Sultan although he gave himself rather to peace then war yet could he also enjoy his father Mahomets labors who having as David beaten all his neighbours left him a setled Kingdom easie to be continued by peace but if his sonn Selimus now raigning had resembled the Father and not the Grandfather that Kingdom had gone to wrack But we see this man like to outgoe his Grandfathers glory Whereupon I agree with these examples that after an excellent Prince a feeble one may subsist but after one feeble one a Kingdom cannot stand with another unless it be such a one as France which subsists by force of her ancient ordinances And those are weak Princes that are not in the exercise of war And therefore I conclude with this discourse that such was Romulus his valour that it could give space to Numa Pompilius for many years by peacefull means to govern Rome But him followed Tullus who by his courage recover'd Romu'us reputation after him came Ancus so endowed by nature that he knew how to use peace and support war And first he addrest himself in a peaceable way but presently when he knew that his neighbours thinking him esseminate undervalu'd him he consider'd that to maintain Rome he was to apply himself to the warres and rather follow Romulus his steps than Numas Hence let all Princes that hold a State take example that he that resembles Numa shall either keep it or lose it as the times prove and fortunes wheele turns but he that takes after Romulus arm'd as he with wisdom and force shall hold it in any case unless by an obstinate and overmighty power it be wrested from him And certainly we may well think if Rome had light upon a man for her third King who knew not how by armes to recover her reputation she could never afterwards or not without much adoe have taken root or attain'd that grow'th she after grew to And thus whiles she liv'd under the Kings she ran the hazzard of ruining under a weake or naughty King CHAP. XX. Two continued successions of vertuous Princes worke great effects and Commonwealths well ordered of necessity have vertuous succession And therefore are their gains and increases great AFter Rome had banisht her Kings she was deliver'd of those dangers which as is before said she hazzarded a feeble or naughty King succeeding in her For the sum of the Empire was reduc'd unto Consuls who came not to the government by inheritance or treachery or by extream ambition but by the voices of the Citizens and they were alwaies very worthy men whose vertue and fortune Rome enjoying could from time to time attain to her vastest greatness in but so many more years as she had been under her Kings For we see that two continued successions of brave Princes are of force enough to conquer the whole world as was Philip of Macedon and Alexander the great Which so much the rather ought a Republick do having the means to choose not only two successions but an infinite number of valorous Princes who follow one the other which valourous succession may alwaies be in every well order'd Common-wealth CHAP. XXI What blame that Prince or Republick deserves that wants soldiers of his own subjects THE Princes of these times and the modern Republicks who for defences or offences want soldiers of their own may be ashamed of themselves and consider by the example of Tullus that this defect is not for want of men fit for war but by their fault who had not the understanding to make their men soldiers For Tullus Rome having been forty years in peace found not when he succeeded in the Kingdom a man that had been ere at war Yet he intending to make war serv'd not himself either of the Samnites or Tascans nor of others train'd up in armes but advis'd as a very prudent man to make use of his own people And such was his vertue that on a sudden with his discipline he made them very good soldiers Truer it is than any other truth if where men are there want soldiers it is the Princes fault not any other defect either of scituation or nature Whereof we have a very late example For every one knows how of late daies the King of England assayl'd the Kingdom of France and took no other soldiers than his own people And by reason that Kingdom had not been at war above thirty years before it had neither soldier nor Captain that ever had been at war yet he nothing doubted with those to set upon a Kingdom furnisht with Captains and good Armies who had continually born armes in the warrs of Italy All this proceeded from that this King was a very wise man and that Kingdom well govern'd which in time of peace neglected not military discipline Pelopidas and Epaminondas Thebans after they had set Thebes at liberty and drawn her out of bondage of the Spartan government perceiving well they were in a City accustomed to servitude and in the
men would be stop'd on the top of the mountains CHAP. XXIIII Commonwealths well order'd appoint rewards and punishments for their people and never recompence the one with the other THE deserts of Horatius had been exceeding great having by his valour vanquish'd the Curiatij His offence was horrible having slain his sister Notwithstanding such a kind of homicide so much displeas'd the Romans that it brought them to dispute whether they should grant him his life though his merits were so great and so fresh Which thing to him that looks but superficially on it would seem an example of popular ingratitude Yet he that shall examin better and with more consideration inquire what the orders of Commonwealths ought to be shall rather blame that people for having absolv'd him then for having had a mind to condemn him And this is the reason For never any Republick in good ordrr eancell'd the faults of their citizens with their deserts But having ordain'd rewards for good service and punishments for desservice and having rewarded one when he had done well if afterwards he commit any offence they chastise him without any regard to his former merits And when these orders are strictly observ'd a city continues long free otherwise it would soone go to ruine For if a man growne into great reputation for some notable peece of service done to the state should take upon him the confidence that he could without danger of punishment commit any offence in a short time would he become so unreasonably insolent that the civill state could no longer consist It is very necessary if we would have punishment for offences fear'd alwayes to reward good deserts as it appeares they did at Rome And though the Republique be but poore and can bestow but little yet may the subject well content himselfe with that little for so even a small gift bestowd on any one for requitall of a good though great shall finde with him that receives it an honourable and thankfull acceptance The story of Horatius Cocles is very well knowne and that also of Mutius Scevola how the one bore up the enemies upon a bridge till it was cut off behinde him the other burnt his owne hand for having mistaken when he meant to have killed Porsena the Tuscan King To these for two such notable acts was given by the publilick two acres of ground to each of them And marke also the story of Manlius Capitolinus To him for having delivered the Capitoll from the French which were encamp'd before it they who together with him were within besieg'd gave him a small measure of flour which reward according to the then present fortune of Rome was large and of such a quality too that afterwards Manlius either moov'd by envy or his owne ill nature occasion'd a sedition in Rome and seeking to get the people of his faction was without any regard had of his good deserts thrown headlong downe from that Capitoll which he to his great renowne had formerly deliver'd CHAP. XXV Whosoever would reforme an ancient state in a free city let him retain at least the shadow of the old customes HE that hath a minde to reforme the state of a City to bring it into liking and the better with every ones satisfaction to maintaine it is forc'd to keep the forme or shadow of the ancient customes to the end the people perceive not the change of them though indeed they are quite new farr different from the fore-past For they generally satisfy themselves as well with that that seemes to be as that that is Nay rather are they many times more mov'd with appearances then truthes And for this cause the Romans knowing this necessity when first they lived free having in change of one King created two Consuls would not suffer them to have more then twelve Lictors because they should not outgo the number of those that attend on the King Moreover when the yearly sacrifice was made in Rome which could not be done without the presence of the King and the Romans willing that the people by the absence of a King should not find a lacke of any of the old ceremonies created a head of the said sacrifice whom they call'd the King Priest who yet was lower in degree then the high Priest So that this way the people was satisfied of that sacrifice and never had any occasion by any default in it to wish their Kings again restored And this they all ought to observe that would cancell the old manner of living in a city and reduce it to a new and free course For being these novelties somewhat moove mens mindes therefore thou shouldst do well to call thy wits about thee and work these alterations in the old mould as much as might be And if the magistrates both in number and authority and durance differ from the ancient at least let them keep the same name And this as I have said rather ought he to observe who meanes to take upon him an absolute authority which is call'd a Tyranny for he is to innovate every thing CHAP. XXVI A new Prince in a city or Province taken by him should make innovations in every thing WHosoever becomes Prince of a city or state and the rather when his forces are but weake to keep it and means not to hold it neither as a Kingdome nor as a regular Republique the best expedient he can find for the maintenance of that Principality is that he himself being a new Prince make every thing new in the state as it is ordinary in the cities to make new governments with new names with new jurisdictions with new men and to enrich the poore as David did when he came to the crowne That filled the hungry with good things and the rich sent empty away To build moreover new cities and to pull down some that are built to remove the inhabitants from one place to another and in some to leave nothing untoucht in that Province that there be neither degree order nor state nor wealth but he that possesses it acknowledges it from these And to take for paterne Philip of Macedon Alexanders father who by these means became of a little King Prince of all Greece And he that writes of him sayes that he chang'd his people from Province to Province as herds-men change their herds from pasture to pasture These courses are very cruel and against all Christian and humane manner of living And every man ought refuse to be a King and desire rather to live a private man then reigne so much to the ruine of mankind Yet he that will not use that first way of good if he will preserve himself must enter into this of evil But men take to certain middle wayes which are very naught for they know not how to be all good nor all evil as shall be shewed for example in the next chapter CHAP. XXVII It is very seldom that men know how to be altogether mischievous or altogether
effect in a Prince for it is the opinion of all writers that vertue is commended even in ones enemies And if Manlius in the midst of that great desire had bin reviv'd the people of Rome would have given the same judgement upon him that they had done when they drew him out of prison and condemn'd him to death In like manner we see there were some Princes esteem'd wise too that have put some men to death whom afterwards they have much desired again as Alexander did Clitus and others of his friends and Herod Mariamme But that which our Historian speaks touching the nature of the multitude belongs not to that which is regulated by the lawes as was that of the Romans but to that which is loose as was that of the Syracusians which committed those errors that men inraged and dissolute fall into as did Alexander the Great and Herod in the cases aforesaid Therefore the nature of the multitude is not more blame-worthy than that of Princes for all equally do erre when all without respect have power to erre Whereof besides this I have alleadged there are examples enough as well among the Roman Emperors as other Kings and Princes where we may see such unconstancy and variation of life as never was yet seen in any multitude I conclude then beyond the common opinion which sayes that the people when they have the Principallity in their hands are various mutable unthankfull affirming that these faulâ—s are no otherwise in them than they are in particular Princes And if a man blamed both peoples and Princes together he might say true but exempting Princes he is deceiv'd For a people that rules and is well in order will be constant prudent and gratefull as well as a Prince or better though esteem'd wise And on the other side a Prince loosen'd from the law will be unthankfull various and imprudent more than the people and the diversitie of their proceeding arises not from the diversity of their dispositions because in all of them it is much after one manner and if there be any advantage on either side it is on the peoples part but rather that the one hath more regard to the lawes under which they live than the other And he that considers the people of Rome shall find that for four hundred years the name of a King was hatefull to them and yet were they zealous for the glory and common good of their countrey and he shall see many examples among them that witness the one thing and the other of them And if any man alleadge to mee the unthankfulnesse they used towards Scipio I answer that which formerly at large was sayd in this matter where it was made plaine that people are lesse ungratefull than Princes But as touching wisedome and settled stayednesse I say that a people is wiser and more stayd and of more exact judgment than a Prince And therefore not without cause the peoples voyce is likened to Gods voyce for wee see that the universall opinions bring to passe rare effects in their presages so that it seemes by their secret vertues they foresee their owne good or evill And touching their judgement in things it is seldome seene that when they heare two Oratours pleading each of them a contrary part when they are both of equall worth but that they follow the better opinion and are very capable of the truth they heare And if in matters of courage or in things that appeare profitable as it was abovesayd they erre many times also does a Prince erre drawne aside by his owne passions which are greater in them then in the people We see likewise in their choosing of Officers they make a farre better choice then does a Prince Nor will a people ever be perswaded to advance to dignity a man infamous and of a corrupt life to which a Prince may easily and diverse wayes be brought We see a people begin to hate some one thing and continue many ages in the same opinion which we see not it a Prince And of the one and the other of these two things the people of Rome shall serve me for witnesse which in so many hundreds of yeares in so many electio 〈…〉 of Consulls and Tribuns never made foure choices whereof they had cause to repent them And they hated so much as I said the name of a King that no citizen of theirs could ever so farre oblige them that if once he affected the Royalty they would pardon his due punishment Moreover we see that in those cities where the Principality is in the people in a short time exceeding great increases are made and farre greater then those that have bin made under the government of a Prince as Rome did after the banishment of her Kings and Athens after she freed her selfe from Pisistratue which proceeds from nothing else but that the peoples governments are better then Princes Nor will we agree to this that all that our Historian sayes in the text before alleadged or any where else opposes this our opinion for if we shall run over all the disorders of peoples the disorders of Princes and all the glorious actions of people as those also of Princes we shall see the people farre surmount the Princes in vertue and in glory And if Princes exceede the people in ordaining of Lawes in framing a civill government in making of statutes and new institutions yet in the maintenance and preservation hereof the people go so farre beyond them that they attaine to the glory of their founders And in summe to conclude this matter I say that as Princes states have lasted long so likewise have those of Republiques and the one and the other have had need to be regulated by the lawes for a Prince that hath the power to doe what he list commits divers follies and a people that can do what they will seldome give great proofes of their wisdome If then the argument be touching a Prince and a people tied and chained to their lawes a man shall see more vertue in the People then in the Prince but if the reasoning be of the one and the other loose from the lawes fewer errours will appeare in the people then in the Prince and those lesse and which are capable of greater remedies for a good man may easily have the meanes to perswade with a licentious and tumultuous people and so reduce them to reason But to a mischievous Prince no man can speake nor is there any other remedy but the sword Whereupon a man may guess at the importance of one and the others evill for if words are of Where he cut off the lappet of Sauls garment and therefore was checkt by his owne conscience And that in the Psalm 140. Touch not mine anointed c. Nor doe the heathen writers any thing give way hereunto wherefore Tacitus sayes Ferenda regum ingenia neque usui crebras mutationes Ann. 12. and Quomodo sterilitatem caetera naturae mala
get the Kingdome of Naples he divided it with the King of Spain and where before he was the sole arbitre of Italy he brought in a competitor to the end that all the ambitious persons of that country and all that were ill affected to him might have otherwhere to make their recourse and whereas he might have left in that Kingdome some Vice King of his own he took him from thence to place another there that might afterward chace him thence It is a thing indeed very natural and ordinary to desire to be of the getting hand and alwaies when men undertake it if they can effect it they shall be prais'd for it or at least not blam'd but when they are notable and yet will undertake it here lies the blame here is the error committed If France then was able with her own power to assail the Kingdome of Naples she might well have done it but not being able she should not have divided it and if the division she made of Lombardy with the Venetians deserv'd some excuse thereby to set one foot in Italy yet this merits blame for not being excus'd by that necessity Lewis then committed these five faults extinguisht the feebler ones augmented the State of another that was already powerful in Italy brought thereinto a very puissant forreiner came not thither himself to dwell there nor planted any colonies there which faults while he liv'd he could not but be the worse for yet all could not have gone so ill had he not committed the sixt to take from the Venetians their State for if he had not enlarg'd the Churches territories nor brought the Spaniard into Italy it had bin necessary to take them lower but having first taken those other courses he should never have given way to their destruction for while they had been strong they would alwaies have kept the others off from venturing on the conquest of Lombardy For the Venetians would never have given thoir consents thereto unless they should have been made Lords of it themselves and the others would never have taken it from France to give it them and then they would never have dar'd to go and set upon them both together And if any one should say that King Lewis yeelded Romania to Alexander and the Kingdome of Naples to Spain to avoid a war I answer with the reasons above alledged that one should never suffer any disorder to follow for avoiding of a war for that war is not sav'd but put off to thy disadvantage And if any others argue that the King had given his word to the Pope to do that exploit for him for dissolving of his marriage and for giving the Cardinals Cap to him of Roan I answer with that which hereafter I shall say touching Princes words how they ought to be kept King Lewis then lost Lombardy for not having observ'd some of those termes which others us'd who have possessed themselves of countries and desir'd to keep them Nor is this any strange thing but very ordinary and reasonable and to this purpose I spake at Nantes with that French Cardinal when Valentine for so ordinarily was Caesar Borgia Pope Alexanders son call'd made himself master of Romania for when the Cardinal said to me that the Italians understood not the feats of war I answered the Frenchmen understood not matters of State for had they been well vers'd therein they would never have suffer'd the Church to have grown to that greatness And by experience we have seen it that the power hereof in Italy and that of Spain also was caused by France and their own ruine proceeded from themselves From whence a general rule may be taken which never or very seldom fails That he that gives the means to another to become powerful ruines himself for that power is caused by him either with his industry or with his force and as well the one as the other of these two is suspected by him that is grown puissant CHAP. IV. Wherefore Darius his Kingdome taken by Alexder rebelled not against Alexanders Successors after his death THe difficulties being consider'd which a man hath in the maintaining of a State new gotten some might marvaile how it came to pass that Alexander the great subdued all Asia in a few years and having hardly possessed himself of it died whereupon it seemed probable that all that State should have rebelled nevertheless his Successors kept the possession of it nor found they other difficulty in holding it than what arose among themselves through their own ambition I answer that all the Principalities whereof we have memory left us have been governed in two several manners either by a Prince and all the rest Vassals who as ministers by his favor and allowance do help to govern that Kingdom or by a Prince and by Barons who not by their Princes favor but by the antiquity of blood hold that degree And these kinds of Barons have both states of their own and Vassals who acknowledge them for their Lords and bare them a true natural affection Those States that are govern'd by a Prince and by Vassals have their Prince ruling over them with more authority for in all his countrey there is none acknowledged for superior but himself and if they yeeld obedience to any one else it is but as to his minister and officer nor beare they him any particular good will The examples of these two different Governments now in our dayes are the Turk and the King of France The Turks whole Monarchy is govern'd by one Lord and the rest are all his Vassals and dividing his whole Kingdom into divers Sangiacques or Governments he sends several thither and those he chops and changes as he pleases But the King of France is seated in the midst of a multitude of Lords who of old have been acknowledg'd for such by their subjects and being belov'd by them enjoy their preheminencies nor can the King take their States from them without danger He then that considers the one and the other of these two States shall find difficulty in the conquest of the Turks State but when once it is subdu'd great facility to hold it The reasons of these difficulties in taking of the Turks Kingdom from him are because the Invader cannot be called in by the Princes of that Kingdom nor hope by the rebellion of those which he hath about him to be able to facilitate his enterprize which proceeds from the reasons aforesaid for for they being all his slaves and oblig'd to him can more hardly be corrupted and put case they were corrupted little profit could he get by it they not being able to draw after them any people for the reasons we have shewed whereupon he that assails the Turk must think to find him united and must rather relie upon his own forces than in the others disorders but when once he is overcome and broken in the field so that he cannot repair his armies there is nothing else to be
their advantage grew alwaies more mighty CHAP. VII How much land the Romans allowed to each man they sent out to inhabit their Colonies BY what parcels the Romans did divide the land among them I beleeve it is hard to find out the truth because I think they bestow'd on them more or less according to the places whether they sent the Colonies and it is credible howsoever the case went and whether soever they were sent the allowance was but small First to the end they might be able to send the more men thither they being intrusted with the guard of that countrey Besides because they living sparingly at home it agrees not with reason that they would allow their men where wishall to abound much abroad And Titus Livius sayes that when they had taken Veium they sent a Colony thither and to each man they gave three acres and a half and a twelfth part For besides the things above written they judge it was not the quantity of the land that suppli'd their wants but the well câ—â—tiating of it And moreover it is very necessary that the whole Colony have fields in common were every one may freely feed his cattel and woods from whence to fetch fuell for firing without which a Colony cannot well subfist CHAP. VIII The occasion wherefore people leave their own native soyles and invade other countreys Seeing that we have formerly discours'd of the manner of proceeding in war which the Romans us'd and how the Tuscans were assail'd by the French me thinks it were not much from the matter to shew that there are two sorts of war made The one is through the ambitions of Princes or Commonwealths who indeavor the inlargement of their dominions such as were the wars of Alexander the Great and the Romans and such as now adayes every Prince and Potentate makes one with another Which wars are dangerous indeed but yet they do not wholly chase the inhabitants out of a countrey for the Conqueror is contented onely with the obedience of nations and most commonly suffers them to live under their own Laws and enjoy their own goods in their own houses The other kind of war is when the whole people with all their families rise from a place forced either by famine or war and goe to seek a new habitation and new Countrey not out of ambition to command as the others but to possess it by themselves and to drive thence or destroy the ancient inhabitants thereof This kind of war is very cruel and terrible And touching these wars Salust speaks in the end of the Jugurthin where he sayes that when Jugurth was overcome the French were perceived to stir who then came into Italy and there he relates that the people of Rome fought with all other Nations for rule and command but with the French every one fought for his life and safety For it sufficeth a Prince or Commonwealth that assails a Countrey to destroy onely those that command whereas these populations must make a general destruction being that they will live upon that which formerly sustained others The Romans had three several wars of these exceeding dangerous The first was that when Rome was taken which was seis'd on by those Frenchmen that as is above said had taken Lombardy from the Tuscans and seated themselves there whereof Titus Livius alledges two reasons The first as we said before is that they were allur'd by the pleasantness of the fruits and the wines of Italy whereof they had scarcity in France the second that the people in France being exceedingly multiplyed the Countrey could not seed them whereupon the Princes of those places thought it fit that part of them should goe to seek some new habitation and that resolution being taken they chose for Captains of them that were to depart Bellovessus and Sicovessus two French Kings whereof Bellovessus came into Italy and Sicovessus went into Spain Upon the passage of which Bellovessus follow'd the seisure of Lombardy and thereupon the war which first the French made against Rome Next this was that they made after the first Carthaginian war when between Piombin and Pisa they slew more then hundred thousand French The third was when the Germans and Cimbrians came into Italy who having overcome several Roman Armies were subdu'd by Marius The Romans then masterd these three very perilous wars nor was there need of less valor than theirs to overcome them for we see how that after the valor of the Romans faild and their armies lost their ancient vertue that Empire was ruind by such like people as the Goths Vandalls and such others who possessd themselves of the whole western Empire Such people come out of their own Countreys as is above said compell'd thereto by necessity which necessity proceeds either from famine or from some war and oppression inflicted on them in their own Countreys So that they are constraind to seek new habitations And these either are in great multitudes and then they break with violence into others countreys destroy the Inhabitants possess their goods make a new Kingdome and change the name of the country as Moses did and those people likewise that seiz'd upon the Romane Empire for these new names that are in Italy and in the other Provinces grew from nothing else than that they were so named by their new Lords As is Lombardy now which was called Gallia Cisalpina France was called Gallia Transalpina and now is named of the French for so were those people called that made themselves masters of it Sclavonia was called Illyrium Hungary Pannonia England Brittanny and many other Countreys that have changed their names which it would be too long to recite Moses allso called that part of Syria which he made himself master of Jury And because I have formerly said that some people are driven out of their own habitations by war whereupon they are forc'd to seek a new where to seat themselves I will alleage an example to that purpose of the Maurusians ancientiy a people of Syria Who having notice of the Hebrews comming and thinking they could not resist them thought it better to leave their Countrey than in striving to save that lose themselves And so rising thence with their families they went into Affrique where they sate down driving out the Inhabitants they found in those places And so they who could not defend their own Countrey could yet take that of others from them And Procopius who writes of the war that Bellifarius made with the Vandals that possessed themselves of Affrique reports that he read Letters written in certain pillars in those parts where these Maurusians did inhabite thus saying We are Maurusians who fled from the face of Jesu the robber who was Son of Nave Where the occasion of the departure of these people out of Syria plainly appears wherefore these people are very terrible when they are driven out by extream necessity and unless they be encountred by puissant forces cannot be
with Hannibal was made a Captain over some certain number of slaves whom the Romans for want of men had put into armes ordained specially a capital punishment for any that should object to any of them their servitude so hurtful a matter as it is said was it thought by the Romans to set men at nought and reproach them with any disgrace for there is nothing so much incenses men to rage or breeds more hatred in them whether it be spoken in earnest or in jeast Bitter taunts when they have too great a mingle of truth with them leave behind them a very distastfull remembrance CHAP. XXVII Prudent Princes and Commonwealths ought to be contented with the victory for oftentimes when that suffices them not they lose it THE using of disgracefull words against the enemy proceeds most commonly from an insolencie which either the victory or a false hope of victory incites thee to which false hope causes men to erre not only in their sayings but in their doings also for this hope when it enters into mens breasts makes them go beyond the point and many times lose the opportunity of having a certain good hoping to attain unto a better uncertain good and because this is a matter worthy consideration men often deceiving themselves to the dammage of their State I am of advice to shew it particularly by ancient examples and modern being it cannot so distinctly be prov'd by reasons Hannibal after he had defeated the Romans at Canna sent his Agents to Carthage to give them notice of the victory and to demand new supplies It was argued in the Senate what was fit to be done Hanno an old man and a discreet Citizen of Carthage advised to use this victory wisely and make peace with the Romans being that now they might have it upon reasonable termes having gained a battell and that they should not go about to seek for it after a battell lost for it should be the Carthaginians design to shew the Romans that they were able to deal with them and having gotten a victory they should take a care not to lose it for hope of a greater This course was not taken but afterwards the Senate of Carthage understood that this was very good counsell when the occasion was lost When Alexander the Great had conquer'd all the Levant the Commonwealth of Tyre famous in those daies and puissant by reason that their City was seated in the water as Venice is seeing Alexanders greatness sent Ambassadors to him to tell him that they would become his faithfull servans and yeeld him what obedience he should desire but that they would not admit either him or his soldiers into their Town Whereat Alexander disdaining that any one City should shut her gates against him seeing he had forc'd all others open throughout the whole world would not accept their conditions but rejected them and forthwith sent his army thither That Town stood in the water and was well provided with victualls and other munition fit for defence so that Alexander after four moneths spent considering that one City took away all that time from his glory which many other great conquests never did and therefore determined to try an agreement and to grant what they of themselves had asked But they of Tyre being grown insolent hereupon not only refused the conditions but slew those that came to treat with them Whereupon Alexander all enraged at this affront so stronly assaulted the Town that he took it destroy'd it and slew or made slaves all the men therein A Spanish Army came upon the Florentines Territories to restore the Medici into Florence and to lay some taxes upon the Town being hired hereunto by some Citizens inhabiting therein who put them in hopes that as soon as they should set foot in their Country they would take armes in favour of them they comming into the plain and none of these discovering themselves to be for them because they had want of victualls tryed to make an agreement whereupon the Florentines grown proud would not accept of any upon which occasion followed the loss of Prato and the ruine of that State Therefore Princes cannot commit a greater error when they are assail'd in case the assailants are far more puissant then they then to refuse all termes of agreement especially when they are proffer'd them for never will such poor ones be offerd wherein is not in a good measure comprised his good that accepts them and some part of his victory Wherefore the Tyrians should have satisfied themselves that Alexander accepted those conditions he had formerly refused and their victory had been great enough when with their armes in hand they had made so mighty a Prince as he to yeeld to their demands It should have sufficed the Florentines also and they had gotten a good victory too if the Spanish army gave way to any of their desires though they had not fulfilled all of them for that armies design was to change the State of Florence to take away her devotion to France and to draw some monies from her When of these three the people had yeelded to two which were the last and had gotten themselves but one which was the preservation of their state they within had each of them gained some honour and satisfaction nor should the people have troubled themselves for the other two things one remaining to them nor should they have offered sing they had been sure of a certain victory to hazard it at fortunes discretion trying even the extremity thereof which never any wise man will endanger himself in unless it be upon necessity Hanniball being departed out of Italy where he had been very glorious for sixteen years recalled by his own country men the Carthaginians to releive his native Country found Asdruball and Siphax defeated the Kingdome of Numidia lost and Carthage restrain'd within the compass of her own walls which had no other refuge but him and his army and knowing that was his Countries last hopes he would not hazard it till he had first made trial of all other remedies nor was he asham'd to ask peace judging that if there was any way to save his Country it was by that and not by war which being refused him though he had been sure to lose he would not faile to fight thinking that it might fall out so that possible it was for him to overcome and if lose it he must lose it gloriously And if Hanniball who was so valorous a captain and had his army intire did require peace before he would hazard the battell when he perceived that in losing it his country would be subdued what should another of less valor and experience then he do But men run into this error by not knowing how to limit their hopes so that grounded on their own vast conceits without weighing their strengths they are utterly ruin'd CHAP. XXVIII How dangerous a thing it is for a Republick or Prince not to revenge an injury
de Lant finding in every one of those Fortresses men who when they came to visit him told him they were of the faction of Marzocco he much blamd their division saying that if in France one of the Kings Subjects should say hee were of the Kings party he would be punished because such a speech could signifie no less than that there in the Country were people enemies to the King whereas that King will that all those Towns be his friends united in themselves and without factions But all these waies opinions disserting from the truth arise from the weakness of those that are Princes who seeing they are not able to hold their States by force and valour betake themselves to such like devices which sometimes when things are in quietness helpe somewhat but if they come to any distress and that they have warrs they quickly shew them what little trust thereis to be had in them CHAP. XXVIII That the Citizens actions ought to be well weighed for many times under vertuous and charitable deeds are laid the foundations of a Tyranny THe City of Rome being much oppressed by famine and the publick provisions unsufficient to ease it one Spurius Melius had a mind being very rich in those times out of his private estate to make provision of Gorn and feed the common people to their content Whereupon the people flocked so thick about him in favour of him that the Senate perceiving the inconvenient that grew upon this his liberality to suppress it before it took better hold created a Dictatour and set him on his back who put him to death Here is to be noted that many times those works which seem to be done upon charity and piety and no way with reason to be condemn'd prove very pernicious and dangerous when they are not looked to in good time And to argue this matter more particularly I say that a Republick cannot subsist nor in any case be well govern'd without Citizens of good credit and reputation On the other side the Citizens reputation is the occasion of Tyranny in a Commonwealth And if we will regulate this matter it must so be order'd that the Citizens stand upon such manner of reputation as may advantage and not endammage the City nor the liberty thereof And therefore the means are to be examin'd whereby they gain reputation which in effect are two either publick or private The publick means are when one by advising well and doing better for the publick benefit gains reputation To this honour the way should be set open to the Citizens and rewards given as well for good advices as good actions so that they are therefore both to be honoured and satisfied for when these reputations are gotten by these plain and honest courses they will never prove dangerous But when they are gain'd by particular waies which is the other means by us alleadged before they are very dangerous and hurtfull The private waies are the benefiting this and that other particular lending monies matching with their daughters protecting them against the magistrates and doing them such other like favours which make men become factions and encourage him that is thus favour'd by them to think he may be able to corrupt the publick violate the laws Therefore ought a Republick that is well ordered give easy access to those that seek favour by publick means but bar out those that work by their own private by waies as Rome did we see For in reward of him that did the publick goood service she ordain'd their triumphs and all those other honors which she bestowed on her Citizens and to punish those who under diverse colours aspired to greatness by private waies she appointed the publick accusations and when these would not serve because the people was blinded with the shew of a false good she created a Dictator who by a Kinglike power should reduce those into their rankes again that were broken out as she did to punish Spurius Melius And when one of these things is left unpunished it is of force to ruine a Republick for hardly upon such an example may she afterwards be brought into the right way again CHAP. XXIX That the peoples faults grow first from their Princes PRinces have no reason to complain of any fault which the people that is under their governments do commit for their faults must needs proceed either from their negligence or because they are blemished with the like errors And whoever shall run over the nations that in our dayes have been accounted full of robberies and such like offences shall perceive they all wholly proceeded from those that govern'd them who were of the like condition In Romania those Princes in it before they were extinguish'd by Pope Alexander the sixth gave patterns to every one of a most ungodly and unconscionable life for here a man might see horrible executions upon every slight occasion and exceeding great rapines Which first grew from the wickedness of those Princes not from the mischeivous disposition of the people as they said for those Princes being but poor and yet having a mind to live as stately as those that were rich were necessitated to apply themselves to many rapins and to practise them diverse waies and among other dishonest waies they toook this was one they made lawes and forbad some kind of action to be done afterwards they were the first that gave the occasion to break it nor ever punish'd they the breakers of it till afterwards when they saw many others had committed the same fault and then they began to punish the breach not for any zeal towards the law made but for covetousness to recover the penalty whereupon grew many inconvenients and above all this that the people were impoverish'd and no way amended and those that were impoverish'd used all their wits to work upon those that were their inferior Whereupon arose all these evils we have now spoken of whereof the Prince was the only cause And that this is true T. Livius shews us where he relates that the Roman Ambassadors carrying a gift of the spoile taken from the Vejentes to Apollo were taken by the Corsaires of Lipari in Sicily and there brought to land But Timasitheus their Prince having understood what gift it was whether it went and who sent it though he were borne in Lipari yet behaved he himself like a worthy Roman and told the people that it was impiety to lay hands on such a gift in so much as by general consent they set the Ambassadors at liberty with all that was theirs and the Historians words are these Timasitheus made all the multitude religious which is done alwaies like a true governor And Laurence of Medicim confirmation so this opinion saies The Princes actions as examples move And those as their best patterns men approve CHAP. XXX A Citizen that will of his own authority do any good work in his own City of necessity must first extinguish all
dangerous in the auxiliaries their valonr Wherefore a wise Prince hath alwayes avoyded these kind of armes and betaken himself to his owne and desired rather to loss with his owne than conquer with anothers accounting that not a true victorie which was gotten with others armes I will not doubt to alleadge Caesar Bargia and his actions This Duke entred into Romania with auxiliarie armes s bringing with him all French souldiers but afterwards not accounting those armes secure bent hinselfe to mercenaries judging lesse danger to be in those and tooke in pay the Orsini and the Vitelli which afterwards in the proof of them finding wavering unfaithful and dangerous he extinguishd and betook himselfe to his owne and it may easily be perceiv'd what difference there is between the one and the other of these armes confidering the difference that was between the Dukes reputation when he had the French men alone and when he had the Orsini and Vitelli but when he remaind with his own and stood of himselfe we shall find it was much augmented nor ever was it of grate esteeme but when every one saw that he wholly possessed his owne a mes I thought not to have parted from the Italian examples of late memory but that I must not let passe that of Hiero the Siracusan being one of those I formerly nam'd This man as I said before being made general of the Siracusans forces knew presently that mercenary souldiery was nothing for their profit in that they were hirelings as our Italians are and finding no way either to hold or cashier them made them all bee cut to peeces and afterwards waged warre with his owne men and none others I will also call to memory a figure of the old Testament serving just to this purpose When David presented himselfe before Saul to goe to fight with Goliah the Philistims Champion Saul to encourage him clad him with his owne armes which David when he had them upon his back refus'd saying he was not able to make any proofe of himself therein and therefore would goe meet the enemy with his own sling and sword In summe others armes either fall from thy shoulders or cumber or streighten thee Charls the seventh Father of Lewis the eleventh having by his good fortune and valour set France at liberty from the English knew well this necessity of being arm'd with his owne armes and settled in his Kingdome the ordinances of men at armes and infantry Afterwards King Lewis his sonne abolisht those of the infantry and began to take the Swissers to pay which errour follow'd by the others is as now indeed it appeares the cause of that Kingdomes dangers For having given reputation to the Swissers they have renderd all their own armes contemptible for this hath wholly ruind their foot and oblig'd their men at armes to forrein armes for being accustomed to serve with the Swissers they think they are not able to overcome without them From whence it comes that the French are not of force against the Swissers and without them also against others they use not to adventure Therefore are the French armies mixt part more naries and part natives which armes are farre better than the simple mercenaries or simple auxiliaries and much inferiour to the natives and let the said example suffice for that for the Kingdome of France would have been unconquerable if Charles his order had been augmented and maintaind but men in their small wisdome begin a thing which then because it hath some favour of good discovers not the poyson that lurkes thereunder as I before said of the hâ—ctick feavers Wherefore that Prince which perceives not mischiefes but as they grow up is not truely wise and this is given but to few and if we consider the first ruine of the Romane Empire we shall find it was from taking the Goths first into their pay for from that beginning the forces of the Romane Empire began to grow weak and all the valour that was taken hence was given to them I conclude then that without having armes of their owne no Principality can be secure or rather is wholly oblig'd to fortune not having valour to shelter it in adversity And it was alwayes the opinion and saying of wise men that nothing is so weak and unsetled as is the reputation of power not founded upon ones owne proper forces which are those that are composed of thy subjects or Citizens or servants all the rest are mercenary or auxiliary and the manner how to order those well is easie to find out if those orders above nam'd by me shall be but run over and if it shall be but consider'd how Philip Alexander the Great his Father and in what manner many Republicks and Princes have armd and appointed themselves to which appointments I referre my selfe wholly CHAP. XIV What belongs to the Prince touching military Discipline A Prince then ought to have no other ayme nor other thought nor take any thing else for his proper art but warr and the orders and discipline thereof for that is the sole arte which belongs to him that commands and is of so great excellency that not only those that are borne Princes it maintains so but many times raises men from a private fortune to that dignity And it is seene by the contrary that when Princes have given themselves more to their delights than to the warres they have lost their States and the first cause that makes thee lose it is the neglect of that arte and the cause that makes thee gaine it is that thou art experienc'd and approvd in that arte Francis Sforza by being a man at armes of a private man became Duke of Milan and his sons by excusing themselves of the troubles and paines belonging to those imployments of Princes became private-men For among other mischiefes thy neglect of armes brings upon thee it causes thee to be contemnd which is one of those disgraces from which a Prince ought to keepe himselfe as hereafter shall be sayd for from one that is disarmd to one that is armd there is no proportion and reason will not that he who is in armes should willingly yeeld obedience to him that is unfurnishd of them and that he that is disarmd should be in security among his armed vassalls for there being disdaine in the one and suspicion in the other it is impossible these should ever well co-operate And therefore a Prince who is quite unexperienc'd in matter of warre besides the other infelicities belonging to him as is said cannot be had in any esteeme among his souldiers nor yet trust in them Wherefore he ought never to neglect the practice of the arte of warre and in time of peace should he exercise it more than in the warre which he may be able to doe two wayes the one practically and in his labours and recreations of his body the other theorically And touching the practick part he ought besides the keeping of his own subjcts well traind
him the title of Caesar and by resolution of the Senate tooke him to him for his Colleague which things were taken by Albinks in true meaning But afterwards when Severus had overcome and slaine Niger and pacified the affaires and in the East being returned to Rome he complaind in the Senate of Albinus how little weighing the benefits received from him he had sought to slay him by treason and therefore was he forc'd to goe punish his ingratitude afterwards he went into France where he bereft him both of his State and life whoever then shall in particular examine his actions shall finde he was a very cruell Lion and as crafty a Fox and shall see that he was alwayes feard and reverenc'd by every one and by the armies not hated and shall nothing marvell that he being a new man was able to hold together such a great Empire for his extraordinary reputation defended him alwayes from that hatred which the people for his extortions might have conceiv'd against him But Antonius his sonne was also an exceeding brave man and endued with most excellent qualities which causd him to be admird by the people and acceptable to the souldiers because he was a warlike man enduring all kind of travell and paines despising all delicate food and all kinde of effeminacy which gaind him the love of all the armies neverthelesse his fiercenesse and cruelty were such and so hideous having upon many particular occasions put to death a great part of the people of Rome and all those of Alexandria that he grew odious to the world and began to be feard by those also that were neare about him so that he was slaine by a Centurion in the very midst of his army Where it is to be noted that these kinde of deaths which follow upon the deliberation of a resolv'd and obstinate minde cannot by a Prince be avoyded for every one that feares not to dye is able to doe it but a Prince ought to be lesse afraid of it because it very seldome falls our Only should he beware not to doe any extreamd injury to any of those of whom he serves himself or that he hath near about him in any imployment of his Principality as Antonius did who had reproachfully slaine a brother of that Centurion also threatned him every day neverthelesse entertaind him still as one of the guards of his body which was a rash course taken and the way to destruction as befell him But let us come to Commodus for whom it was very easie to hold the Empire by reason it descended upon him by inheritance being Marcus his sonne and it had been enough for him to follow his fathers footsteps and then had he contented both the people and the soldiers but being of a cruell and savage desposition whereby to exercise his actions upon the people he gave himselfe to entertaine armies and those in all licentionsnesse On the other part not maintaining his dignity but often descending upon the stages to combate with fencers and doing such other like base things little worthy of the Imperiall majesty he became contemptible in the soldiers sight and being hated of one part and despisd of the other he was conspird against and slaine It remaines now that we declare Maximinus his conditions who was a very warlike man and the armies loathing Alexanders effeminacy whereof I spake before when they had slain him chose this man Emperour who not long continu'd so because two things there were that brought him into hatred and contempt the one because he was very base having kept cattell in Thrace which was well knowne to every one and made them to scorne him the other because in the beginning of his Principality having delayd to goe to Rome and enter into possession of the Imperiall throne he had gaind the insamy of being thought exceeding cruell having by his Prefects in Rome and in every place of the Empire exercisd many cruelties insomuch that the whole world being provok'd against him to contempt for the basenesse of his blood on the other side upon the hatred conceiv'd against him for feare of his crulty first Affrica afterwards the Senate with all the people of Rome and all Italy conspired against him with whom his own army took part which incamping before Aquileya and finding some difficulty to take the town being weary of his cruelties and because they saw he had so many enemies fearing him the lesse slew him I purpose not to say any thing either of Heliogabalus Macrinus or Itlian who because they were throughly base were sudenly extinguish but I will come to the conclusion of this discourse and I say that the Princes of our times have lesse of this difficulty to satisfie the Soldiers extraordinarily in their government for notwithstanding that there be some considerations to be had of them yet presently are those armies dissolv'd because none of these Princes do use to maintaine any armies together which are annex'd and inveterated with the governments of the provinces as were the armies of the Romane Empire And therefore if then it was necessary rather to content the soldiers than the people it was because the soldiers were more powerfull than the people now is it more necessary for all Princes except the Turk and the Souldan to satisfie their people than their soldiers because the people are more mighty than they wherein I except the Turk he alwayes maintaining about his person 12000 foot and 15000 horse upon which depends the safety and strength of his Kingdome and it is necessary that laying afide all other regard of his people he maintaine these his friends The Souldans Kingdome is like hereunto which being wholy in the souldiers power he must also without respect of his people keep them his friends And you are to consider that this State of the Souldans differs much from all the other Principalities For it is very like the Papacy which cannot be termd an hereditary Principality nor a new Principality for the sons of the deceasd Prince are not heires and Lords thereof but he that is chosen receives that dignity from those who have the authority in them And this order being of antiquity cannot be termd a new Principality because therein are none of those difficulties that are in the new ones for though the Prince be new yet are the orders of that state ancient and ordaind to receive him as if he were their hereditary Prince But let us returne to our matter whosoever shall consider our discourse before shall perceive that either hatred or contempt haye caus'd the ruine of the afore-named Emperors and shall know also from it came that part of them proceeding one way and part a contrary yet in any of them the one had a happy success and the others unhappy for it was of no availe but rather hurtful for Pertinax and Alexander because they were new Princes to desire to imitate Marcus who by inheritance came to the Principality and in
stopd but when those that are constraind to abandon their Countrey are not very numerous there is no such danger of them as of those people we spoke because they cannot use such violence but ought rather by some stratagem make themselves masters of some strong place and therein being setled keep it by making of friends and allies as we see Aeneas did with Dido the Massilians and others who all by agreement with their neighbors where they once set themselves down were able to continue The people that goe forth in the greatest multitudes and those also that have gone forth almost all came out from those parts of Scythia cold and poore Countries where because there are men in abundance and the Country of that condition that it cannot feed them all they are compeld to goe forth having many causes to drive them out and nothing to keep them in And if now for these five hundred years it hath not happend that any of these nations have made an inundation upon any Countrey it hath proceeded from several reasons The first is the great evacuation that Countrey made in the declining of the Empire they having since sent out huge swarms more than thirty several times the second is because Germany and England from whence these people came have their Countries well mended so that they are able to live there with better conveniency and thereupon not necessitated to change their seat On the other side these men being very warliâ— are as it were a Bulwark against the Scythians who border upon them to keep them within their confines and territories and many times there chance great risings among the Tartars who are kept in by the Hungarians and Polacks who vaunt and not without reason that were it not for their forces Italy and the Church had often felt the weight of the Tartars Armies And this shall suffice touching those forenam'd peoples CHAP. IX Vpon what occasions commonly warres are begun among Princes THe occasion that gave beginning to the warres betweene the Romanes and Samnites who had beeng long in league together is very ordinary and happens often to powerfull Principalities Which occasion either comes by chance or else is offerd by him that desires to make warre That which was betweene the Romans and Samnites feil out by chance for the Samnites intention was not by making warre first against the Sidicini and then against the Campani afterwards to set upon the Romanes But the Campani being oppressed having their recourse to Rome beyond the Romanes expectation and the Samnites the Campani giving themselves into the Romans hands they were constraind to desend them as their subjects and take upon them that warre which they thought with their honour they could not avod For it seemd very reasonable to the Romans not to undertake the defence of the Campani though their friends against the Samnites their friends but they thought it also a shame not to dessend them when they were their subjects or recommended to their protection judging that when they had not taken that defence in hand they cut off the way from all others that ever should have a mind to shelter themselves under their power And Rome having for her maine end the Empire and glory and not quiâ—t could not refuse this enterprise The selfe same occasion gave beginning to the first warre against the Carthaginians for the defence of the Massineses which the Romans undertooke in Sicily which fell out by chance also But now the second warre that grew between them came not by chance For Hannibal the Carthaginian Captaines set upon the Saguntins that were allyes to the Romans in Spaine not so much for to endammage them as to provoke the Romanes to warres and to have occasion to fight with them and so to passe into Italie This manner of kinoling new warres hath been alwayes usd among those that are mighty and that have some saith joynd some other respects for if I desire to make warre with a Prince and between us some capitulations of peace have firmly been observed a long time upon some other title fair justifiable and under some other colour I will assayle some ally of his rather than himselfe knowing very well that in setting upon his alley eyther he will resent it and so I shall have my intent of moving warre against him or not resenting it his weaknesse shall be discoverd or his infidelitie in not defending one that is under his protection and the one and the other of these two is sufficient to discredit him and facilitate my designes Therefore what wee have formerly sayd may be noted touching the taking occasions to move warre out of this example of the yeelding of the Campani and besides what remedie a Citie may have which cannot by her selfe alone make her defence and yet in any case would not fall into her assaylants hands Which is freely to give her selfe into his hands who thou hast a purpose should defend thee as the Capuans to the Romanes and the Florentines to Robert King of Naples who though he would not defend them as allyes yet afterwards defended them being his subjects against the forces of Castruvius of Lucca who then put them hard to it CHAP. X. Moneys are not the sinews of war according to the common opinion BEcause every one can begin a warre at his owne pleasure but not end it a Prince should before he undertake an enterprise measure his owne forces and order himselfe according to them he should also have so much judgement that he deceive not himselfe with the conceit of his owne forces and he shall alwayes be sure to be deceiv'd when he measures them either by the scituation or by the good will of men towards him his owne proper forces on the other side fayling him for the things aforesayd may increase well thy forces though give thee them they cannot and by themselves alone they are of on worth nor nothing avayle without the helpe of Souldiers fathfull to thee for great store of treasure serves to no purpose without that nor the strength of thy Country neither doth the faithfulnesse nor good will of men last for these cannot be faithfull to thee thou not having force to defend them Every mountaine every lake every unaccessible place is made plaine where the strong defendants are wanting Nay rather moneys are so far from defending thee that they expose thee for a prey Nor is there any thing more false than that common opinion that affirmes Moneys to be the sinews of warre which sentence was first given by Q. Curtius in the warre betweene Antipater the Macedonian and the King of Sparta Where he relates that for want of moneys the King of Sparâ—a was forc'd to fight and was broken whereas if he had deferd the battell a few dayes newes had come into Greece of Alexanders death where he had remaind conqueror without combat But his treasure fayling and he doubting his Armie would leave him for want thereof
was constraind to hazard the battell whereupon Q Curtius sayes that moneys are the firews of war which sentence is alledgd every day and followd too by some Princes not quite so wise as they should be for making this their ground they beleeve that this is able to defend them if they have treasure enough and never consider that if treasure were of force to overcome that Darius would have conquerd Alexander the Greekes masterd the Romanes and in our dayes the Duke Charles subdu'd the Swissers and not long time since the Pope and the Florentins together would have found no difficultie in overcomming Francis Maria nephew of Pope Julius the second in the warre of Orbin But all these above nam'd were overcome by those who esteemd not mony but good Souldiers the sinews of warre Among other things that Croesus King of Lydia shewd to Solon the Athenian was a treasure unmeasurable and asking him what he thought of his power Solon answerrd him he thought him no whit the more powerfull for that for warre was made with iron and not with gold and some one might come who had more iron than be and take his gold from him Moreover when after the death of Alexander the Great a vast multitude of French pass'd over into Greece and after into Asia the French sending Ambassadours to the King of Macedon to treate some accord that King to shew them his power and to fright them let them see his treasure where was much gold and silver whereupon these French who had in a manner concluded a firme peace brake t their desire grew so great then to take his gold from him and so was that King despoyld for that which he had gatherd together to defend him The Venetians also a few yeares since having their treasury full of coyne lost their whole State being not able to defend themselves thereby Wherefore I say that gold as the common opinion cryes it up is not the sinewes of warre but a good Armie of slour Souldiers for gold is not sufficient to finde good Souldiers but good Souldiers are able well to finde our gold As for the Romanes if they would have waged warre by moneyes rather tha with the sword the treasure of the world considering their vast undertakings and the great difficulties they had therein would not have servd their turnes But they making their warres with the sword never found scarcitie of gold for they had it in abundance brought even into their Camps by those that stood in feare of them And if that Spartan King for want of money were to hazard the fortune of a battell that befell him upon the matter of moneys which many times hath chanc'd upon other occasions for it hath been often seene that when an Armie wants provision of victualls and is necessitated either to samish or sight usually they make choyce to fight because it is greater honour and where in some sort Fortune hath in her power to savour thee Moreover it hath often come to passe that a Commander perceiving succours comming to his enemies Armie must either fight with them quickly and make tryall of the chance of battell or expecting the iâ—grossing of the Armie come at length to fight perforce upon many disadvantages Besides it hath been seene as it befell Asdruball when in the Marâ—hes he was assâ—ulted by Claudius Nero together with the other Romane Consull that when a Captaine is necsstated either to fly or fight he alwayes makes choyce to fight thinking by this bargaine though exceeding hazardous he may gaine but in that other he must needs lose in any case There are therefore many necessities that can force a Captaine beyond what he intended to resolve to put it to a battell among which sometimes may happen the scarcitie of moneys though not therefore should wee esteeme moneyes to be the sinews of warre rather than other things which bring men into the like necessities Wee may therefore resolve the question that money is not the sinews of warre but good Souldiers rather It is true moneys are necessary in the second place but it is such a necessitie which good Souldiers themselves may overcome for it it as impossible that good Souldiers should lack money as by moneys alone to produce good Souldiers What we here averre every History shews us to be true in many places notwithstanding that Pericles perswaded the Athenians to make warre with aâ—l Peloponnesus declaring that they might overcome that warre with industry and by force of money and though in that warre the Athenians sometimes prospeed yet at last they lost it and the advice and good Souldiers of Sparta prevayld more than the industry and money of Athens But Titus Livius gives us a better testimony for this opinion then any one else where discoursing of Alexander the Great whether if he had come into Italie he had been able to vanquish the Romans he shews there three things necessary in the warre a great number of Souldiers those good wise Commanders and good fortune where examining whether eyther the Romanes or Alexander excelld herein at length he concludes without making any mention of moneys The Capuans when they were requird by the Sidicins to take Armes in their behalfe against the Samnites should not have measurd their power by their treasure but by their good Souldiers for by taking that course they tooke to assist them after two overthrowes to save themselves they were forc'd to become tributaries to the Romanes CHAP. XI It is not a match wisely made to joyne alliance with a Prince whose credit is greater then his strength TItus Livius having a purpose to shew the Sidicins errour in relying upon the Capuans aid and the Capuans errour also in beleeving they were able to defend them could not expresse it in more lively termes then these The Capuans contributed to the Sidicins ayd rather more reputation then forces Where we may observe that those leagues that are made with Princes who have not either the commodity to assist thee by reason of the distance of place or forces to do it because of some disorder of their owne at home or for some other occasion add rather reputation to them that trust in them then any strength to their party as in our dayes it befell the Florentines when in the yeare 1479. the Pope and the King of Naples assayl'd them who being allyes of the King of France drew from that allyance more reputation to their side then safe guard as likely enough it would befall that Prince now who under Maximilian the Emperours protection should undertake any enterprise for this is one sort of those allyances which bring more fame then advantage as here in this text is alledg'd that of the Capuans brought the Sidicins Therefore in this point the Capuans committed an errour in esteeming their owne forces greater then they were And so sometimes the small discretion men have causes them when they neither know how nor have the meanes to