made Baron of that place by His Majesties favour On the other side the Lord Lieutenant deriving his descent from the Nevils Earles of Westmor land whose Honorary Seate that was procured himself to be created Baron of Rabie in those Letters Patents by which he was invested with the Earldome of Strafford This gave the beginning to that fire which consumed the Earle but not till it had been much increased on another occasion There was a thrifty designe in Court to save the King the charges of a publick table and to that end it was advised that Sir Henry Vane then Treasurer of the Houshold should be made one of the principall Secretaryes in the place of Sir John Cooke then weak with age but so that he should still hold the Treasurership in the way of Commendam Scarce was Vane warm in his new Office when the Earle of Strafford interposed alleaging to the King that he had no other Correspondent in the Court for the businesses of Ireland but Mr. Secretary Cooke and that if he should be displaced His Majesties affairs in that Kingdome might extremely suffer On this a sudden stop was made and Cooke restored continuing in his former Office till the Queen openly appeared in behalf of Vane who so prevailed that Vane was setled in the place and Cooke dismissed into the Countrey as no longer serviceable which fewell being added to the former fire made it flame so high that nothing but death or blood could quench it Insomuch as it was thought by many understanding men that Sir Henry Vane did purposely misreport the Kings Message to the former Parliament for abrogating the Ship-money in hatred to the Earle of Strafford who had undertook to manage that Parliament to the Kings advantage and that seeing him to continue still both in power and favour he fell upon that speeding project which our Author hath related in that which followeth in the story that by such a cunning piece of malice he might rather seem to offer him up as a sacrifice to the publick justice than to his own particular hatred Ah ult io magis publicè vindictae quam privato odio dato videatur as in the like case the Historian hath it For the Câ—…ons were resalved that day should set a totall period to the Earles defence and next to speed their Bill 〈◊〉 Aâ—…tainder The Commons had now spent a Moneth in prosecuting their Acousation against the Earle of Strafford and seeing how little they had gained in order to the point they aimed at resolved to steer their course by another winde For finding that their proofs amounted not to a Legall evidence and that nothing but legall evidence could prevail in a way of Judicature they called the Legislative power to their assistance according unto which both Lords and Commons might proceed by the light of their own consciences without any further proof or testimony And so it is affirmed expresly by Mr. St. John then Sollicitor Generall in his Speech made at a Conference in a Committee of both Houses of Parliament April the 29. 1641. where it is said That although single testimony might be sufficient to satisfie private consciences yet how farre it would have been satisfactory in a judiciall way where Forms of Law are more to be stood upon was not so clear whereas in this way of Bill private satisfaction to each mans conscience is sufficient although no evidence had been given in at all Thus they resolved it in this Case but knowing of what dangerous consequence it might be hereafter to the lives and fortunes of the Subjects a Clause was added to the Bill that iâ—… should not be drawn into example for the time to come which because it may seem somewhat strange to them that know it not I will here adde so much of the said Bill as concerns this point In which said Bill the heads of the Accusation being reckoned up it followeth thus viz Be it therefore enacted by the Kings most excellent Majestie and by the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled and by the authority of the same that the said Earle of Strafford for the heynous crimes and offences aforesaid stand and be adjudged and attainted of high Treason and shall suffer such pain of death and incurre such forfeitures of his Goods and Chattells Lands Tenements and Hereditaments of any Estate of Free-hold or Inheritance in the said Kingdomes of England and Ireland which the said Earle or any other to his use or in trust for him have or had the day of the first sitting of this present Parliament or at any time since Provided that no Judge or Judges Justice or Justices whatsoever shall adjudge or interpret any act or thing to be Treason nor hear or determine any Treason nor in any other manner then he or they should or ought to have done before the making of this Act and as if this Act had never been made Thus have we Treason and no Treason in the selfe-same action that being judged Treason in this one man which never was to be judged Treason in any other But whatsoever it was it was conceived that many of the Lords began to shew themselves more forwards to comply with the Commons then they had done formerly Whereof the King having notice he thought it high time for him to interpose c. and calling both Houses together May the first said c. This coming of his Majesty and the Speech then made as it relished so ill with the two Houses that few of them attended on the solemnitâ—…es of the next day on which the Kings eldest Daughter was married to the Prince of Orange so gave it no contentment to the Eâ—…rle himselfe whose death it rather 〈◊〉 and made sure worke of then it could any waâ—…es conduce to his preservation That passage in the Kings Speech in which he signified that the misdemeanours of the Earle were so great and many that he was not fit to serve in the place of a Constable wrought more impression on the Spirits of that Noble Gentleman then any kinde of death whatsoever it were which his Enemies could inflict upon him though with great modesty he did no otherwise expresse it in a letter sent unto the King then that he could have wished his Majesty had spared his Declaration on Saturday last But the Earles friends were as much unsatisfied in the Kings coming at that time as in that passage of his Speech giving it out that the King was put upon it by some of his bosome-Enemies which were in neerest trust about him on purpose to set him at greater odds with the House of Commons and consequently with the people whom they represented by drawing on himselfe the envy of that businesse howsoever it happened That if the Earle should be attainted notwithstanding by the Votes of the Lords it woâ—…ld be looked upon as a thing done against his will and no thanks to him but if he were acquitted by
resolutâ—… was Queen Elizabeth to maintain Her Prerogative though King Charles yeiâ—…ded to the times and released His Prisoners upon this Declaration of the Judges and a Remonstrance of the Commons in pursuance of it which was another vailing of his Crowne before noâ—… mentioned because reserved uâ—…to this place For the Lords feared an antient Order that no Lords created sedentâ—… Parliamento should have voice during that Session c. Upon which their suffrage was excluded The Lords had been to blame indeed if when the Judges had declared for Law in 〈◊〉 of the House of Commons they could not make an Order to serve themâ—… both antient alike and of like Authority because both contrary to the practice and proceedings in foregoing Parliaments But whereas our Authour writes that uâ—…on the finding out of this Order the suffrage of the new Lords that is to say Kimbolton Imbercourt and Tregote was excluded for this Session I somewhat doubt his intelligence in that particular and that I doe for these two Reasons First because in the long Parliament which began in Novemb. An. 1640. when the prevailing Parties in both Houses were better backed than they were at this present the Lordâ—… Seymour Littleton and Capell created sedente Parliamento and the Lords Digby Rich and Howard of Charleton called to the House of Peers by especial Writ were all admitted to their Votes in that Sâ—…ssion of Parliament without any dispute And secondly whereas it was offered to the King being then in a farre lower condition than He was at thâ—…s present in the last of the Nineteen Propositions which were sent to Yorke That His Majestie would be graciously pleased to passe a Bill for râ—…straining Peers made hereafter from sitting or voting in Pâ—…liament unlesse they were admitted thereunto with the consent of both Houses of Parliament the King did absolutely refuse to assenâ—… unto it as appeareth clearly by his Answer unto those demands The affection of the Peers so elevated him that he received the Attorneys Charge with such an undaunted spirit and returned so home an Answer as the House was amply satisfied with it In all this there was nothing strange that either the Earle of Bristol should receive the Attorneys Charge with such an undaunted courage as you say he did being so backed and elevated by the affection of the House of Peers as you say he was or that the House should be so amply satisfied with his Answer to whom they had before shewed so great affections It was not the Answer but the Person which prevailed most with them as on the other side in the businesse of the Duke of Buckingham the Answer fared the worse for the Persons sake of whom you tell us in this place That the ill opinion which the Peers had of him did as much depresse him as it did elevate the other For though the Duke his Answer to his Impeachment so contrived and inlaid with modâ—…sty and humility that it was like to have a powerfull influence towards the conversion of many as our Authour tells us Fol. 53. yet was it so farre from giving any and much lesse ample satisfaction as Bristols did that it bâ—…came a new grievance to his Adversaries who thereupon resolved on the prosecution for feare it might be thought that themselves were worsted if the poor Gentleman should have mâ—…de but a saving game of it So true is thâ—…t of Velleius Paterculus saying Familiare est hominibus invidiam non ad causam sed ad voluntatem personasque dirigerâ—… that is to sâ—…y that it is usuall with most men to govern themselves in mâ—…tters of this inviduous nature not by the merits of the cause but by the intercesse of their own passions and the â—…espect or disrespect which they bear the persons But all would not smooth the aspâ—…rity of this illegall Tax c. The money which was then required of the Subjâ—…ct was not imposed on them in the way of a Tax if I remember it aright but required of them as a Loanâ—… and that too in a way which might seem to have some Loyalâ—…y in it For whereas the Parliament had passed a Bill of Subsidies and that the said Parliament was dissolved before the Bill passed into an Act His Majesty was advised that He had good grounds to require those Subsidies of the Subject which the House of Commons in their names had assented to and yet not to require them by the name of Subsidies but onely in the way of Loane till the next Parliament should enable Him to make payment of it or to confirm His Levying of those moneys by a subsequent Act. But this devise though it brought in good sums of mony for the present yet by the Articles of some men who were resolved That the King should have no other assistance towards the maintenance of His wars than what He could procure-by His compliance with His Houses of Parliament it brought forth those effects which our Authour speaks of So miserable was the Kings condition at this time that having formerly been made the Instrument to break off all Treaties with Spaine and declare a Warre against that King at the earnest solicitation of the House of Commons He was so wilfully deserted I dare not say betrayed by those that engaged Him in it Where for three daies all was so calme on both sides as if they had sworn a Truce c. This was the first great errour in the Enterprise of the Isle of Rhe And the second was as bad as this viz their not taking in of the little Fort called La Pree For had the Duke marched directly on he had in all probability taken both the Town and Citadel of St. Martin the Fortifications being then unfinish'd and the people in no small dismay for the rout of their Forces whereas the losse of those three dayes gave time and leisure enough to Mounseiur de Toyrax Governour of the place to compleat his Works in such a manner that they were thought impregnable by our ablest Souldiers Or had he took the Fort of La Pree in his pissage by it he had not onely hindred the French from bringing new Forces by that Postern to the relief of the Town but might have used the same to make good his Retreat when the necessity of his affairs should compell him to it Both which miscarriages I have heard a Person of great Honour well skilled in the Art Mâ—…litary and no professed friend unto the Duke not to impute so much to the Duke himself who was raw ignorant and unexperienced in the Warres as to Sir William Courtnâ—…y and Sir John Borrowes two great Souldiers who had the Conduct of his Counsels the one being no lesse famous for his service at Bergan ap Zone than the other was for his couragious holding out in defence of Frankendale And yet there was another thing no lesse contributing to the losse of the whole designe than these two miscarriages viz the
negligence or long stay of the Earle of Holland who being sent out with a new Fleet for carrying Ammunition Armes and Victuals towards the continuance of the Siege and guarding the passages into the Island trifled out so much time at Court and made so many Halts betwixt that and Plymouth that he had not found his way out of that Haven when the Duke came back It s true the issue of this Action was not answerable to the Expectation and yet I cannot be of our Authours minde who telleth us Fol 71. That the Isle of Rhe was so inconsiderable as had we lost there neither blood nor honour and gained it into the bargain it would have ill rewarded our preparation and charge of the Expedition For had the English gained the Island they had not onely preserved the Town of Rochel but by the advantage of that Town and the Isle together might easily have taken in the Isle of Oleran and made themselves Masters of the greatest part of the losse of Aquitaine if the ambition of the King had carried Him unto Fâ—…rraign Conquests And a Commission granted by the King to five Bishops Bishop Laud being of the Quorum to execute Episcopall Jurisdiction within his Province The cause impulsive to it was a supposed irregularity c. In this and the rest which follows and touching the sequestration of the Archbishop of Canterbury our Authour runs himself into many errours For first Bishop Laud was not of the Quorum no more than any of the other the Commission being granted to the Bishops of London Durham Rochester Oxford and Bathe and Wells or to any four three or two of them and no more than so Secondly the irregularity or supposed irregularity of the said Archbishop was not touched upon in this Commission as the impulsive cause unto it the Commission saying onely in the Generall That the said Archbishop could not at that present in his own person attend those services which were otherwise proper for his Cognizance and Jurisdiction and which as Archbishop of Canterbury he might and ought in his own person to have performed and executed c. Thirdly this supposed irregularity was not incurred upon the casuall killing of the Keeper of his the Archbishops game as our Authour telleth us but for the casuall killing of the Lord Zouches Keeper in Bramhill Parke where the Archbishop had no game nor no Keeper neither Fourthly it was conceived by many pious and Learned men that there was something more incurred by that misadventnre than a supposed irregularity onely insomuch that neither Dr. Williams Elect Bishop of Lincolne nor Dr. Carew Elect Bishop of Exeter nor Dr. Laud Elect Bishop of St. Davids besides some others would receive Consâ—…cration from him though it be true that the Learned Bishop Andrews as our Authour tells us did doe the Archbishop very great service in this businesse yet was it not so much for his own sake or an opinion which he had that no irregularity was incurred by that misadventure but to prevent a greater mischief For well he saw that if the Archbishop at that time had been made Irregular Dr. Williams then Bâ—…shop of Lincolne and Lord Keeper of the Great Seale a man in great favour with King James but in more with the Duke would presently have stept into that See and he knew too much of the man to venture that great charge and trust of the Church of England to his carâ—… and government the dangerous consequerces whereof he was able to foretell without the spirit of prophesie The King of Denmarke being reduced almost to a despondence and quitting of his Kingdome Which as it was an occasion of great grief unto his Confederates so â—…o the Emperour himself it grew no matâ—…er of rejoycing For I have heard from â—… person of great Nobility that when the â—…ewes came first unto him he was so farre from shewing any signes of joy that he rather seemed much troubled at it of which being asked the reason by some of the principall men about him He returned this Answer As long said he as this Drowzy Dane was in the Head of the Protestants Army we shâ—…uld have wormed them out of their Estates one after another but he being made unusefull to them by this defeat we shall have them bring the Swedes upon us and there said he is a gallant young Fellow who will put us to the last card we have to play And so it proved in the event for thâ—… next year the King of Great Britain and his Brother of France negotiated with Gustavus Adolphus King of Sweden then being in warre against the Pole to carry his Army into Germany which was done accordingly what his successes were our Authour telleth us hereafter in the course of this story They who lately were confined as Prisoners are now not onely free but petty Lords and Masters yea and petty Kings I cannot chuse but marvell what induced our Authour unto this Expression of making the Gentlemen assembled in the House of Commons not only petty Lords but even petty Kings I have heard that K. James once said in a time of Parliament but whether in the way of jeare or otherwise I am not able to say That there were now five hundred Kings besides himselfe And I know well what great advantage hath been made of those words of His whereof to any man that rightly understands the Constitution of an English Parliament the Commons are so farre from being either Lords or Kings that they are not so much as a part of the Supreme Councell it being easie to be evidenced out of the Writ which commands their attendance that they are called onely to consent and submit to such resolutions and conclusions ad faciendum consentiendum his quae tum ibidem de communi Consilio dicti regni nostri faciente Deo contigerit ordinari So the Writs instruct us as should be then and there agreed on by the Kings great Councell or the great Councell of the Kingdome Think you that men no otherwise impowred than so could take upon them in themselves or be reputed by our Authour as Lords and Kings And yet it may be I may wrong them for our Authour telleth us that Their Estates modestly estimated were able to buy the House of Peers the King excepted though an hundred and eighteen thrice over In this there is one thing that I doubt and two things which I shall take leave to consider of The thing I doubt of is that the Estates of the Gentlemen assembled in the House of Commons howsoever estimated should be able to buy the House of Peers though it had contained thrice as many as it did that is to say three hundred fifty four of the Lay-Nobility Assuredly the Bâ—…ronage of England must needs be brought exceeding low when the Gentlemen by chance assembled in the Lower House and not called out of purpose for such an experiment could buy the House of
attended it was at last forgotten If this suffice not I shâ—…ll borrow our Authors help for a further answer who telleth us of Archbishop Abbot fol. 127. That his extraordinary remissnesse in not exacting strict Conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in the point of Coremony seemed to resolve those legall determinations to their first Principle of Indifferency and led in such an habit of Inconformity as the future reduction of those tender-conscienced men to long discontinued obedience was interpreted an Innovation then which nothing in the world could be said more truly I have said nothing of the Antient and Generall usage of those severall Ceremonies because the Question is not now of the Antient usage but whether and how farre they were to be used or not used in the Church of England according to such Rubricks Lawes and Ganons which remain in force Nor shall I adde more at the present than that I think our Authour hath not rightly timed the businesses in dispute between us the placing of the Communion Table Aâ—…tarwise bowing or cringing toward it and standing at the Gloria Patri not being so generally in use at the time of this Parliament as to give any scruple or offence to the greatest Zealots or if they were they could not honestly be fathered on Archbishop Laud as countenanced or brought in by him in the time of his government of which more hereafter our Authour now draws toward an end and telleth uâ—… finally But thâ—…se were but part-boyled Popery or Popery obliquâ—… So then the Ceremonies above-mentioned how Primitive soever they were must be damned for Popery though it be onely part boyled and oblique Popery as our Authour calls it and with that brand or by the name of English Popish Ceremonies as the Scotish Presbyterians term them the rest as well as these may be also blemished but let them call them what they will we see now by a most wofull and lamentable experience that the taking away of these part boyled Poperies these English Popish Ceremonies or whatsoever eâ—…se the malignity of any men shall please to call them the substance of Religion hath been much impaired and by this breaking down of the Pale of the Vineyard not onely the little Foxes have torn off her elusters but the wilde Bores have struck at her very root I have no more to addâ—… now but a witty and smart Epigram made on this or the like occasion and is this that followeth A learned Pâ—…late of this Land Thinking to make Religion stand With equall poize on either side A mixture of them thus he try'd An Ounce of Protestant he singleth And then a Dram of Papist mingleth With a Scruple of the Puritane And boyled them all in his brain-pan But when he thought it would digest The scruple troubled all the rest The greatest danger was from Popery direct And from this the danger appeared very great c. And here I thought I should have heard that some points of direct and down right Popery had been obtruded by the Bâ—…shop and Prelaticall Clergy but on the contrary I finde all silent in that case and good reason for it Whence then appeared so great a danger not from the introducing of Popish Doctrinâ—…s but increase of Papists and that not onely in some Counties of England but in the Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland also with those of Scotland and Ireland I forbear to meddle though the Committee for Religion having an Apostolical care of all the Churches did take them also into their consideration marvailing onely by the way how our Brethren of the Kirke who stood so high upon the termes of their Independencie could brook that their affaires should be so much looked into by an English Parliament But where our Author telleth us that in some Counties of England the Papists were multiplied to some thousands of Families more than there were in Queen Elizabeths time there may be very good reason given for that for since the death of Quâ—…en Elizabeth the Holy-dayes had been made dayes of common labour and yet all sports prohibited on the Sunday also the Common-prayer-Book either quite neglected or so slubbered over that there was no face of Regular Devotion to be found amongst us the Churches in most places kept so slovenly and the behaviour of the people so irreverent in them that it is no mervail that men desirous to worship God in the beauty of holinesse should be induced to joynâ—… themselves to such societies of men as seemed to have more in them of a Christian Church The King having thus dissolved the Parliament c. That is to say after so many indignities and provocations as were given unto him by the disorder tumultuous carriage of some of the Members which our Author very handsomely and ingenuously hath described at large it was the opinion of most men as our Author telleth us Fol. 132. that the dissolution of this Parâ—…lament was the end of all And certainly there was very good reason why it might be thought so the King never having good successe in any of his Parliaments since his first coming to the Crown and withall having an examplâ—… before his eyes of the like discontinuance of assembling the three Estates in the Realme of France by the King then Reigning and that upon farre lesse provocations then were given King Charles For whereas in an Assembly of three Estates Anno 1614. the third Estate which represents our House of Commons entrenched too busily upon the liberties of the Clergy and some preheminencies and exemptions which the Nobility enjoyed by the favour of some former Kings it gave the King so great offence that he resolved first to dissolve them and never after to be troubled with the like Impertinencies Nor was there since that time any such Assembly nor like to be hereafter in the times ensuing those Kings growing weary of that yoake which that great Representation did indeavour to impose upon them But because he would not cut off all communication betwixr himselfe and his people he ordained another kind of meeting in the place thereof which he called La Assembli des natables that is to say the Assembly of some principall persons composed of some selected persons out of every Order or Estate of his own nomination whereunto should be added some Counsellor out of every Court of Parliament of which there are eight in all in France throughout that Kingdome which being fewer in number would not breed such a confusion as the generall Assembly of the States had done before and be withall more pliant and conformable to the Kings desires and yet their Acts to be no lesse obliging to all sorts of people then the others were Such an Assembly as this but that the Clergy had no vote in it was that which was called here by my Lord Protector immediately after the dissolving of the late long Parliament who possibly had his hint from this Institution And this
opinion of most knowing men that this Cardinal had a very great hand in animating the Scots to such a height of disobedience as we finde them in And this may evidently appeare first by a passage in our Author Fol. 176. in which we finde from the intelligence of Andreas ab Habernefield that the Cardinall sent his Chaplaine and Almoner Mâ—… Thomas Chamberlain a Scot by Nation to assist the confederates in advancing the businesse and to attempt all waies for exasperating the first heat with order not to depart from them till things succeeding as he wished he might returne with good newes Secondly from the Letter writ by the Lord Loudon and the rest of the â—…ovenanters to the French King first published in his Majesties lesser Declaration against the Scots and since exemplified in our Author Fol. 168. of which Letter they could hope for no good effect but as the Cardinall should make way and provide meanes for it Thirdly by the report of a Gentleman from whose mouth I have it who being took Prisoner and brought unto the Scotish Camp immediatly after the fight neer Nuborne found there the Cardinalls Sâ—…cretary in close consultation with the heads of the Covenanters which after his restoring to liberty by the Treaty at Rippon he declared to the King and offered to make it good upon his Oath Fourthly by the impossibility which the Cardinall found in his designes of driving the Spaniard out of Flanders and the rest of the Netherlands unlesse the King was so disturbed and embroyled at home that he could not help them it being heretofore the great master-piece of the Kings of England to keep the Scale even between France and Spaine that neither of them being too strong for the other the affaires of Christendome might be poized in the evener ballance Fiftly by the free accesse and secret conferences which Hamiltons Chaplain had with Con the Popes agent here during such time as Chamberlain the Cardinalls Chaplain laboured to promote the businessâ—… Sixthly Adde hereunto the great displeasure which the Cardinall had conceived against the King for invading the Isle of Rhe and attempting the relief of Rochell and we shall finde what little reason the King had to be perswaded to any beliefe in Cardinall Richelieu though the Embassador might use all his eloquence to perswade him to it And had this presumptuous attempt of the Hollanders met with a King or in times of another temper it would not it 's like have been so silently connived at Most truly spoken this action of the Hollanders being one of the greatest and unsufferablest affronts which ever was puâ—… by any Nation on a King of England I have been told that complaint being made of King James of the barbarous Butchery at Amboyna he fell into a terrible rage throwing his Hat into the fire and then stamping on it and using all the signes of outragious Passion but when Time Sleep had taken off the edge of his Fury he told the Merchants who attended his answer That it was then no time to quarrell with the Hollanders of whom he hoped to make some use for restoring the Palsgrave to his lawfull Patrimony King Charles might make the same answer on this new occasion he had his head and his hands too so full of the Scots that he had no time to quarrell with the Hollanders though certainly if he had then presently turned his Fleet upon the Hollanders wherein no question but the Spaniard would have sided with him he had not onely rectified his honour in the eye of the world but might thereby have taught the Scots a better lessen of Obedience then he had brought them to by the great preparations which he made against them But this I look on in the Hollanders as one of the Consequents or effâ—…cts of the Scottish darings for if the Scots who were his Subjects durst be so bold as to baffle with him why might not they presume a little on his patience who were his confederates and Allies in husbanding an advantage of so great a concernment and having vailed his Crown to the Scots and English why might he not vaile it to them his good friends and neighbours At this close and secret Councell December 5. it was agreed that his Majesty should call a Parliament to assemble April the 13th This secret Councell did consist of no more then three that is the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland and who must needs be at the end of every businesse the Marquesse of Hamilton By these it was agreed that the King should be moved to call a Parliament the intimation of it to be presently made but the Parliament it selfe not to be assembled till the middle of April In giving which long intervall it was chiefly aimed at that by the reputation of a Parliament so neer approaching the King might be in credit to take up Money wherewith to put himselfe into a posture of Warre in case the Parliament should faile him but then the inconvenience was as great on the other side that intervall of four Moneths time giving the discontented party opportunity to unite themselves to practice on the Shires and Burroughs to elect such members as they should recommend unto them and finally not onely to consult but to conclude on such particulars which they intended to insist on when they were assembled And though it be extreame ridiculous for me to shoot my Fooles-bable in so great a businesse in which such wise men did concurre yet give me leave to speak those thoughts which I had of that advice from the first beginning reckoning it alwaies both unsafe and unseasonable as the times then were I looked upon it as unsafe in regard that the last Parliament being dissolved in so strange a rupture the Closets of some Members searched many of them Imprisoned and some Fâ—…ned it was not to be hoped but that they would come thither with revengefull thoughts and should a breach happen between them and the King and the Parliament be dissolved upon it as it after was the breach would be irreparable as indeed it proved I looked upon it as unseasonable also in regard that Parliaments had been so long discontinued and the people lived so happily without them that very few took thought who should see the next and 〈◊〉 that the neighbouring Kings and States beheld the King with greater veneration then they had done â—…ormerly as one that could stand on his own leggs and had scrued up himselfe to so great power both by Sea and Land without such discontents and brabbles as his Parliaments gave him But whatsoever it was in it selfe either safe or seasonable I am sure it proved neither to the men who advâ—…sed the calling of it unlesse it were to Hamilton onely of which more hereafter Yet the King was willing to allow them all the faire dealing he in honour could hoping to gaine upon them by the sweetnesse of his carriage but
questioned for preaching Popery 81 Placing the Communion Table Altar-wise had both law and practise for it and therefore was no Popery 82 133 Taking away part-boyled Poperies or English popish Ceremonies an impairing the substance of Religion 90 The reason of so great an increase of Papists in England was the neglect of Holy-dayes and Common-prayer 92 Prince his Marriage a branch of the royall Prerogative 12 Puritans rejoyced not at the Prince his birth 97 Protestation taken by the Parliament and injoyn'd the Kingdome 239 Puritan party how they were to be sweetned with the great Offices of the kingdome 226 Religion House of Commons set up a CoÌ„â—…ittee as a Consistory of Lay-elders to take cognizance of Causes ecclesiastical 31 They sate in the Divinityschooles at Oxford Parliament 34 Isle of Rhee errors in that Enterprise 52 S SAbbath Sports allowed on that day the motives thereto and restrictions therein 112 Divinity of the Lords day Sabbath a new Doctrine 114 The Pâ—…iesthoods O der and Revenue under the Gospel not grounded thereon 116 Scots A certaine maintenance setled on the Scots Clergy 107 Scotch Service-book Tumults at reading thereof 145 The true occasion of raising up the seditious Scots 112 Card. Richelieu animated the Scots to rebellion 162 Scots lost by favours and gain'd by punishments 169 They promis'd payment for their quarters at their first coming but afterwards plunder'd all 204 Their cowardly carriag 205 Why freely help'd by the English to drive out the French 223 Sea The Kings dominion in the narrow seas asserted by Selden against Grotius 128 The King regain'd his dominion at sea and secured our coast from piracies through the benefit of ship-mony 120 Ship-mony How and why Kings have levied it as a Navall aid 121 How the Writs issued our 123 The whole charge thereof amounted to 236000 l. which was buâ—… 20000 li. per mensem 123 Clergy not exempted therefrom 124 Socinianisme charg'd upon the Members of the Convocation who made a Canon against it 195 Spaniards old friends to the English 9 They intended really to restore the Palatinate to the Prince Elector 11 Earle of Strafford v. Wentworth Synod or Convocation rightly continued by the same Writ that call'd them 179 Their danger in sitting after the Parliament was up 181 The Oath c. how occasioned 189 Taken for upholding the Church-government then established 191 And that willingly 193 The Clergy's power therein to make Canons binding without a parliament 220 T COmmunion-table v. Popery Bowing towards it a primitive custom no Popery revived by B. Andrews 85 Its setting up within the Railes Altar-wise to prevent profanation enjoyned by the Kings authority 133 Bishop of Lincoln's Book against it 136 V SIr George Villers Duke of Buâ—…kingham made the Ball of fortune 36 His Impeachment by the Birle of Bristol 43,50 By whom render'd odious to the people 63 Feltons motive to murder him 64 His eâ—…tate at his death not comparable to Cardinall Richelieu's 67 W SIr Th VVentw 〈◊〉 of Straff not wise in coming to the Parliament 211 His Triall why defer'd so long 226 Why â—…ecretary Vane was incensed againâ—…t him 228 For want of legall Evidence a Bill of Attainder brought in against him by Legislative power 230 The Kings censure of him in the H. of Lords 233 The names of those Commons that were for his acquitting 236 The Bishop of Armagh and Lincoln with two Bishops more sent to resolve the Kings Conscience 241 The Kings Letter to the Lords in his behalf 246 Sent out of the world per viam expedientiae His Epitaph 240 Dr. VVilliams B. of Lincolne an instrument to set the Parliament against the Duke of Buckingham 36 When and by whose means the great Seale was taken from him 39 Whether he was Eunuchuâ—… ab utero or no 41 Bishop Andrew's opinion of him 56 His Book call'd Holy Table c. wrote against his Science and Conscience 136 He was Head first of the Popish then of the Puritan party 138 He was set free from the Tower much about the time of the Archbishops impeachment 217 VVords New coyning of them an Affectation 4 Y YOrk The Kings second Son not born but created Duke thereof 117 FINIS Fol. 1. Fol. â—… â—…ol 3. â—…bid Fol. 4. Ibid. Fol. 5. Fol. 6. Ibid. Fol. 7. Fol. 9. Fol. 11. Ibid. Fâ—…l 12. Ibid. Fol. 15. Fol. 17. Fol. 20. Ibid. Fol. 21. Fol. 29. Fol. 45. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 64. Fol. 69. Fol. 71. Fol. 73. Fol. 75. Ibid. Fol. 78. Fol. 88. Fol. 89 Fol. 91. Fol. 94. Ibid. Fol. 96. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 101. Fol. 102. Fol. 108. Fol. 110. Fol. 112. Ibid. Fol. 124. Fol. 125. Fol. 126. Fol. 126 Fol. 127. Ibid. Fol. 128. Fol. 129. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 130. Fol. 131. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 132. Ibid. Fol. 136. Fol. 137. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 138. Ibid. Fol. 147. Ibid. Fol. 150. Ibid. Fol. 158. Fol. 159. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 161. Fol. 163. Fol. 165 Fol. 167. Fol. 168. Ibid. Fol. 182. Ibid. Fol. 184. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 1â—… Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 189. Fol. 194. Fol. 195 Fol. 196. Ibid. Fol. 199. Fol. 202. Fol. 200. Fol. 205. Ibid. Fol. 210. Fol. 219. Ibid. Fol 246. Fol. 152. â—…ol 253. Fol. 256. Ibid. Fol. 257. Fol. 158. Fol. 160. Fol. 165.
but all disguised like the Soldiers of the Duke of Britain in an English habit his book contained so vast a medly as if it had been framed at Babell before the scattered company were united into Tongues and Languages The History of a King of England intended for the use and b◅nefit of the English Nation ought to be given us in such words as either are originally of an English stock or by continuall usage and long tract of time are become naturall and familiar to an English ◅are and not in such new minted termes and those too of a forreign and outlandish Race as are not to be understood without help of Dictionaries It is true indeed that when there is necessity of using either termes of Law or Logicall notions or any other words of Art whatsoever they be an Author is to keep himselfe to such termes and words as are transmitted to us by the Learned in their severall Faculties But to affect new Notions and indeed new Nothings when there is no necessity to incite us to it hath something in it which deserveth ◅ more strict enquirie It is observed of th◅ Romanists by Docter Fulke and other◅ of our Divines that when they could n◅ longer keep their followers from having the Scriptures laid before them in the English tongue they so indeavoured to dim the light thereof by a dark Translation that seeing they might see but not understand and to that end did thrust into it many obscure words both Greek and Latin which neither by long use were known nor by continuall custome made familiar to an English Reader Of which sort you may take these few as a taste of th◅ rest That is to say Acquisi◅ion Advent Adulterate Agnition Archisynagogue A◅imos Comm◅ssations Condign Contristate Depositum Didrachme Dominicall day Donaries Evacnated from Christ Euro Aquilo Epinanited Holocaust Hosts Neophite Paraclete Parasceve Pasch Praefinition Presence Prevaricator Proposition Loaves Repropitiate Resuscitate Sabbatis◅ Super-edified Sancta-Sanctorū Victims words utterly unknown to any English Reader unlesse well grounded and instructed in the Learned Languages and consequently their whole Translation uselesse to most sorts of men I cannot say that the Author of the History which we have in hand was under any such neces◅ity of writing as the R◅mists were or that it did affect obscurity on any such design as the Rhemists did but I may very warrantably and justly say that in the Coining of new words not to be understood by a common Reader he hath not onely out-vied the Rhemists but infi◅tely exceeded all that have gone before him A vein of writing which two the great Masters of the Greek and Roman Eloquence had no knowledge of who used such words in their addresses to the people as were illius temporis auribus accommodata as it is in Tacitus accommodate and fitted to the times they lived in and easily intelligible unto all that heard them Loquendum est cum vulgo was the antient rule And certainly to speak so as to be understood by the meanest hearer to write so as to be comprehended by the vulgar Reader is such a principle of Prudence as well becometh the practice of the greatest Clerks But it is with this our Author as with many others who think they can never speak elegantly nor write significantly except they do◅ it in a language of their owne devising as if they were ashamed o◅ their Mother-tongue or thought it no◅ sufficiently curious to expresse their fancies By meanes whereof more Frenc◅ and Latin words have gained ground up on us since the middle of the Reign o◅ Queen Elizabeth then were admitted by our Ancestors whether we look upon them as the British or Saxon race not onely since the Norman but the Roman Conquest a folly handsomely derided in an old blunt Epigram where the spruce Gallant thus bespeakes his Page or Laquay Diminutive and my defective slave Reach my Corps coverture immediatly 'T is my complacency that rest to have 'T insconse my person from Frigiditie The boy beliv'd all Welch his Master speke Till railed English Rogue go fetch my Cloak I had not given my selfe the trouble of this Observation but to meet the humour of some men who if pretenders to French or Latin tongues pretend to an authority also of creating words and giving us new formes of speaking which neither King nor Keiser hath the power to doe Moneyes and Coines are forthwith currant and universally admitted as soon as they receive the stamp of Supream Authority But it is not in the power of Kings or Parliaments to ordaine new words without the liking and consent of the common people Forrein Commodities not Customed are not safely sold and Forreine words till licensed and approved by custome are not fitly used And therefore it was well said by an able Grammarian to a great Emperor of Rome Homines donare civitate potes verba item non potes that is to say that he might naturalize whole Nations by giving them the priviledges of a Roman Citizen but that it was not in his power to doe so with words and make them Free as one might say of the Latin tongue In this case Custome and Consent and the generall usage are the greatest Princes and he that doth proceed without their authority hath no authority at all to proceed upon It being no othsrwise with new Words then with new Fashions in Apparell which are at first ridiculous or at least unsightly till by continuall wearing they become more ordinary And so it is resolved by Horace in his Book De Arte Poetica Multa renascenter quae nnnc cecidere cadentque Quae nunc sunt in honore vocabula si volet usus Quem penes arbitrium est vis norma loquendi In English thus Many old words shall be resum'd and some Now in great honour shall as vile become If use so please to which alone belongs The power to regulat◅ and di◅ect our tongues But lest our Author should affirm with Cremulius Cordus in the story Adeo factorum innocens sum ut verba m◅a arguantur that we are faine to cav◅l with him for his words for want of greater matter to except against I shall forbear the prosecution of this Argument till the close of all and passe to such materiall points as shall come before me To whom the Prince returned answer that he would impower the Earl of Bristol to give his Master all satisfaction in that particular that is to say for so you must be understood in the words foregoing that he would make a Pr◅xie to the Earl of Bristol to celebrate in his name the Marriage with the Lady Infanta But there was no such Proxie made to the Earle of Bristol that being a power and trust thought worthy of the Catholick King and Don Charles his Brother as appeareth plainly by the publick Instrument made to that effect bearing date August the 8 Anno 1623. which being sealed by the Prince in due
forme of Law it was indeed committed to the custody of the Earle of Bristoll by him to be delivered to the King of Spaine and Don Charles his Brother or to either of them as soon as the Dispensation should be brought from Rome and this was all the Power which the Eâ—…rle of Bristol had which yet he had no power to execute as it after proved The Loyall hearted English could not distinguish between the Spanish match and Charles his ruine That some of the Loyall hearted English were of that opinion I shall easily grant but they had other Opinions also which did Bias with them especially one opinion that the near Alliancâ—… with that Crown would arme the King with power to suppresse that Fâ—…ction which began then to be dreadfull to him and have since been the ruine of Charles and his whole Posterity But other English hearts there are of no lesse Loyalty and of as great affection to the Royal Family and as great Zealots of the true Protestant Religion here by Law established who think otherwise of it and that the ruine of Prince Charles might by this match have been prevented The Spaniard for the most part found a more steady friend then the wavering French What else there was which might confirme them on the Post-fact in this perswasion I shall reserve unto my selfe But you proceed and tell us after Folio 5. That England ever found the Spaniard a worse Friend then an Enemy For this I thinke you have no reason the amity and correspondence between the Nations having continued firme and most invâ—…olate for many Ages and never broke if not of late but by the English or on their occasions First by the Invasion of Spaiâ—…e by the â—…lack Prince in the time of Don Pedro of Castile and the War carried thither not long after by the Duke of Lancaster nâ—…xt on the breach made with Charles the fift by King Henry the Eighth in pursuance of the injury donâ—… unto him in casting off Queen Katharine that great Emperours Aunt and finally by Queen Elizabeth supporting the revolting Netherlands against Philip the second their naturall and most lawfull Prince If on this last and greatest provocation the Spaniard took up armes against us he had all the reason in the world for his justification Who perâ—…iving upon the whole summe that the slie Spaniard practised to make an after-game of the Palatinate King James was not to be told that now I meane upon the Prince's returne from Spaine there being no such thing as the restoring of the Palatinate to the Prince Elector iâ—… all the Articles of the Treaty which werâ—… sworne between them That was reserveâ—… as an after-game but yet intended to bâ—… played by the Spanish Court to the mosâ—… honour and advantage of the Engliâ—… Nation thereby to gaine the better welcome to the Royall Bride when she camâ—… amongst us For thus I finde it in a Letter from the Earle of Bristol dated thâ—… 28. of October not long after the Prince'â—… coming home For the businesse of the Palatinate as 〈◊〉 will appears by the joynt disppatch which Siâ—… Walter Aston and my selfe wrote of thâ—… 23. of November that we were assured not by the Conde of Olivares onely in this Kings name but severally by all the Councellors that a setled resolution was taken in Councill on the 16. of November that this King should procure his Majesties intire satisfaction and hereof the Cardinall Caâ—…ala and divers other Councellors that profâ—…ssed theâ—…selves particularly affected to the King and Prince's service came to give Sir Walter Aston and my selfe the Pâ—…rabein The Conde of Olivares intreated 〈◊〉 both in this Kings name to assure his Majesty thereof upon our honours and upon our lives if need were And thus much was to have been delivered unto us in writing before we would have passed to the Disposories as will plainly appeare by this above mentioned dispatch of the 23. of November Besides the Princesse had now made this businesse her owne and had therein most earnestly moved the King her Brother written unto the Conde of Olivares and had set her heart upon the making of her selfe gracefull and welcom to the King and Kingdome by overcoâ—…ing this businesse These are the words of Bristol's Letter and these give me no small assurance of the integrity and good meaning of the Court of Spaine as â—…o that particular Which being met and the businesse propounded it was entertained with an unanimous consent and a motion made that an Ambassador should be sent over to negotiate the Treaty I somewhat doubt of your intelligence in this relation the Marriage of the Prince containing such a Branch of the Royall prerogative as King James was not likely to communicate with his Houses of Parliament For when he was Petitioned by both Houses not long before that for the avoiding of some dangers which did seem to threaten the whole Kingdome he would Marry the Prince to a Lady of the Protestant Religion he entertained the motion with no small disdaine and checkt them in his answer for intrenching on his just Prerogative And though King Charles acquainted the two Houses of Parliament with his intent of Marrying the Princesse Mary to the Heire of Orange yet we must look upon him at that time as encumbred with the greatest difficulties that ever any Prince lay under one that had wholly lost himselfe on their Love and Courtesie and therefore was to hold fair with thâ—…m in the greatest matters And yet he did not bend thus low nor communicate the affaire unto them till the Articles of the Marriage were in a manner concluded as appeareth plainly by his Majesties Speech in the House of Lords Fol. 213. But when it was required of him as a Duty not an Act of Grace in the fift of the nineteen Propositions which were sent to Yerke that none of his Children should be Married without their consent though he was then in such a necessitous condition as few Princes ever were reduced to yet would he by no meanes sâ—…sfie their demands therein In the style of the Court he went for Great Britains Solomon It cannot be denied but that he was an Universall Scholar as you tell us afterwards the greatest Scholar without doubt for so great a King that these last Ages of the world have presented to us but that he was Great Britains Solomon that is to say either the wisest Man or the wisest King of the British Nations I am not Courtier enough to defend or say It is true indeed that he much pleased himsâ—…lfe with boasting of his Kings craft as he used to call it but as Imbold a French Captain was wont to say that he could never see where that great wit of the Florentines lay which was so much talked of in the world so I have heard many wise men say that they could never finde what that King-craft was It being no hard matter to prove that in all
there inhumed c. Our Author tells us in the end of his Preface what an espâ—…ciall care he hath of his Temporalities as his owne word is in assigning unto every action it s own proper time and yet he fails us here in the first beginning For neither was the body of that King interr'd on the 4th of May nor the Letters of procuration kept undelivered till the 8th as he after teâ—…ls us nor the Marriage celebrated after the Funerall of the King as is there declared though possibly in the intention of King Charles for the reasons there delivered it had been so resolved on at the first designation of those Royall pomps For upon Sunday May the 1st the Marriage was celebrated at the Church Nastre Dame in Paris on Tuesday May the 3d the news thereof came unto the Court and was welcomed the same night with Bells and Bone-fires in all parts of London on Saturday May the 7th was King James interred and on Sunday morning May the 8th there came an Order from the Lords of the Council to the Preachers appointed for St. Pauls Crosse as I have heard him say more than once or twice requiring him that in his Prayer before the Sermon he should not pray for the Queen by the name of Henrietta Maria but by the name of Queen Mary ouely And yet it is true too which he after telleth us that is to say That the Marriage was celebrated in Paris on the 11th of May. But then he is to understand that this was on the 11th of May in the French Accompt which following the Gregorian Calender anticipates ten daies in every Month that being the 11th day of the Moneth to them in the new Style or stylo novo as they phrase it which is the first day of the Moneth in the old Style and Accompt of England He sent Letters of Prolucution to the Duke of Chevereux If it be asked why the King when he was onely Prince of Wales should look no lower for a Proxy than the King of Spaine and being now the mighty Monarch of Great Britaine should pitch upon so mean a Prince as the Duke of Chevereux it may be answered that the Duke of Chevereux was a Prince of the house of Guise from which his Majesty was extracted Mary of Loraine Daughter to Claud of Loraine the first Duke of Guise being Wife to James the fift of Scotland Grandmother unto James the sixt and consequently great Grandmother to King Charles himself From Canterbury his Majesty took Coach for Whitehall where the third after his arrivall c. If our Author meaneth by this that his Majesty went in Coach but some part of the way onely he should then have said so but if he mean that he went so all the way to Whitehall he is very much out their Majesties passing in Coach no further than Gravesend and from thence in theâ—…r Royall Barge by water unto his Palace at Whitehall accompanied or met by all the Barges Boats and Wherries which could be found upon the Thames the Author of these Observations beholding from Tower-wharfe that magnificent passage For as man is without a female Consort so is a King without his supreme Councell a halfe formed sterill thing Our Author in these words and the rest that follow maintains a Paradox most dangerous to supreme Authority in making Parliaments so necessary to all Acts of State as if that Kings or they that have the Supreme power could doe nothing lawfully but what they doe with their assistance and by their consent which were it so a Parliament must be Co-ordinate to Kings or such as have the power of Kings not subordinate to them Nor need the Members write themselves by the name of His Majesties most loyall and most humble Subjâ—…cts but by the name of Partners and Associates in the Royall power which doctrine of what ill consequence it may be in Monarchical Government I leave Counsellors of State to consider of His speech being ended the King vailed his Crown a thing rare in any of his Predecessouâ—…s Our Chroniclers tell us of King James that at his first coming to the Crown of England he used to go often to the Tower to see the Lyon the reputed King of Beasts baited sometimes by Dogs and sometimes by Horses which I could never reade without some râ—…gret the baiting of the King of Beasts seeming to me an ill presage of those many baitings which he a King of Men sound afterwards at the haâ—…s of his Subjects And Mr. Prin tells us of K. Charles that on the day of his Coronation he was cloathed in white contrary to the custome of his Predecessours who were on that day clad in purple White is we know the colour of the saints who are represented to us in White robes by S. John in the Revelation And Purple is we know the Imperiall and Regall colour so proper hereto sore unto Kings and Emperours that many of the Constantinoplitan Emperours were called Porphirogeniti because at their first comming into the world they were wrapt in purple And this I look upon as an ill presage that the King laying aside his Purple the Robe of Majesty should cloathe himselfe in White the Robe of Innocence as if thereby it were fore-signified that he should devest himselfe of that Regall Majesty which might and would have kept him safe from affront and scorn to relie wholly on the innocence of a vertuous life which did expose him finally to calamitous ruine But as all ill presages none like that which our Authour speaks of I mean the veiling of his Crown to this his first Parliament which I consider of the Introduction to those many veilings of the Crown in all the Parliaments that followed For first he vailed his Crown to this in leaving Mountague in their hands and his Bond uncancelled as you tell us after Fol. 12. notwithstanding that he was his sworn Chaplain and domestick Servant and that too in a businesse of such a nature as former Parliaments used not to take cognizince of he vailed his Crown unto the next when he permitted them as you tell us Fol. 25. to search his Signet Office and to examine the Letters of his Secretaries of State leaving him nothing free from their discovery a thing not formerly practised he vailed his Crown unto the third first in the way of preparation to it releasing all the Gentlemen whom he had imprisoned for their refusall of the Loane many of which being elected Members of the following Parliament brought with them both a power and will to avenge themselves by the restraint of His Prerogative within narrower bounds next in the prosecution of it when hearing that the Parliament had granted him some Subsidies not a man dissenting he could not restraine himselfe from weeping which tendernesse of his was made good use of to his no small dammage adding withall and bidding his Secretarie tell them as our Authour tells us Fol.
77. he would deny them nothing of their Liberties which any of his Predecessours had granted to them and finally in the close thereof when He enacted the Petition of Right and made it passe into a Law of which our Authour tells us Fol. 87. That never Arbitrary power since Monarchy first founded did so submitters fasces so vaile its Scepter never did the prerogative descend so much from perch to popular lure as by that Concession He vailed his Crowne unto all three by suffering the House of Commons to set up a Committe for Religion to question Manwaring Sibthorp and divers others for Doctrinall matters which if erroneous were more proper to be censured in the High Commission or the Convocation to which the cognizance of such Causes doth of right bâ—…long and not unto a Consistory of Lay. Elders which though it might consist of the wisest men yet were they for the most part none of the greatest Clerks He vailed his Crown also unto the Scots when having power to bring them under his command he yeilded to the Pacification at Barwicke not more unto his own dishonour than to their advantage which drew him on first to abolish the Episcopal Government the greatest prop of hiâ—… Estate in the Church of Scotland and after at their instance to call a Parliament in England and by the terrouâ—… of their Armes first to give way that the Lords of the Privie Councel in referencâ—… to the Tryall of the 〈◊〉 of Strafford should be examined upon oath in points debated and resolved on at the Councill Table that being done to yeild to a Triennial Parliament to be called upon his default by Sheriffs and Constables and finally to perpetuate that Parliament to his owne destruction What other vailings of the Crown followed upon this we shall hereafter see upon another occasion In this Session of Parliament was Mr. Mountague questioned for publishing certain Bookes prejudiciall to the Protestant cause c. Somewhat of Mr. Mountague we have seen before and shall now adde that his Books contained nothing prejudiciall to the Protestant Cause or to the established Doctrine of the Church of England but onely to the Calvinisticall Sect who had imposed their Heterodoxies upon credulous men for the received Doctrines of the Church This Mr. Mountâ—… disavowed in his Answer to the Romish Gaggâ—…r and severing private mens Opinions from the Churches Doctrines to be defended by their own Patrons and abettors which so offended that whole Party that an Information was intended and prepared against him which being made knowne unto King James he did not onely give him his discharge and quietus est and grant him leave in regard the Accusation was divulged and the clamour violent humbly to appeale from his Defamers unto His most sacred cognizance in publique and to represent his just defence against their slanders and false surmises unto the world but also to give expresse order unto Doctor White then Deane of Câ—…l sle cried up when Lâ—…cturer of St. Pauls for the stoutest Champion of this Church against those of Rome for the authorizing and publishing thereof which was â—…one accordingly So he in his Epistle Dedicatory to the late King Charles These are the Books The Answer to the Romish Gagger and the Defence thereof caâ—…led Appello Caesarem so prejudiciall is you say to the Protestant Cause and therefore fit to be inâ—…ed on by the House of Parliament The cause of that restraint vâ—…z the grant of Tonage and Poundage for no more than one yeare being a designe to reduce it to the rate setled in Quâ—…n Maryes daies And had they brought it unto that their Grant would have been like the Apples of Sodome goodly and beautifull to the eye sed levi tactu pressa in vagum pulverem fatiscunt saith the old Geographer but never so gently handled fell to dust and ashes a nut without a kernil and a painted nothing And yet they might have made the King some faire amends if they had brought the Subsidies to the same rate also or to the rates they were at in her Fathers daies when as one single Subsidie of foure shillings in the pound was estimated to amount to eight hundred thousand pounds of good English money which is as much as eight whole Subsidies did amount to when King Charles câ—…me unto the Crown The Divinity Schoole was appointed for the House of Commons And quâ—…stionlesse this giving up of the Divinity School unto the use of the House of Commons and placing the Speaker in or neer the Chairâ—… in which the Kings Professour for Divinity did usually reade his Publick Lectures and moderate in all Publick Disputations first put them into a conceit that the determining in all points and Controversies in Divinity did belong to them As Vibius Rufus in the story having married Tully's Widow and bought Caesars Chair conceived that he was then in a way to gain the Eloquence of the one and the Power of the other For after this we find no Parliament without a Committee for Religion and no Committee for Religion but what did think it self sufficiently instructed to manage the greatest Controversies of Dâ—…vinity which were brought before them with what successe to the Religion here by Law established we now see too clearly Most of the Voters of this Remonstranâ—… flew high and impetuously prest in upon the Duke And this makes good that saying of the wise Historian Quam breves infausti Romani populi amores that the Dâ—…rlings and Affections of the Common People take which sense you will are of short continuance It was not long since that this very man was cried up in Parliament for the great ornament and honour of the English Nation the chief preserver of this Kingdome from the Spanish practises no attribute sufficient to set forth his praises no honour large enough to requite his merits Now on the sodain he is become the subject of a popular hâ—…d tossed from one Parliament to another like the Ball of Fortune many times struck into the hazard and at last quite tossed out of the Court and-tumbled into his grave by a desperate Ruffion But as I have been told by some intelligent man this sodain alteration came another way and not from any premeditated purpose in the Parliament men who after voted this Remonstrance For having an ill eye to the Bâ—…shop of Lincolne and a designe to make hâ—…m lighter by the Seal the Bâ—…shop to prevent the danger and divert the humour proposed the Duke of Buckingham unto some leading men amongst them as the fitter game offering to furnâ—…sh them with matter and to mâ—…ke good that matter by sufficient evidence which coming not long aâ—…ter to the ears of the Duke to whom he had done many ill offices when he was in Spaine he procured the Seale to be taken from him of which more anon And who i.e. Sir Robert Mansell had an unquestionable right to the chief conduct of this
Enterprise upon the Dukes default I bâ—…lieve not so For though Sir Robert were Vice-Admirall and had the subordinate power to the Duke of Buckingham in all things which concerned that Office yet in the present Enterprise he had not any thing at all to pretend unto the Lord Admirall himselfe not acting in occasionall services or great employments at the Sea in regard of his Office but as he is impowred by special Commission from the King which he may grant to any other as He sees cause for it A thing so obvious in the course of our English stories that I need bring no examples of it to confirm this truth And the first thing resolved upon was His solemne Initiation into Regality and setting the Crown upon His head As solâ—…mne as the King esteemed it yet our Authour as it seems thinks more poorly of it For he not onely censureth it for a vanity though a serious vanity but thinks that Kâ—…ngs are idle in it though idle to some better purpose than in 〈◊〉 and Dances Are not all Christian Kâ—…ngs wiâ—…h whom the Rites of Coronation are accounted sacred much concerned in this and the Scriptures more are not the Ceremonies of Anointing and Crowning Kings of great antiquâ—…ty in all Nations throughout the World directed by the holy Spirit in the Book of God exempl fiâ—…d in Saul David Solomon but most particularly in the inauguration of Jehoash the 2 of Kings 11. 12. where it is said that Jehojada the high Priest brought forth the Kings son and put the Crown upon him and gave him the testimonies and they made him King and anointed him and clapt their hands and said GOD SAVE THE KING Was this a Pageant think we of tâ—…e high Priests making to delight the Souldiery or a solemnity and ceremony of Gods own appointing to distinguish his Vicegerents from inferiour persons and strike a veneration towards them in all sorts of men whether Priests or people He that shall look upon the Coronation of our Saviour the placing of the Crown upon his head and putting the Scepter into his hands and bowing of the knee before him with this acclamation Haile King of the Jewes will therein finde a pattern for the Inauguration of a Christian King In which there is not any thing of a serious vanity as our Authour calls it but a grave pious and religious conformity to the Investiture and Coronation of their supreme Lord. I could enlarge upon this subjâ—…ct but that I think better of our Authour than some of our Historians doe of Henry Duke of Buckingham of whom it is observed that at the Coronation of King Richard the third he cast many a squint eye upon the Crown as if he thought it might be set on a fitter head But our Authour passeth from the Coronation to the following Parliament In order whereunto he tellâ—… us that The Lord Keeper Williams was displaced and his place was disposed of to Sir Thomas Coventrie Our Authour is here out again in his Temporalities the Lord Keeper Williams not being displaced betwixt the Coronation and the following Parliament but some months before For the Great Seale was taken from him in October three moneths and more before the day of the Coronation Sir Thomas Coventrie sitting in 〈◊〉 as Lord Keeper both in the Michaelmas Term at Reading and in the Candlemas Term at Westminster The like mistake he gives us in his Temporalities touching Bâ—…shop Land whom he makes Bishop of Bathe and Wells at the time of his afflâ—…cting in the Coronation whereas indeed he was at that time Bishop of St. Davids onely and not translated to the Bishoprick of Bathe and Wells till September following And that I may not trouble my self with the like observation at another time though there be many more of this nature to be troubled with I shall crave leave to step forth to Fol. 96. where it is said That the Articles of Lambeth were so well approved of by King James as he first sent them fiâ—…st to the Synod of Dort as the Doctrine of our Church where they were asserted by the suffrage of our British Divines and after that commended them to the Convocation held in Ireland to be asserted amongst the Articles of Religion established Anno 1615. and accordingly they were This is a very strange Hysteron Proteron setting the cart before the horse as we use to say For certainly the Articles of Lambeth being made part of the Confession of the Church of Ireland Anno 1615. as indeed they were could not before that time be sent to the Assembly or Synod at Dort which was not held till three years after Anno 1618. And this I take to be from what more than a superannuating as to call it in his Temporalities though he be confident in his Preface that he stands secure not onely from substantiall falshoods but even from circumstantiall also in assigning all both things and actions their proper times How ill this confidence is grounded we have seen in part and shall see more hereof hereafter as occasion serveth Who loved the Bishop if Fame belies her not better than was fit I think our Authour with more prudence might have spared this Note especially having Fame onely for the ground thereof which is so infamousâ—…n â—…n Historian as a learned Gentleman hath well noted that no wise man would build on the credit of it If Fames and Libels should once passe for Hâ—…storicall truths few Kings or Favorites or Ministers of great affairs or indeed who else would goe with honour to their graves or live with glory in the mouthes of the next Posterities Wilson a creature and dependent of the Earle of Warwicke whom you accuse elsewhere of partiality in the businesse of the Earl of Essex leaves the like stain upon his Lady but out of zeale to the good cause indevoureth to acquit the Bâ—…shop from the guilt thereof by saying that he was Eunuchus ab utero an Eunuch from his Mothers wombe which all that knew that Prelate most extremely laughed at And what had he for his authority but Famâ—… and Libels purposely scattered and divulged amongst the people to disgrace that Family by the malitious Contrivers of the Publique ruine The honour of Ladies in the generall is a tender point not easily repaired if wronged and therefore to be left untouched or most gently handled For which cause possibly S. 〈◊〉 adviseth that we give honour to the Woman as the weaker vessell and weaker vessels if once crackt by ungentle handling are either utterly broken or not easily mended And for this Lady in particular whom these two Authours tosse on the breath of Fame I never heard but that she was a person of great parts and honour and one that never did ill offices to any man during the time of her great power and favour both with King and Queen So that we may affirme of her as the Historian doth of Livia that great Emperours Wife Potentiam
Peers thrice ovâ—…r there being not above five hundred of the one and thrice one hundred and eighteen that is to say above three hundred and fifty of the other ranke by which accompt every Gentleman must be able to buy his two Lords and a half one with another the which I think no wise man can imagine The first thing I consider of is why our Author should leave out the Bishops for Spirituall Lords in this va luation as if they were no Members of the House of Peers for that he doth not reckon them into the bargain is evident enough by the calculation there being at that time an hundrâ—…d and eighteen Temporall Lords in the Upper House Assuredly the B shops had sate there longer in their Predecessors than any of the Lay-Nobility in their noblest Ancestors and had as good right of sitting and of voting there as either the Prerogative Royall oâ—… the Laws could give them And it was ill done of our Authour to exclude them now and not well done by him that should have kept them in to exclude them afterwards The Rights and Priviledges of holy Church confirmed in the first Article of the Magna Charta and sworn to by all Kings succeeding were never so infringed as by that exclusion But the King soon found the sad effect and consequents of those â—…vil Counsellors by which He was perswaded to it the next thing which was done in Parliament being the taking away or abrogating of His own Negative Voice and passing all subsequent Laws and Ordinances without His consent And by this meanes they brought to passe another point which as it seems was aimed at from the beginning of that Parliament it being told Sir Edward Dering as he himself informs us in the Collection of his Speeches That if they could bring the Lords to sit in the House of Commons and the King to be but as one of the Lords then their worke was done This brings me to the second thing which I am to consider of and that is why our Authour should make the King to be no other than a Member of the House of Peers for when he tells us that the Gentlemen in the House of Commons were able to buy all the House of Peers except the King it must needs follow that the King must be accounted of as one of that House the said exception notwithstanding So that by turning the B shops out of the House and bringing the King into their place he hath quite altered the right constitution and form of Parliaments which antiently consiâ—…ed of the Lords Spirituall the Lords Temporall and the Commons as the three Estates over all which the King presided as the Supreme Head Its truâ—… indeed that the King having passed away the B shops Votes did after by a strangâ—… improvidence in a Message or Declaration sent from Yorke on the 17th of June reckon Himselfe as one of the three Estates which being once slipt from His pen and taken up by some leading men in the Houses of Parliament it never was let fall again in the whole agitation of those Controversies which were bandied up and down between them Nor did many of the Kings owne party see the danger of it who taking it for granted that the King was onely one of the three Estates a Member of the House of Peers as our Authour makes Him were forced to grant in pursuance of the said disputes that the two Houses of Parliament were co-ordinate with the King not subordinate to Him and what could follow thereupon but that they might proceed as they did without Him that of co-ordinat a se invicem supplent being a most undoubted Maxime in the Schools of Logick The Attorney pleading eagerly though impertinently for the King How eagerly the Attorney pleaded for the King I am not able to say but it appeareth even by our Authour himself that his Plea was pertinent enough and drew so many of â—…he Lords into his opinion that the Poular party or Lower-House-Lords as â—…ome call them in the House of Peers â—…urst not adventure it to vote till the Lord Say by drawing that House into a Committee made this Proposition That the Lords who were against the Liberties of the Subject should with subscription of their Names enter their Reasons to remain upon Record that Posterity might not be to seek for so it followeth in our Authour who they were who so ignobly betrayed the Freedome of their Nation and that this done and not before they should go to voting Upon which terrible Proposition the Lords shrunk aside as afterwards they did in the late long Parliament Anno 1641. when frighted by the menaces of Dr. Burgesses Myrmidons in the businesse of the Earle of Strafford and in the yeare 1642. on the like threatning motion made by Mr. Hollis for passing the great Bill of the Militia Some say that when the multitude were be labouring him with stones and cudgels they said that were his Master the Duke there they would give him as much And questionlesse they meant as much as they said the Duke being made so odious by the continuall prosecution of his Adversaries in both Houses of Parliament and the Remonstrance made against him by the House of Commons at the end of the last Session that it was thought by most men that the Dukes life and the Publiqne safety could not stand together On which inducements that fatall blow was struck by Felton as it after followeth fol. 90 94. But whereas our Authour tells us fol. 90. that he declared as much in certain papers which were sticked to the lineings of his hat I thinke he is something out in that there being nothing found in his hat or elsewhere about him but a few loose papers such as might well become those mâ—…n who make God the Authour of their sinnes His first ascribing of the fact to the late Remonstrance was made to one Dr. Hutchenson Chaplaine in Ordinary â—…o the King and then in the course of his attendance sent by the King of purpose assoon as the sad news was brought unto Hâ—…m to trie if he could learn out of him upon what motives he committed that most horrible murder and afterwards again and again both at the time of his examination before the Lords of the Councell and finally at the very instant of hâ—…s execution But to return again to the threatning words used by the people in the murder of Doctor Lamb I well remember that this bald Rhime was spread about not long after in pursuance of them viz Let Charles and George doe what they can The Duke shall die like Doctor Lamb. And I remember also that about the same time there came out a Chronogram in which the Numerall letters of Georgius Dux Buckinghamiae viz M. D. C. X. V. V. V. I. I. I. made up the yeare 1628. to which thesâ—… Verses were subjâ—…yned and being made by chance must needs be thought a strange Prognostication of that
may teach all Parliaments in the times succeeding to be more carefull in their Councils and use more moderation in pursuance of them especially when they meet with an armed power for fear they should not onely interrupt but cut off that spring from whence the Blessings both of Peace and Happinesse have formerly been derâ—…ved on this Church and State No man can love his Fâ—…tters though they be of Gold If therefore Parliaments should finde no way to preserve the Liberty of the peoplâ—… but to put fetters on the Prince or Power that calls them if from being Counsellors at the best they shall prove Controulers they must blame no body but themselves In the meane time that saying of Paterculus may be worth their noting Non turpe est ab eo vinci quem vincere esset nefas it iâ—… no shame saith he to submit to those whom it were sinne to overcome To which he answered that he ever was and woâ—…ld be ready to give an account of his sayings and doings in that place whensoever he should be called unto it by that House where as he taketh it he was onely to be questioned This is the first seed of that Doctâ—…ine which after took such deep root in the Houses of Parliament viz. that no member ought to be questioned for any thing said or done in Paâ—…liament but by the order of the House of which he was a Member And to this resolution the Judges of this time seemed to give some countenance who having before declared in favour of the House of Commons that by the Arresting of Digges and Eliot the whole House was under an Arrest did now declare that the Star Chamber in which Court the King intended to proceed against them had no Jurisdiction over offences done in Parliament But this was onely in an extra-judiciall way being interrogative to that purpose by the King at Greenwich as our Author â—…elleth us Fol. 106. For the same Judges sitting on the seat of Judicature where â—…hey were to act upon their Oathes could finde both Law and Reason too to bring their crimes within the cognisance of the Courts of Justice And severall Fines accordingly were imposed upon them most of which were paid and the Gentlemen afterwards released from their Imprisonments If any of them did refuse to pay such Fines as were set upon them they were men either of decayed or of small estates and so not able to make payment of the Fines imposed Surpassing exultation there was thereat all the Court kept Jubile c. And there was very good reason for it not onely that the Court should keep a Jubile at the birth of the Prince but that surpassing exultation should be thereat in all honest hearts But I can tell you it was otherwise with too many of the Puritane party who had layed their line another way and desired not that the King should have any Children insomuch that at a great Feast in Friday street when some of the company shewed great joy at the news of the Queens fiâ—…st being with Childe a leading man of that Faction whom I could name were it worth the while did not stick to say That he could see no such cause of joy for the Queens being with Childe but God had already better provided for us than we had deserved in giving such a hopefull Progenie by the Queen of Bohemia brought up in the Reformed Religion whereas it was uncertain what Religion the Kings Children would follow being brought up under a Mother so devoted to the Church of Rome And I remember very well that being at a Town one daies jurney from London when the newes came of the Princes birth there was great joy shewed by all the rest of the Parish in causing Bonefires to be made and the Bells to be rung and sending Victuals unto those of the younger sort who were most busily imployed in that publick joy But so that from the rest of the houses being of the Presbyterian or Puritane partie there came neither man nor childe nor wood nor victuals their doors being shut close all that Evening as in a time of generall mourning and disconsolation Where was an old skulking Statute long since out of use though not out of force c. The Statute which our Author means was made in the first year of Edward the second and made more for the benefit and ease of the subject than for the advantage of the King This Statute requiring nonâ—… to take the Order of Knighthood but such as had Twenty pounds per annum of clear yearly rent whereas before that time all men of Fifteen pound rent per annum were required to take it This proves it to be very old but why my Author should call it a skulking Statute I can see no reason considering that it lay not hidden under the rubbâ—…sh of Antiquity but was an open printed Statute not onely to be seen in the Collection of the Statutes and the Books at large but in the Abridgements of the same and being a Statute still in force as our Author â—…elleth us might lawfully be put in practise whensoever the necessities of the King should invite him to it But whereas our Author telleth us that the persons mentioned in that Statute were not required to be made Knights as was vulgarly supposed but onely ad arma gerenda to bear Armes and thereupon telleth us a story of a Sword and a Surcoat to be given unto them I rather shall believe the plaine words of the Statute than his interpreâ—…ation of it The Title of it is in Latine Statutum de Militibus or a Statute for Knights as the English hath it the words as followeth viz. Our Soveraign Lord the King hath granted that all such as ought to be Knights and be not and have been distrained to take upon them the Order of Knighthood before the Feast of the Nativity of our Lord shall have respect to take upon them the foresaid Armes of Knighthood untill the Utas of S. Hilarie c. where certainly to be made Knights to take upon them the Order of Knighthood and the Armes of Knighthood are somewhat more than onely and simply to bear Armes as he faine would have it were it no otherwise than so there were some hundred thousands of none or very little estate as fit or fitter to bear Armes than men of Twenty pound rent per annum which was a plentifull revenue as the times then were and fitter it had been to have called such men unto a generall Muster in their severall Counties than to command them to attend at a Coronation Nor had the Sages of the Law been capable of excuse for their false translations if they should render ad arma militiae gerenda for so I think the Latine hath it though the most significant word thereof be left out by our Author by taking on them the Armes of Knighthood if there were nothing more intended than the bearing of
King James that suspition was the sicknesse and disease of a Tyrant which laid him open to all the subtill practises of malitious cunning and it was a maxime of King Charles that it was better to be deceived then to distrust which proved a plaine and 〈◊〉 way unto those calamities which afterwards were brought upon him as may be plainly seen by the course of this History But the entertainment most of all august and Royal was that of the Earl of Newcastle at Welbâ—…ck which was estimated to stand the Earl in at least six thousand pounds I have shewed our Author some mistakes already in his Temporalities as he calls them and now I shall shew him one or two besides his misplacing of the battaile of Tisfique spoken of before in his Localities also to give him a fine word of his owne complection That the Earl of Newcastle entertained the King at Welbâ—…k in his passage towards Scotland is a truth unquestioned But the magnificent entertainment so much talked of which cost the Earl the summe of six thousand pounds as our Author telleth us was neither made in the time or place which are herein mentioned that in the time of the Kings going toward Scotland or returning thence Anno 1633 but on the last of July in the yeare next following nor was it made at Welbeck but at Boalsover Castle in Derby shire about five miles thence nor for the entertainment of the King onely but of the King and Queen and their severall Courts The like mistake in matter of Locality that I may not trouble my selfe with it at another time occurreth Fol. 129. where he telleth us thâ—… both their Majesties with their train of Court Granâ—…s and Gentlemen Revellers were solemnly invited to a most sumptuous banquet at Guildhall where that â—…lendent shew was iterated and re-exhibited whereas indeed the entertainment which the City gave at that time to the King was at the house of Alderman Freeman then Lord Major scituâ—…e in Cornhill nâ—… the Royall Exchange and the entertainment which the King gave unto the City by shewing them that glorious Maske was at the Merchant Taylers Hall in Thredneedle-street on the backside of the Lord Majors House an open passage being made from the one to the other which as it was the first Act of Popularity which the King did in all his Râ—…ign so it begâ—… a high degree of affection towards him in the hearts of the Citizens though it proved only like a Widows joy as the saying is as soon lost as founâ—… Soon after the Coronation followed an Assembly of Parliament c. In this Parlmany Acts were passed one for sâ—…ling a câ—…rtain maintenance on the Scotish Clergy who being robbed of their Tithes by the Lords and Gentry in the beginning of the Reformation were kept to arbitrary Stipends which rendred them obnoxious to the power of the great ones on whose bounty they depended to remedy this K. James endevour'd a seâ—…led maintâ—…nance on them after He came to the English Crown but effâ—…cted by the great care and industry of K. Charles and confirmed this Parliament How these ungratefull men did requite Him afterwards our Author will inform us in the course of his History This done he hastened home that is unto the Embraces of his deare consort where he ended his progresse July the 20. The Queen was then at Greenwich when the King came to her and to which place he came both suddenly and privately by Post-horses crossing the water at Black Wall without making his entrance into London or his passage by it Whereas Queen Elizabeth did very seldome end any of her Summer progresses but she would wheele about to some end of London and make her passage to White-Hall through some part of the City not onely requiring the Lord Major and Aldermen in their Scarlet robes and Chaines of Gold to come forth to meet her but the severall Companies of the City to attend soleâ—…nly in â—…hcir Formalities as she passed along By â—…anes whereof she did not onely preâ—…erve the Majestie which did of right beâ—…ong to a Queen of England but kept the Citizens and consequently all the Subjects in a reverent estimation and opinion of her She used the like Arts also in keeping up the Majesty of the Crown and service of the City in the reception and bringing in of Forreign Embassadors who if they came to London by Water were met at Gravesend by the Lord Major the Aldermen and Companies in their severall Barges and in that solemn sort conducted unto White Hall staires but if they were to â—…ome by Land they were met in the like sort at Shooters Hill by thâ—… Major Aldermen and thence conducted to their lodgings the Companies waiting in the streets in their severall habits The like she used also in celebrating the Obsequies of all Christian Kings whether Popish or Protestant with whom she was in correspondence performed in such a solemn and magnificent manner that it preserved Her in the estimation of all forreign Princes though differing in Religion from Her besides the great contentmâ—…nt which the people took in those Royal actions Some other Arts she had of preserving Majestie and keeping distance with Her people yet was so popular withall when she saw Her time that never Majestie and Popularity were so matched togâ—…ther But these being layed aside by K. James who brooked neither of them and not resumed by King Charles who had in this point too much of the Father in him there followed first a neglect of their Persons which Majesty would have made more sacred and afterward a mislike of their Government which a little Popularity would have made more gratefull A very learned man he was his erudition all of the old stamp stiâ—…y principled in the Doctrine of S. Augustine which they who understand it not call Calvianisme Of the Lâ—…arning of Archbishop Abbot and how farre it was of the old stamp I shall say nothing at the present But whereas our Authour makes Calvianisme and the Doctrine of S. Augustine to be one and the same I think he is very much out in that â—… there being some things maintained by S. Augustine not allowed by Calvin and many things maintained by Calvin which were never taught him in S. Augustine S. Augustine was a great maintainer of Episcopacy which the Calvinians have ejecteâ—… out of all their Churches and was so strict in defence of the necessity of Baptisme that he doomed all Infants dying without it to the Pains of Hell and thereby got the name of Infant damastiques whereas many of the Calvinists make Baptisme a thing so indifferent si habeaâ—… recte si careas nihil damni as one telleth us of them that it is no great matter whether it be used or not And on the other side the Calvinists maintain a Parity of Ministers in the Church of Christ conditional obedience to the Civil Magistrate the suffering of the Pains of Hell in
mâ—…st needs paâ—…se for currant I cannot see by the best light of my poor understanding but that Brabournes Book may be embraced with our best affections and that obscure and ignorant School-Master as our Author calls him must be cryed up for the most Orthodox Divine which this Age hath bred And was after styled Duke of Yorke Our Author here accommodates his style to the present times when the Weekly Pamphlets give that Prince no other Title than the Titulary Duke of Yorke the pretended Duke of Yorke the Duke of Yorke so styled as our Author here It is true indeed the second Son of England is not born to the Dukedome of Yorkâ—… as the first is unto the Titles and Revenues of the Dukedome of Cornewall but receives that Title by Creation and though the King did cause this second Son to be styled onely Duke of Yorke when he was in his cradle yet afterwards He created and made him such by Letters Patents under the Great Seal of England in due form of Lâ—… The four Innes of Court presenting both their Majesties at Whitehall with a gallant Masque as a symbole of their joynt affections The Innes of Court used formerly to divide themselves in the like solemnities Lincolns Inne joyning with one of the Temples and Graies Inne with the other bâ—…t now they all united upon this occasion One William Prynne an Utter Barrester of Lincolns Inne had writ a Book somewhat above a year before called Histrio Mastix intended purposely against Stage Playes but intermixed with many bâ—…tter and sharp Invectives against the solemn Musick used in the Cathedrals and Royal Chappels against the magnificence of the Court in Masques and Dancings against the Hospitality of the English Gâ—…ntry in the Weeks of Christmas and indeed what not In which were also many passages scandalous and dishonourable to the King and Queen and such as seemed dangerous also to their sacred Persons For which an Information being brought against him in the Starre-Chamber by Master Noye then Atturney-Generall and the Cause ready to be sentenced it seemed good unto the Gentlemen of the four Innes of Court to present their Majesties with a Masque thereby to let their 〈◊〉 and the People see how little Prynne his infection had took hold upon them A pompous and magnificent shew it seemed as it passed the Streets but made more glorious by a long traine of Christian Captives who having been many yeares inslâ—…ved in the chains of bondage were sent for a present to the King by the Hâ—…riffe or Emperour of Morocko in testimony of the assistance received from him in the taking of Salla and destroying that known nest of Pyrates effected specially by the benefit and advantage of his Majesties Ships An action of so great honour to the English Nation of such security to trade and of such consequence for setlâ—…ng of a free commerce in those parts of Christendom that I wonder why our Author takes no notice of it The Kings Dominion in the Narrow Seas was actually usurped by the Holland Fishers and the right it selfe in good earnest disputed by a late tract of Learned Grotius called Mare Liberum Our Author might have added here that this discourse of Grotius was encountred not long after by a learned Tract of Mr. Seldens which hâ—… entituled Mare Clausum In which he did not onely assert the Soveraignty or Dominion of the British Seas to the Crown of England but cleerly proved by constant and continuall practise that the Kings of England used to levie money from the Subjects without help of Parliament for the providing of ships and other necessaries to maintain that Soveraignty which did of right belong unto them This he brings down unto the time of K. Hen. 2d and might have brought it neerer to his own times had he been so pleased and thereby paved a plain way to the payment of Ship-money but then he must have thwarted the proceedings of the House of Commons in the last Parliament wherein he was so great a stickler voting down under a kinde of Anathema the Kings pretensions of right to all help from the subject either in Tonage or Poundage or any other wayes whatsoever the Parliament not co-operating and contributing toward it For that he might have done thus we shall easily see by that which followeth in our Author viz. Away goes the subtile Engineer and at length frem old Records progs and bolts out an antient Precedent of raising a Tax upon the whole Kingdom for setting forth a Navy in case of danger Our Author speaks this of Mr. Noye the Atturney Generall whom he calls aftâ—…rwards a most indefatigable Plodder and Searcher of old Records and therefore was not now to be put to progging a very poor expression for so brave a man to finde out any thing which mâ—…ght serve to advance this businesse For the truth is that a year or more before the coming out of the Writs for ship-money he shewed the Author of these Observations at his house neer Brentford a great wooden Box wherein were nothing else but Prâ—…ts out of all Records for levying a Navall aide upon the Subjects by the sole authority of the Kiâ—…g whensoever the preservation and safety of the Kingdome did require it of them And I remember well that he shewed me in many of those Papers that in the same years in which the Kings had received subsidies in the way of Parliament they levyed this Naval aide by their own sole power and he gave me this Reason for them both For saith he when the King wanted any money either to support his own expences or for the enlarging of his Dominions in Forreign Conquests or otherwise to advance his honour in the eye of the world good reason he should be beholding for it to the love of his people but when the Kingdome was in danger and that the safety of the Subject was concerned in the businesse he might and then did raise such summes of Money as he thought expedient for the preventing of the danger and providing for the publick safety of himselfe and his And I remember too that â—…se Precedents were written in little bits â—…nd shreads of paper few of them bigger then ones hand many not so big which when he had transcribed in the course of his studies he put into the coffin of a Pye as he pleased to tell me which had been sent him from his Mother and kept them there untill the mouldinesse and corruptiblenesse of that wheaten Coffer had perished many of his papers No need of progging or bolting to a man so furnished But more of this Attorney we shall heare anon In the meane time our Author telleth us that The King presently issued out Writs to all the Counties within the Realm c. enjoyning every County for defence of the Kingdome to provide Ships of so many Tunne c. Our Author is deceived in this as in many things else For in the
according to the Lawes of that Kingdome assoon as justice could have layed hold on them He had undoubtedly prevented all further dangers The drawing of some blood in the Body politick by the punishment of Mâ—…lefactors being like letting blood in the Body-naturall which in some strong distempers doth preserve the whole Oâ—… finally if the Tumult had been grown so high and so strongly backed that justice could not safely be done upon them had the King then but sent a Squadron of the Royall Navy which He had at Sea to block up their Haven He had soon brought the Edinbourghers unto His Devotion and consequently kept all the rest of that Kingdome in a safe obedience But the Edinbourghers knew well enough whom they had to deal with what friends they had about the King and what a party they had got in the Lords of His Councell which governed the affairs of that Kingdome and they knew very well none better by the unpunishing of the Londoners for the Tumult in the death of Lamb that the King had rather patience enough to bear such indignities than resolution to revenge them So that the King at last was come to that misery which a good Author speaks of Cum vel excidenda sit natura vel minuenda dignitas That he must either outgoe His nature or forgoe His authority The King nothing pleased with these affronts yet studious to compose these surges of discontent sent the Marquesse of Hamilton down in the quality of an high Commissioner c. We are now come to the rest of the oversights committed in the conduct of this weighty businesse whereof the first was that having neglected to suppresse the Sedition at the very first appearance of it to strangle that monster in the cradle he had let a whole year passâ—… without doing any thing but sending one Proclamation after another which being publickly encountred with contrary Protestations did but increase their insolencies his own disgraces the party in the mean time being so well formed that Poâ—…-guns and such Paper-pellets were able to doe no good upon them The second was that when it had been fitter for the preservation of his authority to send a Lord Generall in the head of an Army for the reducing of that Kingdome by force of Armes He rather chose to send an high Commissioner to them to sweeten the distempers and compose the differences which could not be but by yeilding more on his side then he was like by any faire imparlance to obtain from that Thirdly that when he was resoâ—…ved on an high Commâ—…ssioner he must pitch on Hamilton for the man whom he had such reason to distrust as before was hinted but that the old Maxime of the Lenoxian Family of being deceived rather than distrustfull was so prevalent with him And this he did against the opinion and advice of many of the Lords of that Kingdome that is to say the Earle of Sterling principall Secretary of State the Bishops of Rosse and Breken privie Counsellors both Sir Robert Spoteswood Lord President of the Colledge of Justice and Sir John Hay Clerke-Register or Master of the Rolls as we call him here These having secret intimation that Hamilton was designed for this great Employment came in Post to London indeavouring to perswade the King to change his purpose and commending Huntley for that service who being a man of greatest power in the North of Scotland and utterly averse from the Covenanters and the rest of that Faction was thought by them the fittest man for that undertaking But the King fatally carried on to his own destruction would not hearken to it and hereunto the Duke of Lenox did contribute some weak assistance who being wrought on by the Scots of Hamiltons Faction chose rather that the old Enemy of his House should be trusted with the managing of that great affaire than that a Countrey Lord as the Courtiers of that Nation called him should carry the honour from them both June the sixâ—… his Commission was read and accepted him And well it might it was the fish for which he had so long been angling For having lost the Scotish Army raised for the aide of the King of Sweden without doing any thing and no occasion being offered to advance another he fell upon more secret and subtile practises to effect his ends First drawing all the Scots which were about the Court of England to be his Dependants and rest at his devotion wholly and next by getting himselfe a strong partie in that Kingdome whose affections he had means enough to restraine and alienate from the King and then to binde them to himself insomuch as it was thought by the wisest men of both Nations that the first Tumult at Edinborough was set on by some of his Instruments and that the Combustions which ensued were secretly fomented by them also And this was made the more probable by his carriage in that great trust of the high Commissioner thus procured for him drawing the King from one condescention to another in behalf of the Covenanters till he had little more to give but the Crown it self For fiâ—…st he drew him to suspend and after to suppresse the Book of Common Prayers and therewithall the Canons made not long before for the use of that Church next the five Articles of Perth procured with so much difficulty by King James and confirmed in Parliament must be also abrogated and then the Covenant it self with some little alterations in it must be authorized and generally imposed upon all that Kingdome And finally the calling of an Assembly must be yeilded to in which he was right well assured that none but Covenanters should have voices that not Lord Bishops only should be censured and excommunicated but the Episcopacie it self abolished and all the Regular and Loyall Clergie brought to utter ruine By all which Acts I cannot say of grace but of condescension the Marquesse got as much in grosse as His Majesty lost in the retaile making himself so strong a partie in that Kingdome that the King stood but for a Cipher in the calculation All being done from that time forwards especially when the first shewes of a Warre were over as Hamilton either did contrive or direct the businesse For the Covenanters having got all this thought not this enough unlesse they put themselves in Armes to make good their purchases and having therein got the first start of the King the King could doe no lesse than provide for himself and to Arm Accordingly In order whereunto our Author telleth us that Because it was the Bishops warre he thought it requisite they should contribute largely toward the preservation of their own Hierarchy I am sorry to see this passage have our Authors penne whom I should willingly have accompted for a true Son of the Church of England were it not for this some other passages of this nature which savour more of the Covenanter then the English
Protestant It is true the Covenanters called it the Bishops warre and gave it out that it was raised onely to maintaine the Hirarchy but there was little or no truth in their mouthes the while for the truth is that though Liturgy and Episcopacy were made the occasions yet they were noâ—… the causes of this Warre Religion being but the vizard to disguise that businesse which Covetousnesse Sacriledge and Rapine had the greatest hand in The Reader therefore is to know that the King being engaged in a Warre with Spaine and yet deserted by those men who engaged him in it was faine to have recourse to such other waies of assistance as were offâ—… to him And amongst others he was minded of a purpose which his Father had of revoking all such grants of Abbey-Lands the Lands of Bâ—…shopricks and Chapters and other Religious Corporations which having been vested in the Crown by Act of Parl. were by that Kings Protectors in the time of his minority conferred on many of the Nobility and Gentry to make them sure unto the side or else by a strong hand of power â—…xtorted from him Being resolved upon this course he intends a Parliament in that Kiâ—…gdome appoints the Eâ—…rl of Niddisdâ—…ale to preside therein and arms hâ—…m with Instructions for 〈◊〉 of an Act of Revocation accordâ—…gly who bâ—…ing on hâ—…s way as farre as Barwick was there informed that all was in a Tumult at Edenbobrough that a rich Coach which he had sent before to Dalkeith was cut in pieces the poor Horses killed the people seeming onely sorry that they could not doâ—… the like to the Earle himselfe Things being brought unto this stand and the Parlâ—…ament put off with a sine die the King was put to a necessity of some second Councels amongst which none seemed so plausible and expedient to him as that of Mr. Archibald Achison then Procuâ—…ator or sollicitor generall in that kingdome who having first told the King that such as were estated in the lands in question had served themselves so well by the bare naming of an Act of Revocation as to possesse the people whom they found apt to be inflâ—…med on such suggestions that the true intendment of that Act was to revoke all former Acts for suppressing of Popâ—…ry and setling the reformed Religion in the Kirk of Scotland and therefore that it would be very unsafe for his Majesty to proceed that way Next he advised that instead of such a general Revocation as that Act imported he should implead them one by one beginning first with those whom he thought least able to stand out or else most willing to conform to his Mâ—…jesties pleasure assuring him that having the Lawes upon his side the Courts of Justice must and would pasâ—…e judgement for him The King resolved upon this course sends home the Gentleman not onely with thâ—…nkes and Knighthood which he had most worthily deserved but with instructions and power to proceed therein and he proceeded in it so effectually to the Kings advantage that some of the impleaded parties being lost in the suite and the rest seeing that though they could raise the people against the King they could not â—…aise them against the Lawes it was thought the best and safest way to compound the businesse Hereupon in the yeare 1631. Commissioners are sent to the Court of England and amongst others the Learned and right Noble Lord of Marcheston from whose mouth I had this whole relation who after a long treaty with the King did agree at last that all such as held hereditary Sheriffdomes or had the power of life and death over such as lived within their jurisdiction should quit those royalties to the King that they should make unto their Tenants in their severall Lands some permanent Estates either for three lives or one and twenty yeares or somâ—… such like Terme that so the Tenants might be incouraged to build and plant and improve the Patrimony of that Kingdome that they should double the yearly rents which were reserved unto the Crown by their former grants and finally that these conditions being performed on their parts the King should settle their Estates by Act of Parliament Home went the Commissioners with joy for their good successe expecting to be entertained with Bells and Bonefires but they found the contrary the proud Scots being resolved rather to put all to hazard than quit that power and Tyranny which they had over their poor vassalls by which name after the manner of the French they called their Tenants And hereunto they were encouâ—…aged under-hand by a party in England who feared that by this agreement the King would be so absolute in those Northern Regions that no aide could be hoped from thence when the necessity of their designes might most require it Just as the Castilions were displeased with the conquest of Portugall by King Philip the second because thereby they had no place left to retire unto when either the Kings displeasure or their disobedience should make their owne Countrey too hot for them From hence proceeded that ill bloud which the King found amongst them when he went for that unlucky Crowne from hence proceeded the seditious Libell of the Lord Ballmerino which our Author speakes of the greatest part of whose Estate was in Abby-Lands From hence proceeded all the practises of the great ones on that busie Faction principled onely for the â—…uine and destruction of Monarchies and finally from hence proceeded the designe of making use of discontented and seditioâ—…s spirits under colour of the Canons and Common-Prayer Book to embroyle that Kingdome that so they might both keep their Lands and not lose their Power the Kings Ministers all this while looking mildely on or acting onely by such influences as they had from Hamilton without either care or course taken to prevent those mischiefes which afterwards ensued upon it But from the Ground proceed we to the Prosecution of the Warre intended concerning which our Author telleth us that The King had amast together considederable power whereof the Earle of Arundel had the chiâ—…fe conduct And so he had as to the command of all the Forces which went by Land the Earl of Essex being Lieutenant Generall of the Foot the E. of Holland of the Horse But then there were some other forces embarqued in a considerable part of the Royall Navy with plenty of Coine and Ammunition which were put under the command of Hamilton the King still going on in his fatall over sights who anchoring with his Fleet in the Frith of Edenborough and laâ—…ding some of his spent men in a little Ifland to give them breath and some refreshments received a visit from his Mother a most rigid Covenanter The Scots upon the shore saying with no small laughter that they knew the Son of so good a Mother could not doe them hurt And so it proved for having loytered thereabouts to no purpose till he heard that the Treaty for the Pacification was begun
all would not doe And it is marvell he should hope it there are some men of so untractable nature ut eorum superbiam frustra per modestiam obsequium effugeris that neither modesty nor obsequiousnesse can get ground upon them A Presbyterian and a Scot are not won by favours and he that doth endeavour â—…t doth but lose his labour Nor could the King be ignorant of the hard temper of the men whom he had in hammering I have been told that when the Archbishop of Saint Andrews came to take his leave of him then setting forwards toward Scotland he told him plainly that by the long experience which he had of that Nation for the space of sixty years and upwards he knew them to be a people of so crosse a graine that they were lost by favours and gained by punishments and therefore that he mâ—… not hope to win upon them by faire dealing or by the sweetnesse of his disposition as my Author termes it but must resolve to reduce them to their duty by such wayes of power as God had then put into hiâ—… hands Which counsell if the King had followed when he was in the head of that gallant Army the Scots being then so inconsiderable and so ill appointed that they had not three thousand Musquets in all their Army as I have been inâ—…ormed by persons of great worth and quality he had then put an end both to their Insolencies and his own great Troubles And hereunto accordeth one of our modern wits in these following Verses Not Gold nor acts of Grace 't is Steel must tame The stubborn Scot Princes that would reclaim Rebells by yeilding doe like him or worse Who sadled his owne back to shame his horse They invited and procured to their service many Commanders from Holland who still kept their places there though such Officers as betook themselves to the Kings Employment were instantly cashiered â—…his was poor pay for so great a courtesie as the King had done them by suffering them to beat the Spaniards on his owne coasts under his protection and being within the compasse of the Kings Chambers as the Sea-men phrase it but natuvale est odesse quem laeseris It is a naturall thing saith Tacitus to hate the man whom we once have wronged Nor doe men thinke themselves safe for an injury done but by disobliging the wronged party from taking revenge by heaping more injuries upon him Nor was this all the injury which the Hollanders offered to the King in the course of this businesse They furnished the Scots with Armes and Ammunition to maintaine their Warre and that too for the most part contrary to their wonted customes without ready money But the truth is they had some reason to dealâ—… thus courteously with the Scots It had been once their owne case and so let them goe To which I answer true it is he had too much and too long favoured the Romish Faction but as upon what accompt it was he favoured them is uncertaine Our Author here acquits the Archbishop from the Popish Faith but leaves him under a suspition of favouring the Popish Faction which in a man who cannot tell on what accompt he favours it may be thought uncharitable But both King James and King Charles in severall Declarations and in their severall Answers to Parliament Petitions give this reason for it that is to say that by shewing somâ—… favours to the Papists here they might obtaine the like favours for such Protestants as lived in the Dominions of Popish Princes And unto this which was indeed the greatest motive unto those indulgencies which had been granted to the Papists by those two Kingâ—… another might be added in justificaâ—…ion of the Archbishop if he shewed any such favours to the Popish Faction as he stands here charged with which is that seeing the Puritanes grown so strong even to the endangering of our Peace both in Church and State by the negligence and remisnesse of the former Government he thought it necessary to shew some countenance to the Papists that the ballance being kept even between the parties the Church and State might be preserved as indeed they were in the greater safety And this appeareth to be his chiefe inducement to it in regard that when the Protestant pâ—…rty was grown strong enough to stand and goe without such Crutches he then declared himselfe openly against that Faction as our Author ingenuously informeth us in that which followeth He tampered indeed to introduce some Ceremonies bordering upon superstition disused by us and abused by them from whence the Romanistâ—… collected such a disposition in him to their Tenets as they began to cry him up for their Proselite In this passage there are many things to be considered first that the Ceremonies which the Archbishop tampered to introduce are not here said to be superstitious but onely to border upon superstition Secondly that those Ceremonies are said to be disused which shewes that they were still in force though not still in use as our Author telleth us of the Statute concerning Knighthood Thirdly that these Ceremoniesâ—…d â—…d been abused by them of the Church of Rome and therefore being but abused might lawfully be restored to the Primitive use for Abusus non tollit usum as the old rule is Fourthly that if the Romanists upon these presumptions cry him up for theirs it was most ignorantly done there being nothing which more tended to their destruction then the introducing of some Ceremonies which by late negligence were disused And this was the opinion of the most understanding men amongst them For I have heard from a person of known Nobility that at his being at Rome with a Father of the English College one of the Novices came in and told him with a great deale of joy that the English were upon returning to the Church of Rome that began to set up Altars and to officiate in their Copes to adorne their Churches and paint the picture of the Saints in their Chancell windowes To which the old Father made reply with some indignation that he talked like an ignorant Novice that these proceedings rather tended unto the ruin then advancement of the Catholick Cause that by this meanes the Church of England coming nearer to the antient usages the Catholicks there would sooner be drawn off to them then any more of that Nation would fall off to Rome Whereof that is to say the Dissolution of the Parliament many laid the blame upon the Bishop of Canterbury Though many laid the blame on him yet all the blame was not laid on him some part thereof being laid upon the Earl of Strafford but on neither rightly both of them avowing in their Answers to that part of their Charge in the following Parliament that it was done by the generall vote of the Privie Councell not a man dissenting Certaine I am that the Archbishop was so farre from having any such thoughts on Munday morning May 4.
being the day before that unhappy accident that he was taking care to provide some materialls in a businesse which concerned the Church of which he was resolved to speake in the House of Peers on the Wednesday following Some say that this Dissolution was precipitated upon some intelligence that the House of Commons meant that day to vote against the Warre with Scotland then which there could be nothing more destructive to the Kings affaires And it was probable enough that it was so meant For first the Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdome doth declare no lesse where it is said that the People were like to close with the King in satisfying his desire of Money but that withall they were like to blast their malicious designe against Scotland they being very much indisposed to give any countenance to that Warre And Secondly we finde that House to be highly magnified â—…in a Scotish Pamphlet called the Intentions of the Army for their pious zeale in crossing the intended Warre and denying any countenance and assistance towards it But whatsoever the truth is most sure I am that it was secretly muttered about the Court the night before that Hamilton had prevailed with the King to dissolve the Parliament who playing as he used to do with both hands at once did with the one pull back the Commons by his party there from all compliâ—…nce with the King and with the other thrust the King forwards to dissolve that meeting that by this meanes the Kings affaires being more embroyled then they were before he might confirme the Scots and confound the English and thereby raise himselfe to the point he aimed at A sad and unfortunate day it was and the newes so unpleasing unto the Author of these papers whosoever he be that being brought him by a friend whilst he was writing some dispatches it so astonished him though he had heard some inkling of it the night before that sodainly the pen fell out of his hand and long it was before he could recollect his spirits to returne an answer Having thus said I should proceed from the dissolving of the Parliament to the continuing of the Convocation but I must first remove a block which lieth in my way our Author telleth us that This Archbishops Predecessour Penultime was Dr. Whitgift Whereas indeed it was not Dr. Whitgift but Dr. Bancroft who was the penultimate and last Predecessour saving one unto the Archbishop Dr. Bancroft coming in between Whit. gift and Abbot as any who have looked into these affairs cannot choose but know This Convention was not more unhappily dissolved than another was continued That is as a witty Gcntleman said well a new Synod made of an old Convocation The witty Gentleman here meant was Sir Edward Deering who pleased himself exceedingly in one of his witty Speeches but made withall good sport to most knowing men in descantinâ—… on a Synod and a Convocation the one being a Greek word the other originally Latine but both of the same sense and signification A Provinciall Synod being no other then a Convocation of the Clergy of the Provinces of Yorkâ—… or Canterbury and the Convocation of the Clergy of both Provinces together being nothing else but a National Synod So that it was the same Synod and the same Convocation call it which you will as before it was and not a new Synod made of an old Convocation as the witty Gentleman would have it A Gentleman he was more witty then wise but more proud then either one of sufficient Learning to adorne a Gentleman but very ill imployed in disgracing the Clergy considering that the most worthy of his Ancestors was of that Profession and himselfe allyed unto it by some mixt relations But see how ill this Gentleman sped with his too much wit being the first that threw Dirt into the Face of the Archbishop and preferred the first Information which was brought against him he after flew so high in his commendations in the Preface to his Book of Speeches that neither Heylyn whom the Scotish Pamphleters in their Laudencium Autocatachrisis call his Gracâ—…s Herald nor Pocklington nor Dowe nor any of his own Chaplains in any of their Speeches of him or addresses to him ever went so farrâ—… Having propounded to the House in that witty Speech which he made against the Canons and Convocation that every one that had a hand in making those Canons should come unto the Barre of the House of Commons with a Candle in one hand and a Book in the other and there give fire to his own Canons he was so far from seeing it done that on the contrary he saw within a little more then a twelve month after the Collection of his witty Speeches condemned by that House unto the fire and burnt in severall places by the Publick Hang-man And finally having in another of his witty Speeches defamed the Cathedralls of this Kingdome and that too with so foule a mouth as if he had licked up all the filth of foregoing Libels to vomit it at once upon them he made it his earnest suit not long after to be Dean of Canterbury which being denied him by the King in a great discontent he returned to the Parliament though he hought good to put some other glosse upon it in his Declaration But of this witty Gentleman we said enough Proceed we now unto our Author who telleth us of this new-made Synod that By a new Commission from the King it was impowered to sit still No such matter verily the new Commission which he speaks of gave them no such power The Writ by which they 〈◊〉 first called and made to be a Convocation gave them power to siâ—… and by that Writ they were to sit as a Convocation till by another Writ proceeding from the like Authority thâ—…y were dissolved and licensed to returne to their severall homes The Commission subsequent to that gave them power to Act to Propose Deliberate and conclude upon such Canons and Constitutions as they conceived conducible to the Peace of the Church And such a Commission they had granted at their first assembling But being there was a clause in that Commission that it should last no longer then during the Session of that Parliament and that the King thought good to continue the Convocation till they had finished all those matters which they had in treaty his Majesty gave order for a new Commission to be issued out of the same tenour with the former but to expire upon the signification of his Majesties pleasure I have been told that it was some time before some of the Members of the lower House of Convocation could be satisfied in the difference between the Writ the Commisston though one of the company had fully opened and explained the same unto them which being made known to the Archbishop and by him to the King it was proposed to the Lord Finch Lord Keeper of the Great Seale the Earle of Manchester
Lord Privie Seal Sir Edward Littleton chief Justice of the Common Pleas Sir John Bankes Attorney Generall Sir Robert Heath and Sir Ralph Whitfield the Kings Serjeants at Law who on the 10. of May subscribed a paper with their hands to this effect That the Convocation being called by the Kings Writ was to continue till it were dissolved by the Kings Writ notwithstanding the dissolution of the Parliament Upon the readiâ—…g of this paper in the lower House of Convocation and the satisfaction there by given to all contrary scruples they went on to their businesse not as a new Synod made of an old Convocation quoth the witâ—…y Gentleman but as an old Synod armed with a new Commission What they did there we shall see anon but with what danger they sate there I shall tell you now The dissolving of the Parliament having bred such discontentments some papers posted up by Lilborne so inflamed the Apprentices and the Riot upon Lambeth House created such a terrour in the Members of the Convocation that the King was faine to set a guard about Westminster Abbey for the whole time of their sitting Poor men to what a distresse were they brought in danger of the Kings displeasure if they rosâ—… of the Peoples fury if they sate in danger of being beaten up by Tumults while they were at the worke of being beaten down by the following Parliament when thâ—… worke was done and after all obnoxious to the lash of censorious tongues for their good intendments For notwithstanding their great care that all things might be done with decency and to edification every one even our Author himself must have his blow at them And first he strikes at the Oâ—…th enjoyned in the sixt Canon for preâ—…ervation of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church here by Lâ—…w established But to make sure worke of it that the blow may come home indeed he prepares his way with a discourse against Episcopacy it selfe for maintenance whereof amongst other things that Oath was framed telling us positively that Bishops and Presbyters in Scripture phrase are of eqâ—…ivalent import and denote the selfesame persons without the least distinction They whom Holy Text calls Bishops having an Identity a sâ—…enesse of Name of Ordination of Office of all qualifications necessary to that Office with Presbyters I have heard that when Cornelius Burges was to goe out Doctor he would needs take upon him to answer the Divinity Act but did it so unluckily and with such a plentifull want of understanding in the tearmes of Logick that Doctor Prideaux said openly to him Tu possis bene pradicare sed non potes bene disputare that he might possibly be a good Preacher though he were but a very sorry Disputant The like may be said of our Author 〈◊〉 so when he plaiâ—… the Historian in relating of such things as are builâ—… upon good intelligence he doth it very well few better but when he comes to shew his opinion in a matter controverted and to give his reasons for the same he doth it very ill none worse For first I doe not believe that our Author can easily prove Presbyters and Bishops to be of equivalent import or comprehended under the same name in the Holy Scripture But secondly granting that they be who that pretends to Logick can dispute so lamely as from a Community of names to inferre an Identity or samenâ—…sse in the thing so named which is the ground our Author builds on Kings are called Gods in holy Scripture I have said ye are Gods Psal. 82. 6. and God doth frâ—…quently call himselfe by the name of King yet if a man should thence inferre that from this Community of names there aâ—…iseth an Identity or samenesse between God and the King he might be worthily condemned for so great a Blasphemer S. Peter calls our Saviour Christ by the name of Bishop and himselfe a Presbyter or Priest an Elder as most unhandsomly our English reads it the Bishop of your Souleâ—… 1 Pet. 2. 25. I who am also an Elder 1 Pet. ver 1. yâ—…t were it a sorry piece of Logick to conclude from hence that there is no distinction between an Apostle and an Elder the Prince of the Apostles and a Simple Presbyter or between Christ the supream Pastor of his Church and every ordinary B shop And thirdly taking iâ—… for granted that Bishops have an Identity or samenesse in Name Office Ordination and Qualification with Presbyters as our Author telleth us they have it will not follow convertibly that Presbyters have the like Identity or samenesse of Qualification Ordination Name and Office which the Bishop hath My reason is because a Bishop being first Regularly and Canonically to be made a Priest before he take the order and degree of a Bishâ—…p hath in him all the Qualifications the Ordination Name and Office which a Presbyter hath and something farther superadded as well in point of Order as of Juvisdiction which every Presbyter hath not so that though every Bishop be a Pâ—…iest or Presbyter yet every Presbyter not a Bishop To make this clear by an exampâ—…e in the Civill Government when Sir Robert Câ—…cill Knight and principall Secretary of State was made first Earl of Salisbury and then Lord Treasurer continuing Knight and Secretary as he was before it might be said that he had an Identity or samenesse in Name Office Order and Qualification with Sir John Herbert the other Secretary yet could this be said reciprocally of Sir John Herbert because there was something super added to Sir Robert Cecill namely the dignity of an Earle and the Office of Lord Treasurer which the other had not So true is that of Lactantius an old Christian writer Adeo argumenta ex absurdo petita ineptos habent excitus So ordinary a thing it is for Arguments built upon weak grounds to have worse conclusions Episcopacy being thus knocked down with a painted club our Author goes on to tell us what great but unprofitable paines were taken in defence thereof telling us that though the Presse swarmed with Books setting forth the right upon which it was founded yet all advantaged them little How so because saith he Such a prejudice there was against them and the truth contended for lay then so deep as few had perspicuity enough to 〈◊〉 it That the Presse swarmed with Books purposely writ about this time in defence of the Dâ—…vine Right of Episcopacy I remember not but sure I am it swarmed with many pestilent and seditious Libels in which the B shops were defamed and the calliâ—…g questioned In answer whereunto if any of them were thought worthy to receive an answer it is possible that someâ—… what may be said upon the by for Declaration of that Divine Right on which it was founded Nor was this any new claime never made before but frequently insisted on by the Bishop and those that writ in defence of Bishops in Queen Elizabeths time by Doctor Bancroft then Bishop
an affront to the Fundamentals of Government but on what reason as he doth not tell us so for my part I am not able to conceive It is indeed an affront to Government noâ—… to submit or yeild obedience unto civill Establishments when made and legally established but it is no affront not to give consent to any such establishments while they are in treaty for then the liberty of assenting or dissenting of yea or nay would be taken away from every Member in the Houses of Parliament and every man must give consâ—…nt to every Bill which is offered to him Besides there were but few of the Convocation whose consent was likely to be asked when any change of Church-Government should be set on foot so that their dissenting or assenting was not much materiall but as by their readinesse of consenting to such Innovations in the publicke Government they might encourage others to proceed against it Here then is no affront to Government much lesse to the Fundamentals of it the Oâ—…th not binding any man not to yeild obedience but not to give consent to such alteration no more than it is now at this present time for many a well-minded man to live quietly and peaceably under the present Government of the Civil State who never gave consent to the present change But so I trow it was not in the solemn Covenant in which it was not thought enough to binde men to submit to such alterations as were then contriving but actually to indevour the â—…xtirpation of the whole Prelaciâ—… that is to say the Government of the Church by Archbishops Bishops Dâ—…ans Deans and Chapters Arcâ—…deacons and all other Officers which depend upon them Nor was this â—…quired of the Clergiâ—… onely which had before taken an Oath of Canonicall obedience to their severall and respâ—…ctive Bishops but even of the Bishops Deans Archdâ—…acons and Members of Capitular bodies who having took a former Oath for the preservation of the Lands and Priviledges of their severall Churchâ—… must by this Covenant be bound to indeavour their own extirpation and the subversion of those Churches and consequently every one of them must be a Fâ—…lo de se as our Lawyers phrase it Our Author hath not done with the Oath for he findes fault nâ—…xt That the Juror therein declares he swears willingly to which he was to be constrained under the highest penalties This is a grievous crime indeed but such if any crime it be as the high Court of Parliament hath been guilty of in drawing up the Oath of Allegiance in the third yeare of King James In which the party is to sweâ—…re that he â—…akes that recognition not only heartily and truly but also Willingly 〈◊〉 and yet the â—…aking of that Oâ—…th is imposed on all the Subjâ—…cts under severall Penalties if any of them should refuse it A crime it is in both or neither and therefore our Author hath proceeded with great partiality in faulting that as ill done in the Convocation which passed with so great judgment and authority in the Court of Parliamenâ—… Our Author having done with the Oath goes back to the Canon about Socinianisme which he excepts against because As the Scots condemned the Arminian Tenets without defining what those Tenets were so did these the Socinians not declaring wherein they were culpable I am loth to think our Author to be a Socinian though his advocating for them in such manner may invite me to it for otherwise the Case he putteth is extremely different The Arminian Tenets were but few reduced to five and not increased in the long agitation of those weighty Controversies and so might easily have been reckoned and defined when the Scots condemned them But Soâ—…inianisme is a complication as the Canon calls it of so many Herâ—…sies that the bare specification and recitall of them which must be made by searching into their Books and Papers might have taken up the greatest part of the time which the Convocation had to spend in all other businesses It was as much as they could doe to condemne it under that generall Notion to interdict the bringing in printing and studying such Books as contained those Heresies And finally to lay such a brand upon it as men might know how much these Tenets were abhorred by the Church of England And yet for all this great care they had little thanks not onely ouâ—… Author being displâ—…ased with their proceedings but the rise growth and danger of Socinianisme was not long after charged on the Archbishop and divers eminent Members of that Convocation by one Mr. Cheynell and that too in a printed Pamphlet written to that purpose Anno 1643. So hard a thing it is to keep a good conscience and to please all parties From this our Author passeth to the Benevolence which the Clergie granted to the King in that Convocâ—…tion being of Four shillings in the Pound to be payd yearly for six years next following Which was beheld saith he as an act of very high presumption and an usurpation upon the prâ—…minence of Parliament no Convocation having power to grant any Subsidies oâ—… aid without confirmation from the Lay-Senate With ignorance enough in them that beheld it so or looked upon it as an Act of very high presumption The English Clergie being the greatest slaves which the Sunne ever shined on if they could not give away their own without leave from others But whereas our Author puts it down for a Rule in Government That no Convocation hath power to grant any Subsidies or aide without confirmation from the Parliament I must let him and all that shall reade him know that never was any rule more false nor more weakly grounded The Clergie in Convocation having as much power to give away the money of the Clergy by whom they are chose to that employment as the Commons in Parliament have to give the money of the Cities Towns and Counties for which they serve For in the choosing of the Clerks for the Convocation there is an Instrument drawn up and sealed by the Clergie in which they binde themselves to the Archdeacon or Archdeacons of their severall Diocesses upon the pain of forfeiting all their lands and goods se ratum gratum acceptum habere quicquid dicti procuratores sui dixerint fecerint vel constituerint that is to say to allow stand to and perform whatsoever their said Clerks or Proctors shall say doâ—… or condescend unto on their behalfe Greater authority than this as the Commons have not so why the Clergie in the Convocation should not make use of this authority as they see occasion I can finde no reason Nor is it a speculative authority onely and not reducible unto practice and authority which was then in force but not then in use as our Author hath distinguished in another place but very safely praecedented in Quâ—…en Elizabeths timâ—… For in the year 1585 if I remember it right as I think I doe the Convocation having
them they proved such Lyons as the Boy saw the Butcher carry by two and two together upon a Horse repulsed with shame and ignominy from the walls of Hereford driven out of the field with foul dishonour in the Fight on Marston-Moor nâ—…r York totally routed by the gallantry and conduct of one man in three severall battails in Lancashire at Dunbar at Worcester the command of their own Country taken from them and themselves made 〈◊〉 to a people whom they most despised But 〈◊〉 they brâ—…wed so let them bake for the thought is taken James Eâ—…rle of Montrosse having long and faithfully adhered to the Covenanters c. The reason of which adhâ—…ring to them as he afterwards averred unto the King was briefly this At his returne from the Court of France where he was Captaine as I take it of the Sootish guard he had a minde to put himself into the Kings service and was advised to make his way by the Marquesse of Hamilton who knowing the gallantry of the man and fearing a competitor in his Majesties favour cunningly told him that he would doe him aâ—…y service but that the King was so wholly given up to the English and so discountenanced and sleighted the Scotish Nation that were it not for doing service for his Countrey which the King intended to reduce to the forme of a Province he could not suffer the indignities which were put upon him This done he repâ—…es unto the King tells him of the Earls returne from France and of his purpose to attend him at the time appointâ—…d but that he was so powerfull so popular and of such esteem among the Scots by reason of an old descent from the Royall Family that if he were not nipped in the bud as we use to say he might end anger the Kings interesse and affaires in Scotland The Eâ—…rle being brought unto the King with very great demonstrations of affection on the Marquesses part the King without taking any great notice of him gave him his hand to kisse and so turned aside which so confirmed in the truth of that false report which Hamilton had delivered to him that in great displeasure and disdaine he makes for Scotland where he found who knew how to worke on such humours as he brought along with him till by seconding the information which he had from Hamilton they had fashioned him wholly to their will How he fell off againe we are told by our Author Tuesday November the 3. being the day prefixed and the Parliament sate c. Touching this day there was a Letter wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury advertising that the Parliament of the twentieth yeare of Henry the Eighth which began in the fall of Cardinall Wolsey continued in the diminution of the power and priviledges of the Clergy and ended in the dissolution of the Abbies and Religious Houses was begun on the third day of November and therefore that for good luck sake he would move the King to respite the first sitting of it for a day or two longer But the Archbishop not heâ—…ning to this advertisement the Parliament had their first sitting on Tuesday the third day of November as our Author telleth us which Parliament as it begun in the fall and ruine of the Archbishop himself and was continued in the totall dissipation of the remaining rites and priviledges of the English Clergy so did it not end till it had subverted the Episcopall Government dissolved all Capitular bodies and left the Cathedralls of this Land not presently ruined I confesse but without meanes to keep them up for the time to come I am no superstitious observer of dayes and times and yet am apt enough to thinke that the beginning of an Enterprise in a lucky houre may much conduce to a fortunate and successefull end Certaine I am that Machiavel hath told us in the first book of his History of Florâ—…nce that when Pope Martin the third had besieged Furly a chief town of Romondiola or Romagna Guido Bonatus a man renouned unto this day for judicious Astrology perswaded the people of that City that so soon as he gave them a token not before they should presently assault their Enemies which they did accordingly and sped so well by the advice that all their Enemies were slaine and the siege removed Our Author having thus named Tuesday for the day of the week and the third day of November for the day of the month on which the Parliament began proceeds in telling us that the day prefixed being come The Parliament sate But where the Parliâ—…ment sate he telleth us not though there be all the reason in the world why he should have told it for who could rationally suppose that a Parliament called at such a time and on such an occacasion that is to say the over-running of the Northern parts of the Kingdome by a Scottish Army should be held at Westminster when Yorke where the King was there in Person lay nearer to the danger and the scene of action and to the place of treaty betwixt the Nations These Reasons were sufficient to have moved the King to hold this Parliament at Yorke and not at Westminster had He known nothing of the disaffections and engagements of the neighbouring City as He knew too much And He had some good presidents too which might have added no small weight to those weighty Reasons for when King Edward the first was busie in the Conquest of Wales He called His Parliament to Acton-Burnell being in the Marches of that Countrey and when He turned His Forces to the Conquest of Scotland He called His Parliament to Carlisle if my memory faile me not being on the Borders of that Kingdome Had the King made choice of the like place for this present Parliament which he did afterwards indeavour to alter when it was too late he had undoubtedly prevented all those inconveniences or rather mischiefes which the Pride Purse Faction and tumulâ—…uousness of the Londoners did afterwards enforce upon him And yet as if he had not erred enough in calling his Parliament so neer London the Commissioners for the Treaty must also be brought thither by especiall order that they might have the greater opportunity to inflame that City and make it capable of any impression which those of the Scotish Nation should thinke fit to imprint upon them For never were men Idolized there as the Scotch Commissioners feasted presented complemented by all sorts of people their lodgings more frequented at the publick times of Prayers or Preachings then ever were the Houses of the Embassadors of the Popâ—…sh Princes by the opposite party What ensued hereupon we shall finde in our Author when he comes to tell us what multitudes followed Alderman Pennington and how many thousand hands subscribed the Petition which the Alderman carryed against the Government of Bâ—…shops then by Law established what greater multitudes thronged down afterwards to the House of Parliament to call upon the Peers for
that there was not greater care taken to commit this Bishop to the Tower then to release another from it of which he saith that Munday the 16 of Novemb. the Lord Bishop of Lincolne was set free of his imprisonment in the Tower upon the suit of the House of Peers to His Majestie and the next day being a day of Humiliation he was brought into the Abbey Church by six Bishops and officiated there as Dean of Westminster before the Lords So shall it be done unto the man whom the People honour Never was man more honoured for the present both by Lords and Commons his person looked upon as sacred his words deemed as Oracles and he continued in this height till having served their turn against the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Earle of Strafford he began sensibly to decline and grew at last the most hated man of all the Hierarchie But he was wise enough to foresee the change and prepare himself for it For I remember that congratulating him for the high esteem to which he had attained in both Houses of Parliament and representing to him the many opportunities which he had thereby of doing service to the King and good to the Church He told me that he did not think that the Parliament had any better affections for him than for the rest of his Brethren that the difference between them stood onely thus that some of them might be more hated than he but that he was not more beloved than any of them And finally such was the freedome he used with me that all the courtesâ—…e he expected from them was that which Poliphemus promised to Ulysses that is to say to eat him last after he had devoured his fellows How truly this was said the event hath proved It was unanimously voted by the Commons That the Charge imposed upon the Subject for the providing and furnishing of Ships and the Assesments for raising of money for that purpose commonly called Ship-money are against the Laws of the Realme Nor was it only voted thus in the House of Commons but afterwards in the House of Peers and all proceedings in the Case both at the Councell Table the Star-Chamber and the Courts of Justice declared null and void yet for all this the opinion of the Legality of it was so fixed in the mindes of many understanding men that it could not easily be removed 1. In regard of the great learning and integrity of the man by whom it was first set on foot 2. Because all the Judges had subscribed unanimously to the Lawfulnesse of it in time of danger of which danger the King was declared to be the Judge 3. Because being brought to a publick tryall after it had been argued by the Councel on both sides in the Courts of Justice and by all the Judges in the Exchequer Chamber there passed a definitive sentence for it in behalf of the King 4. Because voted down by the Houses of Parliament in a meer arbitrary way than was expected without being brought to a review neither the Kings Councell being heard nor the Judges called to shew the Reasons of their opinions 5. Because it was ordered by the House of Commons that the Arguments of Justice Crooke and Justice Hutton for the illegality thereof should be put in print those of the other eight Judges which were for the Lâ—…gallity of it continuing suppressed which gave occasion to most men to think that there was more reason for it in those Arguments than was thought fit to see the light And last of all because notwithstanding all this care to vote down this Assesment they were faine to have recourse to the King for obtaining of an Act of Parliament to secure them from it for the time to come In the mean time it was thought fit to impeach the Judges of high Treason that having such a rod over them they might be sure that nothing should be declared for Law but as they would have it Not being satisfied in this Vote I fear I shall finde lesse satisfaction in that that follows that is to say that The Clergie in a Synod or Convocation hath no power to make Canons Constitutions or Lawes to binde either Laity or Clergie without a Parliament This is a new piece of State-doctrine never known before the Convocation having no dependence upon the Parliament either in the calling or dissolving of it nor in the confirmation authorizing of the Acts thereof but only on the King himselfe and not upon the Kings sitting in the Court of Parliament but in his Palace or Court Royall wheresoever it be And this appeareth both by the Statute made in the 26 of Henry 8th and the constant practise ever since But whereas it was voted also that the Canons are against the Fundamentall Lawes of this Realme and against the Kings Prerogative c. I am to tell my Author that before the Canons were subscribed they were imparted to the King and by Him communicated to the Lords of the Privy Councell the Judges and the Kings Councell learned in the Laws of this Realm being then attending in the hearing of all which they were read and by all approved which had been strange if any thing tending unto faction and sedition or to the diminution of the Subjects property and the Kings prerogative or otherwise against the known Laws of the Land had been found in them And finally whereas our Author doth inform us that this censure passed upon the Canons upon a full debating of the Cause on both sides I would faine know by whom it was debated on the behalf of the Clergie I have some reason to believe that none of the Clergie of that Convocation who best understood their own businesse were called to the debating of it or that they did appear there by their Councell learned sufficiently authorized and instructed to advocate for them and therefore if any such debating was it must be managed either by some Members of their owne House or by some London Ministers purposely called out of the rest to betray the Cause and be it which of these it will it is not to be doubtâ—…d but their Arguments were either fiâ—…ted to the sence of the House or built on such weak promises as nothing but a Vote of Condemnation could ensuâ—… upon them Nor was it thought sufficient to decry the Canons unlesse the Canon-makers were kept under by the hand of terrour And therefore as before they impeached the Judges so did they Frame a Bill for Fineing all the Clergy of that Convocation according to the place and station which they held therein By this meanes keeping them in such awe that sew of them durst appeare in maintenance of their owne Authority or in opposing those encroachments and Innovations which day by day were thrust upon them Toward which worke our Nation was so auxiliary so assistant yet at the end brought them in no Bill of charges There was no reason why they
did most depend for this businesse was the Bishop of Lincolne of worse affections than the other in regard that when the Bishop was under the Star-chamber suit the Lieutenant then Lord Deputie of Ireland put off his going thither for a Term or two of purpose as it was conceived to have a fling at him before he went This struck so deep in the Bishops stomack that he would not think â—…imself in safety where the Earle had any thing to doe and so was like to help him forwards to the other world Nor speak I this but on some good ground For when the Bishop being then Prisoner in the Tower had made means by the Queen to be admitted to a reconciliation with His Majesty offering both his Bishoprick and Deanery of Westminster in confidence that the King would so provide for him that he should not go much lesse than he was the King upou the Queens desire sent the Earle of Dorsâ—…t from whose mouth I have it to accept the Bâ—…shops offer on the one side and on the other side to promise him in his Majesties name the next good Bishoprick that should fall in Ireland which Proposition being made the Bishop absolutely refused to hearken to it telling the E. of Dorset that he had made a shift by the power and mediation of his friends to hold out against his enemies here for 7 yeares together but if they should send him into Ireland he should there fall into the hands of a man who once in seven months would finde out some old Statute or other to cut off his head Think you the King was not likely to be well informed in His conscience when men so interessed were designed unto the managing and preparing of it and so it proved in the event For our Author telleth us that on the morrow after being Munday May the 10th in the morning His Majesty signed a Commission to the Earle of Arundel c. for the passing of the two Bills one for Continuation of the Parliament during the pleasure of the two Houses the other for the Attainder against the Earle of Strafford And these two Bills he signed as I have been told with one pen full of Inke by one of which he waâ—… sufficiently punished for his consenting to the other By his consenting to the Bill of Attainder he did not onely cut off his right hand with his left as was affiâ—…med of Valentinian the Emperour when he caused Aetius to be slain but found such a remorse of conscience still attending on him that it never left him till his death Aâ—…d by consenting to the other He put such an irrevocable power into the hands of his enemies as was mâ—…de use of afterwards not onely to His own destruction but to the disherison of His Children and the undoing of all those who adhered unto Him who drew Him to the first we are told by our Author and who perswaded Him to the last may be now enquâ—…red Some charge it on the Queen who being terrified with the Tumults perswade the King to yield unto it as the onely expedient for appeasing the people some attribute it to the Lord Say then Master of the Wards and one of His Majesties privie Councell who as it is reported when the King asked him if a Continuance for seven years might not serve the turn made answer That he hoped they should dispatch all businesses in so many moneths and that if His Majestie passed the Bill it should be so farre from making the Parliament perpetuall that he was canfident they would desire to be dissolved before three years end Most lay the blame of it as of all things else on the Marquesse of Hamilton who by cutting out so much work for the King in England was sure to carry on his designes in Scotland without interruption and I have heard from credible persons that he did bragge much of this service when he was in that Kingdome 〈◊〉 frequently that he had got a perpetuall Parliament for the English and would procure the like for the Scots too before he had done so hard a thing it is to say by what private perswasions and secret practises He was drawn to that which proved so prejudiciall to Him that it made Hâ—…m presently grow lesse in the eyes of His people insomuch that a Night before the passing of this Act a Paper was set up near the Gates of Whitehall importing that on the Morrow next there was to be Acted in the House of Peers a famous Tragie-Comedie called A King and no King But as for the publick outward motives which were used to induce Him to and of the great power He had parted with by this Condescension you may hear Himself thus speaking in His Declaration of the 12th of August Upon information saith He that credit could not be obtained for so much money as was requifite for the relief of our Army and people in the Northern parts for preventing the eminent danger the Kingdome was in and for supply of Our present and urgent occasions for fear the Parliament might be dissolved before justice should be done upon Delinquents publick grievances be redressed a firm peace between the two Nations of England and Scotland concluded and before provision should be made for the repayment of such moneys as should be so raised though We know what power We parted from and trusted Our Houses with by so doing and what might be the consequence of such a trust if unfaithfully managed We neglected all such suspitions which all men now see deserved not to be slighted and We willingly and immediately passed that Act for the Continuance of this Parliament being resolved it should not be Our fault if all those particulars were not speedily provided for which seemed then to be the grounds of their desire May the 11. he wrote to the Lords this Letter the bearer whereof was no meaner person then the Prince of Wales In tâ—…Letter which our Author passeth â—…o sleightly over there are many things which gave great occasion of discourse to discerning men 1. That the King having sped so ill by his last addresse unto the Parliament on the first of May should put himselfe upon the hazard of another repulse 2. That he should send this Letter of which he could not rationally expect a contenting answer by the hands of the Prince as if he would accustome him from his very childhood to the Refusalls of his Subjects 3. That he should descend so much beneath himselfe as to be a Supplicant to his People and yet be in such a diffiâ—…ence with them as not to move his owne desires but by the mediation of his Peers 4. That he should put himselfe to such a hopelesse trouble as to write to them for the altering or anulling of a sentence passed but the day before which they had gained with so much danger and so many artifices or to desire the Respit of two or three dayes for the condemned Gentleman
l. 21. for and r. but p. 33. l. 21. for House r. Houses p. 41. l. 18. for his r. this p. 44. l. 30. for unreasonable r. reasonable p. 45. l. 21. r. resolutions p. 58. for faciente r. â—…vente p. 64. l. 15. for paper r. prayers p. 76. l. 22. for pressed r. suppressed p. 78. l. 28. for Westminâ—… r. Winchester p. 95. l. 6. to no body but themselves adâ—… in case they should be discontinued for the times to come p. 105 l. 14. for menâ—… r. mutare p. 106. l. 23. for that r. not p. 140 l. 11. foâ—… finding r. hiding ibid. l. 19. for 〈◊〉 r. offense p. 149. l. 10. for restrain r. â—…range p. 152. l. 11. for then r. therein p. 153. l. 26. for last r. cast p. 154. l. 2. for 1631. r. 16â—…0 p. 160. l. 15. for Gadus r. Gades p. 184. l. 26. for yet could this r. yet could not this p. 186. l. 30. for insalvation r. inâ—…tuation p. 190. l. 25. for asserting r. offering p. 204. l. 27. for Enoch r. 〈◊〉 p. 208. l. 22. for judicious r. judiciary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 more p. 234. l. 8. for cars r. â—…ouse p. 238. l. 9. for committeâ—… r. admitted ibid. l. 16. for neither r. either p. 143. l. 6. r 〈◊〉 p. 247. l. 13. del And finally not to say any thing of the Militia with the Forts and Navy wherein they had not His consent and adde the same to the end of the 12 line in the page next following p. 248. l. 10. for intrenching r. retrench A Table of the principal Observations A DR Abbot Archbishop of Canterbury his Irregularity through killing a Keeper casually 55 His Remissnesse in not exacting Conformity to the Churches Orders occasioned the term of Innâ—…vations 〈◊〉 Arminians what they are 15 Whether Enemies of Gods Grace 18 What caused K. James to be an adversary to them 23 Montacu's Book called Appello Caesarem licensed by King James his command 33 Call'd in again by King Charles 69 Arminianism call'd a Bridge to Popery 80 B BIshops War falsly so called 151 Bishops Presbyters terms not of equivalent import 183 Their Office calling defended to be by divine Rght even Laymen 185 Mr. Grimstons Argument against it retorâ—…ed by Mr. Selden 188 Whether they may be assistant in causes of Blood and Death for which cause they were excluded the House of 〈◊〉 at my Lord of Straffords triall 224 Earle of Bristol V. Digby Duke of Buckingham V. Viliers Dr. Burgesse his answeâ—…ing the Act at Oxford 182 C CAlvinianism how it differs from S. Augustine's Doctrine 110 King Charles crown'd in White an Emblem of Innocence his Predecessors in Purple an Emblem of Majesty 29 How he vail'd his Câ—…owne to his subjects 30 48 His Maxime 'T is better to be deceived than to distrust 105 His Entertainment at Bolsover Castle cost 6000â—… 106 His neglecting those arts for keeping up of Majesty which Qu â—…lizah practised 109 The true cause of the miscarriage of his Expedition against the Scots 157 His error in recalling his Forces thence 160 How the Hollanders affronted him and made him vaile his Crown 166 Clergy-mens Vices to be concealed rather than published 140 A Minister as good as any Jack-Gentlemen in England well interpreted 141 The Clergy in Convocation have a power to grant Subsidies not confirmed by the Commons in Parliament 196 Coronation Rites thereof no vain Ceremonies 37 D SIr Edw Decring his character 177 Digby E. of Bristoll not impowred by proxie to celebrate the Marriage with the Infanta 8 His impeachment by the D. of Buckingham 43 50 F FAme no ground for an Historian 41 G GLoria Patri standing up at it retained in our Reformed Church ex vi Catholicae consuctudinis 87 H MR. Hamilton's end in raising Forces for Germany 101 His being sent Commissioner into Scotland 142 His subtill practises against the King 149 The Scots speech of him That the Son of so good a Mother would do them no hurt 156 He the cause of dissolving the short Parliament 175 Hate Naturale est odisse quem laeseris 170 I K. James Whether the wisest King of the British Nation 13 His seeing a Lion the King of beasts baited presag'd his being baited by his subjects 28 Dr. Juxon Bishop of Lond. why made Lord Treasurer 130 His moderation and humility in that officce being neither ambitious before nor proud after 132 K KNighthood the Statute for taking that order 98 L DR Lamb his death the city not fin'd for it 66 Lambeth Articles when made part of the confession of the Church of Ireland 40 When and why the articles of Ireland were repeal'd c. or 39 Articles substituted in their places 127 The occasion of making them the Lambeth articles 72 Of no Authority in the Ch of England 75 What mov'd K. James to send them to Dort 23 And put them into the Irish Confession 77 Dr. Laud Archbishop of Canterbury Whether a favourer of the Popish faction 171 Ceremonies renued by him tended rather to the ru ine than advancement of the Catholike cause 173 He no cause of dissolving the short Parl. 174 His being voted guilty of High Treason and committed to the Bl. Rod 215 Lyturgie-English endeavoured by K. Charles to be brought into Scotland 143 His Error in not suppressing and punishing the Tumults at Edenburgh when the Scottish service was first read 145 Bish. of Lincoln v. Williams Londoners Petition for redressing of Grievances 200 M MAsques That of the four Inns of Court how occasioned 118 E. of Montrose the cause of his adhering to the Covenanters 206 N MR. Noy Attorny general his great parts 121 Integrity 124 Parliaments not co-ordinate to Kings but subordinate 28 The Members thereof have been imprisoned 43 Whether Lords created sedente Parliamento may be admitted to Vote 48 House of Commons called by Writ only to consent submit not to judg 58 Whether the H. of Commons could 〈◊〉 the H. of Peers consisting of 118 thrice over 59 Bishops Members of the H. of Peeres 60 Their Exclusion thence had this consequent the abrogating of the Kings Negative Voyce 60 The King no Member of the H. of Peeres but supreme Head of all 61 Disorderly and tumultuous carriage of Parliaments cause of their change and discontinuance 94 Members presented not to be questioned without the House's Order 95 Scotcâ—… Parliament how called anciently 162 The Kings calling a Parliament after the Expedition against the Scots unsafe unseasonable 167 That Parliament which was the ruine of Woolsey and overthrow of Abbeys began the third of Novem. the same day of the month began our long Parliament which ruin'd the Archb of Canterbury the whole Church 207 No reason for holding the Parliam at Westm. it had been better at York 209 Who perswaded the King to assent to the Act for a perpetual Parliament 243 S. Pauls Church the repairing thereof 103 Peoples Darlings of short continuance 35 Popery Montacu and â—…osins not