he has not put it in his Appendix Therefore I have annexed it to this No. 15. I will give you a farther Proof of K. James's Zeal to preserve the Acts of Settlement It is well known that the Address of the Lord Chief Justice Keating in behalf of the Purchasers under the Acts of Settlement and Explanation and the Lord Bishop of Meath's Speech set down at large in this Author's Appendix were subsequent to several Conferences K. J. had with several of the Members of the House of Commons and with a Committee of that House in Presence of the Lord Chief Justice Nugent Lord Chief Baron Rice Judge Daily and Attorney-General Neagle and others of the Privy Council where K J. plainly laid before them the Unreasonableness of their Proceedings That it was not proper to enter upon so great a matter as the destroying the said Acts in time of War when all Parties could not be heard and some of the Roman Catholick Judges declared not only to the King but to the said Committee and to several of both Houses of Parliament and of the Privy Council That it was unjust to break the Acts and destroy Purchasers Widows Orphans Merchants and all Traders on pretence to relieve Widows and Orphans And one of the Roman Catholick Judges did reduce this into Writing and shewed it to the Lord Chief Justice Keating who had a Copy of it as appears under his hand and that the Lord Bishop of Meath had the Perusal of it and as I am credibly informed had a Copy of it All which was before the said Address and Speech and though shotter is as full for the Preservation of the Settlement as the said Address and Speech And it appears plainly by what Duke Powis said from the King to the Earl of Granard c. that K. J. did encourage the Protestant Lords of Parliament to oppose the Repeal of the Acts of Sertlement and therefore their appearing in this matter ought by no means to be made an Objection against K. J. but in truth is an Argument of the pains he took to oppose the Repeal and it would be a Scandal to doubt but that these Protestant Lords meant it at that time sincerely for King James's Service which is farther demonstrable from the Loyal zeal which carried the Lord Bishop of Meath so far as to desire leave from K. J. to attend upon his Majesty to the Boyne to assist him against his Enemies But Achish excused David with Commendations of his Fidelity 1 Sam. 29. His Lordship was likewise one of the Lords Spiritual mentioned in the Address of the Parliament of Ireland to K. J. on the 10th of May 89. which was Printed with K. James's Speech and is here annexed No. 1. In this Address they abhor the unnatural Usurpation of the Prince of Orange and the Treason of those who joyned with him in England and Ireland and profess to K. J. with Tongue and Heart That they will ever assert his Rights to his Crown with their Lives and Fortunes against the said Usurper and his Adherents and all other Rebels and Traytors whatsoever These are the Words of the Address as you may see in the Appendix Now whether the Trotestant Bishops for no other sat in that Parliament did enter their Protestation against this Address which was made in their Names or whether they did not give their Votes to it themselves know best If they say that they durst not shew their dissent to it for fear of the Irish who would have called it Treason in them I will not argue now how just an Argument Fear is to justifie publick Lying Pâ—rjury and Treachery But if Fear had so great an impression upon themselves how could they at the same time have so little consideration for K. James's Circumstances as to lay such a load upon him for passing the Acts of Attainder and repeal of the Acts of Settlement when they saw him struggle with all his might against it and that the Irish had so little compassion for him not to name Loyalty that they threatned to lay down their Arms and leave him to his Enemies if he did not then immediately pass these Acts and yet they knew that it was highly prejudicial to his Service and consequently if they had thought aright to their own Interest But they were violent found the King was in their Power and made their Advantage of it to the best of their Understandings It is a Melancholy Story if true which Sir Theobald Butler Solicitor General to K. J. in Ireland tells of the D. of Tyrconnel's sending him to K. J. with a Letter about passing some Lands for the said Duke he imploying Sir Theob in his Business gave him the Letter open to read which Sir Theob says he found worded in terms so Insolent and Imposing as would be unbecoming for one Gentleman to offer to another Sir Theob says he could not but represent to the Duke the strange surprise he was in at his treating the King at such a rate and desired to be excused from being the Messenger to give such a Letter into the King's Hands The Duke smiled upon him and told him he knew how to deal with the King at that time that he must have his Business done and for Theobald's scruple he sealed the Letter and told him now the King cannot suppose you know the Contents only carry it to him as from me Sir Theob did so and says he observed the King narrowly as he read it and that His Majesty did shew great Commotion that he changed Colours and Sighed often yet ordered Tyrconnel's Request or Demand rather to be granted Thus says Sir Theobald Many particulars of the like Insolence of these Irish to K. James might be shewn but I would not detain the Reader what I have said is abundantly sufficient to shew how far it was from his own Inclinations either to suffer or do such things as were thus violently put upon him by the Irish in his Extremity Yet nothing of all this it seems has weighed any thing with these Irish Protestants at least with this Author to have any milder Thoughts of K. J. or to confess to the World what they very well know viz. That King James opposed the Passing of the Act of Attainder and Repeal of the Acts of Settlement all that he could and made use of the Protestants who now accuse him to help him in it And this Truth is so apparent that it forces it self sometimes out of their Mouths who endeavour to conceal it This Author c 3. s 9. n. 12 p. 150. says That K. J. made use of them the Protestant Bishops to moderate by way of Counterpoise the madness of his own Party and yet at another time all the madness of that Party must be charged upon the King And K. J. as this Author in the Heads of his Discourse c 3. s 12. n. 20. division 2. undertakes to prove would not hear the Protestants at the Bar
next under God chiefly to the Clemency of K. J. who restrained all he could the Insolence and Outrage of their Enemies of which I can give you some remarkable Instances and good Vouchers I appeal to the E. of Granard whether Duke Powis did not give him Thanks from K. J. for the Opposition he made in the House of Lords to the passing the Act of Attainder He encouraged the Protestant Lords â—o spâ—â—â— against it 〈◊〉 Paâ—liaâ—â—â— and the Act for Repeal of the Acts of Settlement and desired that he and the other Protestant Lords should use their Endeavours to obstruct them To which the Lord Granard answered That they were too few to effect that but if the King would not have them pass his way was to engage some of the Roman Catholick Lords to stop them To which the Duke replied with an Oath That the King durst not let them know that he had a mind to have them stopt And yet this Author c. 2. s 5. n. 3. p. 23. would have us believe That the Duke used his Interest with the King to put a stop to them but was not able to do it I farther appeal to that noble Lord the E. of Granard whether the same day that the News of the driving the Protestants before the Walls of Derry come to Dublin as his Lordship was going to the Parliament House he did not meet K. J. who asked him where he was going His Lordship answered to enter his Protestation against the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement Upon which K. J. told him That he was fallen into the hands of a People who ramm'd that and many other things down his Throat His Lordship took that occasion to tell his Majesty of the driving before Derry The King told him that he was grieved for it That he had sent immediate Orders to discharge it and that none but a barbarous Moscovite so he stiled General Rosen who commanded that driving who thereby it seems was bred or born in Moscovy could have thought of so cruel a Contrivance Let me add to this Testimony of my Lord Granard's what I had from the Mouth of a Scots Clergyman who being in King James's Army the 26th of June 1690. the Thursday before the Boyne asked Major-General Maxwell a Roman Catholick how K. J. came to pass the Act of Attainder and the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement being at that time so visibly against his Interest The General replied Sir if you did but know the Circumstances the King is under and the Hardships these Men the Irish put upon him you would bemoan him with Tears instead of blaming him But what would you have him to do All his other Subjects have deserted him this is the only Body of Men he has to appear for him he is in their hands and he must please them Yet this Author affirms confidently c. 3. s 12. n. 20. p. 163. That K. J. of his own accord was the first who motioned the Repealing of the Acts of Settlement in his Speech at the opening of the Parliament in Dublin But the Author has not annexed that Speech in his long Appendix where many other Papers of greater Bulk less Consequence and much harder to be procured are inserted at large But no doubt he had a Reason for it therefore I have annexed it to this No. 1. and there you will see not a Word of what this Author avers but rather the contrary viz. That the King did not desire a Repeal of the Acts of Settlement but only a Relief to such as had been injured by those Acts which may happen in the justest Acts in the World especially of the Settlement of a whole Nation after such a Rebellion and terrible Revolution as that of 41. And K. J. there desires no farther for them than may be consistent with Reason Justice and the publick Good of his People All the Words of his Speech which relate to the Acts of Settlement are these I shall also most readily consent to the making such good and wholsom Laws as may be for the general Good of the Nation the Improvement of Trade and the Relieving such as have been injured by the late Acts of Settlement as far forth as may be consistent with Reason Justice and the Publick Good of my People These are his Words and if our Author had set them down he would have thought it a hard Task to have found fault with them I never heard any Protestant say but that there were many hard Cases and even unjust in the Acts of Settlement But they excuse it by saying that it is impossible to be otherwise in so general and great a Settlement where so many thousands are concerned and that it is better to bear with that than to unsettle a Nation which may have worse Consequences and fall into the like Mistakes again and again And this seems to be King James's Sense of that Matter all along But will any say that such as shall appear to be injured ought not to be redressed if a way can be found agreeable to Reason Justice and Publick Good This would be to plead expresly against Reason and Justice and likewise against the Publick Good I am told that King James's meaning was to have a Sum of Money raised for such as had been injur'd by the Acts of Settlement but by no means to encroach upon the Acts And what Fault could our Author have found with this unless he thinks that Justice ought not to be done to the Irish or not to be executed against Protestants which may be the Reason why in all his Railings at the cruel Act of Attainder he has forgot to give one Reason why Rebels should not be attainted or why these Irish Protestants should not have been so dealt with supposing them to be Rebels as K. J. and that Parliament did certainly suppose But was it not very cruel to attaint so many To this they will reply was it not as cruel and more criminal that so many should be Rebels But this is said only for Arguments sake for it is most certain that K. J. did not propose nor was inclined either to this Act of Attainder or to the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement as this Author slanderously reports of him but with exceeding ill luck as to his Vouchers of which he gives another Instance c. 3. s 12. n. 2. p. 145. where he says it is certain Chief Justice Nugent and Baron Rice succeeded in their Design when they came over to England in Spring 88. to concert the methods of Repealing the Acts of Settlement Whereas all here upon the place know that K. J. did then positively refuse to consent to it which my Lord Sunderland does witness in his Letter of the 23 of March 89. and says that the King was resolved not to think of that year and perhaps never And yet this Author confidently quotes that very Letter in this same place as a Voucher on his side but
Christians under the Slavery of the Turk suffer Who would not expect from this Representation to hear of Protestants Gassooted in Ireland Arbitrarily thrown over Precipices Drown'd Tore in Pieces Flead Alive Staking upon the High-Way Mutes and Bowstrings And to take GOD to Witness That this is not Aggravating nor Misrepresenting The Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen c. of Dublin to King William Printed here Anno. 1690. and Annex'd in the Appendix n. 21. Saith that the Sufferings of the Protestants there under King James Did infinitely surpass an Aegyptian servitude This is as far as words can go This is making King James worse than the Devil himself for the Devil does not Infinitly exceed Pharaoh in Wickedness They were resolved to out-do the Clergy-Addess of their own City spoke by the Bishop of Meath For there he Modestly Confesses to K. William that K. James was able to Crush the Protestants far Worse than he did But Secretary Gorge in his Letter before quoted speaks out and tells in plain English what the Bishop so Gentilely Minc'd The King King James is much avers says the Doctor to all Severity to the Protestants yet clearly sees he can make no Impression of Loyalty on them Notwithstanding as the same Letter tells us He often gave Command to his Officers That in their Engagements with the English they should be Treated as mistaken Subjects and not as obstinate Rebels Yet these were his bitterest Enemies as you have seen And themselves are forc'd to Confess that he used them with less Severity than he might or than they deserved at his hands And after all this to hear them complain of Aegyptian Servitude and cry out upon him as a Tyrant infinitely surpassing Pharaoh the Turk or the French King whom some are made to believe is the Worst of the three is Ridiculous and Wicked it is supposing us all to be Naturals to think to pass such Stuff upon us and this is the most effectual Method to Betray the Cause he pretends to Defend This is Bending a Bow till it breaks to heap up Calumnys and Aggravate them till you make the whole Incredible And the Consequence is not only Dis-believing what Pieces of Truths may be told in this Book of our Authors But if Protestants do own and Countenance it as a True Narrative of the Affairs of Ireland in this Revolution it may bring into Question their true Relations of the Horrible and Bloody Massacre of 41. Mounsieur Clauds Account of the French Persecution And whatever is Written by Protestants It is indeed a discredit to Mankind to all History and will not fail to bring Dis-reputation to whatever Party makes use of it whether Protestant or Papist How has the Legends broken and Ruin'd the Veracity of the Roman Church No Cause is long serv'd by deceit It will one time or other be Discovered Down-right Honesty is the best Policy Let us not be afraid to confess our own Faults nor desire to Enlarge those of our Enemys Humanum est Errare And no doubt there are Errors on both sides But to persist in our Error and to defend it is the Devils part Therefore in the Name of GOD let Truth prevail And let all the People say Amen An Appendix Numb 1. King James's Speech to both Houses of Parliament in Ireland Published by his Majesty's Order May 10. 1689. My Lords and Gentlemen THE exemplary Loyalty which this Nation exprest to Me at a time when others of my Subjects so Undutifully behaved themselves to Me or so basely betrayed Me and your seconding my Deputy as you did in his bold and resolute asserting my Right and preserving this Kingdom for Me and putting it in a posture of Defence made Me resolve to come to you and to venture my Life with you in the Defence of your Liberty and my Right and to my great Satisfaction I have not only found you ready and willing to serve Me but that your Courage has equal'd your Zeal I have always been for Liberty of Conscience and against Invading any Man's Property having still in my Mind the saying of Holy Writ Doe as you would be done by for that is the Law and the Prophets It was this Liberty of Conscience I gave which my Enemies both abroad and at home dreaded especially when they saw that I was resolved to have it established by Law in all my Dominions and made them set themselves up against Me though for different Reasons seeing that if I had once settled it my People in the Opinion of the one would have been too Happy and I in the Opinion of the other too Great This Argument was made use of to persuade their own People to join with them and too many of my own Subjects to use Me as they have done but nothing shall ever persuade Me to change my Mind as to that And wheresoever I am Master I design God willing to establish it by Law and to have no other Test or Distinction but that of Loyalty I expect your Concurrence in so Christian a Work and in making effectual Laws against Profaneness and Debauchery I shall also most readily consent to the making such good and wholsome Laws as may be for the general Good of the Nation the Improvement of Trade and the Relieving such as have been injured by the late Acts of Settlement as far forth as may be consistent with Reason Justice and the publick Good of my People And as I shall do my part to make you happy and rich so I make no doubt of your Assistence by enabling Me to oppose the unjust Designs of my Enemies and to make this Nation flourish And to encourage you the more to it you know with how great Generosity and Kindness the Most Christian King gave a secure Retreat to the Queen my Son and my Self when we were forced out of England and came to seek Protection and Safety in his Dominions how he embraced my Interest and gave such Supplies of all forts as enabled Me to come to you which without his obliging Assistence I could not have done This he did at a time when he had so many and so considerable Enemies to deal with and you see still continues to do I shall conclude as I began and assure you I am as sensible as you can desire Me of the signal Loyalty you have exprest to Me and shall make it my chief Study as it always has been to make you and all my Subjects happy The Parliament of Ireland's Address to the King Most Gracious Sovereign WE Your Majesty's most dutifull and loyal Subjects the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons in Parliament assembled being highly sensible of the great Honor and Happiness we enjoy by Your Royal presence amongst us do most humbly and heartily thank Your sacred Majesty for vouchsafing to come into this your Kingdom of Ireland and for your Grace and Goodness to Your Subjects in calling this Parliament and for Your Majesty's Tender and
time of Monmouth's Rebellion that the King told some of the Council of which I was one that he was resolved to give Employments to Roman Catholicks it being fit that all Persons should serve who could be usefull and on whom he might depend I think every body advised him against it but with little effect as was soon seen That Party was so pleased with what the King had done that they persuaded him to mention it in his Speech at the next meeting of the Parliament which he did after many Debates whether it was proper or not in all which I opposed it as is known to very considerable Persons some of which were of another opinion for I thought it would engage the King too far and it did give such Offence to the Parliament that it was thought necessary to prorogue it After which the King fell immediately to the supporting the Dispensing Power the most Chimerical Thing that was ever thought of and must be so till the Government here is as absolute as in Turkey all Power being included in that one This is the sense I ever had of it and when I heard Lawyers defend it I never changed my Opinion or Language However it went on most of the Judges being for it and was the chief Business of the State till it was looked on as settled Then the Ecclesiastical Court was set up in which there being so many considerable Men of several kinds I could have but a small part and that after Lawyers had told the King it was legal and nothing like the High Commission Court I can most truly say and it is well known that for a good while I defended Magdalen Colledge purely by Care and Industry and have hundreds of times begg'd of the King never to grant Mandates or to change any thing in the regular course of Ecclesiastical Affairs which he often thought reasonable and then by perpetual importunities was prevailed upon against his own Sense which was the very Case of Magdalen Colledge as of some others These things which I endeavoured though without Success drew upon me the Anger and ill Will of many about the King The next thing to be tried was to take off the Penal Laws and the Tests so many having promised their Concurrence towards it that his Majesty thought it fecible but he soon found it was not to be done by that Parliament which made all the Catholicks desire it might be dissolved which I was so much against that they complained of me to the King as a Man who ruined all his Designs by opposing the only thing could carry him on Liberty of Conscience being the Foundation on which he was to build That it was first offered at by the Lord Clifford who by it had done the work even in the late King's Time if it had not been for his Weakness and the Weakness of his Ministers Yet I hindred the Dissolution several Weeks by telling the King that the Parliament in Being would doe every thing he could desire but the taking off the Penal Laws and the Tests or the allowing his Dispensing Power and that any other Parliament tho' such a one could be had as was proposed would probably never repeal those Laws and if they did they would certainly never do any thing for the support of the Government whatever Exigency it might be in At that time the King of Spain was sick upon which I said often to the King that if he should dye it would be impossible for his Majesty to preserve the Peace of Christendom that a War must be expected and such a one as would chiefly concern England that if the present Parliament continued he might be sure of all the Help and Service he could wish but in case he dissolved it he must give over all thoughts of foreign Affairs for no other would ever assist him but on such terms as would ruine the Monarchy so that from abroad or at home he would be destroyed if the Parliament were broken and any Accident should happen of which there were many to make the Aid of his People necessary to him This and much more I said to him several times privately and in the hearing of others but being over-powered the Parliament was broke the Closeting went on and a new one was to be chosen Who was to get by Closeting I need not say but it was certainly not I nor any of my Friends many of them suffered who I would fain have saved And yet I must confess with Grief that when the King was resolved and there was no remedy I did not quit as I ought to have done but served on in order to the calling another Parliament In the midst of all the preparations for it and whilst the Corporations were regulating the King thought fit to order his Declarations to be read in all Churches of which I most solemnly protest I never heard one word till the King directed it in Council That drew on the Petition of my Lord the Arch Bp. of Canterbury and the other Lords the Bishops and the Prosecution which I was so openly against that by arguing continually to shew the Injustice and Imprudence of it I brought the Fury of the Roman Catholicks upon me to such a degree and so unanimously that I was just sinking and I wish I had then sunk But whatever I did foolishly to preserve my self I continued still to be the object of their Hatred and I resolved to serve the Publick as well as I could which I am sure most of the considerable Protestants then at Court can testifie and so can one very eminent Man in the Country whom I would have persuaded to come into business which he might have done to have helped me to resist the Violence of those in power but he despaired of being able to doe any good and therefore would not engage Some time after came the first News of the Prince's Designs which were not then looked on as they have proved no body foreseeing the Miracles he has done by his wonderful Prudence Conduct and Courage for the greatest thing which has been undertaken these thousand years or perhaps ever could not be effected without Vertues hardly to be imagined till seen nearer hand Upon the first thoughts of his coming I laid hold of the opportunity to press the King to doe several things which I would have had done sooner the chief of which were to restore Magdalen Colledge and all other Ecclesiastical Preferments which had been diverted from what they were intended for to take off my Lord Bp. of London's Suspension to put the Counties into the same hands they were in some time before to annull the Ecclesiastical Court and to restore entirely all the Corporations of England These things were done effectually by the help of some about the King and it was then thought I had destroyed my self by enraging again the whole Roman Catholick party to such a height as had not been seen they dispersed Libels
as Nevil Pain c. their Clergy Barbarously Rabbled and Episcopacy Abolished Though they say that the Prince of Orange in his Declaration to Scotland Dated at the Hague 10. Octob. 88. Promises to preserve their Church as then Established among them From any Alteration And makes that the chief End and Design of his then intended Expedition Then they tell of the many wicked and illegal Courses which were taken to overturn the Foundations of Church and State in that Kingdom That when the Meeting of the Estates of Scotland was called by the Prince of Orange's Circular Letters in March 89. none were sent to several Royal Brughs in the North which is the most Episcopal and consequently the most Loyal part of Scotland And therefore such sent no Representatives That at the first Meeting of the Estates they refused when it was moved to adjourn for eight Days as they did in England to give time to the Members from the remote parts of the North to get to Edenbrugh But did precipitate Matters before they came That the Oaths required by Law to be taken by all the Members of Parliament or any Judicature before they can sit or vote there were without Law laid aside By which means the Anti-Monarchical and Fanatical Party were let into the House That several Noble-men and Gentle-men who had been Forefaulted for Treason and so had no Property nor Interest in Scotland were admitted as Members of this Convention before their Forfeitures were Rescinded even by this Convention and so were made the King's Judges to pass Sentence of Forefaulture against him for the Injuries which they pretended he had done to them And that one of these viz. the Earl of Argyle was sent with the tender of the Crown of Scotland to the Prince and Princess of Orange by Act of Convention 24 Apr. 89. before his Forefaulture was taken off which was not done till 1 Aug. 89. by the 4th Act of the first Session of the first Parliament of William and Mary That by these Means the Fanatical Party in that Convention were the most Numerous And framed such a Committee of Elections as for any or no Cause turn'd out any Episcopal Member who came in Competition with one of their own That by their Act 4 July 90. they rescinded all the Forefaultures since the year 1665. and Monmouth by name and Richard Rumbold an English-man who was to have Assassinated King Charles II. at Rye-house and in publick Proclamations in Scotland was taken notice of as the supposed Executioner of King Charles I. That within this Act of Grace were included all that were concerned in the publick and open Rebellions of Pentland-hills Bothwell-brig Monmouth and Argyle and the very Assassinates of the Lord Archbishop of St. Andrews those Furies incarnate were all as many as were alive enabl'd to be Members of Parliament and to pass Sentence of Forefaulture against their King That King William by his additional Instructions to his Commissioner Duke Hamilton dated the 17th of July 89. empowers him to pass Acts for Rescinding all Foresaultures since 1660. But this exceeded the Modesty even of that Parliament They would not expresly own that no Treason could be committed against K. C 2. or K. J. 2. at the same time that they Deprived and Foresaulted so many on the behalf of K. W. That the Fanatical Mob who had Rabbled the Episcopal Clergy were Armed and made the Guard of that Convention and resolved to sacrifice any who durst oppose their Designs witness Sir George Mackenzy that great Ornament of his Nation and Profession who was forced to fly from their Fury to save his Life it being made appear they had laid Plots to murder Him and Others They tore Episcopal Ministers Gowns off their backs in the streets of Edinburgh where the Convention sate and attacked the Lord Archbishop of Glasgow there That the Bishops who are the First of the Three Estates of Parliament were excluded from sitting in that Parliament before they were a Parliament by vertue of Instructions sent from King William to his Commissioner Duke Hamilton dated 31 May 89. in these words You are to pass an Act turning the Meeting of Estates into a Parliament and that the Three Estates are to consist of the Noblemen Barons and Burgesses Accordingly the Meeting of Estates wherein the Bishops sate was turned into a Parliament 5 June 89. the Bishops being first excluded which the Jacobites think a material Objection against the validity of all the Acts of that Parliament particularly that of 22 July 89. abolishing Prelacy and the Act 7 June 90. setling Presbyterian Church-Government Whence the Jacobite Episcoparians desire us to take a view of the Methods how their Church was over-turned They first tell us That the major part of Scotland and much the greater part of the Nobility and Gentry are Episcopal and therefore that Episcopacy would carry it in any fair and free Convention of the Estates in Scotland That several Reasons are given above why it was not so in the late Convention there That the Presbyterian Managers did instigate and set on their Rabble to fall upon the Episcopal Clergy and drive them by violence from their Churches and that the Presbyterian Ministers who had preached in those Parishes by a Toleration from King James should take possession of them before the Meeting of the Estates where they would endeavour to excuse the Rabble and continue the Possession and likewise make use of this as an Argument That Episcopacy was contrary to the inclinations of the people That the Rabbling began in December 88. and to make way for it a Report was industriously spread abroad as in England That some Thousands of Irish were landed in Galloway and marching forward with Fire and Sword Upon which the Fanaticks took Arms and fell upon the Episcopal Clergy with a Violence that is hardly credible That they drove them from their Churches plundered their Houses assaulted their Persons pricking some with Bodkins c. till they have gone distracted in which miserable condition a Gentleman told me he met an old Companion of his at the College an Episcopal Clergy-man who had been thus served by that Rabble That they turned the Wives and Children of the Episcopal Clergy out of their Houses to shift as they could upon which many of their Children dy'd and their Wives miscarried A Presbyterian but who abhorr'd the Brutality of these Proceedings told me that he was at the Rabbling at Air and saw an Episcopal Minister's Wife who had been but three or four days delivered turned out with her Children into the Streets and all People shut their Doors upon them insomuch that this Gentleman mov'd with so lamentable a Spectacle bestirr'd himself in Compassion to them and that it was Eleven at Night before he could get a poor Cabbin to give them shelter That they used to lead the Ministers about in Triumph tearing their Gowns which they called the Rags of the Whore and burning the
Book of Common Prayer where-ever they could find it calling it the Mass in English This was the Western Fanatick Rabble who began their Work upon Christmas Day to be witty in their Malice That at Edinburgh it self the Tumult was so high that the Mob forced the King's Palace rifted the Chancellor's Lodgings gutted the Chappel designed for the Order of the Knights of St. Andrew carried the King's Picture to the Mercat-Cross and there publickly stabb'd and tore it with the like Indignities as some ungrateful and bruitish Villains express'd in the rancor of their Hearts against the King's Statue at Newcastle and Glocester That upon these violent Disorders the King being gone from England and no settled Government in the Nation the College of Justice at Edinburgh took Arms and kept Watch and Ward to secure the Peace of the City and their Clergy from being Rabbled That then a Proclamation came from the Prince of Orange commanding all persons to lay down their Arms That the College of Justice did thereupon lay down their Arms but the Fanaticks did not for they said that they knew the Order was not intended against them and they proceeded to greater Insults against the Episcopal Clergy and fell upon those they had not medled with before and a Tumult was raised at Glasgow and those of the Rabbled Clergy who thought themselves protected by the Prince's Proclamation and thereupon returned to their Churches and Livings were much more rudely treated than before and particular Favours were granted to the Town of Glasgow by 15 Act of 2 Sess of 1 Parl. of W. and M. for the Zeal of the Community of the said City who were the principal Rabblers for the Protestant Religion as it is expressed in the Act. That the Rabbled Clergy made application to the P. of O. for Protection from this Outrage and sent Dr. Scot Dean of Glasgow who assisted by Dr. Fall Principal of the College of Glasgow did represent their deplorable Condition to his Highness who gave them no other Answer than to refer them to the Meeting of the Estates which did not assemble till 14 March following That they suffering unspeakable Hardships and Indignities all that time from December to March made the same Request for Protection from the Rabble to the Meeting of Estates then convened In answer to which That the Meeting of Estates by their Act 13 Apr. 89. excluded from the Protection of the Goverument all the Ministers who had been Rabbled before that day and were not then in Possession of their Churches And being turned into a Parliament by their Act 7 June 90. declared That these Rabbled Ministers had Deserted their Churches and therefore adjudged them to be Vacant and ordered those Presbyterian Ministers who without any Law had taken possession of them when the Incumbents were driven away by the Rabble to continue their possession and have Right to the Benefices and Stipends according to their entry in the Year 89. viz. when the Incumbents were Rabbled And to this being an Act of Parliament the Royal Assent was given That these Ministers Rabbled before 13 Apr. 89. and for that only reason declared to have abdicated by the Parliament were about 300. That the foresaid Act 13. Apr. 89. obliged all that remained to Pray for K. W. and Q. M. as King and Queen of Scotland and read a Proclamation publickly from their Pulpits against the owning of King James And that they might not have too long time to consider of it it was to be read under pain of Deprivation the next day viz. 14 Apr. 89. by all the Ministers of Edinburgh the 21st by all on that side the River Tay on the 28th by all be-north Tay which was hardly time to have the Proclamation transmitted to them all At Edinburgh the Proclamation came not from the Press till late on Saturday night and it was to be read at Morning-Service next day so that many of them it is supposed had not an hours time to resolve That this severe Act was more severely executed by the Earl of Crawford then President of the Council and other Presbyterian Lords and that near as many were turn'd out by the Rabble within doors as the Field-Rabble had done That Matters being thus prepared for total Abolition of Episcopacy all haste was made to do it An Act was framed for that purpose and Instructions were sent to the Commissioner in these words You are to Touch the Act already passed Abolishing Episcopacy as soon as you can and to Rescind all Acts inconsistent therewith That the haste required was observed for these Instructions were signed by King William at Whitehall the 17th of July 89. and the Act was Touched at Edinburgh the 22d of the same month Thus fell Episcopacy in Scotland Two Months and eleven Days after King William and Queen Mary took upon them the Crown of that Kingdom which was the eleventh of May 89. That those Presbyterian Ministers who were ejected by Law Anno 1662. upon the Restoration of Episcopacy were restored to the Churches they had before by Act of this Parliament 25 April 90. without any Provision made for those who were ejected That they did not pretend to that Regard to any who should be Deprived as the Parliament of England seemed to do by allowing Twelve of the Clergy who should refuse the Oaths the Third of their Bishopricks or Livings during their Life and left it to K. W. to apply it to which Twelve of them he thought fit But that he has applied it to none lest they should fare better than their Deprived Brethren in Scotland That not only those Presbyterian Ministers who were outed by the Bishops Anno 1662. but even those who had been Deposed and put under Censure as Incendiaries and wicked Men by their own Presbyterian Synods Anno 1660 and 1661. without being released from those Censures by any Synod or Ecclesiastical Authority of their own were Restored Anno 1690. by Act of Parliament That these as being most violent were most esteem'd and one of them Mr. Hugh Kennedy was made Moderator of the General Assembly Anno 1690. while he lay under the Censure of their own Kirk which was not taken off till the end of that same Assembly That thus their Church was established by Men thrust out of their Church as the State by Men Forefaulted by the State That by Act of their Parliament 7 June 90. Setling Presbyterian Church Government the whole Church-Government and Authority is placed in the hands of those Presbyterian Ministers outed since the first of January 1661. who were not then above Fifty or Sixty in number and such as they should admit exclusive of all other Presbyters which was a greater Superiority settled in one Presbyter above another than that which they Abolished in the Bishops as an insupportable Grievance And these new-modell'd Presbyters invested with Episcopal Power in Opposition to Episcopacy did exercise it with a Tyranny and Lordliness the Bishops had never
Though King James had truly the Argument of the Inclinations of the People i. e. of the major Part in Ireland which was but a Pretence and falsly Collected in Scotland from the Fanatick Rabble being let loose and encouraged to act all outrage upon the Episcopal Clergy That the Argument is carry'd in Dr. King's Book and many Pamphlets grafted upon it that the Church of England ought to expect from K. J. the like Treatment which they pretend the Church of Ireland met with from him and his Popish Parliament But yet have no apprehensions from what K. William has done to the Church of Scotland which he and a Presbyterian Convention have pluckt up by the Roots tho' living peaceably and offending no Man while K. James and the Popish Parliament left the Church of Ireland Established by Law when all her Members to a very small Number were actually in Arms against him in as Universal a Rebellion they say as ever was heard of in any Nation wherein there are fewer Exceptions than of Loyal Irish in 41. Many other things the Jacobites do plead with which I will not detain the Reader they have made large Apologies for themselves and Dr. King's Book will afford them Mâ—tter for more I know not if it will be needful to advertise the Reader That he will meet with several Expressions and Arguments which I use only ad hominem following Dr. King's Phrase and Logick and not to mistake them for my own Sense or Approbation of his Principles or Characters which he gives As pag 33. paragr 5. and elsewhere And p. 191. where I take notice of his Comparison betwixt King James and the French King and according to his Representation of them I ask Whether any would have King James to be worse than the French King That is than that Character with which some take Pains to blacken the French Monarch But we know now what stress is to be laid upon their Representations by the many false and malicious Slanders which they have spread abroad and vouch'd with as much Confidence of their own King and of Matters done within our own Country It is not just to frame an Idea of any Man by that Represantation of him which is given by his Enemy And yet no King that ever was in the World has had his Praises sung to a greater pitch by the most flattering Poet than the French King 's most bitter Enemies have extalled him even while they were spitting Venom at him A Prince says the Mighty Cant. in his last Thanksgiving-Sermon before K. W. and Q. M. 27 Octob. 92. who governs his Affairs by the deepest and the steadiest Councils and the most refin'd Wisdom of this World A Prince Mighty and Powerful in his Preparations for War Formidable for his vast and well-disciplin'd Armies and for his great Naval Force and who hath brought the Art of War almost to that Perfection as to be able to Conquer and do his Business without Fighting A Mystery hardly known to former Ages and Generations And lastly that he has an almost-inexhaustible Treasure and Revenue Perhaps he said all this with a Prospect of standing him in stead another day What Roman Caesar's Greatness or God-like Power and Wisdom was ever set out in a higher strain than this Nay he makes the French Caesar exceed in the Art of War all former Ages and Generations And for his Civil Government within his own Kingdom suppressing and effectually curing Duels Robberies and other publick Vices which were most rooted in France for immemorial Generations it is the Amazement and envy'd Pattern of his Neighbor-Nations and really the greatest and most noble of all his Victories How does every one that comes over tell us That Travellers may carry Gold open through all France without danger of any Robbers But as soon as you set your foot upon Spanish Flanders you must prepare to fight your way to be Robb'd or Murder'd And in England we all too well know that none now are secure neither on the High-way nor in their Houses from Thieves and Robbers There is one Objection against this Great King which makes it an Offence to many to hear any thing though Truth spoken to his Advantage and that is Banishing the Hugonot Ministers and Dragooning others to work them into another Religion which does and justly eclipse his Glory with those who know not the true Grounds and Motives which induc'd him to Methods so rigid and severe But his very Enemies who know the Reasons he had for it do even in this Excuse him and turn it into an Argument of his wise Foresight and Prudence They tell you that he was under an invincible Necessity of being rid of these Men or hazarding such a Revolution as befel King James That he knew they would endanger him by a Revolt if he were Invaded by a Protestant Prince Which are the very Words of the Answer to Great Britain's Just Complaint pag. 47. That their Refugees here do generally all own the Principle of Resistance And that their Ministers march'd last Campaign before the Army into Dauphine Preaching to the People as they went the lawfulness of taking Arms against their King This is a plain Demonstration what the Answer to Britain's Complaint has told us The French King being thus vindicated by his Enemies in that which was most colourably Objected against him and which if not done upon the abovesaid Motives would leave him inexcusable The Jacobites think themselves for ever oblig'd to acknowlege with all Gratefulness the Noble and Generous Reception he has given to King James in his Distress which as no King in Europe was able to have done but Himself so none but he could have done it in such a manner with that Greatness and every Punctilio of Honor which if all the particulars were repeated would fill a Volume and is such an Original as is not to be found in former Ages and will be Recorded in History as the most glorious Scene of his Life And that if he perfect what he has so Heroically undertaken the Jacobites say he will not find readier Trumpeters of his Glory than the present Complying Divines late of the Church of England They would in that Day resume their old Theams with which their Pulpits us'd to ring but are now forgotten of the Persecutions of the Protestants by those Popish Princes who are now in Confederacy with England against France They would then tell us of the declar'd Principle of the House of Austria not to suffer any Protestants whom they call Hereticks to live within their Dominions And pursuant to that have Erected the Spanish Inquisition which occasioned the great Revolution in the Netherlands They wouâ—d set out likewise in their Colours the many Persecutions of the Protestants in Bohemia Hungary and Transilvania and the long Persecutions in Piedmont by the Dukes of Sarvoy and that by this preâ—ent Duke They would then inform us That all these Perfecutors were more Popish and
Bigâ—t than the French King and their Persecutions were more causeless not having such pressing Reason of State as ruâ—t which is above told for the French King 's dealing with the Hugonots and yet that their Persecutions were much more grievous The French King only Banished the Hugonot Ministers the present Emperor sent to the Gallies all the Protestant Mâ—nisters of Hungary whom he could seize They would then too preach it aloud who they were who occasioned the Mutyrdom of 400000 Christians in Japan and now engross that Trade by denying their own Christianity All this and more we should hear if such a turn came from these Versatile Trimming-Court-Divines Or wherever they judg'd it to comply with their Interest Their Carriage in this Revolution has given greater occasion to the Enemies of the Lord to blaspheme and turn'd more Men from the Church of England to the Church of Rome and even to Atheism has overturned ruined divided and dishonored our Church more than if that Persecution which some feard or pretended had fallen upon ' em How did the very apprehension of it unite the Protestants all over the three Kingdoms and fill their Hearts with greater aversion to Popery And none believe it would have Eradicated the established Episcopacy in Scotland not shaken it in England so much as is now done by the present Schism No say the Jacobites it would have Rooted and Confirmed it the more the Jesuit Councils should endeavour to destroy it for as Dr. King used to say Persecution never hurts Religion but Rebellion destroys it And he once thought it would be a glorious Sight to use his own Phrase to see a Cart full of Clergy men going to the Stake for asserting the Principles of their Religion How much more glorious indeed than to see them Recanting and Preaching down their former Principles and Proclaming it out of their own Mouths that they have been false Teachers all their Days before this Turn or otherwise that they are so now to serve a Turn Thus have they fulfilled upon themselves what Dr. B t told us in Print Father Peters threatned but was not able to effect viz. to make them eat their own Duâ—g It is in the Power of none to ruin the Church of England While it remains true to its self I have done when I have desired the Reader not to think that I am insensible of several ill Steps which were made in the Administration of Affairs under the Government of K. J. Nor do I design to lessen them or make other Apology for them than by doing him this Justice to tell what the Jacobites offer to prove and make it Notorious viz. That the greatest Blots in his Government were hit by those who made them with design to ruin him and now boast it as their Merit and are Rewarded for it And though Dr King represents him to be of so Tyrannical and Implacable a Temper towards the Protestants yet that it is now publickly known that the fatal Measures he took were advised and often pressed beyond and against his Majesty's inclinations and Opinion by those Protestants whom his unexampled and even faulty Clemency had not only Pardoned for all their bitter Virulency in opposing his Succession but brought them into his most secret Councils and acted by their Advice This was the Burden of the Charge laid against him in the P. of O's Declaration viz Employing such Ministers and acting by their Advice And though our Law says That the King can do no wrong and therefore that his Ministers only are accountable yet as Mr. Sam. Johnson has laid it open that we have liv'd to see the King only Punish'd and those Ministers Rewarded and still employ'd and the many Grievances complain'd of in their Administration under K. J. are by the present Discontented said to be continu'd and doubl'd upon us now FIAT JUSTICIA Memorandum That the Scots Acts of Convention and Parliament above-quoted are collected and extracted from the Registers and Records of the Meeting of Estates and Parliament there by the Commissioners then exercising the Office of Clerk-Register and printed Cum Privilegio at Edinburgh Anno 1690. And the Instructions above mentioned sent from K. W. to Duke Hamiltâ—n then his Commissioner there were printed at London by K. W's Order Anno 1689. I have but one thing more Upon reading over these Sheets after they were Printed I find an Omission as it may perhaps seem to some p. 139. where shewing Dr. K's familiar way of treating K. J. giving him the Lye c. I quote p. 15. of his Book where he says that the Representation made by K. J. was false c. and p. 211. that K. J's Answer was a piece of deceit and meer collusion c. Now lest any might apprehend that the abovesaid Representation and Answer of K. J. were so gross as to provoke the Doctor to this 〈◊〉 Language I will here tâ—ll you what they were which when I wrote it I did not think necessary because if they were never so bad they could not justifie such Billingsgate Treatment of a Crownâ—d Head especially of his Natural Sovereign to whom he had sworn Allegiance and from whom he had receiv'd particular Marks of Favour which I have shewn But the matter was no more than this The Representation Dr K mentions p 15. was a Declaration he names of K. J's dated 8 May 89. at Dublin and sent into England wherein the Doctor quotes these words viz. That his Protestant Subjects their Religion Privileges and Properties were his especial Care since be came into Ireland Which was so far from false as the Doctor decently and gratefully words it that nothing was more true and apparent as I think is fully made out in the following Answer to which I refer the Reader The other passage p. 211. where he says That K. J's Answer was a piece of Deceit c is thus Upon a Contest betwixt the Roman Cathâ—lick and the Protestant Clergy concerning their Title to some Churches and Chappels K. J. referr'd them to the Law And in the same place Dr. K. tells how violent and positive K. J. was where he saw any forcible Infraction made by the Roman Catholick Clergy as at Wexford which is told above c. Now whether referring Men to the Law was such a provoking Answer as to raise the Doctor 's Spleen to bestow the Lye Deceit Collusion and such civil Complements upon King JAMES I leave to the Reader and release him from this Preface desiring him before he begin the Book to correct with his Pen the under-written Errors of the Press because some of them do disturb the Sense ERRATA PAg. 2. lin 34 read Oxoniense P. 15. l. 17. r. do pretend to prove P. 16. l. 1. r. ours P. 21. l. 32. dele he might have added that P 22. l. 9. r. Pupillage P. 25. l. 20 dele And. P. 29. L. 37. r. greater P. 32. l. 22. r. kill d. P. 33. l. 4. r. greatest
Account of which he may be deprived of c. And pag. 23. he says of these Principles That they have poisoned the very Springs and Fountains of Government and so deeply tinctur'd Mens Minds that he prays God we may not still live to see the miserable Effects of it Thus Dr. Sherlock even since his Conversion But you may say how does it appear that this Author now sets up these Principles You shall be Judge Pag. 49. he says That it is ill trusting any one any King with such a Power This is in his c. 3. s 1. n. 8. Again c. 1. n. 10. p. 11. he expresses himself in these Words viz. The antient Government with which he the King was intrusted p. 41. he falls upon those who stopt the Bill of Exclusion with this wholsome Advice Never to trust Men of King James's Principles and Religion with a Power that may destroy us Here the King's Power is onely what the People please to trust him with Pag. 57. He says That it is not the King's Money that pays the Soldiers but the Kingdoms and thence it will follow that they are not the King's Soldiers but the Kingdoms 67. He says That every Law is certainly a Compact between the King and the People wherein by a mutual Consent they agree on a Rule by which he is to govern and according to which they oblige themselves to pay him Obedience That therefore the People may as lawfully dispence with their Allegiance to the King 68. as the King dispence with the Execution of a Law That the Subjects have no other Security for their Liberties 77. Properties and Lives except the Interest they have of chusing their own Representatives in Parliament Whereby he will exclude by very much the greatest part of the Nation from having any security for their Lives c. i. e. all but the Electors of Parliament men for none other have any Vote in chusing their own Representatives But the Author makes them amends by giving every one of them a power to dispence with their Allegiance to the King when ever they think that the King dispences with the Execution of any Law He makes them all Popes to dispence with Oaths or any other Duty when they think it reasonable And as he gives them Power over their Oaths of Allegiance so he does over the King's Treasury and Army It is Their Mony Their Army and why should not They command them The King himself acts but by their Commission and by all Rule and Right every Man is accountable to him from whom he has his Commission But now our Author is upon the Rode you shall see how he improves He derives the Eccles Authorily from the People p. 206. he stops at nothing And since he is a granting to the People they shall have all even the Ecclesiastical Authority which is trusted in the Crown shall be derived from the People and transferrable by them to whom they think fit For he makes King James's breach of trust in the Ecclesiastical Authority a provoking temptation to his People to think of transferring it to some other Person This will gratify the Phanaticks as well as Commonwealth-men That even the Ecclesiastical Authority is derived from the People His Interpretation of its not being Lawful upon any Pretence to take Arms against the King c. pag. 221. n. 3. And now to Crown all He gives as large and loose an Interpretation of that famous Principle of the Ch. of England viz. of it s not being Lawful upon any Pretence whatever to take Arms against the King c. as Bradshaw Rutherford Bellarmin or Mariana could desire viz. He says it was only meant That private Men should not take up the Sword or resist the King upon any Pretence that is says he upon any Pretence of private Injury or Wrong done to them in particular Beyond this none of the Republicans Phanaticks and Jesuits in the World could go So that this was no very distinguishing Principle of the Church of England as we us'd to call it But if you will allow the same Parliament which enacted the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance to the King c. to understand their own Meaning or think that the declared Sense of the Legislators is the true Sense of the Law then our Author has widely mistaken his Mark and misinterpreted this Law For 12 Car. 2. c. 30. it is declared That neither the Peers nor Commons nor both together nor the People Collectively nor Representatively in Parliament or out of Parliament nor any other Persons whatsoever have any Coercive Power over the Kings of England Now judge whether all this is meant only of Private Men as our Author would make you believe And take Notice that this is not to be taken as a Grant from that Parliament It is a Recognition wherein they declare what was the Law before them And they vouch that this Prerogative of the King to be exempt from all Coercive Power is by the undoubted and fundamental Laws of this Kingdom And that neither Lords nor Commons nor any other Persons not only now have not or hereafter shall not have any such Power over the King but that they never had or ever ought to have such Power I hope our Author will confess That this is somewhat a greater Authority and ought to have greater Weight with us than his single Opinion which he has taken up but of late And to confound that Distinction of the Parliament being Coordinate with the King and making the King but one of the three Estates which would imply their having something to do with the Sword which is the Supreme Power of Government joyntly with the King and therefore in some Cases might restrain him by Force which was the Pretence in 41. to obviate all this the Militia which is the Sword of England is by Act of Parliament put in the Hands of the King alone And it is declared in express Words 13 Car. 2. That the Sword is solely in the King's Power and that neither one nor both Houses of Parliament can or Lawfully may Raise or Levy any War offensive or defensive against his Majesty c. The Title of this Section p. 221. is King James and his Party endeavoured to destroy the Protestant Religion by misrepresenting the Persons and Principles of Protestants But it is not in the Power of Jesuit or any you can imagine to misrepresent the Protestant Principles more than this Author in this same Section as you have seen that is if you will allow that the Protestants did ever represent them Right before And whereas he Objects in the foremention'd Place That by it the abovesaid Principle of Non-Resistance it was never intended to give up the Constitution of the Government or to part with the Liberties and Privileges of the Kingdom The Answer is very easy for by the Judgment of what he calls the Constitution of the Government viz. King and Parliament
their free Consent they would do what they promised without Swearing and if they did not all the Oaths in the World would not make them Did Augustus for this expect no Allegiance from his Subjects Or are not the Eastern Monarchs pretty Absolute because the Law in those Nations does not require Oaths But after all by the Common Law in England and Ireland all above 16 are to swear Allegiance to the King and it may be exacted from them in their Leets And this is the Reason they gave for imposing the new Oaths in Ireland to King William and Queen Mary before there was an Act of Parliament for it And therefore there was as much Law of the Land for swearing of Allegiance to K. James in Ireland after his Repeal of the Oath of Supremacy as our Author can pretend there was for swearing to K. William in Ireland before the new Act imposing the Oaths there So that our Author is out too in matter of Law Sixth Reason in answer to the Question Who shall be Judge But the main of the Difficulty is yet behind and that is That upon our Author's Scheme of dissolving Oaths and Government for such Reasons as he thinks fit he has not told us who shall be Judge of these Forfeitures or Abdications This I have urg'd already but you have not heard our Author's answer He says c. 2. s 1. n. 2. p. 12. it is commonly Objected Who shall be Judge and he resolves it thus That either the People must be left to judge of the Designs of their Governors Or else they must be oblig'd to a blind and absolute Submission without imploying their Understanding in the Case Thus our Author like a mighty Man Yet this Sophism is as poor a one as the last about the Oaths For in the Case we are upon of determining a Cause 'twixt the Government and the Subjects when we say who shall be Judge The meaning is not who shall have Power to think in his own Mind We say Thoughts are free And this sort of passing Judgment or of being a Judge can no more be taken from any Man than his Power of Thinking But when there is a Contest 'twixt King and People which is the Case we are upon the Question who shall be Judge is who has Authority to determine the Cause betwixt them as a Judge does between two contending Parties In which Sense none can be a Judge but he that has a Commission from some who has Power to invest him with that Authority viz. to judge 'twixt King and People which none can have but God alone And to say that every Man who is not such a Judge as this has not leave to imploy his Understanding in the Case because he has not Power Authoritatively to determine the Case so as to oblige and tye up the contending Parties is what this Author would slily pass upon you undiscover'd but it is too plain to bear an Argument Well then The Question is concerning an Authoritative Judge and our Author proceeds I dare appeal says he to all the World whether it be safer to leave it to the Judgment and Consciences of a whole Kingdom to determine concerning the Designs of their Governor or to leave it to the Will and Conscience of the King whether he will destroy them One of these is unavoidable and I am assured it is less probable that the Generality of a Kingdom will concur in a Mistake of this Nature and less mischievous if they should mistake than that a King by Weakness wicked Councellors or false Principles should design to make his People Slaves subvert the Antient Government or destroy one part of his People whom he hates in favour of another Thus our Author And the Case is plausibly laid down and no doubt would gain the Cry at an Election But there is another Prospect of this Case which our Author takes care to conceal and that is What if a Cunning and Designing Incendiary makes a Party and prevails Universally among the People and perswades them to their own Destruction Misrepresent their Governor and Impose upon them That a Civil War is better and by this means get them to Destroy and Consume one another Thus did Absalom thus did Sheba thus Oliver and all the prosperons Rebels There is no other way of moving the People unless you could bring them all to a fair Vote which is only Impossible at least it was never done and therefore we justly may suppose it never will be Let us leave these Disputings in the Clouds and bring this Author to matter of Fact Are not all Revolutions carried on by making Parties Combinations of Leading-men Aspersing your Opposites using all Arts to Byass the Mob to your side Did ever any in such Cases speak nothing but the honest Truth of the Governour against whom they took Arms Did they leave it freely and impartially to the Judgment of the People without any Misrepresentations or invidious Insinuations And was it Equal to them whether the People upon a fair Hearing determin'd against them as Rebels or for them as Patriots Can there be a Method for the People to have such a fair Hearing of the Cause and to determine it Judicially If our Author cannot say that any of these Things has been or are ever likely to be done he must acknowledge That there is infinitely more hazzard of Giddy Peoples being debauch'd by Insinuating Crafty Men who seek their own Advantage in it to entertain Jealousies and Fears of their Governor's Designs and to over-rate every Hardship and ill Usage they receive from him than that a King should design to destroy his People which would be to destroy himself And if one of these is Unavoidable as our Author says It is easy to see where the most danger lyes The one has been our own Case and is almost every day The other is Imaginary without an Instance in the World in the Extremity our Author puts it and at the worst many degrees preferable to a Civil War as will be shewn Nor will the Number of the People or Greatness of their Leaders excuse any thing It makes their Rebellion more Fatal Numb 16.12 In the Rebellion of Korah there were 250 Princes of the Assembly famous in the Congregation Men of Renown And All the Children of Israel The whole Congregation c. 14. v. 24. mutiny'd against Moses and Aaron and were chusing another Captain and returning into Egypt And Korah gather'd all the Congregation against them c. 16. v. 19 41 49. and on the morrow all the Congregation murmured against ' em For which God destroy'd 14700 by a new Plague Now judge with your self if such a Governor as Moses could not secure himself from the Power which Ten Leading Men had with the People for they were no more who caus'd this Mutiny of the whole Congregation Num. 14.2 viz. Ten of the Twelve Searchers of the Land what Governor 's Virtue Sufficiency or
Diligence can secure him We know how Absalom stole the Hearts of the People from David his Father And they follow'd him in the simplicity of their Hearts says the Text as many did at first in the Rebellion against Charles the Martyr But I cannot tell if our Author will allow that for an Instance I know not how far his new Principles have carried him It is hard to stop in such a Course Their Repentance is Rare especially of those who are Converted to it from contrary Principles And if there be a visible Motive of Interest it makes their Return still more difficult But to conclude this Point in our Author's Phrase I dare appeal to all the World whether it be more dangerous to exempt the King from the Judgment of the People or to put it in the Power of any Discontented or Ambitious Men to endeavour to disgust the People against the Government and lead them into a Civil War at their Pleasure For that is the true state of the Question We know how many Mahomet has perswaded And by what means False Religions and Seditious Principles have spread through the World No doubt this Author intended his Book should take among the People He knew People could be Impos'd upon and never so much as when they are cajol'd and told fine Stories of their Power Paramount to all Kings and Governors That it is in their hands to pull down one and set up another to bind their Kings in Chains and root up all Governments at their Pleasure for this Argument of our Author's militates equally against all Sorts of Government And he may appeal again to all the World The Question Who shall be Judge apply'd to Parliaments and States Whether it be safer to leave it to the Judgments and Consciences of a whole Nation to determine concerning the Designs of their Governors whether Parliaments or States or to leave it to the Will and Conscience of the Parliaments or States whether they will destroy them And one of these is unavoidable If you say It is not likely that a Parliament or States should design to destroy the People That is another Question Compar'd with Kings But pray tell me Would any Member of the Parliament of States loose so much by the Destruction of the Kingdom as the King Therefore it is less probable that he should Design its Destruction than any of them There may be an Equivalent given to any of them to Betray and Ruin his Country and there are Examples of it in all Ages Jugurtha Brib'd the whole Senate of Rome even when he was at War with them About 20 Years ago the French Faction among the Burghers of Amsterdam were able to Out-vote the other And some believe it is so still How has the allarm of French Pentioners disturb'd our Parliaments But more that of Court Pentioners Who are Free to give our Money the sooner we shall have done but Deaf to Grievances and Miscarriages Was there ever a Parliament Convention or Senate where the major Number was Un bribable Or was there ever a Bribe offer'd to a King to Betray or Sell his Country Deceiv'd he may be or take wrong Measures but it is inconceavable he shou'd Design the Ruin of his Country Therefore whoever you make Judg of the King's Designs must from a stronger Reason be Judg of the Designs of Parliaments and States And this will unhinge all Governments in the World But our Author endeavours to smooth all this by saying in the beginning of this Section Of Fears and Jealousies n. 1. p. 12. That Fears and Jealousies in such a Case ought not to pass for Arguments or be brought in Competition with a certain and plain Duty that is with Obedience to Lawful Governors The Arguments therefore brought by Subjects to prove their Governors design to destroy them ought to be so plain and evident that the Consciences of Mankind cannot but see and be convinc'd of their Truth especially the Generality of the Subjects themselves ought to be fully satisfied and acquiesce in them But all these fine Words leave us just where we were For every Man is Judge still and he is Judge when he himself is satisfied and will acquiesce in the Arguments brought against his Governor And Men that are Deceived do think themselves in the Right else they were not Deceived So that the Rule of Government is still left Loose and Precarious as Uncertain as the Giddy Motions of the Mob And laid open to all the Attempts of Ambitious and Designing Men. Our Author says That Jealousies and Fears in such a Case ought not to pass for Arguments This needs some Explanation For what more can there be of a Governor's Design to destroy us which is the Case in hand besides a Jealousy and Fear of it Till the Action be done we cannot be sure of it not so sure as our Author requires viz. we can have no such Security that ought to be brought in Competition with a certain and plain Duty that is with Obedience to Lawful Governors There is hardly an Action in the World but may be done out of several Designs and none so much as the Actions of Governors and Matters of State And therefore there is nothing so easy as to be Mistaken in these Designs Especially if these Designs be kept as Secrets of State among Princes themselves French League Such was the suppos'd League which K. James was said to have made with K. Lewis of France to Root out all the Protestants not only of England Scotland France and Ireland but all the World over This was so Industriously spread abroad and vouched with such Confidence that it was given out the P. of Orange had procur'd the Original sign'd by both Kings and would produce it in Parliament This was believ'd and clamour'd about by Multitudes of silly People But neither the Prince in his Declaration nor the Convention in their List of Male-administrations against K. James did mention the least tittle of this which would have served more to their purpose than all the rest they had to allege And the might have added that Lord Sunderland in his Letter n. 15. Append. quoted in this Author's Book p 145. protests he never knew of any and that French Ships were offer'd to join with our Fleet and they were refused Nor has it been heard of since from the mouth of any who pretend to common sense or the least knowledg of Affairs till we were Rattl'd with it out of the Pulpit in this Authors Thanksgiving Sermon before the Lords Justices of Ireland Nov. 16. 1690. A League says he Notorious and Remarkable for its Folly and Falshood so contrary to all Sense as well as Faith that the Great Princes concern'd in it are yet asham'd to own it But he knows better Things he understands all their Cabals He tells page 5. 9. 16. of the Sermon How England Holland the Pope and the Emperor might be cully'd and wheedled
threatned to visit the Sins of the Fathers upon the Children to the third and fourth Generation His Blood be on us and our Children Matth. 27.25 lyes heavy upon the Jews to this Day And Sir that Ocean of Blood spilt in one of your Revolutions must lye at some door or other And an Age or two will not do away the Guilt of this I am afraid the Blood of Charles the Martyr and all shed in that Rebellion against him lyes still upon these Nations They cannot Repent while they maintain the same Principles which rais'd that Rebellion They are come to that that they are not afraid nor asham'd publickly in Print and in Coffee-houses to justifie that Civil War as our Author would call it against King Charles the First In this Years Almanacks sold about the Streets Partridge's Almanack for the Year 1692. the 30th of January is left out with Good-friday Ashwednesday and other Superstitious Days And instead of these he puts into his Chronology some of the black Aspersions cast upon King Charles the First as the Murther of King James the First and what he thinks were the Arbitrary Proceedings of his Reign and setting up of Popery And he reckons as Festivals the Successes of the Parliament Army against the King as the Battle at Naseby Fatal says he to the Tories and Papists so he styles the Loyal Party He tells you of that King 's deserting his Parliament which is as good as Abdication of his dispensing Judges c. and Bishop Laud being Beheaded for Treason against the Nation That was the style of Treason in these days and best lik'd still set up even by this Author who give Army Treasury and all from the King to the Nation as before is told These are small Signs of Repentance And therefore we have but small hopes that this Age is yet free'd from the Blood spilt the two or three last Ages In which there is yet a farther Consideration and that is That Children may not only suffer Temporal Punishments for the Sins of their Fathers But that Men may really make other Mens Sins their own by Approving and Incouraging them Nay but by consenting to them as St. Paul reckon'd himself Guilty of the Murther of St. Stephen because he only held their Clothes who stoned him Thou shalt in any wise rebuke thy Neighbour and not suffer Sin upon him or that thou bear not Sin for him as our Margent reads it Lev. 19.17 This is every Man's Duty But especially of the Clergy who are appointed by God Watch-men for this very purpose And if God will require at their hands the Blood of all the Souls that Perish through their Negligence or Cowardise in not warning them against their Sin as we are expresly told Ezek. 33. What will become of those Clergy-men What will their Judgment be who lead their Flocks by their Example to Sin Who justifie and maintain their Sin And imploy their Wit and their Learning to find out Distinctions and Salvoes to keep their Flocks from Returning and Repenting Who defend or palliate the Wickedness of former Ages to give Countenance to the Crying Sins of this That as our Saviour told the Jews Matt. 23.35 36. all the Blood shed in all former Ages from Abel may come upon this Generation Surely those Clergy who plead for the Murthers and Rebellions of former Times make themselves more Guilty of that Blood than many of the Ignorant hands that shed it And thus we may not only bring upon our selves the Blood which we incourage other Men to spill in our own Time and what has been spilt in former Ages by our defending it But we involve our selves more expresly in the Guilt of the Blood that shall be spilt to the end of the World by the Influence of our Actions or Writings Because to incourage and contribute towards the committing of a Sin is in some sort being the Author of it at least it is being Guilty of it in a nearer degree than only approving of it when it is done These Considerations I earnestly recommend to this Author's second Thoughts that he may have a view of the vast Sin he has run himself into if his new Principles do not hold The Blood that is has been or shall be spilt upon this Quarrel to the end of the World Some conjecture That the Reason of Dives being so importunate for the Salvation of his Brethren was not out of Charity to their Souls which is not suppos'd to be in damn'd Spirits but because his Sufferings increas'd in Hell to the same proportion that his Example upon Earth incourag'd others to Sin whereby we may suppose his Brethren to have been chiefly Infected The Application I make is the Danger of transmitting any thing to Posterity in Writing which may in the least favour any Sin especially that of Blood which crys till it be avenged And the greater credit our Author's Book has with some for of People its infection will be the greater and he have the more to Answer for Therefore he ought to be very sure that his Reasons are good upon which he Pawns the Salvation of his own Soul and of so many Millions With this Preparation I hope he will look again with an impartial Eye upon these Reasons he has produc'd and consider whether they will bear such a Weight as he has laid upon them He says p. 3. n. 3. If we look into History we shall find the best the happiest and most prosperous People most jealous of their Liberty and while they continue firm in their Resolution of maintaining it against the Enchroachments of their Governors even with the hazard of their Lives they have continued Great and Happy This is but saying instead of proving and it is absolutely denied You have seen the Opinion of a Roman and a Greek Plutarch and Lucan upon the Case and many more are to be produc'd to shew that Rome and other Countries were never so miserable as in their Contests for Liberty against their Governors Among all of whom there is not a more pregnant and sad Example than that of England Nor will the Fate of Holland be an Exception from this Rule Reckon first their many years Civil War and innumerable Slaughters which their own Histories relate were occasion'd by their Contests for Liberty against the Crown of Spain to which they were then Subjects And they have liv'd since in almost continual War with all their Neighbors They have been in daily danger of being swallow'd up as by the Sea so by France sometimes and sometimes by Spain and have been kept up chiefly as a ballance 'twixt contending Princes It was but in Queen Elizabeth's Reign that they stil'd themselves the poor distressed States and it is but a very few Years since we saw France in possession of most of their Towns and had been of all the rest if King Charles II. had not interpos'd and taken that critical Minute to rescue his Nephew the P.
the publick printed Accounts of the Persecution and violent Rabbling of the Episcopal Ministers and others of their Principles they have suffered more from the Presbyterians in Scotland than even this Author was afraid of from King James in Ireland But not only the Papists in England and Episcopal Party in Scotland and the present Papists in Ireland may justifie their taking Arms against the Present Government when they please but the Irish Papists in 41 might have justified their Rebellion against King Charles I. by this Author's Principles which do indeed justifie all the Rebellions that ever were in the World or all that can be invented for none can want some of the Pretences which he allows for Rebellion But especially it gives full Liberty to all Dissenters in Religion to take Arms against the Government but more plainly if the Government shut them out from Places of Trust and Profit for such a jealousie of them may easily be improved into a Design for their Destruction But if any Penal Laws be made against them then the Design is apparent it goes beyond a Design it is a real Attempt upon them actually assaulting them c. But of all things How could the Irish who adhered to K. James be made Rebels to K. William before they submitted to him How could this be doâ—e by our Author's Principles If you say he had Title to Ireland by being King of England because Ireland is but an Appendix to the Crown of England Answer But from the beginning it was not so and the Government of England being dissolved as you say by Abdication and returned back to the suppos'd Original Contract or first Right of Mankind to erect Government for their own Convenience of consequence the Tye which England had upon Ireland by Conquest was dissolved and Ireland left as well as England in their suppos'd Original Freedom to chuse what Government and Governours they pleas'd But all this notwithstanding this Author's Principles freed them from K. William because of the Presumptions they had to think that K. William intended to invade their Property Lives and Religion He declared that he came to Establish the Protestant Religion By his Declaration of Grace 7 July 90 he pardons none either as to Life or Estate but only Poor Labourers Common Souldiers Country Farmers Plow men and Cottiers and such Citizens Townsmen Tradesmen and Artificers who should return by the 1st of August and even these were to forfeit all but their personal Chattels as you will see in the Declaration N. 6. Appendix And by the publick Resolution of his Judges 21 Nov. 90. which you will see in the Appendix N. 7. very few had hopes lest them either of Life or Estate even upon their submitting to King William and living peaceably under his Government pursuant to his Declarations And I am told that thousands of them are out-law'd since they submitted to his Protection notwithstanding of the many fair Promises which were made to them afterward upon several Occasions particularly General Ginckle's Proclamation printed at Dublin 4 Feb. 90. wherein he assures the Irish Papists in their Majesties Names that all of them who wâ—â—â—d submit to their Majesties Government should be protected as to their Religion Estates and Liberties These following Words are verbatim the Words of that Proclamation viz. Their Majesties hereby giving demonstration to the World that it is not their Design to oppress the Inhabitants of this Nation either by persecuting them for their Religion Ruining them in their Estates and Fortunes or Enslaving them in their Liberty These are the Words of that Proclamation which have not hinder'd the multitude of Out lawrys and other Proceedings and Forfeitures against those Irish who submitted to the Government As to their Religion they do not complain but that K. William has been very Gracious to them and they enjoy it in more ample Manner than ever they had it under any Protestant Prince But as to their Persons Estates and Liberties they cry out heavily of Breach of Publick Faith and Great Oppression If our Author had the improving of these and other their Circumstances how easily could he argue them into the lawfulness of taking Arms for their Defence But if the Argument of Glenco were on his side no doubt he would summon the Nation to rise as one Man and would Abdicate all the Governments in the World It is well for the Government that this Author is not touched by the late Act imposing the Oaths in Ireland the Refusal of which is no less than Premunire which does not only invade your Property but makes you uncapable of having any Property at all so much as to the Cloaths upon your Back or ever to breath the common Air out of a Jayl and none above eighteen years of Age no not Women of any sort Maids Wives or Widows are exempted What Declamations could our Author make upon this How far would he make this exceed the French Dragooning or even the Spanish Inquisition if he had such a Handle against King James Some Instances of the Author's manner of Argumentation I have heard from some who are acquainted with this Author that he is a Man of good Reason But in this Book I must say that his Zeal has transported him to take that for Reason which is the farthest from it in the World and which it is impossible he should think to be so in any other Case C. 3. s 8. n. 6. p. 102. He tells how Derry shut its Gates against the Earl of Antrim's Regiment And n. 7. p. 103. he proves they were obliged to do thus by their Foundation and names the Charter granted by K. James I. One would wonder how the King should grant a Charter to oppose himself The Author's Reason is That this Town was founded to be a Shelter and Refuge for Protestants against the Insurrections and Massacres of the Natives The Natives had before that time made frequent Rebellions and Derry was built as a Security against them therefore our Author thinks that if ever it should so happen that the Protestants should turn Rebels and the Natives be Loyal the King's Charter was meant to support the Protestants in their Rebellion This is too extravagant to need Confutation C. 3. s 12. n. 16. p. 154. He inlarges upon the Reasons they had in Ireland as well as in England to dread Papists in a Parliament and grounds his Argument from Q. Mary's House of Commons which was not well thought on for his Purpose for though that Parliament did overturn the Protestant Religion and set up Popery in its place yet the Protestants of England thought it their Duty for Conscience sake to suffer Martyrdom under those cruel Laws rather than to take Arms against their Popish Governours It is a Topick as ill chosen which he urges in the third Paragraph of n. 18. of the same Section p. 160. where the Argument he uses to cure the Folly of those Jacobites who were
Attainted in the Act of Attairder in Ireland and notwithstanding that Provocation continue Jacobites still is not from Principles either of Honour or Conscience but that if K. James come again they were not to hope for Pardon or Preferment This is supposing them to Act out of no other Consideration but temporal Advantage which is so great an Imputation that it ought to have been proved before it was supposed but as to the Author's Argument it seems to operate point blank contrary to that for which he brings it For if that Act of Attainder is so worded as that it is not left in K. James's Power to pardon any who are thereby Attainted as our Author tells us and consequently that these Attainted Protestants can have no Security for their Lives much less of Preferment under K. James this would seem to argue that it cannot be Temporal Interest which guides these Men or else they must be very great Fools indeed C. 3. s 17. n. 7. He argues that K. J. claim'd a Despotick Power over the Church because the Bishop being fled he appointed a Chancellor in the Diocese of Dublin who this Author confesses went no further than the Probate of Wills after he had taken away the Oath of Supremacy by an Act of his pretended Parliament The Argument from the taking away of that Oath has been consider'd already But I was much surpriz'd to see this Author give such a handle to K. J. to Retort upon K. W. that he and his Pretended Parliaments after abrogating the Oaths of Allegiance Supremacy c. had by their meer Lay-Authority Depriv'd the English and Irish Bishops and Clergy and overthrown Episcopacy it self in Scotland If K. J. had done any thing like this And this Author will not allow the Depriv'd Bishops to retain so much as the Character or Title See with what Insolence he speaks in the same place of the Lord Bishop of Galloway He K J. appointed says our Author one Gordon who call'd himself Bishop of Galloway in Scotland to be Chancellor in the Diocese of Dublin This Gordon was a very Ignorant Lewd Man and a profest Papist Which was notoriously false if we may believe the Irish Protestants whowere then in Dublin for this Bishop was then and all along a Profest Protestant and as I have heard a Man of Learning and Parts But if he had been a Papist whether in Masquerade or otherwise I would gladly know this Author's Opinion Whether that would have Un-Bishop'd him Had he been Consecrated in a Flagrant Schism and by those who took Part with and Communicated with the Schismaticks and consequently were such themselves there had been Ground indeed to Question the Validity of his Orders and call'd him a Pretended Bishop But this Author is in Justice oblig'd to shew upon what account he laid so Great an Imputation upon the Lord Bishop of Galloway and to shew his own Principles in this most Important Point upon which he bestows up and down such Loving Glances but will not speak out You have now seen the Manner and the Strength of this Author's way of Reasoning upon the Subject in hand of which many more Instances might be given but I would not detain you This Author's defence of his Principles from Authority First from the Scriptures We come now to the next Head that is his Quotations and Authorities wherein I will begin with the Scriptures And here I must confess he is very modest he says no more than that he is Apt to believe that the Reasons given for Non-Resistance from Scripture reach only Tolerable Evils Introduct n. 3. p 3. but he does not answer nor so much as name any of Those Texts which he knows are urged for Non Resistance Only at the end of this n. 3. p. 4. he brings a Comparison betwixt the Command for observation of the Sabbath and that of Obedience to Governors and says there was a Tacit Exception in the Command of the Sabbath for Works of Necessity and Mercy and therefore infers that it may be so too in the Command for Obedience to Governours though the Command be in general Words without any Exception expressed It being as true says he That Governours were made for their Kingdoms as the Sabbath for Man This I freely grant â—im That Governours were appointed by God for the good of the People not that the People were created merely for the Pleasure of a King or a Parliament or any other Governours But then I must say likewise from the Reasons which have been partly told above that it is for the good of the People not to have that Latitude left them of Rising up in Arms against their Lawful Governours upon any pretence whatsoever because first such Pretences will never be wanting nor malicious and designing Instruments to set them on foot and secondly a Civil War is of so much more mischievous Consequence to the People than any Male-Administrator can be or ever was in any Government Next I say to our Author's Argument for the Sabbath that there is Exception in the Scripture for Works of Mercy to be done on the Sabbath-day and our Saviour has expresly determined it as our Author confesses Now let our Author produce any Exceptions in Scripture from the general Command of Obedience to Governours and they will be allow'd otherwise this Instance is nothing to his purpose There is an Exception likewise as to Marriage in the Case of Fornication but what is this to any other Case save that of Fornication or to any other general Command which has no Exception or Countermand in the Scripture I will have Mercy rather than Sacrifice says the Scripture Here is sufficient Authority to prefer Mercy to Sacrifice and it is an Exception from the general Command of Sacrifice Let the like be shewn as to Government in any of the Instances which the Author produces and we have done But let us consider what that Mercy is which the Author would recommend to dissolve Government He has told us in the same Page to slaughter even half the Nation in a Civil War for Liberty This we have examined already and this is the tacit Exception he would have us suppose in the Command of Obedience to Government as well as in that of the Sabbath That of the Sabbath is no tacit Exception for though it be not expressed in the Fourth Commandment yet it is in other Scriptures But the Exception our Author would have to be of the Fifth Command is tacit indeed for there is neither Precept nor any approved Example of it in all the Scripture but many of both to the contrary which are so well known and largely treated of in many Books upon that Subject that I will not take up your time in setting them down here His Precepts disproved from Scripture I will only give you some few Examples which may answer to the very Hypothesis our Author sets up viz. the Supposition of a King designing
People by which we must mean the whole People as already shewn out of Grotius otherwise if this Author would have it meant only of a part of the People he should tell us what part and how circumstantiated that we might know his meaning But Dolus latet in Generalibus In which this Author has indeed an excellent faculty for it is harder to know where to have him than to confute him But to the Case in hand Jovian says That to suppose this is plainly to suppose the utmost Impossibility But supposing it then our Author quotes him again saying that in such a Case his good Subjects would desert him By which he means no more as he there explains himself than not Assisting him in such wicked Designs which certainly would be the part of a good Subject But what is this to Deposing Abdicating taking Arms against him and putting another in his place But he goes on with Jovian and quotes p. 152. where he says He should be tempted to pray for the Destruction of such a Prince What Ground or Reason does Jovian give for this He says in the Words immediately before which our Author forgot to sâ—â— down that all this was upon the Supposition of such a Prince as Julian who had sinned against a Series of Divine Miracles and discovered a Diabolical Malice against Christ and 〈◊〉 breach of Charity might be supposed upon Scripture Principles to have sinned against the Holy Ghost and become incapable of Repentance And upon that Supposition says Jovian I should be tempted to pray for his Destruction as the only means of delivering the Church Dr. Hicks knew no other way of Deliverance for the Church in the Time of Persecution but what came from God that is either God's Converting or Removing the Persecutor who was our Lawful Governour Now if you will suppose him incapable of Repentance it is a suppose indeed which we have no certain means of knowing but supposing it as old Gregory probably did in the Case of Julian then there is no other way but his Destruction and whether we should Pray even for that is a Question which Dr. Hicks does not determine unless it be in the Negative He says he should be Tempted to pray so Now whether does this Argue that Praying so was a Duty or a Sin We are said to be Tempted to Sin not to our Duty Lead us not into Temptation does not mean Lead us not to our Duty God tempteth no man but every Man is tempted when he is drawn away of his own Lusts Jam. 1.13 14.4.1 and inticed as to Curse or Resist his Governors from which Lusts â—â—me Wars and Fightings says St. James Therefore Dr. Hicks calling it a Temptation to pray for the Destruction of his Prince though a Julian argues that he thought it a Sin at least even this Author will not have the Confidence to â—â—y that Dr. Hicks by this Expression was positive in its being our Duty to pray to But this he was Positive in viz. That you must do no more than Pray These are his Words which follow those this Author has Quoted I must also declare says he that I would do nothing but pray against him I would draw fourth no Squadrons against him but such as old Gregory did against Julian Squadrons of Prayers and Tears I would Dye rather than Resist him or those that were put in Authority under him Now I would gladly know What it was which tempted this Author to leave out these Words of Dr. Hicks's which would have abundantly shewn his Principle in this Matter to every the meanest Reader We must conclude that our Author did not intend it But to amuse them with the first part to mistake the Doctor as if he had been for Resistance But his Practice is such an undeniable Comment upon his Writings That this Author could not have light upon a way to expose both himself and his Book more effectually than by Quoting Dr. Hicks as one whose Opinion he follows From Faulkner The last Quotation he brings is from Faulkner's Christian Loyalty B. 2. c. 5. n. 19 20. Let us hear the Words he produces They are these viz. But if ever any such strange Case as is supposed should really happen I confess it would have its great Difficulties Who ever doubted it I cannot imagine what he brought this for I suppose all the meaning was to shew That the Passive-Obedience-Men would not have such Cases to be put And can you blame them Disloyal and Seditious Spirits to stir Men up to Rebellion do make Cases that never were in the World And it is next to Impossible that ever they should be as a King going about to Destroy All his whole People or Half or a Quarter of them Who would endure it if any Man should publish such Cases of the Parliament as suppose an Act of Parliament were made to Hang every Man at his Door to Sell the Nation to the French to Massacre the Whole or Half or Quarter of the People If any Man should raise such Suggestions of the States in Holland and desire to know what the People were to do in such Cases I suppose there is no Government but would stop his Mouth without being at the Pains of satisfying his Curiosity Yet this Author is very Angry that the Non-Resistance-Men should desire such Cases not to be put Hear Dr. Faulkner's own Words which our Author thinks do him so great service But in truth the Case above-mentioned ought not at all to be supposed or taken into Consideration for there is greater hurt to be feared from the making such Suppositions than from the Things supposed since it is much more likely that such Designs should be imagin'd and believ'd to be true when they are false as they were in the unjust Out-crys against our late Gracious Sovereign than that they should be certainly true And every Good Man yea every Reasonable Man may have as great Confidence that no such Case will really happen as can be had concerning the future state of any thing in this World Thus Dr. Faulkner Our Author may perhaps say That all this is made out in his Book concerning K. James but that is begging the Question And this I may say I am sure without offence That this Author will never make any Man believe that K. James did design the Extirpation or Massacre either of the whole Protestants in Ireland or half or quarter of them He had them all except two small Towns in his mercy for a whole Summer and did not kill a Man of them though he believed and it proved true that their Hearts were against him and would Joyn with his Enemies when ever they could of which their daily Deserting him and giving Intelligence to the Enemy was a Demonstration yet he preserved them from being destroyed and took pains to hinder those who were ready enough to have done it I will not deny out that he might desire to
put the Sword in the hands of those of his own Religion and to make them the Ballance of the Nation which was natural enough for him to wish yet I do not Justify it But that ever he design'd to Massacre or Extirpate the Protestants I confess I cannot believe And his Carriage in Ireland by all the Accounts I could have of it nay take it altogether even as this Author tells it is a Demonstration to the contrary But I am too long upon this Subject Let us return to our Author's Quotation And here I must tell him That though Faulkner is against having such Cases put as abovesaid yet it is not that an Answer cannot be given for he gives it out of Bishop Bilson in the very same Place which our Author Quotes but he takes care to conceal the Words which if he had set down it would have appeared very ridiculous to have said as he does that Bishop Bilson seems to allow the Doctrine of Resistance The Bishop's Words are these as quoted by Faulkner first finding fault with such Cases being put That they are able says he to set Grave and Good Men at their wits end But then he adds yet we stand not on that and positively determines in these words which I had occasion partly to Quote before If the Laws of the Land where they converse do not permit them to save their Lives when they are assaulted with unjust force against Law or if they take Arms as you do to depose Princes we will never excuse them from Rebellion Thus Bilson And the very first words of the Chapter which our Authour quotes of Faulkner viz. Book 2. c. 5. puts the Case as directly against our Authors Position as if he had read our Author's Book and wrote on purpose to confute it There have been some says he who grant the unlawfulness of taking Arms against a Soveraign Prince to be a General Rule for ordinary Circumstances but yet they pretend there are some Great and Extraordinary Cases in which it must admit of Exceptions And the proposal of these Cases as they are by them managed is like the Pharisaical Corban an Engine and Method to make void the Duties of the Fifth Commandment And then he goes on and undertakes in this Chap. the defence of that Assertion of Barckley who proposeth the Question Nulli nè Casus c. May there no Cases fall out in which the People by their Authority may take Arms against their King And his Answer is Certainly none so long as he is King or unless ipso jure Rex esse desinat This is the same he Quoted Dr. Hammond for before viz. that the Person who was King may be Resisted when he does voluntarily Relinquish his Power and becomes a private Person for then indeed ipso jure he of Right ceases to be a King But may be our Author will say that ipso jure and ipso facto â—e ceases to be a King whenever he Designs to destroy a part of his People I will not repeat what I have said before in Answer to this as to tell what part of the Peoplâ— is mâ—aâ—t That this is an Eternal pretence for all Restless Spirits c. But it brings into my mind an Answer a Scots Presbyterian Minister whose Principles as to Government our Author has but licked up gave to the Objection in the 23 Chapter of their Confession of Faith upon the Head of the Civil Magistrate viz. That Infidelity or Difference in Religion does not take away a King 's Right to his Crown nor absolve his Subjects from their Allegiance to him The Minister replied That is true for if a King turn Infidel he does ipso facto cease to be a King So that our Author was not the Original of this pretty Distinction Faulkner in the same place shews our Author's Doctrine to be borrow'd from Mariana Bellermine and other Jesuitical Doctors Jesuit and Puritan are convertible Terms in the Point of Loyalty only that the Jesuit is the Elder Brother and determins against them N. 3. That the Agreement of the Whole body of the People or the Chief and Greater part thereof can give no sufficient Authority to such an Enterprise viz. of taking Arms against the King And with respect to this Kingdom he quotes our Laws which declare it Unlawful for the two Houses of Parliament though Jointly to take Arms against the King Faulkner goes on and proves as directly against our Author in this same Chapter which our Author quotes on his side as Words can be fram'd But there are none so blind as they that will not see These are all the Quotations he brings to support his new Hypothesis and how far they serve to his purpose I leave it to the Reader and from the whole I shall only mind our Author of the Instances I have already given him viz. The Condition of the Jews in Egypt in Babylon under Ahasuerus and the Romans The Gibeonites under Saul and the Primitive Christians in their several Persecutions more especially in the last Decennial Persecution And then apply this to the Rule he has given us viz. That Non-Resistance does reach only Tolerable Evils and where the Mischief is not Universal I wouâ—d be glad likewise to have his Opinion of the Carriagâ— of the Protestants towards Queen Mary The Protestants undeâ— Qu. Mary He will not say but â—â—â—ir Circumstaâ—ces were much more Dâ—plorable than under King James even at the worst that he does represent him There Numbers were fewer and she as much bigotted as King James married to the King of Spain overturn'd our Religion by Law and set up Fire and Fagot broke her Promise to the Protestants who set her upon the Throne in opposition to Queen Jane a Protestant There was but one Branch of the Royal Family that were near the Crown a Protestant that was the Princess Elizabeth and she was declared Illegitimate by Act of Parliament and to secure the Business was sent to the Tower in order to have her Head cut off And after her the Royal Line run out of Sight among the Papists so that the Protestants had a very lamentable Prospect Yet they bore it with an admirable Patience till God with his own hand wrought their Deliverance taking away Queen Mary without their Guilt or Rebellion and placing that condemned Princess upon her Sisters Throne to establish the Protestant Religion in a Legal manner And these Protestant Martyrs even at the Stake declared it Unlawful to take Arms against Queen Mary in defence of their Religion but exorted their Fellow Protestants to Patience and Resignation to the Good Will of God But by no means to Rebel for that was Damnation They did not Plead that their Evil was Intolerable when they were going into the Fire or that it was Universal reaching to their whole Religion in the Kingdom These were Excuses they were too dull to find out to save their Lives and their Religion But let us
broke their Forces at Drommore in the North of Ireland and reduced all but Derry and Eneskillen Then they prayed again for K. J. That God would strengthen him to vanquish and overcome all his Enemies August following Schomberg went over with an English Army Then as far as his Quarters reacht they returned to pray the same Prayer for K. William the rest of the Protestants still praying for Victory to K. J. and for the P. of W. and yet now they tell us That all that while they all meant the same thing four times in one Year Praying forward and backward point blanck contradictory to one another And one would believe that they never thought of it or considered whether it was a Fault or not For as if there had been no such thing they tell K. W. in their Address to him No. 26. Appendix We do not doubt say they but God will hear the Prayers of His Church and Crown your Majesties Arms with Success c. And so they go on most Loyally to make him a Present of their Prayers and assure his Majesty That with the most hearty Importunity they would pray for him This I suppose was put in that he might not think they would pray for him as they did for K. J. that is Hypocritically and against their own Heart to that Degree that the Bishop of Meath in his Speech at the head and in the name of the Dublin Clergy No. 8. Append. takes pains to clear himself and them to K. W. from having been so much as Trimmers towards K. J. while he was there among them that is they were his inveterate Enemies This was about a Week after this Bishop offered his Service to K. J. to attend upon him to the Boyne and their Praying for him all that time was only matter of Form to please him It was at once both innocent and necessary to keep to the Bishop's Words and fit to be observed to a Power that was able to Crush us far worse than it did Who would stick out for a little praying God knew their Heart that they did not mean a Word of what they said even while they received the Sacrament where they pray'd for K. J. at the very Altar as they do now for K. W. and in the Collect after the Ten Commandments they did acknowlege before God That K. J. was His Minister and had His Authority and prayed for His Grace faithfully to serve honour and humbly obey King James in God and for God according to his Blessed Word and Ordinance and yet at that time they thought him not God's Minister nor to have His Authority were not resolved nor thought it their Duty to serve or obey him nay not so much as to Trimm on his side They thought him not their lawful King but that K. W. was their King and had God's Authority and that they were obliged to obey K. W. in God and for God according to God's Blessed Word and Ordinance whom yet in their Address to K. J. they call an unnatural Usurper Was there ever such broad hardened Affronting God to his Face What did these Divines or others think when they received the Sacrament with such a Lye in their Mouths It makes ones Hair stand on end O God look not upon this forgive the Iniquity of our holy things Will this Method persuade Men to have Regard to your Prayers or your Principles But nothing of all this touches upon our Author he is still very confident p. 238. That they were not guilty of any servile or mean Compliances or as the Bishop of Meath words it of no Compliances but such as were at once both innocent and necessary What will our Adversaries say to this Excuse Was it both innocent and necessary in them to abhor and detest K. W. whom they thought their only true and lawful King as an unnatural Usurper and all those as Rebels and Traytors who took his part and to plight their Faith and promise their Allegiance as they do in the abovesaid Address of Parliament with one Voice Tongue and Heart to K. J. whom they thought to be no longer their King but to have Abdicated And yet they did thus endeavour to persuade him into an intire Confidence and Dependance upon their Loyalty to him making him a Tender of their Lives and Fortunes against the said Usurper the P. of O. and his Adherents and all other Rebels and Traytors whatsoever If these were not servile or mean Compliances I desire the Author to tell us what can be so Most solemn and Parliamentary Lying upon Record in the Face of the World and to all Posterities Perjury Dissimulation and Treachery to the last Degree persuading that Prince to trust them whom they at the same time were resolved to destroy And that no humane Eye should discover them they carried on their Hypocrisie even to pray solemnly to God every day in their Churches for Victory to K. J. when now they all tell us that in their hearts they wisht it to K. W. If to deceive Men was neither servile nor mean was it both innocent and necessary thus to mock God Was there not may Papists say just Grounds for what this Author tells of K. J. c. 3. s 20. n. 4. p. 222. That he gave Advice to the Earl of Salisbury's Brothers to beware of the Company of Protestants but above all says this Author he forbad them conversing with the Bishops and Clergymen for said he they are all false to me and will pervert you to Disloyalty and Treason This the Author calls loading the Protestants with the most odious Calumnies and Misrepresentations But suppose K. J. or any of his Friends should ask this Author whether one Word of it was false Will he say that they were true to K. J. or did pray sincerely for him what they daily repeated in their Common Prayers And consequently that they gave no manner of Ground but were perfectly innocent of the Charge with which this Author says the Papists loaded them viz That they had no Religion at all that they only pretended to it but were Atheists and Traytors in their Hearts It is true indeed they treated K. J. with all imaginable Demonstrations of Loyalty and Affection but how sincere themselves will tell you now wherever he came the Bishops and Clergy were the first to make their Court. He Landed on Tuesday the 12th of March 1689 at Kinsale next Morning the Vicar Mr. Thoms went to the Fort to kiss His Majesty's Hand being introduc'd by the Lord Bishop of Chester as he tells in his Journal and says he on Thursday the 14th of March we came to Cork and lodg'd at the Bishop's Palace and I brought the Bishop and the Clergy to the King who receiv'd them very kindly Friday the 15th I went with the Bishop of Cork to the King 's Levee and tarried at Court till I saw the Rebels of Bandon at His Feet and the Minister in an Elegant Speech begging their
Pardon which he granted them And the Bishop of Cork constantly attended at the King 's Levee while His Majesty stay'd there Friday the 22d of March K. J. came to Kilkenny where the Bishop and Clergy were introduc'd by the Bishop of Chester to kiss His Majesty's Hand who received them very graciously Sunday the 24th the King came to Dublin Monday the 25th 1689 Primate Boyle Arch-bishop of Ardmagh advised the Bishop of Chester to accept of the Bishoprick of Cloghor then void which was owning K. J. to have had at that time full right to confer it and consequently to be Rightful King But that was fully and absolutely owned in ample form on Wednesday the 27th of March 1689 by the Bishop of Meath and Proctor of the University in the Name and at the Head of the Body of the Clergy and University The Bishop printed his Speech and is inserted No. 8 Append. But the Proctor thô commanded by the King to print his Speech modestly declined it he was more cautious and considered that it was framed only for that Juncture and is very well satisfied that we have it not now to print with the Bishop's Tuesday the 2d of April 1689 K. J. told the Bishop of Chester that complaint was made to him that the Clergy of Dublin did not readily pray for the Prince of VVales Upon which Notice the Dublin-Clergy met and consulted and thô they did not believe the reality of the Prince of VVales yet they resolved the King should not have that Pretence against them they would trust themselves in the Hand of God rather than Man presume Deliberately to act the Hypocrite with God and pray against their Consciences rather than displease the King But enough of this before There is another thing Not one of these complying Irish Protestants but will freely acknowledge That if K. VV. or any other King should turn Papist and do all that K. J. has done they wou'd and ought to serve him as they did K. J. They cannot otherwise justifie their Carriage towards K. J. The consideration of this made the Parliament in England abolish that Declaration viz. That it is not lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King c. But this by some neglect is left still upon the Irish Protestant Clergy under the Penalty of forfeiting their Livings And as many as have come into any Livings since this Revolution have read the said Declaration publickly in time of Divine Service and are to continue so to do and declare that they will do it till some Parliament take it away This will be called as gross a mocking of God as their former praying for K. J. that is whether they believe or do not belive that Declaration If they believe it they condemn themselves in taking Arms against K. J. If they do not belive it they make it visible to all the World That there is no Tye or Obligation Civil or Sacred can touch their Consciences when they so Solemnly while they are Officiating in the Divine Service and offering up to God the Prayers of their Flocks dare at that very time and with the same Breath declare before God and the People that they do believe it when they do not belive it and the People know that they do not believe it For they make no Secret of it will tell every one that asks them nay they stay not to be asked they Preach against it and Dispute against it and Instruct their Congregations against it and would call any one a Jacobite and a Papist who durst own it and hunt him to the next Goal And yet to save their Livings they continue still to subscribe this hated Declaration before their Ordinaries and take Certificates under their Hands and Seals that they have done it as they are obliged by the Act and publickly and openly Read the same upon the Lord's Day in their Parish Churches where they Officiate in the presence of the Congregation there Assembled in the time of Divine Service c. They Read it in the Desk and Preach against it in the Pulpit and when they come out of Church rail at the Parliament that Imposed it and say That it was soon after the Restauration Anno 1660. when People were Drunk with Loyalty after being wearied with the direful Effects of Rebellion under all its specious Pretences and thought they could never run far enough from it till they run to the quite contrary Extreme and advanc'd Prerogative to the utmost And they Wonder and Curse the hard Fate that this Declaration was not taken out of the way in Ireland as well as in England and wish it were done But in the mean time they will lose nothing by it they can swallow and it will swallow them if they do not Repent God grant them Grace to do it And that the Shame of this their Sin may Convent and not Harden them But this Charge is general Our Author is only involved in it with many others Let us return to what is more Particular as to himself which I think I am obliged to give you an Account of only so far as relates to the present Business because it ought to weigh with you in the Credit you are to give of what he says where he brings no other Reason than his own Averring This Author was formerly a zealous Man for Passive Obedience even in the beginning 〈◊〉 this Revolution Know then that according to certain Information I have had that no Man was or could be a higher Assertor of Passive Obedience than this Author has been all his life even at the begining of this Revolution that he told a Person of Honor from whose Mouth I have it That if the P. of O. came over for the Crown or should accept of it he pray'd God might blast all his Designs That there was no way to preserve the Honor of our Religion but by adhering unalterably to our Loyalty That it would be a glorious Sight to see a Cart full of Clergy-men going to the Stake for Passive Obedience as the Primitive Christians did That it would prove the Support and Glory of our Religion but that a Rebellion would ruine and disgrace it He said if it were no more than that Declaration which he had Subscribed of It s not being lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King c. he would dye a Hundred Deaths rather than do it At a Meeting of the Clergy of Dublin in the begining of this Revolution in 88. to consider what Measures they were to take he declared That their taking Arms in the North of Ireland at that time was Rank Rebellion if there could be any Rebellion particularly Derry shutting their Gates against the King's Forces sent thither And when one there present did affirm That the Subjects might take Arms in Defence of their Laws c. This Author did violently oppose it even in relation to Derry and urged that
has an Inuendo of a higher Nature than this It imports no less than that the Protestants of Ireland conquering the Irish there gives them a Title to Ireland independent on the Crown of England He places the Scene indeed in another Reign but the Application is too obvious to be mistaken I suppose none will deny but K. C. 2. at his Restauration in the year 1660. to the Crown of England had thereby a good Title to Ireland But this Author plainly insinuates as if the English Rebels who Conquer'd Ireland as he calls it under Oliver had thereby gained a Right to it for themselves and therefore makes it not a Duty but a meer Act of Generosity in them to call home K. C. 2. and says That they bestow'd Ireland upon him c. These are his words viz. The Conquerers viz. Oliver's Army joined in bringing home K. C. 2. and generously gave up themselves together with the Kingdom of Ireland without Articles or Conditions into his hands Where observe They had a Right to have kept him out and not to have admitted him without such Articles and Conditions as they thought fit And our Author does not seem to approve of their receiving him without such Articles as he does not the King 's restoring the Conquered under certain Qualifications to a part of the forfeited Lands Kings are in a good condition when all their Actions are thus to be Arraign'd by every one who can take the Boldness to call them to an Accouâ—â— and Publish their Censure of Majesty to the World The same Language is now in many of their mouths as to the present Reduction of Ireland and they grudge the Articles of Limerick and Galloway c. not considering that there is no Government but by the necessity of their Affairs may be forced sometimes to take Measures which may alarm some sort of People and if for this People have liberty to attack the Government in every Coffee-house and Cabal what Peace can be lasting tho' they should do it by such discreet Inuendo's as this Author Kings now indeed are upon their good Behaviour as this Author of late loyally expressed it on the Thirtieth of January in Christ-Church Dublin applying it to that Day to shew the glorious Change of his Principles But for a Noble stroke both for speaking at Random for Inuendo's and for weight of Argument see C. 3. S. 12. n. 21. p. 165. It is thus stil'd in the Heads of Discourse Protestants lost more in Ireland than all that favour K. J 's Cause in England are worth In the Section it self he adds Scotland too This is a Discovery the Parliament would thank him for at least Mr. Fuller I dare not ask this Author by what means he came to know more than King and Parliament or any in England pretend to to find out all the Jacobites in England and Scotland and the value of their Estates Well it must pass by Inuendo and that cannot be disprov'd But he inuendo's in the Jacobites Thoughts too as well as their Estates And I suppose says he it would put them the Jacobites out of conceit with Him K. J. or any other King there he handsomly brings in K. W. and shews the Opinion as he believes of the Williamites at least you may conclude it is his own that should take away but one half of their Estates from them There the Government has the stint of his Obedience But has not this Author's Intelligence brought him the News yet of the Deprivation of the Archbishop of Canterbury and other English Bishops and Clergy with a greater Number in Scotland who have lost the whole of their Estates and it is believed would lay down their Lives too for what they think to be their Duty to their King And there are many Lay-Jacobites as resolute even as they Did this Author never hear that Mr. Ashton suffered Death and would not own this to be a Fault And that the Bishops of Chichester and Worcester asserted it upon their Death-beds and that they would have gone to the Stake rather than have forsaken their Passive Obedience or taken the present Oaths How is it possible that a Man so well read as the Author in the Primitive Persecutions should think losing but half ones Estate so mighty a Matter in asserting the Principles of our Religion But these things we can better hear than where he would impose upon us such Incredible Stories as would not pass at a Country Wake Incredible Matters of Fact Such is that c. 2. s 8. n. 4. p. 33. where he gives us such an Idea of the Wild Irish as he that said he had seen some of them so tame that they would eat Meat out of his hand He says that it seemed an unreasonable Hardship to those of them who were Landlords That they should be called to an account for killing or robbing their Tenants or ravishing their Daughters I confess this so startled me from an Author of his Gravity and living in that Country that it put me upon the Curiosity of enquiring of some Gentlemen of that Country who told me it was just as true as their having Hair upon their Teeth That there were ill Men among them and Murthers and Rapes have been committed as in other places but that they were so savage and ignorant at this time of day as not to expect to be called to an account for such horrible Crimes is an Assertion that astonishes every body that hears of it If he means that in the time of this War such Crimes went unpunished others have the same to say Witness Dr. Gorge's Letter But the Author 's Topick in this place is not of the time of the War but of the manner of these People before so that it is an egregious Imposition upon our English Understandings to think to pass this upon us It is almost as strange as this what he tells c. 3. s 11. n. 8. p. 138. That Colonel Luttrel Governor of Dublin condemned Mr. Piercy a Merchant to be hanged for saying very calmly That he was not willing to part with his Goods if he could help it And as strange that Mr. Piercy should escape because the Governour could not find any of the Provoes If you can hardly believe that Mr. Piercy should be condemned for speaking such innocent words and that very calmly you will be no Proselyte to this Author who as confidently and with as little Voucher that is none at all tells in the same place That Mr. Bell a Protestant Merchant was confined to close Prison and no body allowed to speak to him for I would have the Reader guess the Crime less if it could be than that of Mr. Piercy It was without any Crime so much as alledged against him says our Author We say It is easie to find a Stick to beat a Dog Were the Protestants so Loyal to K. J. or the Irish so dull that they could make no pretence of a Fault when
here do tell it The Earl of Inchiquin and Captain Henry Boyle with the generality of the Protestant Gentlemen in the Province of Munster having entred into an Association in Decemb. 88. as the Protestants in Ulster and Connaught had done they resolved to seize upon Corke and Bandon as the places of greatest Strength and Consequence in the Province Their Design took effect at Bandon which joyned with them But the Lord Deputy having notice of their Proceedings sent Major-General Mac-Carty now Lord Mount-Cassell to observe them He pretending to keep fair with them they attempted bringing him over to declare for the P. of Orange and some of them had hopes of it but he proved too cunning for them prevented their seizing of Corke and when Captain Henry Boyle upon that disappointment fortified his House Castle-Martyr he besieged him there Upon this Sir Tho. Southwell in the County of Limerick and several other Protestant Gentlemen marched with the greatest Force they could make to raise the Siege in their march they seiz'd on all the Papists Horses and this Mr. Browne who was then one of them took the Horses of Neagle of Moyallow who was then High-Seriff of the County of Corke and a Man was killed in the Fray and all this our Author calls only making his escape from those who came to plunder him But to tell out my Story Sir T. Southwell and his Company hearing upon their March that Castle Martyr was surrendred he endeavoured to make his way to Sligo to joyn the Lord Kingston and other Associators in Connaught who were all in Arms and as this Author tells p. 170. he and 200 of his Men were taken by a small Party of K. J's Dragoons not much to the Glory of their Courage And this Author says p. 171. That they were over-persuaded to plead Guilty though they had not been guilty of any Overt Act that could be construed Treason What this Author means by Overt Acts or what by Treason he will tell us in the next and likewise give us some probable Reason why K. J. should Reprieve and afterwards Pardon Sir Thomas Southwell and all the rest who were engaged in that business and have such a particular Malice only at Browne whom he knew as little as any of the rest Otherwise he must give us leave to suspend a little our belief of his Narrative in this matter particularly that K. J. should influence either Judge or Jury to take away Mr. Brown's Life and that he should be inexorable in Mr. Brown's Case alone and yet so very merciful to all the rest is a Contradiction to believe if his Case or Circumstances did in no ways differ from theirs But it is no wonder that this Author cannot keep him self from Contradictions through the whole Series of his Book when the very Titles the Heads of his Discourse are contradictory one to another which one would think an ordinary Care might have avoided C. 2. s 8. n 10. the Title is That K. J's Desire to be absolute induced him to change his Religion And yet c. 3. s 1. n. 5. the Title is Zeal for his Religion made him act against his Interest to that Degree says this Author in his Prosecution of this c. 3. s 1. n. 5. p. 46. that the Protestants could not but conclude that K. J. was so intent upon destroying them that so he compassed that Design he cared not if he enslaved himself and the Kingdoms P. 45. That he had a setled Resolution not to mind any Interest which came in Competition with his grand Design of advancing Popery and the Slavery of the Nations To effect which it is manifest he was content to be a Vassal to France Thus the Author Here are Contradictions upon Contradictions That K. J. should be content to be a Vassal that he might be Absolute If you say that must be understood only of his other Grand Design viz. advancing Popery which had the Ascendant even over his Interest or his desire of being Absolute This will contradict the other Head of Discourse which gives the desire of Absoluteness in him the Ascendant over his Religion as being the Ground-work and Motive which induc'd him to change his Religion And yet page 10. of his Thanksgiving-Sermon Perhaps says he K. J. chiefly desired an Absolute Authority over his Subjects that he might compel them into the bosom of his Church And it does not appear a less Contradiction than any of these that a King should change the Principles of the Church of England as then taught for those of Rome out of a desire to be the more Absolute The Church of Rome 4 Coun. Lat C. 3 c. gives Power to the Popes to Depose Kings and they have shewn many Examples of it On the other hand the Church of England when K. J. forsook her Communion damn'd this Deposing Doctrine and the Practice of it and valued themselves upon the Principle of Non-Resistance to their King upon any Pretence whatsoever as their distinguishing Character and an essential part of their Religion and they had never varied from it nor was it thought by any or themselves that ever they would I am sure if they were not in earnest with it then they can give no demonstration now that they can be in earnâ—st with any thing and it is in every bodies mouth That K. J's trusting too much to their Passive Obedience hastened his Ruin which could not be if he had not thought this to have been their Principle Now for a King of this Opinion to quit this Church and go to that Church which teaches the Deposing Doctrine to do this out of a desire of Abâ—â—luteness is such a Contradiction as this Author would have seen at another time C. 3. s 12. n. 15. p. 153. he makes K. J. most absolute in the Parliament in Ireland That this Parliament openly profess'd it self a Slave to the King's Will and that he was look'd upon as a Man factiously and rebelliously inclin'd that would dare to move any thing after any Favourite in the House had affirm'd that it was contrary to the King's Pleasure Accordingly the Author instances several particulars of K. J's Absoluteness in this Parliament particularly That upon his signifying his dissatisfaction to the Repeal of Poyning's Act the Parliament let it fall with several other Acts tho' the Irish had talk'd much and earnestly desired the Repeal of Poyning's Act it being the greatest sign and means of their Subjection to England Yet p. 37. you have the Irish dispute his Orders and and stand on the Laws and they would not suffer him to dispense with their Act of Attainder c. And yet p. 18. They pish'd at the Laws as Trifles and declared they liked no Government but that of France that they would make the King as Absolute here as that King was there P. 31. The Temper and Genius of these Men were at Enmity to the Laws and fitted for Slavery They promoted and
Absolute and Despotick Power in the King They were fit Instruments to sacrifice the Laws and Religion of the Kingdom to the Will of their Sovereign P. 40. They neither knew nor feared nor cared for the Laws P. 82. The Members of Parliament would not stick to sacrifice the Liberties and Laws of the Kingdom to the King 's Will. P. 153. They devolv'd the Power of Making and Repealing Laws on the King's Pleasure P. 24 It was impossible the Grand Segnior should have fitted himself better with Instruments for promoting an Arbitrary Government than he K. J. did P. 31. No body can deny but they were well chosen for the Work for which he designed them Yet this Author could not think they were so very well chosen when he makes them stand up for the Laws and struggle with the King against Arbitrary Power till they made his Nose burst out a bleeding for vexation as you have heard before Now would you believe that this K. J. who was so highly bent to be Absolute and Arbitrary would be content to be a Vassal to France Yet this Author asserts it so positively p. 45. as to say that it is manifest And p. 183. That he took care to put it out of his own Power to help the Protestants Qui occidere quemquam nolit posse velit It is not natural for an Arbitrary Man to desire any thing to be out of his Power much less would he take care to put it out of his own Power If he did it must proceed out of an inveterate malice to the Protestants yet they all think His being there was their Preservation that he hindered the Irish not only from Massacres but from Burning or Plundering Dublin and the whole Country when they left it and many other Outrages And our Author when he is upon painting out the Barbarity of the Irish does frequently confess it and insist upon it and as frequently deny it when his Spleen rises against K. J. He cries out c. 3. s 13. n. 3. d. 4. p. 172. And when men were thus slaughtered with his K. J's approbation This is a very heavy Charge and what was the reason of it Because says he they were killed with K. J's Protections in their Pockets I am afraid there is no Case where we could come upon the Comparison betwixt the Protestant and the Irish Army in Ireland Of K. J. keeping his Protections with more disadvantage to the Protestants than that of keeping their Protections or punishing the Breaches of them In this I appeal to Secretary Gorge's Letter in which he gives a remarkable Instance of K. J's both granting Protections to the Protestants and making it good to them notwithstanding the greatest provocations viz. Secretary Gorge's Wife and Family were not only Protected and Preserved by K. J. in Dublin while he was in so considerable a Post against K. J. as to be Secretary to the General Schomberg then at the Head of an Army in Ireland to drive K. J. out thence but upon their application to K. J. he gave them leave and his Pass port to go to the Secretary to Schomberg's Army And thus by K. J's Clemency he had his Wife and Family restored safe to him at the same time that he was endeavouring to dispossess K. J. of all he had in the World The Secretary in his Letter aggravates the Breach of Protections and want of Discipline in Schomberg's Army by shewing how regularly King James governed his Army and not only threatned severe Penalties upon the Breach of his Proclamations and Protections but duly exacted them The respective Penalties injoyned in the said Proclamation says the Secretary viz. K. J's Proclamation against plundering and other Irregularities are severely and impartially executed on the respective Offenders My Family tells me that the Week before they left Dublin there were two private Soldiers publickly executed before a Protestant Baker's Door for stealing two Loaves not worth a Shilling And a Fortnight before a Lieutenant and Ensign were publickly executed at a place where on pretence of the King's Service they prest a Horse going with Provision to Dublin Market Two others were condemned and expected daily to be executed for the like Offence These severe Examples confirming the Penalties of these publick Declarations contribute so much to the Quiet of the Country that were it not for the Country Raparees and Tories theirs 't is thought would be much quiâ—ter than ours The truth is too many of the English as well as Danâ—s and French are highly oppressive to this poor Country whereas our Enemies have reduced themselves to that Order that they exercise Violence upon none but the Proprieties of such as they know to be absent or as they Phrase it in Rebellion against them whose Stock Goods and Estates are seized and set by the Civil Government and the Proceed applied for and towards the Charge of the War These are the Words of the Secretaries Letter where you see it was K. William's Army that destroyed and K. James's that protected the Country And as many Protestants as staid at home and trusted themselves to King James's Protection preserved their Goods and Improvements and live now plentifully while those that fled from him lost what they had and smart now severely under these Necessities which their Neighbours escaped who either would not or could not fly from the Mercy of their Natural Sovereign The Secretary says here That they seized the Estates of the Absentees But I must add to this That where any Application was made in behalf of Absentees and any tollerable Reason given for their not returning there was not only no advantage taken of their not coming in within the time limited in K. J's several Proclamations to that purpose but they had Time sine Die given them come when they could and in the mean time their Goods were preserved and though seized by the Sheriffs for the King's use being forfeited by the Laws there the King commanded the Sheriffs to deliver the Goods into the hands of such Friends of the Absentees as made Application for them And where the Irish Sheriffs refused or delayed to deliver such Goods they were severely punished and forced to do it or others put in their places that would For you cannot imagine but it went mightily against the Grain with them to be forced to restore the Goods of those who as they supposed were in actual Rebellion and their declared Enemies and which they expected and they thought reasonably as a Reward for their Services For who would not take the Spoil of their Enemies The Irish understood it as if the King still had an Eye towards his Protestant Subjects and preferred their Interest though in Rebellion against him before that of the Irish though at that time serving him or as Dr. Gorge words it better That King James considered the Protestants who were in Arms against him rather as deluded Subjects than as obstinate Rebels The Irish Protestants who staid
expended by Parliament and little of the Credit come to K. James Whereas in Sir Peter Petts Speech n. 10. Apendix and other Vouchers you will see That K. James expended Millâ—ons out of his own Pocket upon the Navy Then you say in the Latter End of K. James's Regin Innuendo as if he had not minded the Navy from the Beginning of his Reign The contrary to which you will see in the short Abstract of Mr. Pepys's Account of the Navy n. 11. Appendix And no doubt your Informer could have told you this as well as the rest if you had had a mind to be inform'd But the Reason you give of your former Mistake is beyond all this You say You were led into this Inference viz. Of K. James's letting the English Fleet Decay on purpose to Rume the Trade of England that the French might grow Great at Sea by hearing that the then Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea when he came for England Could there be no other Reason why the Prince of Orange found no Opposition at Sea but K. James's purposely letting the Ships of England Decay c What if the Prince of Orange missed the English Fleet which was the Case He found no Opposition at Salisbury neither Our Author might hence as well infer that K. James purposely let all the Pikes and Guns in England Rot and Rust c Are these Inferences fit for a Bishop upon his serious Repentance for his publick Breach of the Ninth Command and Slandering the Foot-steps of GOD's Ancinted And yet in the same Breath continuing to do it still again in Malice that grows Ridiculous with its Rage For in the next words after his Confessing his Mistake he would have you believe that K. James did own this Lye against himself But the preceding Discourses of K. James sayes the Author are exactly Related What were these Discourses You have it told in his Book in the same place where his Recantation is viz. c. 3. § 6. n. 1. Where he tells How many Roman Catholicks who pretended to know his K. James's mind confidently affirmed That he purposely let the Ships of England Decay and Râ—t that the French might grow Great at Sea and Destroy the Trade of the English And sayes the Author the King himself could not sometimes forbear words to the same purpose Now this the Author even in Penitentials Affirms to be Exactly Related And no doubt he must think his stock of Credit very great that upon his bare Word we should believe so very improbable a Story as that K. James should himself tell so great a Lye against himself to render himself the most Odious to England that could possibly be Contrived All the Aspertions which his Enemies cast upon Him put together would not Blacken him so much in the Eyes of English-men as such a Design to Ruin their Trade on purpose to let the French get it And indeed it must raise a very strange Idea of him to all People in the World that a King could have so much ill Nature so much Treachery as to Ruin and Betray his own People who were then very kind to him on purpose to bring them into the Power of their Enemies and that he should be transported with such an implacable Malice against them as to be content to Ruin himself to be Revenged on them to make himself a Vassal to France that they might become French Slaves Which our Author sayes is Evident as I have before Quoted him And that a King should be so fond of this Character as to Invent Lyes against himself on purpose to have it believed And to harden the Hearts of all English-men against Him at the same time that He was Courting them and as Dr. Gorges's Letter tells us spoke the kindest Things of them upon all Occasions and as this Author in several places of this Book that He Reckoned much upon His Friends in England And c. 3. near the end of § 13. that the Irish Papists Refrained from Massacring the Protestants in Ireland lest It should shock many of their Friends in England and Scotland from whom they expected Great Matters And that K. James depended on some Protestants in England for Succour and Assistance rather more than on the Roman Catholicks c. Judge then how probable it is that K. James should Report such things of himself as He knew must Disgust all these and indeed all Honest Men But the Author finds a Reason for it It was sayes he in his loose Recantation to incourage the Irish Nation into the Facility of Invading England And was there no other way to do it but for King James to tell so Scandalous a Lye of himself And which my Lord Tyrconnel and many others of the Irish Nobility and Gentry besides all the English knew to be false The chief Encouragement they had to come to England was what our Author tells the Friends they supposed they had especially the Protestants in England and Scotland To whom this Account of King James especially from his own Mouth would have been a strange sort of a Recommendation But if that thing in which K. James was most to be admired and took greatest Pains and which was most Visible viz. his care of the Navy can by this Author's Art be thus turn'd into the Greatest and most Invidious Objection against him what fair Representation of K. James can be expected from such an Observator as as this Or what Credit to any thing he has said Who would have you believe him because he takes God to Witness of his Sincere Representing K. James and his Party in this Book And even where he must Cenfess his Error Repents as you have seen But we have been too long upon this Pray God this Author's Repentance for this pretended Repentance and all other his Sins may be more sincere and hearty before he Dye And particularly that God may give him Grace to Repent Sincerely and Confess Honestly all the Errors Willful or Malicious Representations in this Book of his with which I now proceed C. 3. § 12. p. 148. n. 6. He Reflects upon K. Jame's Sincerity who in his Answer to the Petition of the Lords for a Parliament in England presented 17. Nov. 88. gave it as one Reason why he could not Comply because it was Impossible whilst part of the Kingdom was in the Enemies Hands to have a Free Parliament Thus he and to make you believe him very exact he qutoes the Kings Answer in the Margent But on purpose leaves out those Words which would shew the Inference he makes from it to be very Inconsequential his Inference is That the same Impossibility lay on him K. James against holding a Parliament in Ireland The Kings Words quoted in his Margent are these How is it possible a Parliament should be Free in all its Circumstances whilst an Enemy is in the Kingdom There are but a very few Words more in that Answer which are these And can
make a Return of near a Hundred Voices These this Author leaves out Was it for the length do you think No it would have quite Ruined his Plot of making a Parallel 'twixt the Reasons for K. James's holding a Parliament in England 17. Nov. 88. and in Ireland May 89. viz. That there was an Enemy in the Kingdom which is indeed no reason and none of the Reason the King gave But such an Enemy as can make a Return of near a Hundred Voices would indeed hinder the Freedom of a Parliament in all its Circumstances Now let us see how many Voices the Enemy could Return in Ireland not one but of two Burroughs that is Derry and Enneskillen all the other Burroughs and all the Countys in the Kingdom were in the Kings Hands Now let our Author Judge of his Parallel and of his Ingenuity in Misquoting the King's Answer For he that does not tell the whole Truth that is Material is a False-witness He says p. 152. Several Corporations had no Representatives because they were in the Enemies Hands And yet the whole Number is but two as abovesaid But he thought the Word several would carry more in the Reading Add to this the difference there is 'twixt a Forreign Enemy being in the Country and the Insurrection of the Subjects A Subject that Rebels and will not Obey the King's Summons to Attend him in Parliament is a different Case from his being under a Forreign Power that will not let him come In the first Case he has forfeited his Right to Sit in Parliament and there is no reason that there should not be a Parliament because he will not come But in the other Case it cannot be a Free and Full Parliament where so many Members are under a Forreign Power But our Author has protested before GOD That he has not Aggravated nor Misrepresented any Thing and therefore we must suppose That it was only to Save himself the pains of Writing or his Reader of viewing these eight words which he leaves out in the Kings Answer to the Lords 〈◊〉 of the four Words ut Colonies ibi faciat which he forgot in his Quotation out of Grotius of which I made mention before Tho' it is plain that both these Ommissions do quite alter the Sence of the Words our Author quotes against that Interpretation which he would put upon them And therefore it must be confest that they were very Materially and if I were not awed by this Authors serious appeal to God I should have said Designedly omitted by this Author to Misrepresent the Sence of both these Quotations and for an Aggravation against K. James But for the present I shall only say this That where this Author seems most Exact and sets his Quotations as you would think Verbatim in the Mangent that you might suspect nothing as he does in these two Quotations of Grotius and K. James's Answer to the Lords there you are chiefly to suspect and you must stand upon your Guard C. 1. n. 6. He brings another Quotation out of Grotius de Jure c. l. 2. c. 25. n. 8. to shew That Tho' Subjects might not take Arms Lawfully even in the extreamest necessity it would not follow from thence that others might not take Arms in their behalf I know no No-body that sayes it would follow from thence But as to his Quotation Grotius sayes in the very same place That this pretence of Helping others has in all Ages been made use of to colour their Designs who intend to Invade their Neighbors Right Scimus quidem ex Veterib Novisque Historiis alieni Cupiditatem hos sibi quaerere obtentus sed non ideo statim Jus esse desinit si quid a malis Usurpatur Navigant Piretae ferro utuntur Latrones and that meer Possession does not give Right for that there are Pirats and Robbers who get things by Force All this the Author has wisely left out of his Quotation it would have spoiled the Design for which he brought it But I cannot imagin to what end he sets down another Quotation out of the same Book Lib. 2. c. 20. § 40. Where he tells us That it is so much more Honourable to Avenge the Injuries done to another than our selves by how much there is less Danger that the sense of anothers Pain should make us exceed in exacting such Revenge than of our own or Byass our judgment By this Rule he that Avenges the Injuries done to another must have no By-Ends of his own no Profit or Advantage accrue to himself by such Revenge else it may Byass his Judgment and make him Exceed in his Revenge viz. Instead of reducing his Neighbour to Reason to Seize upon all he has for himself How far this is Conducing to the End for which the Author produc'd it I leave to himself to consider But I will make an end of this unsavory Subject raking up the Absurdities and Contradictons into which a Mans Malice does betray him I will give but one Instance more upon this Head You have heard before now positively he asserted that the Irish were the Aggressons in the late Revolution that not one Protestant Acted any thing in opposition to the Government but only defending themselves against Robbers nor Acted against these Robbers till actually Assaulted by them c. as you have it p. 105. Yet c. 3. § 13. p. 178. as it is printed for it is wrong pag'd it ought to be p. 186. n. 4. He forgets this and gives several Reasons why the Irish papists Were not the Aggressors as That they lay under the strictest Obligations not to begin Acts of Cruelty from the Odium and Ill Success their Murders in Forty One had That the Protestants were extreamly Cautious not to give the least offence That it would hurt K. James's Interest in England c. The Matter is he was here Answering the Objection That very few Protestants lâ—st their Lives in Ireland under K. J. This he Grants to be true and it was a severe Objection For to represent a Man as the most Bigotted and Merciless Tyrant that design'd no less than the Total Extirpation of one main part of his people upon which Supposition this Author Grounds his whole Book and then when he has Subdu'd these Subjects of his and Redâ—c'd them by Arms after what to be sure he thought Rebellion in them and their Proclaiming another for their King and some part of them still standing out in Arms against him and those under his Power Betraying him all they could aâ—d deserting him every day which gave him just Grounds to believe that they wou'd all as they did joyn with the P. of Orange when he Landed These were the Greatest Provocations can be suppos'd and the Fairest Occasion given to such a Cruel Tyrant to wreck his Malice upon those whom he design'd to Destroy And yet after Representing a Man to be such a Bloody Monster to find that he Kills none
for the publick use those Supplies that were so freely afforded you in Parliament and without such strict Clauses of appropriating them to particular uses as were in the last Reign and with joy to look on the glorious Super-structure that your Reign hath hereby built on that great Foundation of the happiness of any Kingdom namely an entire mutual Confidence between Prince and People There is another thing occurs to my Observation namely That since your Parliament your Majesty hath allowed for the yearly Charge of the Navy about 400000 l. which is much more than was allowed for that use in his late Majesty's Reign These are great things Sir and your Seamen cannot but be sensible of the Honour and Happiness you have taken care of for them and how by your rebuilding your Capital Ships you have prepared floating Pallaces for them to inhabit and serve you in Sir The Hearts of your Seamen having in them so great a constant stock of the natural heat of Loyalty it is not to be wondered at that this Noble Lord could by his Breath so easily occasion that flame of Zeal for your Majesty's Service that has appeared in their Address his Lordship having likewise acquainted them with the tender regard your Majesty had to their wellfare and preservation and to their being eased from all Grievances To conclude Sir The things that I have before referred to are such as must naturally make great impressions not only on your Seamen but on all English Patriots and incline your Subjects of all Religionary Persuasions when they shall consider how Indulgent and Provident a Father of their Countrey God hath set over them to think of those words That he hath not dealt so with every Nation And when they shall consider those great Effects of your Royal Care for the securing the Being of the Kingdom and England's being a Kingdom for ever to apply to your Self and to England the great Landatory Expression addrest to King Solomon namely Because God loved Israel for ever therefore made he you King His Majesty was then Graciously pleased to say Gentlemen I Thank you for your Address and I doubt not but when I shall think fit to call a Parliament you will make it your business to choose such good Men as shall correspond with the effect of your Address I assure you I never questioned the Loyalty of my Seamen I have my Self been an Eye Witness of both your Courage and your Loyalty when I was your Admiral And Gentlemen I am your Admiral still and my Seamen may depend upon it that they shall always be well provided for and duly paid and be carefully protected and encouraged by me as much as the Seamen ever were by any of My Predecessors Though some of My Neighbours give out and would have it believed that I have not the Hearts of My Seamen yet I have found the contrary for when I have occasion to fit out any Ships I do not find that I am in the least want of Men and whenever my Affairs may require the fitting out My whole Fleet I do not in the least doubt but that I shall find My Seamen ready to serve Me. Numb 11. An Abstract of Mr. Pepy's Memoirs of the Royal Navy IN April 1679 the Ships of War actually in Pay were 76. whereof one First Rate three Second Rates P. 6. fifteen Third Rates thirty Fourth Rates twelve Fifth Rates seven Sixth Rates eight Fire-Ships Thirty Capital Ships more were then in building P. 8. whereof eleven then Launch'd In May 1679. the Admiralty was put into the Hands of Commissioners which Commission expired in May 1684. P. 10. when the Navy was found to be in a most lamentable condition as is demonstrated p. 16. Little was or could be done in the remainder of that year in the latter end of which King Charles the Second died P. 22. upon whose death King James applied himself to the redress of the Navy P. 30. and deputed 400000 l. a year to that purpose choosing new Commissioners to manage the whole P. 116. Forbidding the Commanders of his Ships to carry Passengers or transport Bullion to the neglect of his service and impairing his Ships and for that reason giving them an allowance extraordinary for their Tables P. 120. In October 1688. The Fleet at Sea consisted of twelve Third Rates P. 132. twenty eight Fourth Rates two Fifth Rates five Sixth Rates and twenty Fire-Ships all the other Ships of War except three being either actually repaired or under repair Eight Months Sea-stores were left with them in Magazine for every Ship repaired P. 139. with the like in Materials and money for the whole remainder Stores left for the Ships at Sea to the value of 280000 l. in Hemp P. 142. Pitch Tar Rosin Canvas Oyl and Wood 100000 l. more When the King took the care of the Navy into His Own Hands P. 157. the gross of the Ships were out of repair and the best of them ready to sink in the Harbour The Conclusion P. 214. That it was a strenuous Conjunction of Integrity Knowledge and Experience Vigour of Application and Assiduity Strictness and Discipline and Method and that Conjunction alone that within half the time and less than half the Charge that it cost the Crown in the exposing the Navy had at the very Instant of its unfortunate Lord's withdrawing himself from it raised the Navy of England from its lowest State of Impotence to the most advanc'd step towards a lasting and solid Prosperity that all circumstances considered this Nation had ever seen it at Novemb. 13. 1691. Numb 12. A LIST of SHIPS That have been Lost or Damaged since the Year 1688. Rate Ships Names Tuns Captains Time when Place where Manner how lost taken 2 Coronation 1427 Charles Skelton 3 Sept. 1691 Ramhead Overset 2 Victory 1029 27 Feb. 90 Woolwich Cast on Survey not fit to be repair'd 3 Ann 1039 John Tyrell 6 July 90 3 Miles W. of Rye Burnt in Fight 3 Bredah 1018 Matth. Tennant 12 Oct. 90 Cork Blown up 3 Dreadnought 735 Rob. Wilmott 16 Oct. 90 6 Leag SSW N. Forlds Foundred 3 Henrietta 763 John Nevill 25 Dec. 89 Plymouth Cast away 3 Harwich 993 Hen. Robinson 4 Sept. 91 Plymouth Cast away 3 Exeter 1070 George Meese 12 Sept. 91 Plymouth Blown up 3 Pendâ—nnes 1036 Geo. Churchill 28 Oct. 89 Kentesknock Cast away 4 Centurion 531 Bar. Beaumont 25 Dec. 89 Plymouth Cast away 4 St. David 638 John Greydon 11 Nov. 89 Portsmouth Sunk weighed and made a Hulk 4 Portsmouth 466 George St. Lo 9 Aug. 89 at Sea Taken by the French 4 Mary Rose 556 John Bounty 12 July 91 at Sea Taken by the French 4 Sedgmore 663 David Lloyd 3 Jan. 88 S. Marg. Bayn Cast away 5 Constant Warwick 379 James Moody 12 July 91 at Sea Taken by the French 5 Dartmouth 265 Edw. Pottinger 8 Nov. 90 Isle of Mull Cast away 5 Heldenburgh
and the Fall but they are kept to strickt Discipline You will I doubt not take care to make you and me easie in this matter of the Sheriff Shew no body this Letter but you may the other I am Your affectionate Servant J. H. For Mr. Thomas Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast at his Lodging at the Boot near St. Mary Abby in Dublin Numb 26. To the Kings most Excellent Majesty the humble Address of the Clergy of the Church of Ireland now in Ulster June 1690. Great Sir We your Majesties loyal Subjects out of the deepest Sense of the Blessing of this day with most joyful Hearts congratulate your Majesty's safe Landing in this Kingdom And as we must always praise God for the Wonders he hath already wrought by your Majesty's Hand so we cannot but admire and applaud your remarkable Zeal for the Protestant Religion and the Peace of these Kingdoms We owe all imaginable Thanks to God and Acknowledgment to your Majesty for the Calm and Safety we have enjoyed by the Success of your Arms under the happy and wise management of his Grace the Duke of Schonberg And we do not doubt but God will hear the Prayers of his Church and crown your Majesties Arms with such Success and Victory that these happy beginnings of our Joy may terminate in a full Establishment of our Religion and our Peace and with lasting Honors to your Majesty May Heaven bless and preserve your Majesty in such Glorious Undertakings give Strength and Prosperity to such generous Designs that all your Enemies may flee before you that your Subjects may rejoice in your easie Victory and that all the World may admire and honour you Give us leave great Sir after the most humble and gratefull manner to offer our selves to your Majesty and to give all assurance of a steady Loyalty and Duty to your Majesty of our Resolution to promote and advance your Service and Interest to the utmost of our Power and that we will always with the most hearty Importunity pray that Heaven may protect your Royal Person from all Dangers that we may long enjoy the Blessings of your Government and Victories And that after a long and peacefull Reign here God may change your Lawrels into a Crown of Glory FINIS THE INDEX Page 2. THE Division of this Answer into the Principles and Matters of Fact of the Author First for his Principles They are hard to be Collected because they are not clearly asserted nor set down in any Method His Principles are the old Exploded Common wealth and Rebellious Principles which he indeavours to conceal Page 4. He derives the Ecclesiastical Authority from the People Page 5. His Interpretation of that Law which declares it not to be Lawful upon any pretence to take Arms against the King c. Page 7. The several Schemes of Government which are set up Page 8. The Case of one Prince Interposing betwixt another Prince and his Subjects Page 9. This Author's Defence of his Principles from Reason Page 10. I. Reason of a King designing to destroy his whole People Ibid. II. A part of his People Page 11. III. Invading their Property Page 12. IV. To disarm them Page 13. The Author's Rule for Abdication considered Page 14. V. Of Dissolving Oaths of Allegiance Page 16. VI. The Question Who shall be judge Page 19. Apply'd to Parliaments and States Page 20. Compared with Kings Page 20. Of Jealousies and Fears Page 21. Instances in the French League Page 22. Prince of Wales Page 24. Earl of Essex Page 26. King Charles I. Bishop Laud. Page 27. Moses Page 28. Of Evils not Tolerable Page 28. Of Evils not Universal Page 30. A Passage our Author quotes out of Faulkner and misapplies Page 31. The Evils of Tyranny compar'd Page 31. The Evils of Civil War compar'd Page 33. Our Authors Remedy for Tyranny to kill half the Nation Page 36. Religion the worst pretence for Rebellion Page 45. VII A King designing to destroy our Religion Page 48. Some Instances of our Author's manner of Argumentation Page 50. This Author's defence of his Principles from Authority From Scriptures Page 52. Disproved from Scripture 1. The Jews in Egypt Page 53. 2. In Babylon 3. Under the Romans Page 54. 4. Under Ahasuerus 5. The Gibeonites 6. Our Saviour Christ Primitive Christians Page 55. From Jovian Page 58. From Homilies Page 63. From Grotius Page 65. From Hammond Page 66. From Hicks Page 68. From Faulkner Page 71. The Protestants under Q. Mary Page 72. Matters of Fact of our Author The principal Matter of Fact Page 73. Viz. Who were the Aggressors in the Revolution in Ireland 1688. shewn in many notorious and undeniable Instances Page 95. Of Lord Tyrconnel's haste to run the Nation into Blood Ibid. The Protestants in Ireland worse treated by K. W's Army than by K. J's Page 99. Character of K. J. from This Author Page 99. Character of K. J. from Lord Danby Ibid. 99. K. J. opposed the Act of Attainder and the Repeal of the Acts of Settlement Ibid. He encouraged the Protestant Lords to speak against them in Parliament Page 105. This Author Guilty of Treason against K. J. while under his Protection and Favour Page 108. The gross Hypocrisie of the Irish Protestant Clergy in praying for K. J. and the P. of W. Page 113. This Author formerly a zealous Man for Passive Obedience even in the beginning of this Revolution Page 117. Dr. Tillotson's Extent of Loyalty in his Sermon 2 Apr. 80. before K. Charles II. Page 118. And 5 Nov. 78. before the House of Commons Page 123. The behavour of the Clergy in taking the Oaths Ibid. Of the Deprived Clergy Page 124. Roman Catholick Loyalty Particularly of the Irish Page 126. Of the Roman Catholicks of England Page 127. Non-Jurors of the Church of England Ibid. Presbyterian Loyalty Page 128. Popish Principles which are embraced Page 129. Church of England vindicated Page 130. Matters of Fact set down by this Author at Random Page 132. By Inuendo's wherein his groundless and unjust Reflection upon the E. of Clarendon Page 134. Incredible Matters of Fact wherein is told the Story of Mr. Bell. Page 139. Contradictory Matters of Fact Especially with Relation to King James whom he does not treat with common Decency giving him the Lye c. Page 141. The Case of Mr. Brown and Sir Thomas Southwell Page 145. Of K. J. keeping his Protections Page 152. The Massacre of the Laird of Glen-coe with others of his Clan Page 153. An abominable Misrepresentation of this Author in relation to the Protestants in the County of Down Page 161. The breach of Articles charged upon K. J. upon the Surrender of the Fort of Culmore refuted Retorted in the Notorious Breach of the Articles upon the Surrender of Carick fergus and of Drogheda Page 162. Of Cork and Limerick and the cruel Usage of the Prisoners Page 166. Of K. J's letting the English Fleet decay with the Author's Recantation considered Page 173. The Insincerity of this Author in Quoting K. J's Answer to the Petition of some Lords for a Parliament 17 Novemb. 88. Page 175. And in some Quotations out of Grotius Page 176. He confesses that the Irish Papists were not the Aggressors in the late Revolution and gives Reasons why they were not so Page 178. This Author wounds the present Government in the Person of King James and the Papists Page 186. He renders the King's Prerogative hateful to the People and inclines them to a Common-wealth Page 187. The Authors Conclusion and Protestation of his Sincerity Page 189. In representing King James to be worse than the French King Page 194. Or the Great Turk and according to the Dublin Address than Pharaoh or the Devil APPENDIX Numb 1. King James's Speech to both Houses of Parliament in Ireland 10 May 1689. with their Address to his Majesty Numb 2. Dr. Gorge Secretary to General Schomberg in Ireland his long Letter Apr. or May 90. relating to the Affairs then in Ireland Numb 3. Mr. Osborn's Letter to Lard Massareen 9. Mar. 88. Numb 4. Three Proclamations in Ireland 26 Sept. 90. Numb 5. Proclamation 7 March 88. of the Lord Deputy of Ireland and Council Numb 6. King VVilliam's Declaration in Ireland 7th of July 90 and Proclamation 31 July 90. Numb 7. Resolution of the Judges of Ireland to the Queries of the Grand-Jury of Dublin 21 Novemb. 90. Numb 8. Two Speeches of the Lord Bishop of Meath one to King James the other to King VVilliam Numb 9. The Sea-mens Address to King James Numb 10. Sir Peter Pett's Speech to King James Numb 11. A short Abstract of Mr. Pepy's Account of the Navy Numb 12. A List of the Ships that have been lost or damaged since the Year 1688. to the 13th of Nov. 1691. Numb 13. The Oath of Allegiance given by the Irish Officers to the Protestants in Cork Limerick and some of their Garrisons when K. J. drew out the Souldiers from these Garrisons into the Field Numb 14. Dr Tillotson's Letter to the Lord Russel Numb 15. Earl of Sunderland's Letter 23 March 89. Numb 16. Reasons tendered to the Parliament Octob. 90. to examine into the Birth of the Prince of Wales with Mr. Ashton's Paper Numb 17. Some Passages taken out of two Observators of August 1682. Numb 18. A Commission from the Prince of Orange Numb 19. A short Account of the Bloody Massacre of the Laird of Glencce and others of his Clan in Scotland the 13th of Feb. 1692. Numb 20. K. James's Letter 3 May 86. for Reversing two Outlawries with the Earl of Clarendon's Proceedings thereupon Numb 21. King James's Speech to the Lord Mayor c. upon his quitting of Dublin soon after the Action at the Boyne July 2. 1690. Numb 22 The Address of the Lord Mayor c. of Dublin to K W. 9 July 1690 Numb 23. K. J's Protection to the inhabitants of Belfast 3 June 1689. Numb 24. Lord Melfort's Letter to Mr. Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast 9 July 1689. Numb 25. Colonel Hill's Letter to Mr. Pottinger Sovereign of Belfast May 1689. Numb 26. The Address of the Protestant Clergy of Ulster to King William when he landed in Ireland June 1690. The End of the INDEX