them off their minds are suspicious their power dangerous and therefore the oportunity must bee prevented The Kings owne weakenesse made him apprehensive and framed his mind to a vaine and needlesse feare but chiefly hee was moved at the removing of his Chancellour and Treasurer out of their offices and of the Duke of Ireland out of the Realme supposing it a restraint to his Princely power that hee might not absolutely and in things give or forgive as his pleasure served When these privy incensers perceived the Kings humour once sharpned they so plied him with plausible perswasions that although hee was naturally of no cruell disposition as wanting courage yet they drew him to many violent and indirect courses partly upon negligence to search out the truth partly upon delight to bee flattered and smoothly used neither did they long deferre their devises and first it was appointed that the Duke of Glocester and certaine others of that part should bee invited to a supper within London and there suddainly surprised and made away Sir Nicholas Brambre who the yeare before had beene Major of London and in whom aboundance of wealth supplied the want of honest qualities was a busie agent in this butcherly businesse but Richard Extone the Major of the City that yeare discovered the practise by whom the Duke was warned both to avoid the present perill and afterwards to bee wary of the like The yeare next following Richard Earle of Arundel and Thomas Mowbray Earle of Nottingham had the conduct of a Navy committed to their charge in this voyage they tooke above a hundred saile of the enemies ships fraughted with wines and well appointed for fight they also relieved and fortified Brest and tooke two forces which the French-men had raised against it The Earles so behaved themselves in this service that they grew to a very great estimation both for courtesie among their Souldiers and for courage against their enemies and their actions were the more famous by reason of the infortunate sufficiency of other Commanders by whose either rashnesse or cowardise many good Souldiers were dayly defeated and every yeare made notorious by one losse or other Yet notwithstanding all their good labour and luck they were at their returne entertained by the King with great strangenes both of countenance and speech Who was so unable to dissemble his dispight that hee could hardly deferre it untill the heat of the honour and love which they had wonne were somewhat abated So much are men more inclinable to revenge displeasure then reward desert for it is troublesome to bee gratefull and many times chargeable but revenge is pleasant and preferred before gaine About the same time Robert Duke of Ireland forsooke the company of his lawfull wife whose Mother Lady Isabel was Daughter to King Edward the third and insteed of her hee tooke unto him a base Bohemian a Taverners Daughter The King little regarded this indignity done unto his Cosin and in so great confusion of the state let it passe unreproved as overshadowed with greater vices but the Duke of Glocester her Vncle tooke it in high disdaine as injurious to the Royall bloud and did attend upon occasion to worke revenge this was not secret from the Duke of Ireland who likewise bent all his devises to bring the Duke of Glocester to his overthrow The Duke of Glocester did prosecute his enmity openly and manlike the Duke of Ireland closely and therefore the more dangerously The Duke of Glocester was greater in bloud the Duke of Ireland in favour hee being Vncle to the King this bearing himselfe as the Kings fellow The Duke of Glocester pretended for the State the Duke of Ireland for the King and much private malice did passe under these publike shewes but in opposition of such equall powers there is many times small difference in harme And now was Easter past the Tearme assigned to Duke Robert Vicere for his departure into Ireland and least his stay might breed some stirre within the Realme hee still busied himselfe in preparation for his journey and at last although it were long made a solemne shew of setting forth The King went in great state to accompany him to his shipping and the Earle of Suffolke with Iustice Trisilian and the residue of that faction either for favour followed for or feare durst not stay behind So they passed together into Wales and whether upon levity the Kings mind changed or whether it was so contrived at the first to draw themselves more separate from the Lords there the Dukes journey was at an end Then they entred into Counsell which way the Lords might best bee suppressed many devises were deeply debated all pleased without respect either of danger or disgrace but few stood with likelihood of event to their desires and therefore none was finally concluded After long time thus frivolously spent they left Wales and came to the Castle of Nottingham where the King caused the high Sheriffes of all the Shires in the Realme to bee called before him and demanded of them what strength they could make on his part against the Lords if need should require their answer was that the Common people did so favour the Lords and were so well resolved of their love and loyalty towards the King that it was not in their power to raise any great power against them Then they were commanded that no Knights nor Burgesses should afterwards bee chosen to any Parliament but those whom it pleased the King to appoint whereto they said that it was a hard matter in those times of jealousie and suspition to bereave the people of their ancient liberty in chosing Knights and Burgesses for the Parliament some few other matters being either unreasonably required or obtained to small end the Sheriffes were licensed to depart Then were assembled Robert Trisilian chiefe Iustice of the Kings Bench Robert Belknape chiefe Iustice of the Common Pleas Iohn Holte Roger Stilthrope William Burgh Knights and Iustices also of the Common Pleas men learned in one rule chiefly without difference of truth or falsehood to please those in highest places intituling that wisedome which indeed was but basenesse and feeblenesse of mind these were charged by the King upon their faith and legeance to make true and full answers to those questions following 1 First Whether the Statute Ordinances and Commission made and set forth the last Parliament whereby was meant the commission against Michael De-la-poole Duke of Suffolke did derogate from the Royall prerogative of the King 2 Item They who procured the said Statute c. to bee made and set forth how are they to bee punished 3 Item How are they to bee punished who provoked the King to consent to the premises 4 Item What punishment have they deserved who compelled the King to consent to the said statute c. 5 Item How are they to be punished who resisted or letted the King in exercising his Royall power by remitting any penalties or debts whatsoever 6
Item When a Parliament is assembled and the affaires of the Realme and the cause of assembling the Parliament by the Kings commandement declared and common Articles limited by the King upon which the Lords and Commons in the said Parliament should proceed if the Lords and Commons will proceed upon other Articles and not upon the Articles limited by the King untill the King hath first given answere to the Articles propounded by them notwithstanding that the contrary were enjoyned by the King whether in this case the King ought to have the rule of the Parliament and so to order the fact that the Lords and Commons should first proceed upon the Articles limited by the King or that they should first have answer of the King upon the Articles propounded by them before they proceed any further 7 Item Whether may the King when hee please dissolve the Parliament and command the Lords and Commons to depart or no 8 Item Since the King may at his pleasure remove any of his Officers and Iustices and punish them for their offences whether may the Lords and Commons without the Kings will accuse his Officers and Iustices in Parliament for their offences yea or no 9 Item What punishment have they deserved who moved in Parliament that the statute whereby King Edward Carnarvan was deposed should bee brought forth by view whereof the new statute ordinance and commission aforesaid were framed 10 Item Whether the judgement given in the last Parliament holden at Westminster against Michael De-la-poole Duke of Suffolke was erronious and revocable yea or no These questions or rather quarrels were drawne by Iohn Blake a Councellour at the Law by direction of Iustice Trisilian whilest the King made his stay in Wales to the which the Iustices afore-named some in discharge of their owne malice and some to satisfie the minds of other made answer as followeth To the first that they did derogate from the Prerogative of the King because they were against his will To the second and third that they are to bee punished by death except it pleaseth the King to pardon them To the fourth and fifth that they are worthy to bee punished as Traytours To the sixth that whosoever resisteth the Kings rule in that point deserveth to bee punished as a Traytour To the seventh that the King may at his pleasure dissolve the Parliament and whosoever shall afterwards proceed against the Kings mind as in a Parliament hee is worthy to bee punished as a Traytour To the eighth that they cannot and whosoever doth the contrary hee deserveth to be punished as a Traytour To the ninth that as well the Motioner as also the Bringer of the said statute to the Parliament are worthy to be punished as Traytours To the tenth they answered that the said judgement seemed to them erronious and revocable in every part In witnesse whereof the Iustices aforesaid with Iohn Locktone the Kings sergeant at Law have subscribed and set their seals to these presents c. When these bloudy sentences of death treason were under generall and large Tearmes thus fastened upon the Lords the King supposed his attempts against them whether by violence or by colour of law sufficiently warranted but his power both wayes as it was terrible against weak resistance so against such mighty defendants it was of smal force to effect that which he so much affected Yet he did not omit his first indeavour and first accounting the Lords as condemned persons hee made division of their Lands and goods among those that hee favoured Then hee waged Souldiers to bee in a readinesse for his assistance and sent the Earle of Northumberland to arrest the Earle of Arundel at his Castle in Reygate where hee then lay But the Earle of Arundel either upon advertisement or suspition of the Kings mind banded himselfe so strong that when the Earle of Northumberland came unto him hee dissembled his intent and left his purpose unperformed Thus were these proceedings of the King as now in Councell so afterwards in event not much unlike that which the Fable telleth of a certaine hunter who first sold the skinne of the beare and then went about to take her but when hee came within the forrest either by unskilfulnesse or misadventure hee not onely missed his pray but fell himselfe into danger of the beast The Duke of Glocester having secret intelligence of the Kings displeasure and of his drift sent the Bishop of London to perswade the King to entertaine a more favourable opinion of him making faith to the Bishop with a solemne oath that hee never intended any thing to the prejudice of the King either in person or state The Bishop not unskilfull to joyne profitable perswasion with honest declared to the King that his displeasure against the Lords was not grounded upon just desert but either upon false suggestions of their enemies or erroniâ—us mistaking of some of their actions how desirous they were of his grace and favour how faithfull and forward they promised to persist in all dutifull service how honourable this agreement would bee to the King how profitable to the Realme and how dangerous to both if these troubles might encrease The King seemed to give good â—are and credit to the Bishops speech but Michael Delapoole a turbulent man and against quiet counsell obstinately contentious standing then by the King soone stiffened his mind against all impression of friendship Hereupon contention did arise betweene the Bishop and the Earle and brake forth violently into heat of words The Earle applied to the Lords those objections wherewith great men are usually charged sparing no spight of speech and using all art to aggravate matters against them The Bishop replied that the Earle was thus fiercely bent not upon his owne necessity nor love to the King but onely to satisfie his bloudy and ambitious humour wherein hee was so immoderate that rather then the Lords should not bee destroyed hee would overwhelme them with the ruines of the State for tumults might indeed bee raised by men of little courage but must bee maintained with the hazard and ended with the losse of the most valiant that neither his Counsell in this matter was to bee followed being the principall firebrand of the disturbance nor his complants against any man to bee any thing regarded being himselfe a condemned person and one that held both his life and honour at the pleasure of the King At these words the King was exceedingly wroth and charged the Bishop with menacing and threats to avoid his presence When the Duke of Gloucester had knowledge hereof hee signified the danger to the Earles of Arundel Warwick and Derby advising them to take armes and unite themselves for their common defence for in so doubtfull and suspected peace open warre was the onely way of safety These three Earles were the chiefest strength to the side but the Duke bare the most stroke because hee was most bold and his greatnesse almost obscured the
to robbe and spoile without correction and reproofe 6 Item that although the King flatteringly and with great dissimulation made proclamation throughout the Realme that the Lords aforenamed were not attached for any crime of treason but onely for extortions and oppressions done within the Realme yet hee laid to them in the Parliament rebellion with manifest treason 7 Item hee hath compelled divers of the said Lords servants by menace to make great fines and extreme payments to their utter undoing and notwithstanding his pardon to them granted he made them fine a new 8 Item where divers were appointed to commune of the estate of the Realme and the Common-wealth of the same the King caused all the roules and records to bee kept from them contrary to his promise made in Parliament to his open dishonour 9 Item hee uncharitably commanded that no man upon paine of losse of life and goods should once intreat him for the returne of Henry now Duke of Lancaster 10 Item where the Realme is houlden of God and not of the Pope or any other Prince the said King Richard after hee had obtained divers acts of Parliament for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure then hee procured Bulles and extreame censures from Rome to compell all men streightly to keepe the same contrary to the honour and ancient priviledges of this Realme 11 Item although the Duke of Lancaster had done his devoire against Thomas Duke of Norfolke in proofe of his quarrell yet the said King without reason or ground banished him the Realme for tenne yeares contrary to all equity 12 Item before the Dukes departure hee under his broad Seale licensed him to make Atturneyes to prosecute and defend his causes the said King after his departure would suffer none Atturney to appeare for him but did with his at his pleasure 13 Item the said King put out divers Sheriffes lawfully elected and put in their roomes divers others of his owne minions subverting the law contrary to his oath and honour 14 Item hee borrowed great summes of money and bound himselfe under his Letters patents for the repayment of the same and yet not one penny paid 15 Item he taxed men at the will of him and his unhappy Counsaile and the same Treasure spent in folly not paying poore men for their vittaile and viand 16 Item he said that the lawes of the Realme were in his head and sometimes in his breast by reason of which phantasticall opinion hee destroyed Noble men and impoverished the poore Commons 17 Item the Parliament setting and enacting divers notable Statutes for the profit and advancement of the Common wealth he by his privy friends and solicitours caused to bee enacted that no act then enacted should bee more prejudiciall to him then it was to his Predecessours thorow which proviso he did often as hee list and not as the law meant 18 Item for to serve his purpose he would suffer the Sheriffes of the Shires to remaine above one yeare or two in their office 19 Item at the summons of Parliament when the Knights and Burgesses should bee elected and the election had fully proceeded hee put out divers persons elected and put in others in their places to serve his will and appetite 20 Item hee had privy espials in every Shire to heare who had of him any communication and if hee communed of his lascivious living and outragious doing hee straightwayes was apprehended and made a grievous fine 21 Item the Spiritualty alledged against him that hee at his going into Ireland exacted many notable summes of money beside Plate and Iewels without law or custome contrary to his oath taken at his coronation 22 Item when divers Lords and Iustices were sworne to say the truth of divers things to them committed in charge both for the honour of the Realme and profit of the King the said King so menaced them with sore threatnings that no man would or durst say the right 23 Item that without the assent of the Nobility he carried the Iewels and Plate and Treasure over the Sea into Ireland to the great impoâ—verishing of the Realme and all the good Records of the Common-wealth against his extortions hee caused privily to bee embeasoled and carried away 24 Item in all leagues and letters to bee concluded and sent to the Sea of Rome and other Regions his writing was so subtill and darke that no other Prince durst once believe him not yet his owne Subjects 25 Item hee most tyrannously and unprincely said that the lives and goods of all his Subjects were in the Princes hands and at his disposition 26 Item that hee contrary to the great Charter of England caused divers lusty men to appeale divers old men upon matters determinable at the Common law in the Court Marciall because that in that Court is no triall but onely by battaile whereby the said aged persons fearing the sequell of the matter submitted themselves to his mercy whom hee fined and ransomed unreasonably at his pleasure 27 Item he craftily devised cercaine privy oathes contrary to Law and caused divers of his subjects first to be sworne to observe the same and after bound them in bands for surer keeping the same to the great undoing of many honest men 28 Item where the Chancellor according to law would in no wise grant a prohibition to a certaine person the King granted it unto the same person under his privie Seale with great threatnings if it should be disobeyed 29 Item he banished the Bishop of Canterbury without cause or judgement and kept him in the Parliament Chamber with men of armes 30 Item the Bishops goods hee granted to his successor upon condition that hee should maintaine all his statutes made at Shrewsbury Anno 21. and the statutes made Anno. 22. at Coventree 31 Item upon the accusation of the Archbishop the King craftily perswaded the said Bishop to make no answer for he would be his warrant and advised him not to come to the Parliament and so without answer hee was condemned and exiled and his goods seazed Foure other Articles were laid which particularly did concerne the said Archbishop by whose doing chiefly the King was utterly undone Then was demanded of the Nobility and Commons of the Realme what they judged both of the truth and desert of these Articles who all agreed that the crimes were notorious and that King Richard was worthy for the same to be deposed from his princely dignity The noble men gave their voyces part corrupted by favour part awed by feare and the Commons are commonly like a flocke of Cranes as one doth fly all will follow Hereupon Commissioners were appointed by both the Houses who pronounced sentence of deposition against King Richard in manner and forme as followeth In the name of God Amen Wee Iohn Bishop of S. Asses I. Abbot of Glastenbury Thomas Earle of Gloucester Thomas Lord Bekley Thomas Erpinghaime Thomas Gray Knights William Therning Iustice Commissioners for the matters hereafter specified
these Lords or by any Officers under them he should prove his complaint receive recompence It was made a question whether it was not meet that these Noble men should be put to death the importunity of the people and the perswasion of many great men drew that way but policy was against it and especially the opinion of clemency which seemed needfull to the setling of a new risen state In this Parliament also the Lord Fitzwater appealed the said Duke of Aumerle Sonne to the Duke of Yorke upon points of High treason likewise the Lord Monley appealed Iohn Montacuâ—e Earle of Salisbury and more then twenty other appealants waged battaile but the King purposing to lay the foundation of his Realme by favour and not by force gave pardon and restitution alike to all upon sureties and band for their allegeance and in a sweet and moderate oration hee admonisheth and as it were intreated the one part that old griefes and grudges should not bee renewed but buried together with the memory of former times wherein men were forced to doe many things against their minds the other part hee desired to bee more regardfull of their actions afterwards and for the time past rather to forget that ever they were in fault then to remember that they were pardoned No punishment was laid upon any save onely the Earle of Salisbury and the Lord Morley who had beene in especiall grace and favour with King Richardâ— these two were committed to prison but at the sute of their friends they were soone released the rest the King received freely to favour but most especially the Duke of Aumerle and the Duke of Excester Lord Governour of Calis The Duke of Aumerle was cousen germane to both the Kings Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter was halfe brother to King Richard and brother in law to King Henry whose Sister the Lady Elizabeth hee had taken to wife The greatest matter that was enforced against them was their loialty unto King Richard a grievous crime among rebels because they did not onely stomack and storme at his dejection but stirre also more then others and assay to raise forces on his behalfe The Dukes boldly confessed the accusation that they were indeed unfortunately faithfull to King Richard but as those who once are false doe seldome afterwards prove soundly firme so they that have shewed themselves true to one Prince may the better bee trusted by any other The King did rather admit this as a defence then remit it as a fault affirming that such examples were not to bee misliked of Princes so hee entred with them into great termes of friendship and put them in place neerest his person endeavouring by courtesie and liberalty to make them fast and faithfull unto him this fact was diversly interpreted according to mens severall dispositions some admiring the Kings moderation others disliking and disallowing his confidence and indeed although these meanes have to this purpose prevailed with some yet the common course may move us commonly to conjecture that there is little assurance in reconciled enemies whose affections for the most part are like unto Glasse which being once cracked can never bee made otherwise then crazed and unsound Furthermore to qualifie all prejudice and hard opinion which other Princes might chance to conceive King Henry dispatched Embassadours to divers Countries neere unto him to make it knowne by what title and by what favour and desire of all the people hee attained the Kingdome To the Court of Rome hee sent Iohn Trevenant Bishop of Hereford Sir Iohn Cheyney Knight and Iohn Cheyney Esquire into France hee sent Walter Sherlow Bishop of Durham and Lord Thomas Pearcy Earle of Worcester into Spaine hee sent Iohn Trevor Bishop of S. Assaphes and Sir William Parre and into Almaine hee sent the Bishop of Bangor and certaine other Most of these Princes as in a matter which little concerned either their honour or their harme seemed either not to regard what was done or easily to bee perswaded that all was done well But Charles King of France was so distempered at this dishonourable dealing with his Sonne in law King Richard that by violence of his passion hee fell into his old panges of phrensie and at the last by helpe of physick returning to the sobriety of his sences hee purposed to make sharpe warre upon that disloyall people as hee termed them for this injury against their lawfull and harmelesse Prince Many Noble men of France shewed themselves very forward to enter into the service but especially the Earle of Saint Paul who had married King Richards halfe Sister So letters of defiance were sent into England and great preparation was made for the warre Likewise the newes of these novelties much abashed the Aquitanes who were at that time under the English subjection and plunged their thoughts in great perplexities Some were grieved at the infamous blemish of the English nation who had destained their honour with the spot of such disloyall dealing others feared the spoile of their goods and oppression of their liberties by the French-men against whose violence they suspected that the Realme of England being distracted into civill factions either would not attend or should not bee able to beare them out but the Citizens of Burdeaux were chiefely anguished in respect of King Richard partly fretting at his injury and partly lamenting his infortunity because hee was borne and brought up within their City And thus in the violence some of their anger some of their griefe and some of their feare in this sort they did generally complaine O good GOD said they where is the World become Saints are turned to Serpents and Doves into Divels The English nation which hath beene accompted fierce onely against their foes and alwayes faithfull to their friends are now become both fierce and faith lesse against their lawfull and loving Prince and have most barbarously betrayed him Who would ever have thought that Christians that civill people that any men would thus have violated all Religion all Lawes and all honest and orderly demeanure And although the Heavens blush at the view and the Earth sweat at the burthen of so vile a villany and all men proclaime and exclaime upon shame and confusion against them yet they neither feele the horrour nor shrinke at the shame nor feare the revenge but stand upon tearmes some of defence for the lawfulnesse of their dealing and some of excuse for the necessity Well let them bee able to blind the world and to resist mans revenge yet shall they never be able to escape either the sight or vengeance of Almighty God which we daily expect and earnestly desire to bee powred upon them Alas good King Richard thy nature was too gentle and thy government too mild for so stiffe and stubborne a people what King will ever repose any trust in such unnaturall subjects but fetter them with Lawes as theeves are with Irons What carriage hereafter can recover their credit What time will
voluntati ejus obtemperarent At which day upon new grant of the great Charter admittance to his Councell of some persons elected by the Commons and promise to rely upon his Natives and not Strangers for advise hereafter they spare him such a pittance as must tie him to their Devotion for a new supply Thus Parliaments that before were ever a medicine to heale up any rupture in Princes fortunes are now growne worse then the mallady sith from thence more malignant humours beganne to raigne in them then well composed tempers The King by this experienced of the intents of his rebellious Lords and finding that the want of Treasure was the way whereby they inthralled his Majesty begins now to play the good husband closeth his hand of wast and resolves himselfe too late to stand alone such experience is pernitious to the private and dangerous to the publique good of a State when it never learnes to doe but by undoing and never sees order but when disorder shewes it Yet still alas such was his flexibility when hee came to bee pressed by his French Minions that hee could not hold his hand any longer from their vast desires and endlesse wast So that an Authour then living saith it became a by-word Our inheritance is converted to Allienâ— and our houses to Strangers Followers to a King excessive in guifts are excessive in demands and cut them not out by reason but by example Favours pâ—st are not accompted wee love no bounty but what is meerely future the more that a Prince weakeneth himselfe in giving the poorer hee is of friends For such prodigality in a Soveraigne ever ends in the rapine and spoile of his Subjects Yet before the King would againe submit himselfe as hee had the last Parliament to so many brave and strict inquiries of his disloyâ—ll Subjects hee meaneth to passe through all the shifts that extremity of need with greatnesse of mind could lay upon him Hee beginneth first with sale of Lands and then of Iewels pawneth Gascoyne and after that his Imperiall Crowne and when hee had neither credit to borrow having so often failed the trust hee had made nor pawnes of his owne hee then layeth to pawne the Iewels and Ornaments of St. Edwards Shrine and in the end not having meanes to defray the diet of his Court was enforced to breake up house and as Paris saith with his Queene and Children Cum Abbatibus Prioribus satis humilâ—ter Hospitia qua sivit prandia This low ebbe which againe the Kings improvidence had brought him to gave great assurance to the Rebellious Lords that they should now at the last have the Soveraigne power left a prey to their ambitious designes and to bring it faster on they desire nothing more then to see the Kings extremity Constraine a Parliament for at such times Princes are ever lesse then they should bee Subjects more To hasten on the time and adapt the meanes there are sowne certaine seditious rumours that the Kings necessity must repaire it selfe upon the fortunes and blessings of his people that having nothing of his owne left hee might and meant to take of others For Kings may not want as long as the Subjects have meanes to supply This tooke fire just to their minds and wrought a little moving in the State which doubtlesse had flamed higher if the King had not asswaged it by Proclamations wherein hee declared Quod quidam malivoli sinistra praedicantes illis falso suggesserant illum velle eos indebite gravari ac jura liberâ—atos Regni subvertere per suggestiones illas dolosas omnina falsas eorum corda à sua maledictione fidelitate averterent but desireth that Hujusmodi animorum suorum perturbationibus ne finem adhiberent for that hee was ever ready to defend them from the oppression of the great Lords Et omnia jura consuetudinis eorum debitas bonas consuetas in omnibus per omnia pleâ—ius observare and that they may rest of this secure Dâ— volunâ—aâ—e sua libera litteras suas fâ—cit patentes But seeing still that Majesty and right subsist not without meanes and power and himselfe had of neither so much as would stop the present breach in his owne wants or his Subjects loyalties hee flieth to the bosome of his people for reliefe and Councell At Oxford they met in Parliament where his necessity met so many undutifull demands that hee was forced to render up to their Rebellious will his Royall power Heere the Commons knowing that Quum elegere inceperunt they were Loco libertatis stood with the King to have the managing of the State put to the care of twenty foure whereof twelve by their election whereto they looke strictly and the other by him who in all things else was left a Cipher and in this whether by feare or remissenes filled up his number with Mountford Glocester and Spencer which besides the weakening of his owne part wonne to those his late opposites an opinion of great interest they had got in his favour hee now hath left neither election of publick office nor private attendants his halfe brethren and their followers hee must dispoile of all fortune and exile by prescription under his owne hand commanding his writs Pro transportatione fratrum suorum to bee directed to the Earles of Hartford and Surrey and not to passe either their Money Armes or Ornaments Nisi in forma quà m dicti Comites injunxerent and after their departure enjoyned the men of Bristoll that they should not permit any Strangers Sive propinquos Regis applicare in portu but so to behave themselves therein that as well the King Quà m Magates sui eos merito dâ—beant câ—mmâ—ndare Thus wee see how easily mens estates doe change in a moment and how hard it is to make use of all things ill gotten Richard elect of the Empire the Kings full brother and then beyond Sea must bee wrought by letter as his free desire to confirme by oath those former restrictions of regall power which though performed yet would the Lords suffer neither the one or the other to enter Dover Castle the key of the Kingdome which they had furnished as most of the other Fortes of reputation in the Realme with Guardians of their owne sworne respectively to the State and then taking the like assurance of all the Shrieffes Bailiffes Coroners and other publick Ministers searching the behaviour of many by strict Commission upon oath to winne opinion in shew among the Vulgar who groaned under their late Extortions whereas their end was truly as it after proved by displacing the faithfull servants of the King to open a way to their owne dependants Thus changing sole power into the rule of many and those by popular election made the State beleeve that this forme of limited policy they had utterly suppressed the mind of man for ever
all his courses now crossed first rashnes in taking armes and afterwards by cowardise in maintaining them The Earle of Darby signified this successe to his associates by letters yet without any vanting or enlarging Tearmes his speeches also were moderate rather extenuating his fact then extolling it but by stopping his fame it much encreased when men esteemed his high thoughts by his lowly words and his conceit in great exploits by his contempt of this Then the Lords met and marched together towards London whither they came upon Saint Stephens day having almost forty thousand men in their army and first they shewed themselves in battaile array in the fields neare unto the Tower within the view of the King afterwards they tooke up their lodgings in the Suburbs the Major and Aldermen of the City came forth and gave liberall allowance of victuall to the souldiers offering unto the Lords entertainement within the City but they did not accept it Now this discord seemed to draw to a dangerous distrâ—ction of the Common-wealth the vanquished part being full of malice and the Conquerours of presumption the one wanting power the other right to command and rule The Archbishop of Canterbury and certaine others of the neutrality fearing the sequele perswaded the King to come to a treaty with the Lords but hee made shew of very light regard of all these dealings let them stay said hee untill they have wearied themselves with maintaining this multitude and then I will talke further with them When the Lords understood the drift of his devise they beset the Thames and all other passages and protested that they would not depart untill they had talked with him to his face The King having neither strength to resist nor scope to scape consented to a treaty and to that end desired the Lords to come to him into the Tower but they refused that place of meeting upon feare of false measure untill the King permitted them to search as diligently and come as strongly as they thought it meet So they came unto the King well guarded and after a few could kindnâ—sses and strange salutations they laid before him his proceedings against them at Nottingam his letters which he sent to the Duke of Ireland contrary to his word for the raising of armes against them his agreement with the French King for the yeelding up of Calis and other strong holds which he possessed in those parts with divers other points of dishonourable dâ—aling and negligent government What should the King then have said or done all these matters were so evident and so evill that there was no place left either for deniall or defence Therefore ingenuously first with silence and patience afterwards with teares hee confessed his errours And certainely the stiffe stomack of the Lords relented more to these luke warme drops then they would have done to his Cannon shot Then it was agreed that the next day the King should meet with them at Westminster and there treat further both of these and other necessary affaires of the Realme So the Duke and the rest of the Lords departed except the Earle of Darby who stayed supper with the King and all that time stayed him in his promised purpose but when hee was also gone some of the secret Counsailours or Corrupters rather and Abusers of the King whistled him in the eare that his going to Westminster was neither seemely nor safe and would cause not onely to his person present danger and contempt but also both abasement and abridgement to his authority afterwards Thâ— Kings mind was soone changed but the Lords being now stirred and feeling the Kings hand weake to governe the bridle became the more vehement and sent him word that if hee did jeofaile with them and not come according to appointment they would chuse another King who should have his Nobility in better regard This peremptory message so terrified the King that hee not onely went to Westminster but suffered the Lords to doe there even what they would So they caused him much against his liking to remove out of the Court Alexander Nevill Archbishop of Yorke Iohn Foord Bishop of Durisme Frier Thâ—mas Rushoke Bishop of Chichester the Kings Confessour Likewise they removed the Lord Souâ—â— the Lord Haringworth Lord Burnel Lord Beaumount Sir Albred Veere Sir Baldâ—wine Bereford Sir Richard Alderbury Sir Iohn Worth Sir Thomas Clifford and Sir Iohn Lovell taking sureties for their appearance at the next Parliament Also certaine Ladies were expelled the Court and put under sureties to wit the Lady Mowen the Lady Moling and the Lady Ponings which was the wife of Sir Iohn Woorth Furthermore they arrested Simon Burly William Elinghame Iohn Salisbury Thomas Trivet Iames Berneis Nicholas Dagworth and Nicholas Bâ—â—mbre Knights Richard Clifford Iohn Lincolne and Richard Motford Clearkes Iohn Beauchampe the Kings Steward Nicholas Lake Deane of the Kings Chappell and Iohn Blake Counceller at the Law all these were committed to divers Prisons where they were forth-comming but not comming forth untill the Parliament next following After the feast of the Purification the Parliament beganne at London and yet the King used many means either to dash or deferre the same to which the Lords came attended with the number and strength of a full army upon colour to represse any riotâ— that might happen to arise but in truth that by this terrour they might draw the whole mannage of affaires unto themselves This assembly continued untill Whitsuntide next following with very great fear of some men and hope of others and expectation of all Herein was Iustice Trisilian by counsaile of the Lords against the Kings mind condemned to bee drawne and hanged which judgement was presently executed upon him the like sentence and execution passed upon Sir Nicholas Brambre Sir Iohn Salisbury Sir Iames Barneis Iohn Beauchampe the Kings Steward and Iohn Blake Esquire who had framed the Articles which were exhibited against the Lords at Nottingham Also the Iustices who gave their judgement concerning those Articles Robert Belknape Iohn Holt Roger Fâ—lthrope and William Burghe were condemned to perpetuall exile and yet they did not enterpose themselves but intermeddle by constraint Sir Simon Burly was also beheaded who was Keeper of Dover Castle and had conspired to deliver the same unto the Frenchmen hee was infinitely â—aughty and proud equall to the meanest in vertue and wisedome but in bravery and traine inferiour to no Duke Divers other were either put to death or banished and some as it happened when the reine of fury is at large without any great cause The Earle of Derby furthered no mans death but laboured very instantly for the life and liberty of many in so much as hot speeches did arise betwene the Duke of Glocester and him whereby hee purchased a favourable opinion among those of the contrary part having caused the death of no man but onely in the field Then was an oath exacted of the King to stand to the Government of the Lords
deserved this dejection if it be just or if it be wrongfull that I could notavoid it Indeed I do confes that many times I have shewed my selfe both lesse provident lesse painful for the benefit of the Common-wealth then I should or might or intended to doe hereafter and have in many actions more respected the satisfying of my owne particular humour then either justice to some private persons or the common good of all yet I did not at any time either omit duty or commit grievance upon naturall dulnes or set malice but partly by abuse of corrupt Counsellors partly by errour of my youthfull judgement And now the remembrance of these oversights is so unpleasant to no man as to my selfe and the rather because I have no meanes left either to recompence the injuries which I have done or to testifie to the World my reformed affections which experience and stayednesse of yeares had already corrected and would dayly have framed to more perfection But whether all the imputations wherewith I am charged be true either in substance or in such quality as they are laid or whether being true they be so heinous as to inforce these extremities or whether any other Prince especially in the heate of youth and in the space of two and twenty yeares the time of my unfortunate raigne doth not sometimes either for advantage or upon displeasure in as deepe manner grieve some particular subject I will not now examine it helpeth not to use defence neither booteth it to make complaint there is left no place for the one nor pitty for the other and therefore I referre it to the judgement of God and your lesse distempered considerations I accuse no man I blame no fortune I complaine of nothing I have no pleasure in such vaine and needlesse comforts and if I listed to have stood upon termes I know I have great favourers abroad and some friends I hope at home who would have beene ready yea forward on my behalfe to set up a bloudy and doubtfull warre but I esteeme not my dignity at so high a prize at the hazard of so great value the spilling of so much English bloud and the spoile wast of so flourishing a Realme as thereby might have beene occasioned Therefore that the Common-wealth may rather rise by my fall then I stand by the ruine thereof I willingly yeeld to your desires and am heere come to dispossesse my selfe to all publike authority and title and to make it free and lawfull for you to create for your King Henry Duke of Lancaster my Cousin Germaine whom I know to be as worthy to take that place as I see you willing to give it to him Then he read openly and distinctly the forme of his cession wherein he did declare that he had discharged his subjects from their oaths of fealty and homage all other oaths whatsoever and of his owne will and free motion did abdicate the title dignity and authority of a King and rendred up the possession of the Realm with the use and title thereof and all the rights thereunto appertaining To this the King subscribed and was sworne and then he delivered with his owne hands the Crowne the Scepter and the Robe to the Duke of Lancaster wishing unto him more happinesse therewith then had ever happened unto himselfe Then he did constitute the Archbishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Hereford his Procuratours to intimate and declare this his resignation to all the States of the Realme which should be assembled together in Parliament Lastly hee gave all his riches and goods to the summe of three hundred thousand pounds in coine besides his Iewels and plate for satisfaction of the injuries that hee had done desiring the Duke and all the rest that were present severally by their names not altogether to forget that he had beene their King nor yet too much to thinke upon the same but to retaine of him a moderate remembrance and in recompence of the case that he had done them by his voluntary yeelding to permit him to live safely in a private and obscure life with the swetnesse whereof he was so possessed that from thenceforth he would preferre it before any preferment in the World All this was delivered and done by the King with voyce and countenance so agreeable to his present heavinesse that there was no man too unmindefull of humane instability which was not in some measure moved thereat in so much as a few secret teares melted from the eyes of many that were present in whose minds a confused and obscure alteration gan to begin So prone and inclinable are men to pitty misery although they have procured it and to envy prospery even that which they have raised Vpon Munday next following the Parliament beganne at Wâ—stminster and the Archbishop of Yorke and the Bishop of Hereford the Kings Atturneies for this purpose declared openly to the States there assembled the Kings voluntary resignation and demanded whether they would assent and agree thereunto the Barons of the Realme by severall and particular consent the Commons with one generall voice did expresly accept and admit the same Then it was thought meet that certaine defects and misdemeanures concerning matters of government should bee objected against the King for which he should be adjudged as unworthy as hee seemed unwilling to retaine the Kingdome To this purpose certaine articles were engrossed and openly read in which was contained how unprofitable the King had beene to the Realme how unjust and grievous to the Subjects contrary both to his honour and to his oath The chiefest of which Articles are these that follow 1 FIrst that King Richard did wastfully spend the Tresure of the Realme and had given the possession of the Crowne to men unworthy by reason whereof new charges were dayly laid on the necks of the poore Comminalty 2 Item Where divers Lords as well Spirituall as Temporall were appointed by the High Court of Parliament to commune and treat of matters concerning the State of the Realme and the Common-wealth of the same they being busied about the same commission he with with others of his affinity went about to impeach them of treason 3 Item that by force and menace hee compelled the Justices of the Realme at Shrewsbury to condiscend to his opinion for the destruction of the said Lords Insomuch as he beganne to raise warre against Iohn Duke of Lancaster Thomas Earle of Arundel Richard Earle of Warwick and other Lords contrary to his honour and promise 4 Item that he caused his Vncle the Duke of Glocester to be arrested without law and sent him to Calis and there without judgement murthered him and although the Earle of Arundel upon his arraignement pleaded his charter of pardon he could not bee heard but was in most vile and shamefull manner sodainly put to death 5 Item he assembled certaine Lancashire and Cheshire men to the intent to make warre on the aforesaid Lords and suffered them
had such worthy servants as would often for his Honour urge it For these Masters as Wallingford termeth them Tanta elaâ—i jactantia quod nec sup riorem sibi intelligunt nec parem mellitis mollitis adulationibus animum Regis pro libito voluntatis â ratione tramite declinantes doe alone what they list They fill up the place of Iustice and Trust with their Countrey-men strangers exact of whom how and what they please wast the Treasure and Crowne lands on themselves and their followers set prices on all offences and raine the Law within the rule of their owne Breasts The usuall reply of their servants to the plaints of the Kings Subjects being Quis tibi rectum saciet Dominus rex vult quod Dominus meus vult these Strangers seemed in their Lawlesse carriage not to have beene invited but to have entred the state by Conquest The great men they enforced not to obey but to serve and the meane to live so as they might justly say they had nothing yet least the King should heare the groanes of his people and the wickednesse of his Ministers which good and able men would tell him they barre all such accesse Suspition being the best preserver of her owne deserts aimeth at these who hath more of vertue then themselves as fearing them most Thus is the incapacity of Government in a King when it fals to bee a prey to such Lawlesse Minions the ground of infinite corruption in all the members of the State all take warrant generâ—lly from Princes weakenesses of licentious liberty and greatnesse makes profit particularly by it and therefore give way to encrease ill to encrease their gaines A Famine accompanieth these corruptions and that so violent that the King is enforced to direct Writes to all the Shires Ad pauperes mortuos sepelicendos famis media deficientes Famine proceeds Fames praecessit secutus est gladius tam terribilis ut nâ—mo inermis secura possit Provincias peragare For all the Villages of the Kingdome were left a prey to the lawlesse Multitude Who Per diversas partes itinerantes velut per Consentum aliorum as the Record saith did imply that the factious Lords suspected by the King had given some heat to that commotion Seditious Peeres bringing ever fewell to such popular fires Neither was the Church without a busie part in this Tragick worke for Walter Bishop of Worcester and Robert of Lincolne to whom Mountford and his faction Prae cordialiter adhaerebant were farre ingaged In such designes Church-men are never wanting and the distast of the present Government as well in the Church as in the Common-wealth will ever bee a knot of strength for such unquiet Spirits who as well frame to themselves some other forme of Government then the present in the Church as in the temporall state as that which with the giddy multitude winneth best opinion and did at this time fitly suite the peoples humours so much distasting the new Courts of the Clergy their pompe their greedinesse and the Popes extortions A faire pretext was it to those factious Bishops to use their bitter pens and speeches so farre against Religious Orders Ceremonies and State of the Church that one of them incurred the sentence of Excommunication at Rome and Treason at home for hee enjoyned the Earle of Leycester In remissione peccatorum ut causam illam meaning his Rebellions usque ad mortem assumeret asserens pacem Ecclesiae Auglicanae nunquam sine gladio materiali posse firmari It was not the best Doctrine that this man could plant by liberty or warre when the first Church rose by fasting and prayer True Piety binds the Subject to desire a good Soveraigne but to beare with a bad one and to take up the burthen of Princes with a bended knee rather in time so to deserve abatement then resist authority Church-men therefore ought not alwayes to leade us in the rule of Loyalty but a knowledge of our owne duties in difficult points of Religion where an humble ignorance is a safe and secure knowledge wee may rely upon them To suppresse these troubles and supply the Kings extremity a Parliament was called much to the liking of those Lords who as little meant to releeve the King as they did to acquiet the State their end at that time being onely to open at home the poverty of their Master to lessen his reputation abroad and to brave out their owne passions freely whil'st those times of liberty permit Here they began to tell him hee had wronged the publick State in taking to his private election the Iustice Chancellour and Treasurer that should bee onely by the Common Councell of the Realme commending much the Bishop of Chicester for denying delivery of the great Seale but in Parliament where he received it They blame him to have bestowed the best places of trust and benefit in his gift on Strangers and to leave the English unrewarded to have undone the trade of Merchants by bringing in Maltolts and heavy customes and to have hurt the Common liberty by non obstantes in his Parents to make good Monopolies for private favorites That hee hath taken from his Subjects Quicquid habuerunt in esculentis poculentis Rustâ—coruin enim â—ques bigas vina victualia ad libitum caepit That his Iudges were sent in circuites under pretext of Iustice to fleece the people Causis fictitiis quascunque poterant diripuerunt And that Sir Robert de Purslowe had wrong from the Borderers of his Forrest under pretence of enâ—rochments or assarts great summes of money And therefore they wonder that hee should now demand reliefe from his so pilled and polled Commons who by their former extremities Et per auxilia priuâ— data ita depaâ—perantur ut nihil aut parum habeant in bonis And therefore advised him that since his needlesse expence Postquam regni caepit esse dilapidatur was summed up by them to above 800000. l. It were fitting to pull from his favorites who had gleaned the Treasure of his Kingdome and shared the old Lands of the Crowne seeing one of them there whom the Lords described to bee Miles litteratus or Clericus militaris who had in short space from the inheritance of an acre growne to the Possession of an Earledome and Mansel another inferiour Clarke that besides 50. promotions with the cure of soules rose to dispend in annuall revenue 4000. markes whereas more moderate Fees would have become a pen-man no better quallified then with the ordinary fruits of a writing Schoole yet if a moderate supply would suite with the Kings occasions they were content to performe so farre reliefe in Obedience as the desert of his carriage should merrit toward them And so as the Record saith Dies datur suit in tres septimanas ut interim Rex excessuos suos corrigeret Magnates
dreaming more upon the imaginary humours of licencious Soveraignty But it fell out nothing so for now every man beganne to estimate his owne worth and to hammer his head on every designe that might enlarge his power and command Then beganne the great men to rent from the body of the Crownes and regall Signiories all such royall Suitours as neighboured any of their owne seats whereto they enforce their service and so as the Record saith Ad sectas indebitas servitutes intollerabâ—les subditos Regis compulerunt Thus raising meane manners to become great Honours and renting a sunder the regall Iustice they made themselves of so many Subjects whil'st they lived in duty Totidâ—m Tiranni as the booke of Saint Albans saith when they had left their loyalty Magnas induxerunt Magnates Regni super subditos Regis servitutes oppressiones which they bore patiently for excesse of misery having no ease but Custome made men willing to lay the foundation of servitude by the length of sufferance which found no ease or end untill the quiet of this Kings raigne Mountford Glocester and Dispencer the heads of this Rebellious designe having by the late provisions drawne to the hands of the twenty foure Tribunes of the people the entire mannaging of the Royall State and finding that power too much diâ—perced to worke the end of their desires forst againe the King to call a Parliament where they delivered over the authority of the twenty foure unto themselves and create a Triumvirate non constituenda Republicae causa as they first pretended for their owne ends and so in the interest of some private contented the publike was stayed but to make a speedier way to one of them as it fatally did to become Dictator perpetuus Ambition is never so high but shee thinkes still to mount that station which seemed lately the top is but a step to her now and what before was great in desiring seemes little being once in power These three elect nine Councellours and appoint Quod tres ad minus alternatim semper in curia sint to dispose of the custody of Castles Et de aliis Regni negotiis the chiefe Iustice Chancellour and Treasurer with all offices Majores minores they reserve the choyce of to themselves and bind the King to this hard bargaine upon such strong security that hee is contented under the great Seale and Oath to loose to them the knot of Regall duty whensoever hee assumeth to himselfe his Regall dignity Liceat omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos in surgere ad gravamen nostrum opem operam dare at si nobis in nullo tenerentur This prodigy of fortune of whom shee had set a pittifull example of her inconstancy finding no part of his Soveraignty left but the bare Title and that at their leave beggeth succour from Vrbane the fourth against his disloyall Subjects The Pope by his Bull cancelleth his Oath and contract and armed him with Excommunications against all those that returne not with speed to their due and old obedience since promises made by men which cannot say they are at liberty are weake and force hath no power to make just interest The Lords on the other side that had imped their wings with Eagles feathers and liked no game now but what was raked out of â—he ashes of Monarchy made head against their Soveraigne and to mate him the better called in aid some French forces Thus the Common-wealth turned againe her sword into her owne bowels and invited her ancient Enemy to the funerall of her liberty so that it was a wonder shee should not at this time passe under a forraine servitude And though these men were more truly sensible of their owne disgrace then of others misery Yet found they no better pretext for private interest then that of the publick And therefore at the entry of this Warre they cried liberty although when they came neere to an end they never spake word of it At Lewis the Armies met where the King endeavours a reconciliation but in vaine for perswasions are ever unprofitable when Iustice is inferiour to force The sword decides the difference and gave the two Kings and their eldest Sonnes Prisoners The person now as well as the regall power thus in the hands of Mountford and Glocester found neither bound of security nor expectation of liberty but what the emulous competition of greatnesse which now beganne to breake out betweene these mighty Rivals gave hope of for Leycester meaning by ingrossing from his partner to himselfe the person of the King and to his followers the best portion of the spoile to draw more fruit from this advantage then it should in fellowship yeeld dissolved the knot of all their amity Thus equall Authority with the same power is ever fatall wee see to all great actions For to fit minds to so even a temper that they should not have some motions of dissenting is impossible Mountford having thus broken all faith with his confederates and duty to his Soveraigne left the path of moderation and wisedome to come to the King by that of pride and distrust To him he telleth that his armes and ends had no other object ever but order of the State and ease of the people that hee did not in this carry affection against duty but well knew how to reine his desires to his just power and so no lesse to his Majesties content if hee would bee ruled which was to command the Fortes and Castles of his now opposite Glocester and the rest into his hands It was hard to this King thus to take a Law from his inferiour but necessity in Soveraigne affaires doth often force away all formality and therefore this poore Prince who now at the Victors discretion seemed to have beene onely raised to shew the inconstancy of fortune and vanity of man suited himselfe with incomparable wisedome according to the necessity of the time Neither did humility wrong Majesty when there was no other meanes to containe Spirits so insolent but dissembling Hee therefore summoneth in his owne person the forts of his fastest friends to yeeld to his greatest enemies This hee enters in shew as his lodging but in effect his prison and saw himselfe forced to arme against his friends and to receive now Law from him to whom hee lately thought to give it Thus Leycester is become a darling of the Common rout who easily change to every new Master but the best durst not saile along his fortune by the light of his glory Christall that fairely glistereth doth easily breake and as the ascent of usurping royalty is slippery so the top is shaking and the fall fearefull To hold this man then at the entry of his false felicity fully happy was but to give the name of the Image to the mettle that was not yet molten for by this the imprisoned Prince was escaped and
is quite overthrowne Yet the endeavour to curry favour is more easily disliked as bearing with it an open note of servility and therefore Alexander when hee heard Aristobulus read many things that hee had written of him farre above truth as hee was sailing the floud Hidaspis he threw the booke into the River and said that hee was almost moved to send Aristobulus after for his servile dealing but envious carping carrieth a counterfeit shew of liberty and thereby findeth the better acceptance And since I am entred into this point it may seeme not impertinent to write of the stile of a History what beginning what continuance and what meane is bee used in all matter what things are to bee suppressed what lightly touched and what to bee treated at large how credite may bee wonne and suspition avoided what is to bee observed in the order of times and description of places and other such circumstances of weight whâ—t liberty a writer may use in framing speeches and in declaring the causes counsailes and events of things done how farre hee must bend himselfe to profit and when and how hee may play upon pleasure but this were too large a field to enter into therefore least I should runne into the fault of the Mindians who made their gates wider then their towne I will heere close up onely wishing that all our English Histories were drawne out of the drosse of rude and barbarous English that by pleasure in reading them the profit in knowing them might more easily bee attained THE HISTORY OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING HENRY the fourth THe Noble and victorious Prince King Edward the third had his fortunate gift of a long and prosperous raigne over this Realme of England much strengthened and adorned by natures supply of seven goodly Sonnes Edward his eldest Sonne Prince of Wales commonly called the Black Prince William of Hatfield Lyonel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaâ—â—er Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloucester and William of Windsore These Sonnes during the life of their renowned Father were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate as it seemed no greater could bee annexed thereunto For neither armies nor strong holds are so great defences to a Prince as the multitude of children Fortes may decay and forces decrease and both decline and fall away either by variety of fortune or inconstancy of mens desires but a mans owne bloud cleaveth close unto him not so much in the blisses of prosperity which are equally imparted to others as in the Crosses of calamity which touch none so neere as those that are neerest by nature But in succeeding times they became in their off-spring the seminary of division and discord to the utter ruine of their families and great wast and weakening of the whole Realme for they that have equall dignity of birth and bloud can hardly stoope to termes of soveraignty but upon every offer of occasion will aspire to endure rather no equall then any superiour and for the most part the hatred of those that are neerest in kind is most dispitefull and deadly if it once breake forth The feare of this humour caused Romulus to imbrew the foundations oâ— the City and Empire of Rome with the bloud of his brother Remus According to which example the Tyrants of Turkie those butchers of Sathan doe commonly at this day begin their raigne with the death and slaughter of all their brethren Prince Edward the thunderbolt of Warre in his time dyed during the life of his faâ—her And although hee was cut off in the middle course and principall strength of his age yet in respect of honour and fame hee lived with the longest having in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobility Hee left behind him a young Sonne called Richard who after the death of King Edward was crowned King in his stead and afterward dyed childlesse William of Hatfield King Edwards second Sonne dyed also without issue leaving no other memory of his name but the mention onely Lionel Duke of Clarence the third Sonne of King Edward was a man of comely personage of speech and pace stately in other qualities of a middle temperature neither to bee admitted nor contemned as rather void of ill parts then furnished with good Hee had issue Philip his onely Daughter who was joyned in marriage to Edmund Mortimer Earle of March Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the raigne of King Richard was in the right of his Wife declared Heire apparant to the Crowne in case the King should die without Children but not many yeares after hee dyed leaving issue by the said Philip Roger Mortimer Earle of March This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumultuous Warres of Ireland and had issue Edmund Anne and Elinor Edmund and Elinor died without issue Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge Sonne to Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke the fift Sonne of King Edward Of these two came Richard Plantagenet Duke of Yorke who by the right devolved to â—im from his Mother made open â—laime to the Crowne of England â—which was then possessed by the faâ—ily of Lancaster first by Law in the â—arliament holden the thirtieth yeare â—f the Raigne of King Henry the sixt where either by right or by favour â—is cause had such furtherance that afâ—er King Henry should die the Crown â—as entailed to him and to the Heires 〈◊〉 his bloud for ever But the Duke â—â—patient to linger in hope chose raâ—â—er to endure any danger then such 〈◊〉 Whereupon hee entred into 〈◊〉 soone after against King Henry 〈◊〉 the field But being carried further 〈◊〉 courage then by force hee could 〈◊〉 through hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield and left his title to Edward his eldest Sonne who with invincible persistance did prosecute the enterprise and after great variety of fortune at the last atchieved it Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third was a man of high and hardy Spirit but his fortune was many times not answerable either to his force or to his forecast Hee had two Sonnes Henry Earle of Derby of whom I suppose chiefly to treat and Iohn Earle of Somerset This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset who had issue Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother to the Noble Prince Henry the seventh Henry Plantagenâ—t Earle of Derby was likewise by his Mother Blanch extracted from the bloud of Kings being discended from Edmund the second Sonne of King Henry the third by which line the Dutchy oâ— Lancaster did accreve unto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agility of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch joyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and advised in all his actions Hee was quick and present in conceit forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in event There was no
man within the Realme that was enobled with that title But as they grew in honour so did they in hate for many Noble-men did infinitely stomack their undeserved advancements and with these the favour of the People generally went but the Kings intemperate affection was peremptory and violent not regarding envy untill hee could not resist it The yeare next following Robert Veerâ— the new Marquesse was created Duke of Ireland This yeare the Knights and Burgesses of Parliament put up many complaints against the Earle of Suffolke upon which they desired his answers and triall namely how hee had abused the King in taking of him to farme all the profits and revenues of the Crowne how wantonly hee wasted the treasure of the land in riotous liberality and unnecessary charges how deepe hee had dived into the Kings debt how carelesse and corrupt hee was in his office how greatly hee had both deceived and discredited the King in certaine dealings and accounts particularly expressed with divers other imputations touching dishonour and dishonesty both in private action and in office This Earle was a Merchants Sonne in London and growing mighty on the sudden hee could not governe himselfe in the change but prosperity layed open the secret faults of his mind which were suppressed and cloaked before and serving a weake Ruler in great place with an ill mind hee made open sale of his Princes honour Yet the King was willing either secretly to dissemble or openly to remit these offences and so passed them over with a short audience as his manner was in matters of greatest weight and without examination shewing himselfe neither grieved at the faults nor well pleased with the complaint Afterwards a Subsidy was required but answer was made that this needed not since the Kings wants might bee furnished with the debts which were owing him from his Chancelour neither was it to any purpose so long as the money should bee ordered by such persons as before it had beene and that that time was like Then were the matters against the Lord Chancellour againe set on foote and the King perswaded that it was neither honorable nor safe to beare him out that to private men it was sufficient if themselves abstaine from wrong but a Prince must provide that none doe wrong under him for by maintaining or wincking at the vices of his Officers hee maketh them his owne and shall surely bee charged therewith when first occasion doth serve against him At the last upon instant importunity of both Houses the King did consent that a commission should goe forth to certaine Noble-men giving them authority to heare and determine all matters which were objected against the Lord Chancellour and then was a Subsidie granted with exception that the money should bee expended by the Lords to the benefit and behalfe of the Realme The King did further demand that the Heires of Charles Bloyes who made claime to the Dutchy of Britaine should bee sold to the French-men for thirty thousand markes and the money granted to the Duke of Ireland for recovery of those possessions which the King had given him in Ireland this was likewise assented unto upon condition that before Easter the next ensuing the Duke should depart into Ireland and there remaine at so high a price did they value the riddance of him out of the Realme The charge of the Subsidie money was committed to Richard Earle of Arundell Commissioners for the Earle of Suffolke were appointed Thomas Duke of Glocester the Kings Vncle and the said Earle of Arundell but during the time of their proceeding the King kept all off in places farre distant either to manifest thereby the discent of his mind or to avoid the griefe which his neerenesse would encrease And now was the Chancellour left unto himselfe to answere to those demeanours wherein hee made the Kings blind favour his priviledge and protection supposing never to see the same either altered or over-ruled In the end being convict of many crimes and abuses hee was deposed from his office his goods were confiscated to the Kings Exchequer and himselfe was adjudged worthy of death Yet was execution submitted to the Kings pleasure and under sureties hee was permitted to goe at large At the same time Iohn Foorde Bishop of Duresme another of the Kings dainties was removed also from being Lord Treasurer of England hee was a man of little depth either in learning or wisedome but one that had the Art of seeming in making the best shew of whatsoever hee spake or did and rising from meane estate to so high a pitch of honour hee exercised the more excessively his riot avarice and ambition not able to moderate the lusts and desires which former want had kindled When this businesse was blowne over the King returned againe to London and did presently receive the Earle of Suffolke with the Duke of Ireland and the Archbishop of Yorke to greater grace and familiarity then at any time before These Triumvirs did not cease to stirre up the Kings stomack against those Noblemen whose speciall excellency had made matter of â—ame and regard partly for the disgraces which they had received partly upon malicious emulation to see the other so favoured and themselves so odious and that their private choller and ambition might beare some shew of publike respect they suggested unto the King that hee was but halfe yea not halfe a King in his owne Realme but rather the shadow and picture of a King for if wee respect said they matters of state you beare the sword but they sway it you have the shew but they the authority of a Prince using your name as a colour and countenance to their proceeding and your person as a cipher to make them great and bee your selfe nothing Looke to the duty of your Subjects and it is at their devotion so that you can neither command nor demand any thing but with such exceptions and limitations as they please to impose come now to your private actions your liberality the greatest vertue in a Prince is restrained your expences measured and your affections confined to frowne and favour as they doe prescribe What Ward is so much under government of his Gardian Wherein will they next or can they more abridge you Except they should take from you the place as they have done the power of a Prince and in this wee thinke they may justly bee feared having so great might joyned with so great aspiring minds For power is never safe when it doth exceed and ambition is like the Crocodile which groweth so long as hee liveth or like the Ivie which fastning on the foote of the tallest Tower by small yet continuall rising at length will climbe above the top it is already growne from a sparke to a flame from a twig to a tree and high time it is that the increase were stayed oftentimes such over-ruling of Princes have proceeded to their overthrowing and such cutting them short hath turned to cutting
rashly believed as it was craftily given out whereupon the Dukes dissembled their feares and dissolved their forces and remained in expectancy what would ensue A little before the feast of Saint Michael the Parliament beganne at London wherein Sir Iohn Bushie Sir William Bagot and Sir Henry Greene were principall agents for the Kings purpose These were then in all the credites and authority with the King and his chiefest Schoole-masters both of cruelty and deceit they were proud arrogant and ambitious and upon confidence of the Kings favour professed enemies to men of ancient Nobility to the end that being lately start up they might become more famous by maintaining contention with great persons And first by their importuned travaile all the Charters of pardon granted by the King were in this Parliament annulled and revoked Then the Prelates did constitute Sir Henry Percie their Procuratour and departed the house because they might not bee present in judgement of bloud Lastly the Earle of Arundel and the Earle of Warwick were arraigned and for the same offences for which they had beene pardoned namely for encroaching to themselves Royall power in judging to death Simon Burly Iohn Berneis and others without the Kings consent were condemned to bee hanged drawne and quartered but the King so moderated the severity of this sentence that the Earle of Arundel was onely beheaded and the Earle of Warwick committed to perpetuall imprisonment in the I le of Man The Duke of Glocester was so greatly favoured that it was thought a point both of policy and peace not to bring him to his open answer but to put him to death secretly so hee was strangled under a feather bed at Calis by the Earle of Nottingham being then Earle Marshall which death howsoever he deserved yet dying as hee did not called nor heard he died as guiltlesse In this same Parliament Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury was also accused for executing the commission against Michael De-la-poole Earle of Suffolke for which cause his temporalties were seazed his lands and goods forfeited as well in use as in possessionâ— and hee himselfe was adjudged to exile and charged to depart the Realme within six weekes then next ensuing So hee went into France where afterwards hee became a principall meane of the revolt which followed Also the Lord Cobham was exiled into the I le of Gernsey and Sir Reinold Cobham was condemned to death not for entring into any attempt against the King but because he was appointed by the Lords to bee one of his Governours and of his Counsaile in the 11. yeare of his raigne Now the King falsely supposing that hee was free from all dangers and that the humour against him was cleane purged and spent conceived more secret contentment then hee would openly bewray as more able to dissemble his joy then conceale his feare being so blinded and bewitched with continuall custome of flatteries that hee perceived not that the state of a Prince is never stablished by cruelty and craft On the other side the Common people were much dismayed having now lost those whom they accompted their onely helpes and their onely hopes both for their private affaires and for supporting the state and because these mishaps happened unto them for maintaining a cause of common dislike the peoples stomack was stirred thereby to much hate and heart-burning against the King And to make their deaths the more odious the Earle of Arundel was reputed a Martyr and Pilgrimages were dayly made to the place of his buriall the rumour also was current but without either authour or ground that his head was miraculously fastened againe to his body this whilest all men affirmed and no man knew the King caused the corps to bee taken up and viewed tenne dayes after it was interred and finding the same to bee fabulous hee caused the ground to bee paved where the Earle was laid and all mention of his buriall to bee taken away forbidding publikely any such speeches of him afterwards to bee used But this restraint raised the more and they who if it had bin lawfull would have said nothing being once forbidden could not forbeare to talke It was also constantly reported that the King was much disquieted in his dreames with the Earle who did often seeme to appeare unto him in so terrible and truculent manner that breaking his fearefull sleepe hee would curse the time that ever hee knew him In the one and twenty yeare of the raigne of King Richard Henry Earle of Darby was created Duke of Hereford at which time the King created foure other Dukes to wit Duke of Aumerle who was before Earle of Rutland Duke of Southrey who was before Earle of Kent Duke of Excester who was before Earle of Huntington and Duke of Norfolke who was before Earle of Nottingham This degree of honour long time after the conquest of the Normans whose chiefest Rulers had no higher title was accompted too great for a subject to beare the fourme of the Common-wealth being framed by the Victours farre from equality of all and yet the King excepted without eminency of any At the length King Edward the third created his eldest Sonne Edward Duke of Cornâ—wall and made this honour hereditary conferring it unto many since which time divers Princes of his land have beene either put or kept or hazarded from their estate by men of that quality and degree The King likewise created the Countesse of Norfolke Dutchesse of Norfolke the Earle of Sommerset Marquesse of Sommerset the Lord Spencer Earle of Glocester the Lord Nevill Earle of Westmerland the Lord Scroupe Earle of Wiltshire and the Lord Thomas Darcy his Steward Earle of Worcester Among these hee made division of a great part of the lands of the Duke of Glocester and of the Earles of Arundel and Warwick supposing by this double liberality of honour and possessions to have purchased to himselfe most firme friendships but bought friends for the most part are seldome either satisfied or sure and like certaine Ravens in Arabia so long as they are full doe yeeld a pleasant voice but being empty doe make a horrible cry Now the Duke of Hereford raised his desires together with his dignities and either upon disdaine at the undeserved favour and advancement of some persons about the King or upon dislike that the King was so dishonourably both abused and abased by them or else perhaps upon desire to manifest his owne sufficiencie in matters of controulement and direction being in familiar discourse with Thomas Mowbray Duke of Norfolke hee brake into complaint how the King regarded not the Noble Princes of his bloud and Peeres of the Realme and by extremities used to some discouraged the rest from intermedling in any publique affaires how instead of these hee was wholly governed by certaine new-found and new-fangled favorites vulgar in birth corrupt in qualities â—aving no sufficiency either of councell for peace or of courage for warre who being of all men the most unhonest
with great vehemency often repeated but the Kings eares were stopped against all impression of manhood and as hee was unable to governe himselfe in his prosperous estate so was hee much lesse sufficient to wind out of these intricate troubles Therefore perceiving himselfe so straitly beset that hee could hardly either escape away or shift any longer hee desired speech with Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury and Lord Henry Pearcy Earle of Northumberland of whom the one hee had banished the other hee had proclaimed Traytour not long before These two came unto him and the King upon short conference understanding what stiffe stomacks they bare against him was content not to demand that which he saw hee could not obtaine and thereupon agreed that hee would relinquish his estate upon condition that an honourable living might be assigned him and life promised to eight such persons as hee would name the greatest number whom adversity did not alter This was then both readily and faithfully promised by the Archbishop and the Earle and afterward solemnely ratified by the Duke The King ceased not to entreat submisly and promise largely and as the nature is of men perplexed with feare above his ability and without measure the Earle encouraged him and declared that the Duke before he had obtained any aid secured by his oath the safety of the Kings person Then the King desired to talke with the Duke which was likewise promised and so the Archbishop and the Earle departed and the King removed to the Castle of Flint about eight miles distant from Chester to which place the Duke came to him Here the countenances and words of both were noted by them that were present the King seemed abject and base the Duke neither insulting nor relenting but comforting and promising friendly The King repeated many benefits and kindnesses that hee had shewed how in former time hee had spared the Dukes owne life and lately his Sonnes in regard whereof he desired him with such submisnes as was agreable rather with his necessity then his honour that hee would shew some pitty where hee had received such pleasure and permit him to enjoy his life with such private maintenance as was convenient for his estate The Duke put him in good comfort promising him assuredly that he would provide for his safety for which hee suffered himselfe to be solemnly thanked and thought it not much to have it accounted a great benefit Indeed from that time the King was kept safe and sure enough from binding any of the Dukes purposes neither could it so easily have beene discerned what had beene best for him to doe as that this which he did was the very worst for the same night he was brought by the Duke his army to Chester and from thence secretly conveyed to the Tower of London there to be kept safe untill the Parliament which was appointed shortly after to be holden Thus the King yeelded himselfe the 20. day of August being the 47. day after the Dukes arrivall so that his journeyes considered from Houldernesse in the North to London from thence to Bristow and so into Wales and back againe to Chester a man shall not easily travaile over the land in shorter time then he conquered it So friendly was fortune unto him that he either found or made a ready passage through all hinderances and lets and it seemed that hee needed onely to open his armes to meet and receive her as shee offered her selfe unto him All the Kings treasure and Iewels with his horses and all his fardage came to the Dukes hands and many that were in his company were afterwards also despoiled by the souldiers of Northumberland and Wales Some Writers affirme that the King did not yeeld himselfe but was forelaid and taken as he was secretly passing from Flint to Chester but the authority of others who lived in that time either in the plain view or certaine intelligence of these affaires who for their place could not but know for their profession would not but deliver the very truth hath drawne mee to follow their report which I find also received by some late Writers of as great deapth in judgement and choyce as any without exception that this age hath brought forth As the King was carried towards London certaine Citizens conspired to lay themselves in a wait by the way and sodainly to slay him partly for private grievances and partly for the cruelty that he had used towards the whole City but the Major upon intelligence prevented the practice rod forth in person with a convenient company to conduct him safely unto the Tower Shortly after the Duke came to London in solemne estate and sent forth summons in the Kings name for a Parliament to bee holden at Westminster the last day of September in the same yeare in the meane time he deliberated with his kindred kind friends concerning the order of his proceedings The Duke of Yorke who a little before had beene Governour of the Realme for the King then was the chiefest Directour of the Duke thought it best that King Richard should both voluntarily resigne and also solemnely be deposed by consent of all the States of the Realme for resignation onely would be imputed to feare and deprivation to force whereof the one is alwayes pitied the other envied but if both concurre and his desire be combined with his desert being willing to forsake that which he is adjudged worthy to forgoe then shall it appeare that he neither is expelled his Kingdome by meere constraint nor leaveth it without just cause This advice pleased the rest and for executing thereof upon the day of S. Michael which was the day before the Parliament should begin there assembled at the Tower Thomas Arundel Archbishop of Canterbury Richard Scroupe Archbishop of Yorke Iohn Bishop of Hereford Henry Duke of Lancaster Henry Earl of Northumberland Radulph Earle of Westmerland Lord Hugh Burnel Lord Thomas Barkly Lord Rose Lord Willoughby Lord Abergeiny The Abbot of Westminster the â—riour of Canterbury William Thirminges and Iohn Markeham Chiefe Iustices Thomas Stoke and Iohn Burback Doctours of Law Thomas Herpingham and Thomas Gray Knights William Forby and Dionisâ— Lopham publike Notaries and diverâ— others either not noted or not remembred When all were set in their places King Richard was brought forth apparelled in his Royall robe the diademe on his head the Scepter in his hand and was placed amongst them in a Chaire of estate Never was Prince so gorgeous with lesse glory and greater griefe to whom it was not disgrace sufficient to lose both the honour and ornaments of a King but hee must openly to his greater scorne renounce the one and deliver the other After a little pause and expectation the King arose from his seat and spake to the assembly these words or the very like in effect I assure my self that some at this present many hereafter will accompt my case lamentable either that I have
of Lancaster Grandfather to the King by the mothers side when he served in the wars of King Edward the third beyond the seas together with this Prophesie that the Kings which should bee annoynted therewith should bee the Champions of the Church Duke Henry delivered this oyle in a golden violl to Prince Edward the eldest sonne of King Edward the third who locked up the same in a barred Chest within the Tower with intent to be annoynted therewith when he should be crowned King but the Prince dying before his Father it remayned there either not remembred or not regarded untill this present yeare wherein the King being upon his voyage into Ireland and making diligent search for the Iewels and Monuments of his Progenitors found this Violl and Prophesie and understanding the secret was desirous to bee annoynted againe with that oyle but the Archbishop of Canterbury perswaded him that both the fact was unlawfull and the precedent unseen that a King should be annoynted twice whereupon he brake off that purpose and took the violl with him into Ireland and when he yeelded himselfe at Flint the Archbishop of Canterbury demanded it of him againe and did receive and reserve the same untill the coronation of King Henry who was the first King of this Realme that was annoynted therewith I am not purposed to discourse either of the authority or of the certainty of these prophesies but wee may easily observe that the greatest part of them either altogether fayled or were fulfilled in another sense then as they were commonly construed and taken During the raigne of King Henry the fourth execution by fire was first put in practise within this Realme for controversies in points of religion in any other extraordinary matter hee did as much make the Church Champion as shew himselfe a Champion of the Church but afterwards his successors were intitule Defendars of the faith and how in action they verified the same I refer to remembrance and report of later times Now it had beene considered that the title which was derived to King Henry from Edmund whom they surnamed Crouchbacke would be taken but for a blind and idle jest for that it was notorious that the said Edmund was neither eldest sonne to King Henry the third as it was plainely declared by an act of Parliament nor yet a mishapen and deformed person but a goodly Gentleman and valiant Commander in the field and so favoured of the King his Father that hee gave him both the heritages and honours of Simon Mountfort Earle of Leicester of Ferrare Earle of Darby and of Iohn Baron of Monmuth who to their owne ruine and destruction had displayed seditious ensignes against the King And further to advance him to the marriage of Blanch Queene of Naverne hee created him the first Earle of Lancaster and gave unto him the County Castle and Towne of Lancaster with the Forrests of Wiresdale Lounsdale New-castle beneath Linne the Manner Castle and Forrest of Pickering the Manner of Scaleby the Towne of Gomecester of Huntendone c. with many large priviledges and high titles of honour Therefore King Henry upon the day of his Coronation caused to bee proclaymed that hee claymed the kingdome of England first by right of conquest Secondly because King Richard had resigned his estate and designed him for his successour Lastly because hee was of the blood royall and next heyre male unto King Richard Haeres malus indeed quoth Edmund Mortimer Earle of March unto his secret friends and so is the Pyrate to the Merchant when hee despoyleth him of all that he hath This Edmund was sonne to Roger Mortimer who was not long before slaine in Ireland and had beene openly declared heyre apparent to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue as descended by his Mother Philip from Lionell Duke of Clarence who was elder brother to Iohn Duke of Lancaster King Henries Father and therefore the said Edmund thought himselfe and indeed was neerer heyre male to the succession of the Crowne then hee that by colour of right clayming it carried it by dint of force But such was the condition of the time that hee supposed it was vaine for him to stirre where King Richard could not stand Whereupon hee dissembled either that hee saw his wrong or that hee regarded it and chose rather to suppresse his title for a time then by untimely opposing himselfe to have it oppressed and depressed for ever to this end hee withdrew himselfe farre from London to his Lordship of Wigmore in the West parts of the Realme and there setled himselfe to a private and close life Idlenesse and vacancy from publike affaires he accounted a vertue and a deepe point of wisdome to meddle with nothing whereof no man was chargeable to yeeld a reckoning In revenues hee was meane in apparell moderate in company and traine not excessive yet in all these honourable and according to his degree so that they which esteemed men by outward appearance only could see in him no great shew either of wit and courage in his mind to be feared or of wealth and honour in his estate to bee envied And thus whilest a greater enemy was feared hee passed unregarded making himselfe safe by contempt where nothing was so dangerous as a good opinion and taking up those coales in obscurity for a time which shortly after set all the Realme on fire King Henry presently after his coronation created his eldest sonne Lord Henry being then about xiii yeares of age Prince of Wales Duke of Cornewall and Earle of Chester and soone after he created him also Duke of Aquitaine Afterwards it was enacted by consent of all the states of the Realme assembled together in the Parliament that the inheritance of the Crownes and Realmes of England and of France and of all the Dominions to them appertaining should bee united and remaine in the person of King Henry and in the heires of his body lawfully begotten and that Prince Henry his eldest sonne should be his heyre apparant and successor in the premises and if hee should dye without lawfull issue then they were entayled to his other sonnes successively in order and to the heyres of their bodies lawfully begotten The inheritance of the Kingdome being in this sort setled in King Henry and in his line it was moved in the parliament what should be done with King Richard The Bishop of Caerliel who was a man learned and wise and one that alwayes used both liberty and constancy in a good cause in his secret judgement did never give allowance to these proceedings yet dissembled his dislike untill hee might to some purpose declare it therefore now being in place to be heard of all and by order of the house to be interrupted by none hee rose up and with a bold and present spirit uttered his mind as followeth This question right honourable Lords concerneth a matter of great consequence and weight the determining whereof will assuredly procure
Holds untill his lawfull inheritance was to him assured It terrifieth mee to remember how many flourishing Empires and Kingdomes have beene by meanes of such contentions either torne in pieces with detestive division or subdued to forreigne Princes under pretence of assistance and aid and I need not repeate how sore this Realme hath heretofore beene shaken with these severall mischieves and yet neither the eâ—amples of other Countries nor the miseries of our owne are sufficient to make us to beware O English men worse bewitched then the foolish Galathians our unstayed minds and restlesse resolutions doe nothing else but hunt after our owne harmes no people have more hatred abroad and none lesse quiet at home in other Countries the sword of invasion hath beene shaken against us in our owne land the fire of insurrection hath beene kindled among us and what are these innovasions but whetstones to sharpen the one and bellowes to blow up the other Certainely I feare that the same will happen unto us which Aesop fableth to have beene fallen unto the Frogges who being desirous to have a King a beame was given unto them the first fall whereof did put them in some feare but when they saw it lye still in the streame they insulted thereon with great contempt and desired a King of quicker courageâ— then was sent unto them a Storke which stalking among them with stately steps continually devoured them The mildnesse of King Richard hath bred in us this scorne interpreting it to bee cowardise and dulnesse of nature the next Heire is likewise rejected I will not say that with greater courage we shall find greater cruelty but if either of these shall hereafter bee able to set up their side and bring the matter to triall by armes I doe assuredly say that which part soever shall carry the fortune of the field the people both wayes must goe to wrack And thus have I declared my mind concerning this question in more words then your wisedom yet fewer then the weight of the cause doth require and doe boldly conclude that we have neither power nor policy either to depose King Richard or to elect Duke Henry in his place that King Richard remaineth still our Soveraigne Prince and therefore it is not lawfull for us to give judgement upon him that the Duke whom you call King hath more offended against the King and the Realme then the King hath done either against him or us for being banished the Realme for tenne yeares by the King and his Counsaile amongst whom his owne Father was chiefe and sworne not to returne againe without speciall license hee hath not onely violated his oath but with impious armes disturbed the quiet of the Land and dispossessed the King from his Royall estate and now demandeth judgement against his person without offence proved or defence heard If this injury and this perjury doth nothing move us yet let both our private and common dangers somewhat withdraw us from these violent proceedings This speech was diversly taken as men were diversly affected betweene feare hope and shame yet the most part did make shew for King Henry and thereupon the Bishop was presently attached by the Earle Marshall and committed to prison in the Abbey of Saint Albones whose counsaile and conjecture then contemned was afterwards better thought upon partly in the life time of King Henry during whose raigne almost no yeare passed without great slaughters and executions but more especially in the times succeeding when within the space of 36. yeares twelve set battailes upon this quarrell were fought within the Realme by English men onely and more then fourescore Princes of the Royall bloud slaine one by another Then it was concluded that King Richard should bee kept in a large prison with all manner of Princely maintenance and if any persons should conspire to reare warre for his deliverance that hee should bee the first man who should suffer death for that attempt Then the Acts of the Parliament holden at Westminster in the 11. yeare of King Richard were revived and the Parliament holden the 21. yeare of King Richard was wholly repealed and they who were attainted by that Parliament were restored againe to their fame and honour and to their Lands without suing livery and to such goods whereof the King was not answered except the rents and issues which had beene received out of their lands in the meane time Hereupon Richard Earle of Warwick was delivered out of prison and the Earle of Arundels Sonne recovered his inheritance many others also that were banished or imprisoned by King Richard were then fully restored againe to their Countrey Liberty and Estate It was further provided that none of those which came in aid of King Henry against King Richard should for that cause bee impeached or troubled Also the King gave to the Earle of Westmerland the County of Richmond and to the Earle of Northumberland hee gave the I le of Man to bee houlden of him by the service of bearing the sword wherewith hee entred into England Divers other of his followers he advanceth to offices of highest place and charge some upon judgement and for desert but most part to winne favour and perhaps projecting a plot for friends if times should change for in many actions men take more care to prevent revenge then to lead an innocent and harmelesse life It was further agreed that the Procurers of the death and Murther of Thomas late Duke of Gloucester should bee searched out and severely punished And judgement was given against the appellants of the Earle of Warwick and the Earle of Arundel that the Dukes of Aumerle Sussex and Exceter the Marquesse of Dorset and the Earle of Gloucester who were present should loose their degree of honour for them and their Heires that they should likewise loose all the Castles Mannours Lordships c. then in their hands which sometimes appertained to those whom they did appeale and that all the letters patents and charters which they had concerning the same should bee surrendred into the Chancery and there bee cancelled that for all other their Castles Mannours Lordships Possessions and Liberties they should bee at the grace and mercy of the King that they should give no liveries nor keepe any retinue of men but onely such Officers as were meerely necessary for their degree that if any of them should adhere to Richard the deposed King in giving him aid or encouragement against the judgement of his deposition then hee should incurre the paines and forfeitures of high treason And because it was a clamorous complaint among the Common people that many Officers had committed grievous extortions and wrongs either by the open maintenance or secret connivence of these Lords First those Officers were removed and that corruption taken away with integrity which bribery had wrought in placing for money men of bad quality in high degrees of office and service then Proclamations were made that if any man had beene oppressed by
bee sufficient to blot out this blemish What other action could they have done more joyfull to their enemies more wofull to their friends and more shamefull to themselves Oh corruption of times Oh conditions of men The French-men were nothing discontented at this discontenement of the Aquitanes supposing that opportunity was then offered to get into their possession the Dutchie of Guian if either power or policie were thereto applyed Hereupon Lâ—wes Duke of Burbon came downe to Angiers who from thence sent many messengers to the chiefe cities of Guian and by faire speeches and large promises solicited the people to change alleageance on the contrary side Sir Robert Knowles Lieutenant of Guian endeavoured with al diligence to represse the mutinous to stay the doubtfull to confirme the good and to retaine all in order and obedience but hee profited very little whether by the weaknesse of his owne arme or stiffe neck of the people it is not certainely assured Neither did the Duke of Burbone much prevaile when it was considered how ponderous the yonke of France was above the English subjection for all men were well acquainted with what tributes and taxations the French men were charged having in every countrey Lievtenants and Treasurers assigned the one to draw the blood the other the substance of the slavish subjects whose câ—uelty and covetousnesse laid hold without exception upon all the one tormenting by force and the other undoing by Law Thus stood the Aquitanes upon tickle tearmes betweene obedience and revolt as a ship which the wind driveth one way the tide another desirous they were to displease the English but loath to endanger and undoe themselves Vpon advertisement whereof King Henry sent into Guian the Lord Thomas Perce Earle of Worcester whom hee knew to bee faithfull unto him and expert in matters of charge having in his company a strong and serviceable band of souldieâ—s who not by unseasonable exprobating their fault but by reason convincing it partly with his wisdome and credit so perswaded and partly with his authority and forces so terrified the wavering people that hee wanne them to his opinion and confirmed them in their alleageance the graver sort with respect of duty and faith the rest with regard and feare of danger Then hee received oaths of obedience unto King Henry and planted certaine strong garrisons in places of chiefe import without molestation if they remayned quiet and yet of force to represse them if they should rebell This done he turned againe into England where he shewed an excellent example of moderation in seeming rather to have found then to have made the Aquitanes dutifull subjects No sooner could this stirre be stinted but another more dangerous and desperate did forthwith arise for divers noble men who either had dissembled or did repent the furtherance that they used to the advancement of King Henry did conspire together to compasse his destruction the Histories of that time doe vary concerning the causes of this conspiracy whether it were for favour to King Richard as the nature of man is inclinable to behold suddaine misfortune with a pittifull eye or for envy to King Henry as commonly wee can endure excessive fortune no where so little as in those that have beene in equall degree with our selves or whether upon dishonours received in the late Parliament or upon disdaine to see others goe before them in the Princes favour many sought to revenge their unjust anger with lewd disloyalty likewise it is not assuredly known by what meanes the workers thereof were drawne together and the secret devises of some imparted to the rest whether one of them did perswade another to enter into the action or whether all were induced by the same unconstant disposition and light account of faith which being once falsed to K. Richard was afterwards upon every light discontentment little respected to any but concerning these matters the most currâ—nt report is this There was at that time an Abbot of Westminster one that applyed his studies not as the most part to cloake idlenesse and sloath under the glorious title of religion but to enable himselfe for counsaile and direction in publike affaires who for the generall opinion of his wisdome and integrity was in good favour and credit with King Richard and did accompany him in his last voyage into Ireland This Abbot called to his remembrance a speech which hee heard once fall from King Henry when hee was but Earle of Derby and not yet come to any great stayednesse either in yeares or judgement that Princes had too little and religious men too much At that time the riches of the Church were growne so great that many began to looke upon them with an envious eye but lest covetousnesse should shew it selfe with open face policie was pretended and the excesse thought dangerous both to the King and also to the Clergy as very like to cause want to the one and wantonnesse in the other Hereupon many bils had been put up in the Parliaments holden in the raigne of King Richard that provision might bee made to represse the increase of riligious possessions namely that inquisition and redresse might be had against such religious persons as under the licence to purchase ten pounds yearly did purchase fourescore or a hundred pounds and also against such religious persons as caused their villaines to take to their wives free-women inheritable whereby the Lands came to those religious mens hands yea it was moved in open Parliament that the King should seaze into his hands all the temporall Livings of religious houses as being rather a burthen then a benefit unto religion Vpon these and the like Petitions the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Archbishop of Yorke for themselves and the Clergy of their Provinces were oftentimes compelled to make their solemne protestations in open Parliament that if any thing were attempted in restraint of the liberty of the Church they would in no wise assent but utterly withstand the same the which their protestations they required to be enrouled So partly upon love to King Richard and partly upon feare least K. Henry would be as ready to invade as he was to inveigh against the richnesse of religious houses this Abbot was the first man that blew the coales and put fewell to the fire of this confederacy And first hee observed a farre off then hee searched more neerly and narrowly and yet warely too how the minds of certaine Noble-men were affected or rather infected against King Henry tempering his speeches in such sort that if matters sorted to his mind hee might take them upon him if his courses were crossed hee might clearely disclaime them at last hee invited to his house upon a day in Michaelmas tearme those whom he had sounded to bee most sound for his purpose the chiefe of whom were such as in the Parliament before had in some sort beene touched in reputation although by pardon aâ—d reconcilement the harme did seeme to bee closed up
of the Indenture of confederacy As they sate at dinner the Father espied it in his bosome and demanded what it was the son humbly craved pardon and said that it nothing touched him by Saint George quoth the Father but I will see it and so whether upon precedent jealousie or some present cause of suspition he tooke it away from him by force When hee perceived the contents he suddenly arose from the table and with great fiercenesse both of countenance and speech uttered to his Sonne these words I see traytor that idlenesse hath made thee so wanton and mutinous that thou playest with thy saith as children doe with slicks thou hast beene once already faithlesse to King Richard and now againe art false to K. Henry so that like the fish Sopia thou troublest all the waters wherein thou livest Thou knowest that in open Parliament I became surety and pledge for thy allegeance both in body and goods and can neither thy duty nor my desert restraine thee from seeking my destruction in faith but I will rather helpe forward thine With that hee commanded his Horses to be made ready and presently tooke his journey towards Windsore where the King then lay The Duke of Aumerle had no time either to consult with his friends or to consider with himselfe what was best to be done but taking advise upon the sodaine hee mounted likewise on horse-backe and posted towards Windsore another way It was no need to force him forward his youthfull blood and his sodaine danger were in steed of two wings to keepe his horse in Pegasus pace so that hee came to Windsore and was alighted at the Castle before his stiffe aged Father could come neere Then he entred the gates and caused them to be surely locked and tooke the keyes into his owne hands pretending some secret cause for which hee would deliver them unto the King When hee came in presence hee kneeled down and humbly craved of the King mercy and forgivenesse The King demanded for what offence Then with a confused voice and sad countenance casting downe his eyes as altogether abashed partly with feare of his danger and partly with shame of his discredit hee declared unto the King all the manner of the conspiracie The King seemed neither rashly to beleeve nor negligently to distrust the Dukes report neither stood it with pollicie to entertaine the discovery with any hard and violent usage therefore with gracious speeches hee comforted the Duke and if this bee true said hee wee pardon you if it bee feined at your extreame perill bee it By this time the Duke of Yorke was rapping at the Câ—stle gates and being admitted to the Kings presence hee delivered to him the Indenture of confederacie which he had taken from his sonne When the King had read it and was thereby perswaded of the truth of the matter hee was not a little disquieted in mind complayning of the unconstant disposition of those men whom neither cruelty hee said could make firme to King Richard nor clemency to him but upon dislike of every present government they were desirous of any change So being possessed with deeper thoughts then to gaze upon games hee layd his journey aside and determined to attend at Windsor what course his enemies would take and which way they would set forward knowing right well that in civill tumults an advised patience and opportunity well taken are the onely weapons of advantage and that it is a speciall point of wisdome to make benefit of the enemies folly In the meane time he directed his Letters to the Earle of Northumberland his high Constable and to the Earle of Cumberland his high Marshall and to others his most assured friends concerning these sodain and unexpected accidents The confederates all this time hearing nothing of the Duke of Aumerle and seeing no preparation for the Kings comming were out of doubt that their treason was betrayed And now considering that once before they had beene pardoned the guilt of this their rebellion excluded them from all hope of further mercie whereupon they became desperate and so resolved to prosecute that by open armes wherein their privie practises had fayled And first they apparelled Magdalen a man very like to King Richard both in stature and countenance and of yeares not disagreeable in princely attire and gave foorth that he was King Richard and that either by favour or negligence of his Keepers hee was escaped out of prison and desired the faith and ayde of his loving subjects Then they determined to dispatch messengers to Charles King of France to desire his helpe and assistance on the behalfe of his sonne in law if need should require The common people which commonly are soone changeable and on the sodaine as prone to pitty as they were before excessively cruell most earnestly wished the enlargement of King Richard and earnestly wishing did easily beleeve it in which imaginary conceit being otherwise men of no deepe search the presence of Magdalene most strongly confirmed them and so either upon ignorance of truth or delight in trouble they joyned themselves in great troops to the Lords desiring nothing more then to bee the meanes whereby King Richard should be restored as in a manner resuming their first affections and humours towards him Then the Lords of this association with great force but with greater fame as the manner is of matters unknowne advanced forward in battell array towards Windsore against King Henry as against an enemy of the common state having in their company above forty thousand armed men The King upon intelligence of their approach secretly with a few horse the next sunday night after New-yeares day departed from Windsore to the Tower of London and the same night before it was day the confederates came to the Castle of Windsore where missing their expected prey they stood doubtfull and divided in opinions which way to bend their course Some advised them with all speed to follow the King to London and not to leave him any leave and liberty to unite an Army against them that Winter was no let but in idle and peaceable times that in civill dissentions nothing is more safe then speed and greater advantage alwayes groweth by dispatching then deferring that whilest some were in feare some in doubt and some ignorant the Citie yea the Realme might easily be possessed and that many Armies whose fury at the first rush could not be resisted by delayes did weare out and waste to nothing Others who would seeme to be considerate and wise but in very deed were no better then dastards perswaded rather to set King Richard first at liberty for if their counterfeiting should be discovered before they possessed themselves of his person the people undoubtedly would fall from them to the certaine confusion of them all Hereupon they gave over the pursuit and retyred to Colebrooke and there delayed out the time of doing in deliberating being neither coutagiously quicke nor considerately stayed but faintly and