as of the Laity And in the Act against leising makers being an old Statute of Scotland the Kings Counsel are said to be sworn in the presence of his Majesty and his three Estates and again it is repeated that the King and his three Estates do renew all Acts against leising-makers And though we find with some difficulty as the viewer of the Observations saith where the Parliament is said to be a Body consisting of King Lords and Commons ergo without the King there is no Parliament yet herein the King is not said to be one of the three States but the first and most principal part that constitutes the body of the Parliament But John Bodin that had very exactly learned the nature of our Parliament Pag 20. 25. H. 8. 21. both by his reading and conferring with our English Embassadour as himself confesseth saith The States of England are never otherwise assembled no more then they are in the Realms of France and Spain then by Parliament Writs and the states proceed not but by way of supplications and requests unto the King and the States have Bodin de repub l. 1. c. 8. no power of themselves to determine or decree any thing seeing they cannot so much as assemble themselves nor being assembled depart without express commandment from the King In all this and for all the search that I have made I find not the King named to be one but rather by the consequence of the discourse to be none of the three but as I said the head of all the three States for either the words of Bodin must be understood of two States in all the three Kingdoms which then had been more properly termed as we call them either the two House or the Lords and Commons or else they must be very absuâ—d because the three States if the King be one of them can not be said to be called by Parliament-Writs when as the King is called by no writ nor can he be said to supplicate unto himself or to have no power to depart without leave that is of himself Therefore it must needs follow that this learned man who would speak neither absurdly nor improperly meant by the three States 1. The Lords Spiritual 2. The Lords Temporal 3. The Commons of the Kingdom And the King as head of all calling them consulting concluding with them and dismissing them when he pleased And William Martyn saith King Henry the 1. at the same time 1114. devised and ordained the manner and fashion of a Court in Parliament appointing it to consist of the three States of which himself was the head so that his Laws being made by the consent of all were not disliked of any these are his words And I am informed by good Lawyers that you may find it in the preambles of many of our Statutes and in the body of Sâ—ch is the difference betwixt Queen Elizabeth's time and our Times Anno octavo Elizabethae c. 1. some other Statutes and in some Petitions especially one presented to Queen Elizabeth for the inlargement of one that was committed for a motion that he made for excluding the Bishops out of the House of Peers the three States are thus particularized and the Lords Spiritual are nominated the first of the three and are termed one of the greatest States of this Realm And this I conceive to be the right constitution of a Parliament Therefore now to cast off one of the three States and to cut off the head of all three by making the King but one of them that so both the King and the two Houses might be only co-ordinate when as indeed they are as in some respect concurrent so also subordinate unto Him as to their Head is such a change and alteration as would quite overthrow the fundamental constitution of the Government of this Kingdom and make our King if these men might have their will to have no more power than the Duke of Venice And to that end this Faction have by themselves and their Pamphleters The false grounds of the original of our Kings The Disclaimer p. 17 18 19. laid down such false grounds of the Orignal of our Kings as are exceeding derogatory to the Crown of England as that they are Kings by paction and covenant with their people which at first chose them and intrusted them with their Government and for the preservation of their Laws against the incroachments of the King and the making of new Laws as occasions required ordained the great Council which they call Parliament and which should have full power to restrain the King if he did abuse his Power and therefore the people may withdraw their trust when the Kings neglect their duty and nullify their faith unto their Subjects for Post morâ—em Maxâ—mi Constans postulaâ—us à Britannis But not a word in all the story that any one of the British Kings was electuâ— Anonymus MS. in Bibl. Oxon. qui scripsit Hist omnium regum qui regnaverunt in Anglia whosoever is indifferently read in Histories and the Chronicles of our Kingdom may easily find how falsly and maliciously they would make this free Monarchy to have been elective and to be a conditional Government because England France and Spain were parts and parcels of the Roman Empire and when the Emperours by reason of their intestine broyls at home could not look into the parts abroad the right Heir unto the Crown of Brittain assumed unto himself all the Royalty and power that the Emperour had over us and succeeded him not by any pact or Covenant with the people though not as then for some reasons without the request of the people but by that right which God and nature allowed unto Kings and was due either to the Roman Emperour or to any other absolute Monarch of any Nation as the old Chronicles of those times and the regaining of the Crown by Vortigern after that the people had Rebelliously rejected him and received but not elected his son Vortimer in his place do most sufficiently clear the case And therefore what Soveraign-Power soever is due to any absolute Monarch and what obedience soever Saint Paul affirmeth to be due to the Roman Emperours that then ruled over us or Saint Peter commandeth to be given to other Kings the same is in all things due to our Kings ever since Aurelius Ambrosius that succeded Vortigern or if you will not ascend so high yet without all contradiction ever since William the Conquerour whom you cannot say was elected nor any other that succeeded him and therefore cannot be debarred or denied any of those Prerogatives and Soveraignties that belong unto the most absolute Monarch save only in those things which of their special grace and favour they granted unto their Subjects and bound themselves at their Coronation to perform those promises of Priviledge and freedom which they made unto them Pag 17 18 19 20. and that distinction of the disclaimer
The power of the King to call a Parliament to deny what he will and to dissolve it when he will Why our King suffereth BUt when all that hath been spoken cannot satisfie their indignation against true obedience and allay the heat of their rebellious spirits they come to their ultimum refugium best strength and strongest fort that although all others should want sufficient right to crosse the commands and resist the violence of an unjust and tyrannical Prince yet the Parliament that is the representative body of all his Kingdom and are intrusted with the goods estates and lives of all his people may lawfully resist and when necessity requireth take arms and subdue their most lawful King and this they labour to confirm by many arguments I answer that for the Parliament of England it is beyond my sphere and I being a transmarine member of this Parliament of Ireland I will only And whatsoever I speak of Parliaments in all this Discourse I mean of Parliaments disjoyned from their King and understand only the prevalent faction that ingrosseth and captivaâ—eth the Votes of many of the plain honest minded party which hath been often seen both in general Councels and the greatest Parliaments direct my speech to that whereof I am a Peer and I hope I may the more boldly speak my mind to them whereof I am a member and I dare maintain it that it shall be a benefit and no prejudice both to King and Kingdome that the Spiritual Lords have their Votes in this our Parliament For besides the equity of our sitting in Parliament and our indubitable right to vote therein and his Majesty as I conceive under favour be it spoken is obliged by the very first act in Magna Charta to preserve that right unto us when as in the Summons of Edw. 1. it is inserted in the Writ that * Claus 7. m. 3. dors Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbari or tractari debet whatsoever affair is of publique concernment ought to receive publique approbation and therefore with what equity can so considerable a party of this Kingdom as are the Clergy who certainly cannot deserve to forfeit the priviledge of the meanest subjects and of Common men because they are more immediately the servants of the living God be denied the benefit of that which in all mens judgements is so reasonable a law and they onely be excluded from that interest which is common unto all I cannot â—ee yet I say that besides this our right while we sit in Parliaâ—â—nt this fruit shall alwayes follow that our knowledge and conscience shall never suffer us to vote such things against the truth as to allow that power or priviledge to our Parliament as to make Orders and Ordinances without the consent and contrary to the will of our King much lesse to leavâ—â— moneys and raise armes against our King for I conceive the Priviledges Priviledges of Parliament what they are of Parliament to be Privatae leges Parliament a proceeding accâ—â—ding to certain rules and private customes and lawes of Parliament which no member of the Houses ought to transcend whereas the other is Privatio legum a proceeding without Law contrary to all rules as if our Parliament had an omnipotent power and were more infallible than the Pope to make all their Votes just and their sayings truth I but to make this assertion good that the Parliament in some cases may justly take arms and make warre upon their justest King if they conceive him to be unjust it is alledged that although the King be Singulis major greater then any one yet he is Vniversis minor lesse then all therefore all may oppose him if he refuse to consent unto them I answer that the weaknesse of this argument is singularly well shewed Pag. 11. 38 39 40. in the Answer to the Observations upon some of his Majesties late Answers and Expresses and I will briefly contract the Answer to say the King is better than any one doth not prove him to be better then two and if his Supremacy be no more then many others may challenge as much for the Prince is Singulis major a Lord above all Knights and a Knight above all Esquires hs is singulis major though universis minor And if the King be universis minor then the people have placed a King not over but under them And Saint Peter doth much mistake in calling the King Supreme and they do 2 Pet. 2. 13. ill to petition when they might command and I am confident that no records except of such Parliaments as have most unjustly deposed their As Edw. Carnarvan and Richard the second Kings can shew us one example that the Parliament should have a power which must of necessity over-rule the King or make their Votes Law without and against the will of the King for if their Votes be Law without his consent what need they seek and sollicit his consent But the clause in the Law made 2. Hen 5. cited by his Majesty that it is of the Kings regality to grant or deny such of their Petitions as pleaseth That the King is universis major greater then all proved himself and the power which the Law gives the King to dissolve the Parliament and especially the words in the Preface of cap. 12. Vices to Hen. 8. where the Kings Supremacy not over single persons but over all the body politique is clearly delivered doth sufficiently shew the simplicity of this Sophistry and prove that the King being invested with all the power of God having given and the people having yielded their power to thâ—ir King they can never challenge any power but what they have derivâ—d from their king 2. Reason Sol. the people which is due to him as their King he is the onely fountain of all power and justice so that now they can justly claim no power but what is derived from him and therefore it is the more intolerable that any man should usurp the power of the King to destroy the King 2. They will say that Salus populi est suprema lex The good of the people is the chiefest thing that is aymed at in all government and the Parliament is the representative body of all the people therefore if any thing be intended contrary to the good of the people they may and ought lawfully to resist the same I answer and confesse that there is no wise King but will carefully provide for the safety of his people because his honour is included therein and his ruine is involved in their destruction but it is certain that this principle hath been used as one of our Irish mantles to hide the rebellion of many Traytors and so abused to the confusion of many Nations for there is not scarce any thing more facile then to perswade a people that they are not well 2 Sam 15. 4. governed as you may see in the example of Absolon who by
the Statutes of England 25 Edw. 3. c 2. And as you know it was one of the greatest Articles for which the Earl of Strafford was beheaded that he had actually leavied warre against the King The Nobles and Gentry Lords and Commons of both Houses of Parliament in all Kingdomes being convicted in their consciences with the truth of this Doctrine do in all their Votes and Declarations conclude and protest and I must believe them that all the leavies moneys and other provision of horse and men that they raise and arm are for the safety of the Kings person and for the maintenance of his Crown and Dignity Nay more then this the very Rebels in this our Kingdom of Ireland knowing how odious it is before God and man for subjects to rebell and take armes against their lawful King do protest if you will believe them that they are the Kings souldiers and do fight and suffer for their King and in defence of his Prerogatives But you know the old saying Tuta frequensque via est per amici fallere nomen The Devil deceiveth us soonest when he comes like an Angel of light and you shall ever know the true subjects best by their actions farre better then by their Votes Declarations or Protestations for Quid audiam verba cum videam contraria facta When men do come in sheeps cloathing and inwardly are ravening wolves when they come with honey in their mouths and gall in their hearts and like Joab with peace in their tongue and a sword in their hand a petition to intreat and a weapon to compell I am told by my Saviour that I shall know them by their works not their words And therefore as our Saviour saith Not he that saith Lord Lord shall enter into the Kingdome of Heaven but he that doth the will of my Father which is in Heaven So I say not he that cryeth peace peace is the son of peace but he that doth obey his Prince and doth most willingly whatsoever he commandeth or suffereth most patiently for refusing to do what he commandeth amisse This is the true subject Well to draw towards the end of this point of our obedience to our Soveraign That is when the Commonalty guide the Nobility and the Subjects rule their King Governour I desire you to remember a double story The one of Plutarch which tells us how the tayle of the Serpent rebelled against the head because that did guide the whole body and drew the tayle after it whithersoever it would therefore the head yielded that the tayle should rule and then it being small and wanting eyes drew the whole body head and all through such narrow crevises clefts and thickets that it soon brought the Serpent to confusion The other is of Titus Livius who Titus Livius Decad. 1. l. 2â— tells us that when the people of Rome made a factious combination to rebell against their Governours Menenius Agrippa went unto them and said that on a time all the members conspired against the stomack and alledged that she devoured with ease and pleasure what they had purchased with great labour and pain therefore the feet would walk no more the hands would work no more the tongue would plead no more for it and so within a while the long fast of the stomack made weak knees feeble hands dimme eyes a faltering tongue and a heavie heart and then presently seeing their former folly they were glad to be reconciled to the Stomack again and this reconciled the people unto their Governours I need not make any other application but to wish and to advise us all with the people of Rome to submit our selves unto our Heads that are our Governours lest if we be guided by the tayle we shall bring our selves with the Serpent unto destruction And to remember that excellent speech of S. Basil The people through ambition are fallen into grievous Anarchie whence it happeneth that all the exhortations of their rulers do no good no man hath any list to obey but every man would reign being swelled up with pride that springeth out of his ignorance And a little after he saith that some sit no lesse implacable Basilius de Spiritu Sancto c. ult scil 30. An argument of obedience drawn from the fifth Commandement and bitter examiners of things amisse then unjust and malevolent Judges of things well done so that we are more brutish then the very beasts because they are quiet among themselves but we wage cruel and bloody warres against each other And let us never forget that the Lord saith Honour thy father and thy mother and I must tell you that by father in this precept you must not onely understand your natural father but also the King who is yâ—â—◠〈◊〉 cal father and the father of all his subjects and the Priest your spiriâ—ual father and those likewise that in loco patris do breed and bring you up 1 Chron. 2. 24. and though natural affection produceth more love and honour uâ—to those fathers that begat us yet reason and religion oblige us more unto the King that is the common father of all and to the Priest that begat us unto Christ then unto him that begat us into the world for that without our new birth which is ordinarily done by the office of the Priest we were no Christians and as good unborn as unâ—hristened that is unregenerated and What we are and should be without King or Priest without the King that is Custos utriusque tabulae the preserver both of the publick justice and of the pure religion our fathers can neither bring us up in peace nor teach us in the faith of Christ and therefore if my father should plot any treason against the King or prove a Rebel against him I am bound in all duty and conscience to preferre the publick before the private and if I cannot otherwise avert the same to reveal the plot to preserve the King though it were to the losse of my father's life and therefore certainly they that curse that is speak evil of their King are cursed and they that rebel against him shall never have their dayes long in the land but shall through their own rebellion be soon cut off from the land of the living For mine own part I have often admired why the subjects of King Whether for the liberty of Subjects we can be warranted to rebell In the dicourse of the differences betâ—ixt King and Parliament CHARLES should raise any civil warre and especially turn their spleen against him If any say it is for their liberties I answer that I am confident His Majesty never thought to bring any the meanest of his subjects into bondage nor by an arbitrary government to reduce them into the like condition as the Peasants of France or the Boores of Germany or the Pickroes of Spain are as some do most fâ—lsely suggest but that they should continue as they have been in the dayes
too great an interest as well in the faith as in the affections of the people in confidence of their own strength they came roundly to the businesse and what they knew was not their right as their former Petitions can sufficiently witnesse they resolve to effect the same by force but as insensibly as they can devise as 1. To seize upon the Kings Navie to secure the Seas 2. To lay hold upon all the Kings Magazine Forts Towns and Castles 3. To with-hold his moneys and revenues and all other means from the King 4. To withdraw the affections and to poyson the loyalty of all his Majesties Subjects from him And hereby they thought and it must have been so indeed except the Lord had been on his side they had made their hill so strong that it could not be moved and the King so weak and destitute of all means that he could no wayes subsist or relieve himself as a member of their own House did tell me for 1. They get the Eaâ—l of Warwick to be appointed Vice-Admiral of the 1. Earl of Warwiâ—k made Vice-Admiral Sea and commit all the Kings Navie into his hand and to take away that charge from Sir John Pennington whom most men believed to be far the better Sea-man but more faithful to his King and the other purer to the Parliament 2. They send Sir John Hotham a most insolent man that most uncivilly 2. Sir John Hotham put into Hull for the Magazine contemned the King to his face to seize upon the Kings Magazine that he bought with his own money when they might as well take away my horse that I paid for and to keep the King out of Hull which was his own proper Town and therefore might as well have kept him out of White-Hall and was an Act so full of injustice as that I scarce know a greater 3. Because moneys are great means to effect any worldly affaire and 3. They detained the Kings moneys Esay 1. 23. the sinews of every warre when as men and arms and all other necessaries may be had for money some of them and their followers shew themselves to be just as the Peers of Israel companions of thieves meer robbers which forcibly take away a mans mony from him they take all the Kings â—reasure they intercept detain and convert all the Kings revenues and customes to strengthen themselves against the King 4. Because their former Remonstrances framed by this faction of the 4. They labour to render the King odious by lyes ill government of this kingdom though in some things true which the King ingenuously acknowledgeth and most graciously promiseth to redresse them yet in all things full of gall and bitternesse against the King could not so fully poyson the love and loyalty of the Kings Subjects as they desired especially the love of those that knew his Majesty who the better they knew him did the more affectionately love him and the more faithfully serve him they thought to do it another and a surer way with apparent lyes palpable slanders and abominable accusations invented printed and scattered over all the parts of this kingdom by their Trencher Chaplains and parasitical Preachers and other Pamphleters some busie Lawyers and Pettifoggers to bring the King into an odium disliked and deserted of all his loving Subjects And what created power under heaven was able to dissolve that wickednesse which subtilty and malice had thus treacherously combined to bring to passe 1. Lye that he intended to war against the Parliament Hereupon after many threâ—tning votes and actual hostility exercised against his Royall person the King is forced to raise a guard for the defence of himself and those his good Subjects that attended him then presently that small guard that consisted but of the chief gentry of the Countrey was declared to be an Army raised for the subversion of the Parliament and the destruction of our native liberties an invincible Army is voted to be raised the Earl of Essex is chosen to be their Generall with whom they promise both to live and die the Earl of Bedford General of the Horse moneys are provided and all things are prepared to fetch the King and all delinquents or to be the death of all withstanders and that nothing might hinder this design though the King in many gracious Messages attested by the subscription of many noble Lords that were upon the place assared them he never intended any warre against his Parliament yet they proceed with all eagernesse and declare all those that shall assist the King either with Horse money or men to be malâ—gnants and enemies unto the King and Kingdome and such delinquâ—nts as shall be sure to receive condigne punishment by the Parliament Hoc mirum est hoc magnum And among the rest of their impudent slanders this was their Master-piece which they ever harped upon that he countenanced Papists and intended to bring Popery into this Kingdgm and to that end had an Army of Papists to assist him But to satissie any sensible man in this point I would crave the resolution of these two Questions 1. Whether every Papist that is subject to his Majesty is not bound to Two questionâ— to be resolved assist and defend his King in all his dangers 2. Whether the King should not protect his Subjects that are Papists in all their dangers so far as by the Law he ought to do it and accept of their service when he himself is invironed with dangers For first I believe there is no Law that inhibiteâ—h a Papist to serve his 1 All Paâ—ists bound to assist their King King against a Rebellion or to ride Post to tell the King of a Design to murder Him or any other intended Treason against Him or being present to takeaway a weapon from that man that attempted to kill the King because his not coming to Church doth not exempt him from his Allegianâ—e or discharge him of his duty and service unto the King and therefore if a â—â—eet from France or Spain or any other forreign part should invade us or any Rebellion at home should rise against his Soveraign and seek to destroy those Lawes and Liberties whereof himself and his Posterity hath as good an inâ—erest to as any other Subject I say he is bound by all Laws to assiâ—t his King and to do his best endeavour both with his purse and in his person not only to oppose that external Invasion but also to subdue as well that home-bred Rebellion as the forreigâ— Invasion 2. If a Papist should be injured his estate seized upon his house plundered 2. The King bound to proâ—ecâ—â—uâ—iful Papists dered and his person if taken imprisoned not because he transgressed any other Law but that he dispenceth not with the Law of His conscience to be no Papist and being thus injured should come unto his King and say I am your Subject and have lived dutifully I did nothing which
and displace his most faithful servants only because others cannot confide in them when no criminal charge is laid against them And therefore for the Lords and Commons to make Orders and Ordinances without the King and in opposition to the King is a meer usurpation of the Regal power a nullifying of the Kings power and a making of the Royal assent which heretofore gave life to every Law to be an empty piece of formality which is indeed an intolerable arrogancy in the contrivers of these Orders and the makers of these Ordinances a monstrous abuse of the Subjects and a plain making of our good King to be somewhat like him in the Comedy A King and no King And whereas no Subject yea under favour be it spoken nor the King himself after he hath taken his Oath at his Coronation is free from the observation of the established Laws yet they make themselves so far above the reach of Law that they freed him which the Lord chief Justice Bramston had committed to Newgate for felony in stealing the Countess of Rivers goods they hindered all men as we found in their journal from proceeding against Sir Thomas Dawes they injoyned the Judges by their Orders to forbear to proceed in their ordinary courses in the Courts of Justice contrary to the Oathes of those Judges and some Parliament men came to the Bench to forbid the Judges to grant Habeas Corpus's which is as great an iniquity and as apparent an injustice as ever was done by any Parliament The most abominable wickedness of these factious Rebels And that which is a Note above Ela above all that could be spoken whereas the Law of God and man the bonds and obligations of Civility and Christianity tye us all to be dutiful and obedient unto our King in all things either Actively or Passively and no wayes for no cause violently to resist him under the greatest penalties that can be devised here and damnation hereafter yet these men contrary to all Laws do injoyn us and compell us as much against our Consciences as if they should compell us with the Pagan Tyrants to offer sacrifice unto Idols to war against our most gracious Soveraign whom we from our hearts do both love and honour and they proscribe us as malignants and as enemies to the Common-Wealth if we contribute not Money Horse and Arms to maintain this Ps 50. 22. Augu. contra Faâ—st l. 22. c. 75. 76. ungodly War and so become deadly enemies unto our own souls O consider this yee that forget God lest for tearing us He tear you in pieces while there is none to help you for considering what the Apostle saith Rom. 13. 1 2. and what Saint Augustine saith Ordo naturalis mortalium paci accommodatus hoc poscit ut suscipiendi belli Autoritas atque consilium penes principem sit and lest men should think they ought by force of Armes to resist their King for Religion he answereth that objection by the example of the Apostles Isti non resistendo interfecti sunt ut potiorem esse docerent victoriam pro fide veritatis occidi We conceive this to be so execrable an Act and so odious to God and man that we are made thus miserable and abused beyond measure to have our Religion which is most glorious our The miserable consequences of their wicked doings Laws that in their own nature are most excellent and our Liberties that make us as free as any Subjects in the World under false pretences and the shadows of Religion Laws and Liberties to be â—radicated and fundamentally destroyed whereby 1. We are made a spectacle of scorn and the object of derision to our 1. Mischief neighbour-Nations that formerly have envied at our happiness and we are become the Subject of all pitty and lamentation to all them that love us 2. As in the Roman Civil Wars in the time of Metellus the Son did kill 2. Mâ—schief his own Father so now by the subtilty of this faction we are cast into such a War as is 1. A mâ—st unnatural War the Son against the Father and the Father against the Son The Earl of Warwick fighteth for the Parliament and my Lord Rich his Son with the King The Earl of Dover is with the King and my Lord Rochsord his Son with the Parliament So one brother against another as the Earl of Northumberland with the Parliament and his brother with the King The Earl of Bedford with the Parliament and his brother with the King Master Perpoint with the Parliament and the Earl of Newark with the King Devoreux Farmer with the Parliament and his brother Richard Farmer together with his brother in law my Lord Cokain with the King and the like and of Cosens without number the one part with the King and the other with the Parliament And if they do this in subtilty to preserve their Estates I say it is a wicked policy to undo the Kingdom which all wise men should consider 2. A most irreligious War when one Christian of the same professed Religion shall bathe his Sword and wash his Hands in the blood of his fellow Christian and his fellow Protestant that shall be coheir with him of the same Kingdom 3. A most unnatural irreligious and barbarous War when the Subject shall take Arms to destroy or unthrone their own Liege a Religious and most gracious King 3. The Service of God in most Churches is neglected when almost all 3. Mischief the ablest gravest and most Orthodox Divines and Preachers are persecuted plundered imprisoned and driven to flie as in the time of the Arian or Donatist which was worse than the Heathen persecution from City to City and to wander in Desarts from place to place to save themselves from the hands of these Rebels against the King and Persecuters of Gods Church which is a most grievous and a most cruel persecution far more general than that of the Anabaptists in Germany or of Queen Mary here in England The Lord of Heaven make us constant and give us patience to indure it 4. The whole Kingdom is and shall be yet more by the continuance 4. Mischief hereof unspeakably impoverished and plunged into all kind of miseries when the travailer cannot pass without fear nec hospes ab hospite tutus the Carrier cannot transport his commodity but it shall be intercepted the Husbandman cannot till his ground but his Horses as my self saw it shall be taken from the Plough and his Corn shall be destroyed when it is ready for the Sickle which must be the fore-runner of a Famine that is ever the Usher to introduce the Plague and Pestilence and all other kind of grievous diseases and these things put together do set wide our Gates and open our Ports to bring forraign foes into our Coasts to possess that good Land whereof we are unworthy because with the Israelites we loathed Manna we were weary of our peace and
falsly pretended to be derived unto his Majesty by the meer human pactions and agreement of the Politick body of the people which I shewed unto you to be a most false and a meer invented suggestion 5. By their pretending to and according to this Doctrine their Vsurping 5. Way of the power of the Militia both by Sea and Land 6. By their Actual exercising of this power in disposing of Offices Generals 6. Way Colonels Captains and the like Places of Command in War and appointing their Speaker Master of the Rowls and other Officers of Peace 7. By the expression of one of them to Sir Edward Deering while he was 7. Way yet of their Cabinet-Council that if they could bring down the Lords to the House of Commons and make the King as one of the Lords then the whole work were done that is to make the Government of this Kingdom popular 8. I may add to these as another unanswerable Argument of this Design 8. Way the licencing of Master Pryn's Book of The Soveraign Authority of Parliaments and suffering the same to pass unquestioned to this very day because that book devesteth the King of all his Soveraigâ—ty and maketh our Government Aristocratical And this subversion of our Monarchical Government was the last Design if not the grand Design of this Faction not that all the Memberâ— which have voted all or most of those things that tended to this change or be still remaining in either House did intend any ill either to Church or State for I know many especially my ever honoured Lord the Earl of Peâ—brook and Montgomery who I dare avouch it in Truth and honesty did ever and as I believe doth still bear a most upright heart and as sincere intentions how soever perhaps by a mis-understanding his Lordship and the rest of those well meaning men may be mis-guided as were those honest men that followed Absolon both to Gods Service the Kings Honour and the happiness both of Church and Common Wealth as any man in the Kingdom but that a Faction it may be very few at first have insensibly seduced the rest to effect their own Design and this Faction is all that I mean by the name of Parliament throughut this whole Treatise because their subtilty hath prevailed over the plain Integrity of the other well-minded men to make up the major part of the House both of the Lords and Commons which thing hath often happened both in General Councils and great Parliaments as in the Council of Constans and Treat and many others and that Parliament which was branded with the name of Parliamentum insanum and the other somewhat like this in quo jugulum ecclesiae atrocius petebaâ—ur and the like for otherwise Tempore Hen. 3. I do both honour and reverence this Parliament rightly understood and every Member of the same as much as any discreet Member can desire And therefore having thus discovered and displayed the Plots and practices of these infernal instruments to insinuate their assistance unto the Scots and their allurements of them to invade our Kings Dominions to ensnare the Irish and to provoke the Papists to such a Rebellion as hath been the utter â—ruine and destruction of many millions of men to obscure the Glory of this noble Kingdom to alter the Discipline and corrupt the Doctrine of the most glorious and the purest Church that professeth the name of Christ and to bring us all and all our Posterity to extream miseries to suffer yet more than we have endured or that can be hitherto imagined And considering those bloody Treasons that have been publickly uttered and openly practised against the Sacred Person of our Soveraign I may justly say that as the sins of the Israelites and their impetuous calling for a King moved the Lord to send them a King in his anger so our sins and our impatient crying for a Parliament made our God to send us a Parliament in his Wrath that will never turn for our Blessing till we return to God from our sinnes for when I consider on the one side the Piety and goodness of our King the justness of his cause and the most ready and cordial valour as well in the Common Souldiers as the Commanders of a full and sufficient Army and on the other side the multitude of disloyal and seduced Subjects the vigilancy and subtilty of their Commanders with their unlimited waies to get Monies and on both sides the desire of too many not for the honour of the King nor the Peace of the Kingdom to end the War but to continue the same for their own advantage until the wealth of Lawyers Clergy and Gentry be transplanted to the possession of other Masters I am affraid it will prove an heavy Judgment And therefore lest our obstinacy in our sins should procure the continuance of Gods anger which being removed will soon remove all our miseries let me perswade all conscientious men especially the Gentry and all other understanding men howsoever the Citizens that deceive the Kingdom of their Wealth delight to be deceived in their Faith that would not be cheated of their Religion by these factious Mountebanks and that would not provoke God to say I have no pleasure in them to turn from their Rebellioâ—â— courses to listen no longer to those furious fire-brands that out of their new Divinity contrary to the Doctrine of all the ancient Fathers and all the Orthodox and grave Preachers of this Kingdom do incite the People unto this unnatural bloody War and to slander the footsteps of Gods Anointed because they know him not and to remember the Oathes of their Allegeance and Supremacy together with their late Protestation whereby they stand obliged to their uttermost power to maintain his Majesties Royal Person Crown and Dignity against all treacherous practices that may any waies dishonour or impair them and then I presume their consciences will disavow the proceedings of these Projectours protest against all their Ordinances that are made against or without the Kings consent advise all the Knights and Burgesses to Vote no more against their Soveraign and to make no further use of the trust they reposed in them to Murder us and our fellow Subjects under the pretence of shedding the blood of the ungodly or if they still go on to abuse that trust to make us yet more miserable to withdraw themselves and their trust and power of the representation from them and to joyn their uttermost assistance unto his Majesty to Protect him that he may be enabled to protect us and to overwhelm these Rebels into the same pit which they have made for us And this may be by dissolving the knot of factious members wherein we see our miseries involved and to make elections of new members into their places who with the rest of the Lords and Commons which were faithful both to the Church King and Kingdom shall call them to a strict account for betraying our
the first of the three Presidents that were over all these And what shall I say of Ahashuerus and all other kings All kings chuse their own Officers Heathens Jewes or Christians that ever kept this power to chuse their own servants Counsellors and Officers except they were infant Kings in their nonage and so not able to chuse them But you will say that our Histories tell you how Ric. 2. Edw. 2. and others Ob. of our Kings had their Officers appointed and themselves committed unto Guardians by the Parliament therefore why may not our Parliament do the like in case of male-administration I answer that I speak of the right of kings and not justifie the wrongs done Sol. 2 Reg. 19. 37. to Kings Adramelech and Sharezer killed Sennacherib their own Father is it therefore lawfull for other children so to do Why should we therefore alleadge those things Quae insolentiâ populari quae vi quae furore non ad imitationem exemplo proponenda sed justo legum supplicio vindicanda sunt which should rather have been revenged by the just punishment of the Law then proposed to be imitated by the example Therefore I say that whosoever abridgeth the King of this power robbeth him of that right which God and nature hath allowed him whereby you may judge how justly the Parliamentary faction would have dealt herein with our King by forcing Counsellors and great Officers upon him but I hope you see it is the Kings right to chuse his Servants Officers and Counsellors what manner of men he should chuse Jethro setteth down And I have most fully described True Church lib. 6. c. 4. c. the qualities and conditions that they should be indued withall in my True Church 2. As our Sectaries differ much from the true Divines about the choyce so 2. Difference about the power of the subordinate Magistrates they differ much more about the power of these subordinate officers and inferiour Magistrates for we say they are alwayes to be obedient to the supreme power or otherwise ejus est deponere cujus est constituere he can displace them that hath appointed them or if you say no because I cited you a place out of Bellarmine where he saith the Souldiers had power to refuse their Emperour while he was in fieri to be elected but not when he was in facto fully chosen and made Emperour so the King hath power to chuse them but not to displace them I answer briefly that in creating or constituting our inferiours we may but our superiour we may not because inferiours in the judgment of all men have no None can depose him in whom the supreme Majesty resideth jurisdiction over their superiours And therefore elective Kings are not deposeable in a Monarchicall government where the supreme power resides in the Monarch though perhaps the Kings of Lacedemon might be justly deposed because by the constitution of their Kingdome the supreme power was not in their Kings but in their Ephori But our new Sectaries out of Junius Brutus Burcher Althusius Knox and Cartwright teach very devoutly but most safely that in case of defailance to do his duty they may with the Tribunes of Rome or the Dâ—marchi at Athens censure and depose him too if they see just cause for the same To confute which blasphemous doctrine against God and so pernicious and Blacvod c. 33. p. 285. Grand Rebellion c. 7. p. 52. dangerous to this State though others have done it very excellently well already and I have formerly shewed the absurdity of it in my Grand Rebellion yet because all books come not to every hand I will say somewhat of it in this place If these Counsellours Magistrates Parliament call them what you will have any power and authority it must be either subordinate coordinate or supreme 1. If subordinate I told you before they can have no power over their superiour 1 Subordinate officers can have no power over their superioâ—s because all inferiour Magistrates are Magistrates onely in respect of those that are under their jurisdiction because to them they represent the King and supply the office of the King but in reference to the King they are but private persons and Subjects that can challenge no jurisdiction over him 2. If they be supreme then Saint Peter is much mistaken to say the King is supreme 2. that neither Peers noâ— Parliament can have the supremacy None above the king at any time and they do ill to disclaime this supremacy when in all their Petitions not disjunctively but as they are an united body they say Your Majesties humble Subjects the Lords and Commons in Parliament and besides they are perjur'd that deny it after they have taken the Oath of supremacy where every one saith I A. B. do utterly testifie and declare in my conscience that the Kings Highness is the onely supreme Governour of this Realme c. But this is further and so fully proved out of Bracton the nature of all the Subjects tenures and the constitution of this government by the Authour of The unlawfulness of Subjects taking up armes against their Soveraigne that more needs not be spoken to any rational man Yet because this point is of such great concernment and the chiefest argument they have out of Bracton is that he saith Rex habet superiorem legem curiam suam comites Barones quia comites dicuntur quasi socii The Sectaries chiefest argument out of Bracton fully answered Regis qui habet socium habet magistrum ideò si Rex fuerit sine frâ—no id est sine lege debent ei fraenum ponere nisi ipsimet fuerint cum rege sine fraeno and all this makes just nothing in the World for them if they had the honesty or the learning to understand it right for what is above the King the Law and the Court of Earles and Barons but how are they above him as the Preacher is above the King when he preacheth unto him or the Physician when he gives him Physick or the Pilot when he sayleth by Sea that is quoad rationem consulendi non cogendi they have superioritatem directivam non coactivam How the Law and the Court of Barons is above the King for so the teacher is above him that is taught and the Counsellor above him that is counselled that is by way of advice but not by way of command and to shew you that this is Bractons true meaning I pray you consider his words Comites dicuntur quasi socii they are as his fellows or Peeres not simply but quasi and if they were simply so yet they are but socii not superiours and what can socii do not command for par in parem non habet potestatem that is praecipiendi otherwise you must confesse habet potestatem consulendi therefore Bracton addes qui habet socium habet magistrum that is a teacher not a commander and
to make this yet more plain he addes Si Rex fuerit sine fraeno id est lege if the King be without a bridle that is saith he lest you should mistake what he meanes by the bridle and thinke he meanes force and armes the Law they ought to put this bridle unto him that is to presse him with this Law and still to shew him his duty even as we do both to King and people saying this is the Law this should bridle you but here is not a word of commanding much lesse of forcing the King not a word of superiority nor yet simply of equality and therefore I must say hoc argumentum nihil ad rhombum 3 That neither Peers nor Parliament are co-ordinate with the King these do abuse every author If their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I speak not of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their natural strength and power but of their right and authority be coordinate and equal with the Kings authority then whether given by God which they cannot prove or by the people there must be duo summa imperia two supreme powers which the Philosophers say cannot be nam quod summum est unum est from whence they prove Omnâ—sque Philosoph jâ—riâ—consalti ponunt summum in eo rerum genere quod dicâ—di non possit Lâ—ctanâ— l. 1. c. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Maâ—c 3. 24 the unity of the God-head that there can be but one God and if this supreme power be divided betwixt King and Parliament you know what the Poet saith Omnisque potestas Impatiens consortis erit Or you may remember what our Saviour saith If a Kingdome be divided against it selfe it cannot stand and therefore when Tiberius out of his wonted subtilty desired the Senate to appoint a colleague and partner with him for the better administration of the Empire Asinius Gallus that was desirous enough of their Pristine liberty yet understanding well with what minde the subtle fox spake onely to descry his ill willers after some jests answered seriously 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that government must not be divided because you can never have any happiness where the power is equally divided in two parts when according to the well known axiome to every one Par in parem non habet potestatem But to make the matter cleare and to shew that the Soveraignty The Case of our Affaires p. 19. 20. The Lawes of our Land acknowledge all Soveraignty in the King is inseperably inherent in the person of His Majesty we have the whole current of our very Acts of Parliament acknowledging it in these very termes Our Soveraigne Lord the King and the Parliament 25. Hen. 8. saith This your Graces Realme recognizing no superiour under God but your Grace c. And the Parliament 16. Rich. 2. 5. affirmeth the Crown of England to have been so free at all times that it hath been in no earthly subjection but immediately to God in all things touching the regality of the said Crown and to none other and in the 25. of Hen. 5. the Parliament declareth that it belongeth to the Kings regality to grant or deny what Petitions in Parliament he pleaseth and so indeed whatsoever authority is in the constant practice of the Kingdom or in the known and published Laws and Statutes it concludeth the Soveraignty to be fixed in the King and all the Subjects virtually united in the representative body of the Parliament to be obliged in obedience allegeance to the individual person of the King and I doubt not but our learned Lawyers can finde much more proofe then I do out of their Law to this purpose And therefore seeing divers supreme powers are not compatible in one State nor allowable in our State the conceit of a mixed Monarchy is but a foppery to prove the distribution of the supreme power into two sorts of governours equally indued with the same power because the supreme power being but one must be placed in one sort of governours either in one numericall man as it is in Monarchy or in one specificall kinde of men as the optimates as it is in Aristocracie or in the people as in Democracie but if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by a mixed Monarchy you meane that this supreme power is not simply absolute quoad omnia but a government limited and regulated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we will not much quarrell with our Sectaries because His Majesty hath promised and we are sure he will performe it to govern his people according to the Lawes of this Land And therefore they that would rob the King of this right and give any part They deserve not to live in the Kingdom that diminish the supremacy of the King of his supreme power to the Parliament or to any of all his inferiour Magistrates deserve as well to be expelled the Kingdome as Plato would have Homer to be banished for bringing in the Gods fighting and disagreeing among themselves when as Ovid out of him saith Jupiter in Trojam pro Troja stabat Apollo Because as the Civilians say Naturale vitium est negligi quod communiter possidetur útque se nihil habere putet qui totum non habeat suam partem corrumpi patiatur dum invidet alienae and therefore the same Homer treating of our humane Government saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nec multos regnare bonum rex unicus esto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Aristotle doth so infinitely commend where he disputeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arist Metaph. lib. 1. Statius Thebaid lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so doth Plato and all the wise Philosophers that followed after because as the Poâ—t saith Summo dulcius unum Stare loco sociâ—sque comes discordia regnis And as our own most lamentable experience sheweth what abundance of miseries happened unto our selves by this renting of the King's power and placing it in the hands of the Parliament and his own inferiour officers and as those sad Tragedies of Etheocles and Polynices Numitor and Amulius Romulus and Remus Antoninus and Geta and almost infinite more do make it manifest to all the world §. The two chiefest parts of the regal Government the four properties of a just war and how the Parliamentary faction transgresse in every property 4. HAving spoken of those assistants that should further and not hinder 4 The chiefest parts of the Regal government which are two Exod. 2. 14. the King in the Common-wealth it resteth that I should now speak of the chiefest parts of this goâ—ernment when Moses killed the Aegyptian that wronged the Israelite and the next day said unto the Hebrew that did injure his fellow Wherefore smitest thou him the oppressor answered Who made thee a Prince and a Judge over us and the people say unto Samuel we will have a King over us that our King may judge us and go out before us and 1 Sam. 8. 20. 2 Sam. 5. 2.
things so far as I can finde the King never parted with them unto his Subjects and therefore whosoever pretendeth to an inderived power to do any of these and exempteth himself from the King 's right herein resisteth Ioh Beda 26. the ordinance of God and is guilty of High-Treason what pretext soever he brings saith the Advocate of Paris And there be some things which our Kings have granted unto their Subjects Ita etiam Reget Aegypti quibus voluntas pro lege est legum tamen institâ—ta in cogendis pecuniis quotidianoque victu sequebantur Aubanus What things Kings have granted and restrained themselves from their full right as the use of that power which makes new Lawes or repeals the old or layeth any tax or sums of monies upon his Subjects without the consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament and it may be some other particulars which the Lawyers know better then I. And all these Priviledges of the Subjects are but limitations and restrictions of the King 's right made by themselves unto their people and therefore where the Law cannot be produced to confirm such and such Liberties and Priviledges granted unto them I say there the King's power is absolute and the Subject ought not in such cases to determine any thing to the disadvantage of the King because all these Liberties that we have are injoyed by vertue of the King's grant as you may see in the ratification of Magna Charta where the King saith We have granted and given all these Liberties But I could never see it produced where the King granted unto his Subjects that 9 Hen. 3. they might force him and compel him with a strong hand by an Army of Souldiers to do what they will or else to take away either his Crown or his Life this Friviledge was never granted because this deprives the King of his supremacy and puts him in the condition of a Subject and would ever prove an occasion of rebellion when the people upon every discontent would take Arms against their King And therefore this present resistance is a meer usurpation of the King 's right a rebellion against his Lawes an High Treason against his Person and a resistance of the ordinance of God which heap of deadly sins can bring none other fruit then damnation saith the Apostle CHAP. XIV Sheweth the Kings grants unto his people to be of three sorts Which ought to be observed the Act of excluding the Bishops oâ—t of Parliament discussed the King's Oath at his Coronation how it obligeth him and how Statutes have been procured and repealed 2. WE are to consider how far the King is obliged to observe his promise 2. The Kings obligation to observe his grants Peter de la Primandas saith Laws annexed to the Crown the Prince cannot so abrogate them but his Successor may disannul whatsoever he hath doneâ—â— prejudice of them p. 597. and to make good these Liberties and Priviledges unto his Subjects where I speak not how far the father's grant may oblige the son or the predecessor his successor who cannot be deprived of his right dominion by any act of his predecessors but for the rights of his dominion how far precedent grants and the custom of their continuance with the desuetude and non-claim of his right may strengthen them unto the Subject and oblige the successors to observe them I leave it unto the Lawyers and Civilians to dispute but I am here to discusse how far the King that hath promised and taken his oath to observe his Lawes and make good all priviledges granted to his Subjects is bound in conscience to keep and observe them Touching which you must understand that these grants of immunities and favours are of three special kindes For 1. Of grace 2. By fraud 3. Through fear 1. The King that hath his full right either by conquest or succession over his people to govern them as a most absolute Monarch and out of his meer 1. All grants of grace ought to be observed grace and favour to sweeten the subjection of his people and to binde them with the greater love and affection to his obedience doth minuere sua jura restrain his absolute right bestow liberties upon his people and take his oath for their security that he will observe them is bound in all conscience to perform them and can never be freed from injustice before God and man if he transgresse them Quia volenti fit non injuria because they do him no injury The true Law of free Monarchs p. 203. when he doth voluntarily either totally resign or in some particularity diminish his own right but after he hath thus firmely done it he can never iustly go from it and therefore King James saith that a King which governeth not by his Lawes can neither be accountable to God for his administration nor have a happy and established Raign because it cannot be but that the people seeing their King failing of his duty will be always murmuring and defective in their fidelity And Yet the King's breach of oath doth neither forfeit his right nor warrant their disloyalty because another mans sin doth no way lessen mine offence and neither God nor the King granted this priviledge unto Subjects to rebel and take Armes against their Soveraign when they pretend he hath broken his promise 2. When the King through the subtile perswasions of his people that pretend 2. Grants obtained through fraud which to be observed one thing and intend another shall be seduced to grant those things that are full of inconveniencies as our King was over-reached and no better then meerly cheated by the faction of this Parliament to grant the continuance of it till it should be dissolved with the consent of both Houses and the like Lawes that are procured by meer fraud that soonest over-reacheth the best meaning Kings I answer with the old Proverb Caveat emptor he ought to have been as wise to prevent them as they were subtile to circumvent him and therefore as Joshua being deceived by the Gibeonites could not alter his promise Josh 9. 20. nor break his league with them lest wrath should fall upon him so no more should any other King break promise in the like case But you must observe that the Psalmist saith The good man which shall Psal 15. 5. dwell in the Tabernacle of the Lord is he that sweareth unto his neighbour and disappointeth him not though it were to his own hinderance mark though it were Quicquid fit dolo malo annullat factum imponit poenam summa Angel to his own hinderance never so much he must perform it but what if he hath promised and sworn that which will be to the great dishonour of God to the hinderance of thousands of others and it may be to the ruine of a whole Kingdom which is a great deal more then his own hinderance is a King bound or is any man else
Imprimatur Ex Aed Sab. 30. Jun. 1662. Geo Stradling S. Th. P. Rev. in Christo Patri Dno GILBERT Episc Lond. Ã Sac. Domest THE CHARIOT OF TRUTH VVherein are Contained I. A Declaration against Sacriledge shewing 1. The heynousness of this sin 2. How fearlesly it is generally committed 3. How severely and indispensably God punisheth the same II. The Grand Rebellion or a Looking-glass for Rebels Whereby they may see how by ten several degrees they may ascend to the height of their design throughly rebel and so utterly destroy themselves thereby III. The discovery of Mysteries or the Plots of the Long-Parliament to over throw both Church and State IV. The Rights of Kings And the wickednesses of the Long pretended Parliament 1. Granted by God 2. Violated by the Rebels 3. Vindicated by the Truth And the Wickednesses of the Long pretended Parliament 1. Manifested by their Actions 1. Perjury 2. Rebellion 3. Oppression 4. Robbery 5. Murder 6. Sacriledge and the like 2. Proved by their Ordinances 1. Against Law 2. Against Equity 3. Against Conscience V. The great Vanity of every Man All but the First and Last Printed at Oxford and Dedicated to that blessed King and Glorious Martyr CHARLES the 1. While his Garrison was there And now with the other two Treatises reprinted and published The 1. To uphold Religion and to teach Piety to all Christians The next three to prevent Rebellion and to teach Obedience to all Subjects The last to shun Vanity and to teach Humility and Sobriety to all men By GRYFFITH WILLIAMS Lord Bishop of Ossory London Printed by E. Tyler for Phil. Stephens the younger and are to be sold at his shop at the Kings Arms over against the Middle Temple-Gate in Fleet-street Anno Dom. 1663. TO THE KINGS Most Excellent MAJESTY Most Gracious Sovereign I Do most humbly beseech your Majesty to give leave unto your Father's most faithful servant and Your most Loyal Subject to tell you of what you cannot choose but know and what I assure my self you do most thankfully remember that besides the many-many great blessings which the great and good God hath often shewed unto your Majesty He hath conferred and fastened two Extraordinary signal Favours upon you 1. To preserve your life after Worster-fight from those Vulturs that did so greedily thirst after your blood 2. To render unto Caesar what was Caesar's that is by taking away from those many potent and tenacious Tyrants and Vsurpers what they unjustly held and restoring your Kingdoms and setting your Crown upon your Majestie 's head where our daily prayers are that it may long and long flourish And as the Prophet David that had received the like blessings and favours from God saith Quid retribuam Domino So let me as the Embassador of God most humbly supplicate your Majesty To render unto God what is God's And as your Majesty beyond example to the exceeding comfort of us all hath most graciously and Religiously like the Son of your most pious and now most glorious Father so freely and so bountifully rendered the Revenues of Jesus Christ vested in your Majesty to his Church So by your Royal Edicts to do what in you lieth to cause all others to do the like that is To render unto God what is Gods which is but the duty of all and is now neglected almost of all for besides the other things which we owe and render not to God Manus auferendi the Sacrilegious hands have laid fast hold upon Gods right And not only so but the great Leviathan maketh it his pastime to cause his whelps to swallow up whole Churches and as it were Lege agraria to take away the Lands and Houses of the Lord into their possessions and to make the poor Levite that serveth at Gods Altar to lye in the streets or to lodge in an Irish Cabbin like the Israelites in the Wilderness when they dwelt in booths covered over with a few boughs I know your Majesty knoweth what the Prophet saith of many that speak friendly unto their neighbours but imagine mischief in their hearts so many Gentlemen Souldiers and others will speak very fair and say to your Majesty and to us God forbid that they should wrong the Church of God or take any thing from the Church and yet the mischief that they will do if they may have their minds is more than I can divine For their Covetousness and greedy desire of the Ecclesiastical Revenues projecteth no less then that this your Kingdom of Ireland should be full of darkness and that the poor people should cry for bread even the Bread of Life and there should be none as now we have but few or few able to give it them when they that should give it them have scarce bread enough to put into their own mouths and less shall have if the nefarious Violators of Holy things shall have the least countenance from your Majesty to effect their Sacrilegious wils But to let your Majesty see how earnestly and eagerly your Commissioned-Officers in 49. do strive to take away the Houses and Lands of the Church and Prebends I thought good to insert their Letters in this place To our very good Friends the Commissioners appointed for Setting the forfeited-Houses c. in the City of KILKENNY Gentlemen YOurs of the 16th Instant we have Received acquainting us that the Corporations in your Commission mentioned do persist to Claim more then their right And propounding that for better distinguishing our Interest therein you may be by us Impowered to set the same to such a number of your selves as you shall think fittest in order to the due Trial and Ascertaining our said Interest and as are best able to manage that Affair As also signifying that the Clergy in the said Corporations do equally refuse and disappear and therefore desiring our Resolves and like Order concerning both which having duely considered We do hereby acquaint you that it is our Vnanimous Resolve and Direction both for the Corporation and Clergy-part wherein you are Concerned That you forthwith give notice to the Inhabitants and Tenants respectively That if they will not Treat with you and take out Leases of their several Holdings at moderate Rents to be by you imposed within two daies after such your notice that then you have And we do hereby give and grant unto you or such a fitting number of you as shall be amongst your selves agreed upon full power to become Tenants to such Holdings and to enter upon and possess the same or otherwise dispose thereof agreeable to your Instructions and as may be for our best advantage And as to the Clergy-part refusing or opposing as aforesaid you are to Sett and Lett all Fee-farms by the Church formerly granted of any the And we must believe them what Houses were set in Fee-farm premises or to Impose a Considerable Rent as you see fittest reserving to the Church the chief Rents payable thereout respectively And of the
God neither do I believe that the laws of our Christian Kings and Princes ever intended so to do for it is an old rule in law that Praelatus ecclesiae statum possessiones meliorare potest sed deteriorare non potest nec debet But when it was alledged and manifested in Parliaments that the houses belonging to the Church being ruined or far out of reparation and the lands either wast or not well managed could not be improved to the best advantage and benefit of the Church without the Tenants and present Occâ—piers thereof had some competent time therein therefore the pious Kings enacted their laws not to force but to licence Cathedrals and Colledges to lease out their lands and possessions not to make their children Why Bishopâ— and Clergy-men were permiâ—â—ed to granâ— leâ—seâ— of the lands and revenues of the Church and friends Knights and Ladies or to fill their own â—ossers with sines to the great prejudice of their successors and the neglect and treading down of Gods serviâ—e but that the revenue and the inheriâ—ance of the Church might be improved and the best advantage made of it for the glory of God and the furtherance of Gods service by the instruction of his people and relieving his poor members for which ends it was first dedicated unto God Therefore when either Bishop or any other Clergy man from the letter of the law doth pervert the end and abuse the meaning of the law I make it a case of Conscience and demand Whether such men as do let out the lands and houses of the Church for their own private gain and not for the benefit of Gods Church and the advancement of Gods service do not commit this horrible sin of Sacriledge For my part I conceive them to be the worst and most Sacrilegious persons of all others that should know the truth and not give such ill examples both of Covetousness and Sacriledge unto their neighbours but let them lease what they will for the benefit of How the Bishops and other Clergy-men may lease their Lands without Sacriledge Gods Church the furtherance of Religion and the no-prejudice of their successors and they shall never find me to oppose them But otherwise to lease the lands of the Church that is better worth then a 100 l. per annum for less then a 100 s. for to make our children great and the Church poor to benefit our selves and to prejudice Gods service and to say We have a law that warrants us to do it We have Acts of Parliament that allow it and have the practice and presidents of other Bishops Deans and Chapters that have done it is but to say as the Jews said to Pilate We have a law and by our law he ought to die And ought he therefore to die think you because these Jews had such a law I verily think not so and I think likewise that though you have or should have a law to take away and alienate the rights of the Church yet you should not do it if you love the Church or do any waies fear God And for the practice of some other Bishops Deans and Chapters I confess heretofore many of them have done bad enough and worse in my mind then the worst of lay men for them to sell the rights of the Church and so with Judas to betray their Master Christ but Vivitur praeceptis non exemplis if the practice and presidents of others would or could excuse our faults then Drunkards Whore masters and Murderers might easily find presidents enough to excuse their wickedness and so I know the Sacrilegious persons may as easily find the like But I shall hereafter shew you how and by whose power and by what By whole power the laws for leasing and passing away the Church-lands came to be made Consider that means these our Laws and Acts of Parliament for the alienating leasing and selling of the revenues of the Church came to be made and leave it to any pious mind and conscientious man to consider Whether they ought in the strictness thereof to be observed or not and not rather commend the care and great piety of our late most gratious King and now glorious Martyr Charles the I. Who a little to curb the extravagancies and large extent of our laws by his regall Authority wrote his letters to all Bishops Deans and Chapters that they should lease out their lands for no longer term then 21 years as it appeareth by this his most gratious and pious Letter directed unto my self the Dean and Chapter of the Cathedrall Church of Bangor which for the honour and praise and our thankfulness to so pious and so Religious a King for his care and love to the Church and service of God I thought it my duty to insert it in this place To our Trusty and wel-beloved the Dean of Bangor Charles Rex TRusty and welbeloved We greet you well We have lately tâ—ken the State of our Cathedral and Collegiat Churches into our Princely Consideration that We may be the better ablâ— to preserve that livelyhood which as yet is left unto them Vpon this deliberation We find that of later times there hath not risen a greater inconvenience then by turning Leases of one and twenty years into Lives for by that means the present Dean and Chapter put great Fines into their Purses to enrich themselves their wives and children and leave their Successors of what deserts soever to Vs and the Church destitute of that growing means which else would come in to help them By which course should it continue scarce any of them could be able to live and keep house according to their Place and Callings We know the Statute makes it alike lawful for a Dean and Chapter to let their Leases for the Term of one and twenty years or three Lives but time and experience have made it apparent that there is a great deal of difference between them especially in Church-Leases where men are commonly in years before they come to those Places These are therefore to will and command you upon peril of Our utmost displeasure and what shall follow thereon that notwithstanding any Statute or any other pretence whatsoever you presume not to let any Lease belonging to your Church into Lives that is not in Lives already And further where any fair opportunity is offered you if any such be you fail not to reduce such as are in Lives into Years And We do likewise will and require that these our Letters may remain upon Record in your own Register-Books and in the Register of the Lord Bishop of that Dioces that he may take notice of these our Commands unto you and give Vs and our Royal Successors knowledge if you presume in any sort to disobey them And further whereas in Our late Instructions O that the mind and piety of this most godly King expressed in this Letter had bin observed by all our Predecessors Bishops
valley and David 1 Chron. 14. v. 1â— 17. smote them from Gibeon even to Gazer and the fame of David went out into all Lands and the Lord brought the fear of him upon all Nations 2. For the persons that are here conferring together they are said to be 2. The persons deliberating and conferring together David and Nathan the King and the Prophet two great Persons and high Offices that formerly were contained in one Person as Melchisedech was the Priest of the Mâ—st High GOD and King of Salem And as the Poet saith Virgil. l. 3. Rex Anius Rex idem hominum Phoebique Sacerdos And when God divided and distributed these several Offices to several persons he conferred them upon two brothers that is Moses and Aaron that so the King and the Priest might live and love one another like brethren as I have more amply shewed in my Treatise of The Grand Rebellion And so King David here dischargeth that his duty accordingly And so likewise not only the Heathen Kings but also the Jewish Kings the Kings of Israel and all good Christian Kings disdained not the friendly familiarity and The greatest Kings and Princes were most familiar with the Priests Orators and Philosophers conference with their Bishops and Priests especially when they consult and deliberate of Religion or any point that concerns the Worship and Service of God For as King Croesus conferred with Solon the Philosopher and Alexander King of Macedon consulted often with Aristotle and sometimes with Diogenes the Cynick and King Pyrrhus with his dear friend Cineas So Pharaoh King of Egypt called and consulted with his Priests that were the Magicians and deemed the wise men of Egypt when Moses came to treat of God's Service And though Moses appointed 70 men of the choicest gravest and wisest men that could be found of all the Elders of Israel to be the Sanhedrim and as it were a standing Parliament to end all controversies and all the civil affairs of the Kingdom Yet when the Case of Religion came in question and the differences about God's Worship came to be decided neither the Kings of Israel nor the Kings of Juda to whom the principal care and custody of God's Laws and Service was committed did ever commend the same unto the Sanhedrim to be concluded and setled But as King David here calleth and consulteth with Nathan the Prophet about the building of God's House so when Religion was corrupted and the Service of the True God neglected in the time of King Ahab he calleth not the Sanhedrim to rectifie and redress the same but he leaves the same to be determined and adjudged betwixt the Priests of Baal and Elias the true Prophet of the Lord And so did King Asa Jehosaphat 1 Reg. 18. 17 18. 19 20. 2 Chron. 15. 2. 8 c. Mâ—tâ— 2. 4. and Ezechias consulted not with their lay Lords or the Sanhedrim but with Azariah the son of Oded the Prophet and with Esay and the rest of God's Prophets Nay when the Wise men came to inquire for Christ Herod that sought to destroy Him and his Religion inquireth not of any but of the Chief Priests and Scribes Where Christ shâ—uld be born And so all the Wise and Christian Emperours Constantine Theodosius Justinian and the rest as you may find it in Bâ—sebius Socrates Zozomen and other Ecclesiastical Historians had always some special Bishops with whom they conferred and consulted about matters of Religion as Charles the Fifth did with Cassander and Henry the Eighth with Bishop Crammer For they conceived that their Crowns had the greater Lustre when it was in conjunction with the Miter And therefore in no great Councel was the Man of God ever baulked but that they might be sure to serve God before themselves and be assured that while the Church prospered the Bishops directed and they had God and his Messengers amongst them all would go right and be safe and therefore in all or most Courts of Conscience where the Law reached not they thought none so fit as these men of conscience to decide all differences Neither could I ever find that the Church of God was so much pestered with miseries and poisoned with Errors Heresies and Sects or Divisions until the lay Lords and Gentlemen like the Long Parliament neglected their proper Offices to look into the affairs of the Common-wealth and to see Justice and Judgement truly executed among the people and began immittere falcem in alienam messem to thrust their sickles into other mens harvest and to intermeddle with that which concerns them not as Esay 1. 12. The Church of God never became more miserable then when the lay-people undertook to conclude and determine points of Religion to chop and change Articles of Religion and to set down and compose points of faith when the Lord saith Quis requisivit haec Who hath required these things at your hands It is your duty to come into the Temple and to perform the service that David and Nathan the King and the Bishops shall prescribe unto you and to confirm those Articles of Religion and cause them in all things to be observed as the Parliament did in Queen Elizabeth's dayes the 39. Articles of our Religion when they are as those were setled and concluded by the Bishops and the rest of the Clergy in their Convocation for the Lord tells us plainly That the Priests lips should keep knowledge and they that is the people be they what and whom you will Sanâ—edrim of the Jews or Parliament of any other Nation should seek the Law that is the Law of God at his mouth because he is the Messenger of the Lord of Hosts that is to declare his will and to expound his Laws unto the people But what saith the Lord in this Case when the people be they what you will shall usurpe the Priests Office and begin to make new Orders and Ordinances for the Service of God that never required such things at their hands He tells them plainly You are departed out of the way and you have caused many to stumble at the Law that is by your false glosses and injoyned observations thereof and you have corrupted the Covenant of Levi saith the Lord of Hosts that is you have wronged and quite thrown out the Bishops and Priests from their Offices which is to consult with the King to see God rightly worshipped And therefore saith the Lord I have Malach. 2. 7 8 9. also made you contemptible and base before all the people according as you have not kept my wayes but have been partial in the Law that is by making Religion and my Service like a nose of wax to turn which way you please when as every one should do the duties that belong unto him Curabit praelia Conon CHAP. VI. What the Rest and peaceable times of King David wrought The Prince's authority in causes Ecclesiastical and how they should be zealous to see that
or some part of the Tythes of an impropriate Church for the inlarging of their Larder-house And that you need not doubt of this I must here set down what you may find in Mr. Crashaws Epistle to Mr. Pâ—rkins second Treatise of the Duties of the Ministry that in one County of the Kingdom of England the East riding of the County of York there are contained one hundred and five Parishes whereof nigh an hundred or the full number of an hundred are of this hateful name and bastardly title of Impropriations and some of them are of yearly value of four hundred pounds others worth three hundred pounds per annum others two hundred pounds and almost all worth one hundred pound a year and yet the Minister's part is ten pound stipend yea some have but eight pounds and some but six pounds and some but four pounds to live upon for the whole year and out of the Great Benefice of four hundred pounds a year the Minister had but eight pound per annum until of late with much labour ten pounds yearly for a Dr. Gardiner in his Scourge of Sacriledge Preacher And saith mine Author the most of the Churches in the properest Market-Towns of this Kingdom are thus held and retained by our Nobility and Gentry And so I found it in my Diocess of Ossory in the Kingdom of Ireland that the Impropriations had so swallowed up the Tythes and the Revenues of the Churches that as I shewed it in my Remonstrance to his Majesty six or seven Vicaridges united together will scarce make twenty pound a year for the Preacher Et durus est hic sermo for hereby the people perish and as the Prophet saith The poor Children cry for Bread and for want of means to maintain the Ministers there is none that is able to give it them I know King Henry the 8th that could cause his Parliaments as I ever understood from the old Parliament men of those times to make what Laws and to conclude what Acts of Parliament he pleased got many Laws to be made and many Acts to pass to justify and to make good and Lawful the Taking away Leasing Selling and Alienating the Tythes Lands Houses and Possessions of the Church and of our High Priest Jesus Christ from his servants to be inherited by lay persons and many other Acts of Parliaments have been made since that time to the same purpose which very thing we conceive as I have shewed to be very High Sacriledge and a robbing of Jesus Christ and the obstructing of his service and we fear the cause of the perishing of many souls And therefore how the Shield of the Pope's Authority that was the first Foster-Father of this execrable and accursed title of Impropriation or the power of King Henry the 8th that would expunge the Pope's Sacriledge with a greater Sacriledge and be the second Patron of this Bastard brood or all the pretences of the now detainers of the Tythes and portion of Christ and the Lands Houses and Possessions of the Church by these Humane Laws can bear off the blow of Gods wrath and turn aside the fierceness of his vengeance when in the day of his fury he shall powre out the full vial of his indignation upon the head of all Sacrilegious persons and upon the children and posterity of them that have devoured the Lords inheritance and laid wast his dwelling place I can no waies understand neither do I know how to give them any comfort or counsel but to advise them to a full and timely Restitution of that which otherwise will be their utter destruction Quia non remittitur peccatum donec restituatur August ad Maced Epist 54. oblatum cum restitui potest The sin shall never be remitted and blotted out of Gods book until the Tythes and goods of Gods Church be restored when men can restore them and will not do it CHAP. XVIII Of the second part of the Stipend Wages and Maintenance of the Ministers of the Gospel which is the Oblation Donation or Free-wil-offering of the people for to uphold and continue the true service of God and to obtain the blessings of God upon themselves and upon their labours which Donations ought not to be impropriated and alienated from the Church by any means YOu have heard of the first part of the Ministers maintenance the second part consisteth in the voluntary Oblations or Free-wil-offerings of the people which the Lord requireth should be done according as every one in his own heart thought good to bestow upon the service of God and what they did offer in this kind was most acceptable in the sight of God For this is a Principal Branch of that Honor which we yield unto God by and with our substance which we are injoyned to do Prov. 3. 9. Because what we relieve the poor with is not so much our alms as their exigence which as necessity exacts it so it is soon passed and as quickly perisheth but those Donations that were given for the service of God as they savour of a more inward and deeper piety so they are of a more lasting substance and besides the eternal Treasures which men do thereby lay up for themselves they do provide for the perpetuity of Religion unto the after-ages of men and may be justly said to Honour God not only in themselves but in all those likewise which they gain by their Donations to Honor him And it is strange and marvellous to consider how liberal and how free the people of old time were in their Donations and Free-wil-offerings to maintain the Worship of God and to do any thing that did any wayes appertain to his service for if you look into the 36. Chapt. of Exod. vers 5. you shall find how Bezaleel and Aholiab spake unto Moses saying The people bring much more then enough for the service of the work which the Lord hath commanded to be made and Moses gave commandment and caused Exod. 36. 5 6 7. it to be Proclaimed through the Camp that they should bring no more for that they had already brought enough and too much So they that returned out of Babylon were as ready and as willing to offer up their gifts and free-wil-offerings for the service of the Temple as their Forefathers were for the erecting of the Tabernacle as you may see it in the books of Ezra and of Neh 7. 70. c. 10. 33. Nehemiah But the Christians of the Primitive Church were so zealous herein that they exceeded all that went before them in their Donations and Free-wil-offerings for the service of God and the increase of the Christian Religion for they sold their Lands and Possessions and laid the prizes thereof at the Apostles feet and had all things in common among themselves And Pope Vrban the I. instituted Vt eâ—clesias praedia ac fundos fidelibus oblatos Platin. in Vrban â—piscopus recipereâ— partireturque proventus clericis omnibus viritim
or at the best to bring many men to many miseries before we can attain unto any happinesse and so as the Poet saith in this very case among the Romans when for their liberty and priviledges as they termed it in Pompey's time Exâ—â—ssit medicina modam The remedy that they procured hath proved farre worse then the disease they suffered And I doubt not but ere long the Rebels in this Kingdom will feelingly confesse this to be too true when they shall more deeply taste of the like miseries as they have brought as well upon many of their own friends as others If you alledge the time of Richard the third how soon he was removed and how happily it came to passe that Henry the seventh succeeded I answer briefly that Râ—chard the third was not onely a cruel bloody Tyrant but he was also an unjust Usurper of the Crown and not the right King of England and that there is great deal of difference betwixt rebelling against our lawful Kings which God hath justly placed over us and expelling an usurping Tyrant which hath unjustly intruded himself into the royal Throne This God often hath blessed as in the case of Eglon Athalia Henry the seventh and many more which you may obviously find both in the Greek and Roman stories and the other he alwayes cursed and will â—plague it whensoever it is attempted After I had answered these Objections I lighted upon one more which Object Goodwin in his Anti-Cavalie rismâ— p. 8 is taken out of 2 Kings 6. 32. where the Objector saith When Ahab sent a Cavalier a man of blood to take away the Prophet Elisha's head as he sate in his house among the Elders did Elisha opeâ— his dore for him and sit still till he took off his head in obedience to the King No he bestirred himself for the safeguard of his life and called upon others to stand by him to assist him And a little after he saith Surely he that went thus farre for the safety of his life when he was but in danger to be assaulted would have gone further if occasion had been and in case the Kings Butcher had got in to him before the dore had been shut if he had been able and had had no other means to have saved his own head but by taking away the others there is little question to be made but he would rather have taken then given a head in this case I answer that who this Goodwin is I know not I could wish he were Sol. The Ministers of Christ should not be the inâ—endiaries of war none of the Tribe of Levi 1. Because I find him such an incendiary of warre and an enemy unto peace whereas the messengers of Christ have this Elogie given them Qâ—Ã m speciosi pedes Evangelizantium pacem And the Scripture saith Blessed are the Peace-makers and we continually pray Give peace in our dayes O Lord and therefore I can hardly believe these incendiaries of warre to be the sonnes of the God of peace 2. Because his objection is full of falshoods and false grounds as 1. He saith that Ahab sent to take Elisha's head when as Ahab was The first mistake in the front of his Speech 2 Kings 6. 32. If any thing more dead long before it was his ghost therefore and not he But it was his son and what then what did the Prophet he shut the dore and desired the Elders to handle the messenger roughly or hold him fast at the dore Thus saith the Text and the Prophet in my judgement doth herein but little more then what God and nature alloweth every man to do not to lay down his life if he can lawfully preserve it but as the Prophet did to shut the dore or as our Saviour saith When we are persecuted in one City to flye into another to save our lives as long as we can and in all this I find no violent resistance But 2. the Objector tells us Surely if the messenger had got in Elisha had taken off his head rather then given his own I demand What inspiration he hath from God to be sure of this for I am sure John Baptist would not do so nor Saint Paul nor any other of Gods Saints that I have read of but these men are sure of every thing even of Gods secret Counsel and that is more then the thoughts of mens hearts or if this be sure which I am not sure of I answer that Elisha was a great Prophet that had the spirit of Eliah doubled upon him and those actions which he did or might have done through the inspiration of Gods spirit this man may not do except he be sure of the like inspiration for God who is justice it self can command by word as he did to Abraham to kill his son or by inspiration as he did to Elias to call fire from Heaven and it is a sin to disobey it whereas without this it were an horrible sin to do it And we must distinguish betwixt rare and extraordinary cases that were managed by special commission from God and those patterns that are confirmed by known and general Rules which passe through the whole course of Scripture and take heed that we make not obscure Commentaries of humane wisdom upon the clear Text of holy Writ Quia maledicta glossa quae corrumpit textum Cursed be the gloss that corrupts the Text. But indeed the place is plain that Elisha made no other resistance but what every man may lawfully do to keep the messenger out of dores so long as he could and yet this man would inferre hence that we may lawfully with a strong hand and open warre resist the authority of our lawful Kings a Doctrine I am sure that was never taught in the School of Christ He makes some other Objections which I have already answered in this Treatise and then he spends almost two leaves in six several answers that he maketh to an objection against the examining the equity or iniquity of the Kings commands but to no purpose because we never deny but that in some cases though not in all for there must be Arcana Imperii and there must be Privie Counsellours and every Peasant must not examine all the Edicts of his Prince The commands of Kings may not onely be examined but also disobeyed as the three Children did the commands of Nebuchadnezzar and the Apostles the commands of the High Priests but though we may examine their commands and disobey them too when they are contrary to the commands of God yet I would fain know where we have leave to resiâ—t them and to take arms against them I would he understood There is a great deal of difference betwixt examining their commands and resisting their authority the one in some cases we may the other by no means we may do CHAP. VIII Sheweth that our Parliament hath no power to make warre against our King Two main Objections answered The original of Parliaments
abusing this very Axiome hath stollen away the hearts of many of his fathers subjâ—cts for as Lipsius saith Proprium est aegri nihil diu pati It is incident to How easie it is to perswade the people to rebell sick men and so to distempered minds to indure nothing long but follishly to think every change to be a remedy therefore the people that are soon perswaded to believe the lightest burthen to be too heavie are easily led away by every seducing Absolon who promise them deliverance from all their evils so they may have their assistance to effect their ends and then the people swelled up with hopes cry up those men as the reformers of the State and so the craft and subtilty of the one prevailing over the weaknesse and simplicity of the other every Peer and Officer that they like not must with Teramines be condemned and themselves must have all preferments or the King and Kingdom must be lyable to be ruined But you will say the whole Parliament cannot be thought to be thus envious Repl. against the Officers of State or thus carelesse of the common good as for any sinister end to destroy the happinesse of the whole I answer that Parliaments are not alwayes guided by an unerring spirit Sol. but as Generall Councels so whole Parliaments have been repealed and declared null by succeeding Parliaments as 21. Rich. 2. c. 12. all the Statutes How a Faction many times prevaileth to sway whole Councels and Parliaments made 11 Rich. 2. are disanulled and this in the 21 Rich 2. is totally repealed in 1 Hen. 4. c. 3. And 39 Hen. 6. we find a total repeal of a Parliament held at Coventry the year before and the like and the reason is because many times by the hypocritical craft of some Faction working upon the weaknesse of some and the discontent of others the worse part procuring most unto their party prevaileth against the better Besides all this I conceive the Original of Parliaments was as it is expressed The original of Parliaments why they were at first ordained in the Kings Writ to consult with the King De quibusdam arduis urgentibus negotiis regni they being collected from all the parts of the Kingdom can best inform His Majesty what grievances are sprung and what reparations may be made and what other things may be concluded for the good of His Subjects in every part and His Majesty to inform them of his occasions and necessities which by their free and voluntary Subsidies they are to supply both for his honour and their own defence In all this See Jo. Bodin de repub l. 1. c. 8. pag 95 in English and the place is wâ—rth the noting they have no power to command their King no power to make Lawes without their King no right to meet without his Writ no liberty to stay any longer then he gives leave how then can you meet as you do now in my Episcopal See at Kilkenny and continue your Parliament there to make warre against your lawful King What colour of reason have you to do the same you cannot pretend to be above your King you have with lyes and falshoods most wickedly seduced the whole Kingdom and involved the same in a most unnatural civil warre you are the actives the King is passive you make the offensive He the defensive warre for you began and when He like a Gracious King still cryed for peace you still made ready for battel And I doubt not but your selves know all this to be true for you know that all Parliament men must have their elections warranted by the Kings especial Writ You will say that so you were well and you were chosen The letter sent from a Gentleman to his friend but by subjects and intrusted by them to represent the affections and to act the duties of subjects and subjects cannot impose a rule upon their Soveraign nor make any ordinance against their King and therefore if the representative body of subjects transcend the limits of their trust and do in the name of the subjects that which all subjects cannot do and assume that power which the subjects neither have nor can conferre upon them I see That men intrusted should not go beyond their trust no reason that any subject in the world should any wayes approve of their actions For how can your priviledge of being Parliament men priviledge you from being Murderers Thieves or Traytors if you do those things that the Law adjudgeth to be murders thefts and treasons Your elections cannot quit you and your places cannot excuse you because he that is intrusted cannot do more then all they that do intrust him and therefore all subjects should desert them that exceed the conditions and falsifie the trust which their fellow subjects have reposed in them Besides you know the King must needs be reputed part of every Parliament The King must needs be a part of every Parliament when as the selected company of Knights and Burgesses together with the Spiritual and Temporal Peers are the representative body and the King is the real head of the whole Kingdom and therefore if the body separates it self from the head it can be but an uselesse trunk that can produce no act which pertaineth to the good of the body because the spirits that gave life and motion to the whole body are all derived from the head as the Philosopher teacheth And further you do all know that as the King hath a power to call so The power of dissolving the Parliament greater then the power of denying any thing he hath a power to dissolve all Parliaments and having a power of dissolving it when he will he must needs have a power of denying what he please because the other is farre greater then this And therefore all these premises well considered it is apparent that your sitting in Kilkenny without your King or his Lievtenant which is to the same purpose and your Votes without his assent are all invalid to exact obedience from any subject and for my part I deem them fooles that will obey them and rebels that will take arms against their King at your commands and if you persist in this your rebellious obstinacy I wish your judgements may light onely upon your own heads and that those which like the followers of Absolon are simply led by you may have the mist taken from their eyes that they may be able to discern the duty they owe unto their King that they be not involved and so perish in your sin For though you be never so many and think that all the Kingdom Towns and Cities be for you yet take heed lest you imagine such a mischievous Psal 21. 11. device which you are not able to perform for the involving of well-meaning men into your bad businesses as Jehosaphat was mis led to war against 1 Reg. 22. 20. Ramoth Gilead doth not
only bring a punishment upon them that are seduced but a far greater plague upon you that do seduce them and God who hath at all times so exceeding graciously defended His Majesty and contrary to your hopes and expectation from almost nothing in the beginning of this rebellion hath increased his power to I hope an invincible Army will be a rock of defence unto his annointed because it is well known to all the world that whatsoever this good King hath suffered at the hands For what causes the King suffereth of his subjects it is for the preservation of the true Protestant Religion of the established Lawes of his Kingdomes and of those Reverend Bishops Grave Doctors and all the rest of the Learned and Religious Clergy that have ever maintained and will to the spilling of the last drop of their blood defend this truth against all Papists and other Anabaptistical Brownists and Sectaries whatsoever And therefore if you that are his Parliament should like unthankeful vapours What a shame it is to use the power we have received against him that gave it us that cloud the Sun which raised them or like the Moon in her interposition that obscures the glorious lamp which enlightens her in the least manner imploy that strength which you have received from his Majesty when he called you together against His Majesty it will be an ugly spot and a foul blemish both for your selves and all your posterities And if not suddenly prevented you may raise such spirits that your selves cannot lay down and sow such seeds of discord and disconteâ—t between the King and his people as may derive through the whole Race of all succeeding Kings such a disaffection to Parliaments as may prove a plague and poyson to the whole Kingdom For if the King out of his favour and grace call you together and intrust you with a power either of continuing concluding or enacting such things as may be for the good of the Common wealth and you abuse that power against him that gave it you I must needs confesse that I am of his mind who saith That the King were freed before God and That it is lawful to recall a power given when it is abused man from all blame though he should use all possible lawful means to withdraw that power into his own hands which being but lent them hath been so misapplyed against him for if my servant desireth to hold my sword and when I intrust him with it he seeks to thrust the same into my breast Will not every man judge it lawful for me to gain my sword if it be possible out of his hand and with that sword to cut off his head that would have thrust it into my heart or as one saith If I convey my estate in trust to any friend to the use of me and mine and the person intrusted falsifie the faith reposed in him by conveying the profits of my estate to other ends to the prejudice of me and mine no man wiâ—l think it unlawful for me to annihilate if I can possibly do it such a deed of trust And therefore Noble Peers and Gentlemen of this ancient Kingdom of Ireland that your Parliament may prove successeful to the benefit of the Common-wealth let me that have some interest and charge over all the Inhabitants and So journers of Kilkenny perswade you to think your selves no Parliament without your King and that your Votes and Ordinances carrying with them the power though not the name of Acts of Parliament to oblige both King and Subjects to obey them are the most absolute subversion of our Fundamental Lawes the destructive invasion of our rightful Liberties And that by an usurped power of an arbitrary rule to dispose of our estates or any part thereof as you please to make us Delinquents when you will and to punish us as Malignants at your pleasure and through your discontent to dispossesse your rightful King though it were to set the Crown upon the head of your greatest One al is such a priviledg that never any Parliament hath yet claimed Or if you still go on for the inlargement of your own usurped power under the title of the priviledge of Parliament to Vote diminution of the Kings just Prerogative that your Progenitors never denied to any of his Ancestors to exclude us Bishops out of your Assemblies without whom your determinations can never be so well concluded in the fear of God and to invade the Liberties of your fellow-subjects under the pretences of religion and the publique good I will say no more but turn my self to God and put it in my Liturgi From Parasites Puritanes Popes and such Parliaments Good Lord deliver us CHAP. IX Sheweth the unanimous consent and testimonies of many famous learned men and Martyrs both ancient and modern that have confirmed and justified the truth of the former Doctrine ANd so you see that as for no cause so for no kind or degree of men be they what you will Peers Magistrates Heads of Families Darlings of the people or any other Patriots whom the Commons shall elect it is lawfull to rebell against or any wayes to resist our chief Princes and soveraign Governours This point is as clear as the Sunne and yet to make it still more clear unto them that will not believe that truth which they like not but as Tertullian saith Credunt Scriptur is ut credant adversus Scripturas do alledge Scriptures to justifie their own wilful opinions Testimonies of famous men against all Scripture I will here adde a few testimonies of most famous men to confirm the same Henry de Bracton Lord chief Justice of the Kings Bench under Hen. 3. L. Elismer in orat habita in Camera Fiscali ann 1609. pag. 108. saith as he is quoted by the Lord Elismer That under the King there are free men and servants and every man is under him and he is under none but onely God If any thing be demanded of the King seeing no Writ can issue sorth against the King there is a place for Petition that he would correct and amend his fact and if he shall refuse to do it he shall have punishment enough when the Lord shall come to be his revenger for otherwise touching the Charters and deeds of Kings neither private persons nor Justitiaries ought to dispute This was the Law of that time whaâ— new Lawes our young Lawyers have found since I know not I am noâ— so good a Lawyer The Civil Lawyers do farre surpasse the Common Law herein for Corsetus Corsetus Sic. tract de potestat reg part 5. num 66. Sâ—ulus saith Rex in suo regno potest omnia imò de plenitudine potestatis And Marginista saith Qui disputat de potestate Principis utrum benè feâ—erit est infamis Hostiensis saith Princeps solutus est legibus id est quoad vim coactivam non quoad vim directivam Thom. 1. 2ae q. 96. ar 5.
arms submit thy self unto thy Soveraign and know that as the Kings of Israel were merciful Kings so is the King of England 1 Kings 20. 31. thou shalt find grace in the time of need but delay not this duty lest as Demades saith the Athenians never sate upon treaties of peace but in mourning weeds when by the losse of their nearest friends they had paid too dear for their quarrels so thou be driven to do the like for except the sinnes of the people require no lesse satisfaction then the ruine of the Kingdom I am confident and am ready to hazard life and fortunes The Authours confidence of the kings victory in this confidence that the goodnâ—sse of our King the justnesse of his cause and the prayers of all honest and faithful Ministers for him and our Church will in the end give him the victorie over all those his rebellious enemies that with lyes slanders and false imputations have seduced the Kings subjects to strengthen themselves against their Soveraign and all the world shall see that as Christ so in sensu modificato this Vicegerent of Christ shall rule in the midst of these his enemies and shall reign untill he puts them all under his feet And because we never read of any rebellion not this of Corah here A rebellion that the like was never seen which of above six hundred thousand men had not many more then 250. Rebels nor that of Absolon against David who had all the Priests and Levites and the best Counsellors and a mighty Army with him such as was able to overthrow Absolon and twenty thousand men in the plain field nor Israel against Rehoboam because they did but revolt from him and not with any hostile Arms invade him nor the Senate of Rome against Caesar though he was the first that intrenched upon their libertieâ— and intended to exchange their Aristo-democracie into a Monarchie nor any other that I can remember except that Councel which condemned Christ to death that was grown to that height to be so absolute and so perfect a Rebellion in all respects as that a whole Parliament in a manner and the major part of the Plebeians of a whole Kingdom should make a Covenant with Hell it self yea and which is most considerable that as I understand the beginning of this rebellion in this Kingdom of Ireland was the Commonalty therein should so fascinate the Nobility as to allure them so long to confirm their Votes till at last they must be compelled in all things to adhere unto their conclusions that they whose power was formerly most absolute without them must now be subordinate unto them that the strength of the people may defend the weaknesse of the Nobility from that desert which they merited by their simplicity to be seduced to joyn with them to rebell against their King Therefore if any faction in any Parliament should thus combine against the Lord and against his annointed there is no question but their reducement to obedience will make that Majesty which shall effect it more glorious to posterity than were any of all his Predecessors And therefore I say again Return O Shulamite return and remember I pray thee remember lest my words shall accuse thy conscience in the day of judgement that we are often commanded in many places of the Scriptures to obey our Kings but in no place bidden nor permitted to rise up and assist any Parliament against our King If thou sayest Thou dost not do it against thy King but against such and such that do abuse the King I told you before that whosoever resisteth him that hath the Kings authority resisteth the King and therefore the whole world of intelligible men laugheth at this gullery and he that dwelleth in the heavens shall laugh it to scorn when with such equivocation men shall think to justify their rebellion and I hope the people will not still remain so simple as to think that all the Canon and the Musket shot which the enemies of a King should make at him must be understood to be for the safety of his person And as neither private men nor any Senate nor Magistrate nor Peers That the Pope hath no power to licence any man to make war against the King nor Parliament can lawfully resist and take Arms against their King so neither Synod nor Councel nor Pope have any power to depose excommunicate or abdicate or to give immunities to Clergy or absâ—lution to subjects thereby to free them from their duty and due allegiance and to give them any colour of allowance to rebell and make warre against their lawful King And this point I should the more largely prosecute because the natives of this Kingdome are more addicted to the Pope and his Decrees then any others of all the Kings Dominion But the bulk of this Pareus in Rom. 13. Johan Bede in the Right and Prerogatives of Kings And the Treatise intituled Gâ—d and the King Treatise is already too much swelled and I hope I may have hereafter a fitter opportunity to inlarge this Chapter and therefore till then I will onely referre my Reader unto Pareus John Bede and abundance more that have most plentifully written of this Argument And so much for the persons against whom they rebelled Moses their King and Aaron their High-Priest or chief Bishop both these the prime Governours of Gods people whom they ought by all laws to have obeyed and for no cause to have rebelled against them CHAP. XI Sheweth what these Rebels did How by ten several steps and degrees 1. Pride 2. Discontent 3. Envy 4. Murmuring 5. Hypocrisie 5. Lying 7. Slandering 8. Rayling 9. Disobedience 10. Resistance they ascended to the height of their Rebellion and how these are the steps and the wayes to all Rebellions and the reason which moveth men to rebell 3. WE are to consider Quid fecerunt what these Rebels did Cajetan 3 Part. What these Rebels did saith Zelati sunt Tâ—rinus saith Irritaverunt The vulgar Latin saith Aemulati sunt Our vulgar English saith They angred Moses and our last English saith They envied Moses And indeed the large extent of the original word and the diversity of the Translation of it sheweth the greatnesse of their iniquity and the multiformity or multiplicity of their fin And therefore that you may truly understand it you must look into the History * Numb 16. and there you shall see the whole matter the conception birth strength and progresse of their sin for 1. This sinne was begotten by the seed of Pride they conceived an opinion of their own excellency Excellency that bewitcheth men to rebell thinking that they are inferiour to none equall to the best if not superiour unto all and therefore they disdained to be governed and aspired to the government of Gods people And then Pride as the father Pride the beginning of rebellion begat Discontentment as his eldeâ—t sonne they liked not their own
discontent makes us weary of our lives as the Israelites that loved their lives as well as any yet for want of a little water say O that we had dyed in Aegypt And Haman tells his wife that all the honour Hâ—stâ—r 5. 13. which the King and Queen shewed unto him availed him nothing so long as Mordecai refused to bow unto him And discontent may as well invade the highest as the lowest for as none is so bare but he hath some benefits so none is so full but he wanteth The commâ—n condition of man to be ever wanting something something as the Israelites had Manna but they wanted water and when they had water they wanted flesh and this want made them discontented so these Rebels had the dignity to be Levites and to be Peers of high places and heads of all their families which was more then they deserved but they wanted the honour to be Priests and to be Kings the chief Governours of Gods people which they desired and therefore were discontented because their conceit was unsatiable and their desires unsatisfied 3. As Pride makes men discontented to be inferiour unto any so Discontent 3 Envy makes them alwayes to envy their superiours and therefore Envy is the third head of this monster and the third step unto rebellion a most How monstrous a sin is Envy hateful vice before God and man That I should pine away with grief because God is gracious unto another and I must be angry with God because he will not be guided by me in the disposing of his favours and therefore Saint Augustine calleth this a devillish vice which caused Cain to kill Abel Gen 4. â— Acts 7 9. the Patriarchs to sell Joseph the Medes to molest Daniel and the Nobility of Jury to persecute good King David and to crucifie the soâ—â—e of Cyprian in Serm. de Livoâ—â— David Christ himself Et ideo periâ—re quia maluerunt Christo inviderâ— quà m credere And yet herein I must commend Envy that as the Poet saith Sit licèt injustus Livor Though it be unjust to others yet is it very just to destroy them first that would destroy others as the envy of these rebels did Sampson-like pull down the house upon their own heads and will most likely bring destruction unto those that follow them in rebellion 4. Murmuring is a secret discontented muttering one to another of 4. Murmuring things that we dislike or persons that we distaste and the very word in all languages seems as harsh unto our ears as the sinne is hateful unto our souls for in Greek it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Latin Murmurare in English to Murmure in Brittish Grwgnach a sad word and a sowre sinne therefore the wise man saith Beware of murmuring which is nothing Exod. c. 15. c. 16. c. 17. worth and yet this sinne was frequent among the Israelites three times in three Chapters that they could never leave it till as Saint Paul saith they were destroyed of the destroyer 1 Cor. 10. 5. Hypocrisie is when a man seems to be what he is not for as Saint 5. Hypocrisie Hierom saith Qui foris Cato intus Nerâ— hypocrita est he that talks of peace and prepares for warre that protesteth loyalty and yet hates his King that in his words will advance the Church but in his actions will overthrow the Church-men that commends all piety but commits all iniquity that will not swear for a Kingdom but deceive for a penny that pretends the safety of the Kings person but purloyneth away all his power that will bend his knee and say Hayle King but will spit in his face and crown him with thorns he is an hypocrite So these rebels say they are all holy they love all their brethren they hate usurpation and cannot endure the tyranny of these Governours but indeed though they cryed Templum Domini Templum Domini all for the King and all for the Church all for Moses and all for Aaron yet notwithstanding this voyce of Jacob they had the hands of Esau and they would have brought Moses and Aaron to confusion as they brought themselves to destruction This is the property of an Hypocrite and therefore Job speaking of an hypocrite saith and it is excedingly well worth the observing Though his excellency mount up to the heavens and his head reach unto the clouds yet he shall perish for ever like his own dung they which have seen him that is they which came out to see his pomp and his greatnesse and have admired at the greatnesse of his glory shall say Where is he or How chance he doth not ride on with his honour Job answereth The eye which saw him Job 20. 6 7 8 9. shall see him no more that is in the like Majesty neither shall his place any more behold him for He shall flee away as a dream and shall not be found yea he shall be chased away as a vision in the night And our Saviour knowing as well the cruelty as the subtlety of hypocrites biddeth us to beware of hypocrites as the Poet saith Matth. 7. 15. ut atri limina Ditis Shun hypocrites as the gates of Hell and believe their actions rather then Hypocrisie how odious it is their protestations for as in the Old Testament Sodom and Gomorrah are the patterns of all beastlinesse so in the New Testament the greatest sinners are threatned to have their portion with the hypocrites 6. Lying must follow Hypocrisie at the heels for were it not for the heaps of lyes that hypocrites spread abroad the world could not possibly be so easily seduced by their hypocrisie and I read it in a Sermon of a learned Divine That now adayes some phanatique Sectaries of desperate opinions and despicable fortunes whom the Church and State find to be a malignant party having little else to do make it their trade to lye both by whole sale and retayle they invent lyes and vent lyes they tell lyes and write lyes and print lyes yea I may adde and more palpable lyes and more abominable then either Bourn or Butter ever published of the affairs of Germany and this they do as confidently and impudently as if they were informed by that lying spirit which entred as a Voluntier into Ahab's Prophets and by lying and raising false rumours they beget jealousies and feares in the people and by blowing the coales which themselves kindled and inlarging the difference betwixt King and Parliament they set all in a combustion and bring all into confusion and that which grieves me most he saith that they are Preachers which in the exuberancie of their mis-grounded and mis-guided zeal do both preach and pray against publique peace as inconsistent with the Independencie or rather Anarchie that they ayme at 7. Slandering may be coupled unto their Lying because we can slander 7. Slandering none with that which is truth therefore these Rebels say All
Idolatry nor any other injury or tyranny should move us to rebell 196 CHAP. V. Sheweth by Scripture the Doctrine of the Church humane reason and the welfare of the Weale publique that we ought by no means to rebell A three fold power of every Tyrant Three kinds of Tyrannies The doubtful and dangerous events of Warre Why many men rebell Jehu's example not to be followed 201 CHAP. VI. Sheweth that neither private men nor the subordinate Magistrates nor the greatest Peers of the Kingdom may take arms and make War against their King Buchanan's Mistake discovered and the Anti-Cavalier confuted 207 CHAP. VII Sheweth the reasons and the examples that are alledged to justifie Rebellion and a full Answer to each of them God the immediate Authour of Monarchy inferiour Magistrates have no power but what is derived from the superrour and the ill successe of all rebellious resisting of our Kings 214 CHAP. VIII Sheweth that the Parliament hath no power to make War against our King Two main Objections answered The original of Parliaments The power of the King to call a Parliament to deny what he will and to dissolve it when he will Why our King suffereth 220 CHAP. IX Sheweth the unanimous consent and testimonies of many famous learned men and Martyrs both ancient and modern that have confirmed and justified the truth of the former Doctrine 225 CHAP. X. Sheweth the impudency of the Anti-Cavalier How the Rebels deny they war against the King An unanswerable Argument to presse obedience A further discussion whether for our Liberty Religion or Laws we may resist our Kings and a pathetical Disswasion from Rebellion 230 CHAP. XI Sheweth what these Rebels did How by ten several steps and degrees 1. Pride 2. Discontent 3. Envying 4. Murmuring 5. Hypocrisie 6. Lying 7. Slandering 8. Rayling 9. Disobedience 10. Resistance they ascended to the height of their Rebellion and how these are the steps and the ways to all Râ—bellion and the reasons which move them to rebell 235 CHAP. XII Sheweth where the Rebels do batch their Rebellion The heavy and just deserved punishments of Rebels The application and conclusion of the whole 242 The particular Books that the Authour hath formerly Published and are sold by Phil. Stephens the elder and Phil. Stephens the younger at their Shops in Saint Pauls Church-yard and Fleet-street 1. A Large Book in Folio Intituled The best Religion Comprehending 1. The Resolution of Pilate touching the Super-scription on Christ his Crosse 2. The delights of the Saints which are Grace and Peace 3. The 7. golden Candlesticks holding the 7. greatest lights of Christian Religion videlicet 1. The miseries of man 2. The knowledg of God 3. The Incarnation 4. The Passion 5. The Resurrection 6. The Ascension 7. The duty of Christians of Christ And the Donation or Mission of the holy Ghost 15. Sermons preached before King James and King Charles and at Pauls Crosse and upon several occasions 2. Another large book in Folio Intituled The true Church and divided into six Books 1. Treating of the visibility quality and unity of the Church 2. and 3. Expounding the ten Commandements 4. Shewing the Intention of the Prophets to expound the Law to prophesy of the Gospeâ— 2. The summe of the Gospel which is 1. Justification 2. Sanctification 5. Shewing the sincerity of the Scriptures the uncertainty of Traditions the fruits of Christianity good works the calling of the Gentiles and the gathering of the Jewes 6. Shewing 1. the Governours of Gods Church the Magistrates and Ministers 2. the task of Church-governours and 3. the quality of Christians 3. The great Antichrist revealed never till now discovered and proved to be neither Pope nor Turk but a multitude of most wicked men that have killed the two witnesses of Jesus Christ Moses and Aaron Magistrate and Minister King and Priest 4. Seven Treatises to prevent the seven last Vials of Gods wrath that are to be powred down upon the earth 1. The monstrous murder of the most righteous King 2. The Tragedy of Zimri that slew his King and his Master 3. Gods warre with the wicked Traytors Rebels c. 4. The lively picture of these lewd times 5. The properties and Prerogatives of Gods Saints 6. The chiefest duties of every Christian man 7. The true cause why we should love God THE DISCOVERY OF MYSTERIES OR The Plots and Practices of a prevalent Faction in the Long PARLIAMENT To overthrow the established Religion and the well-setled Government of this glorious Church and to introduce a new framed Discipline not yet agreed upon by themselves what it shall be to set up a new-invented Religion patched together of Anabaptistical and Brownistical Tenets and many other new and old Errors And also To subvert the fundamental Laws of this famous Kingdom by devesting our King of His just Rights and unquestionable Royall Prerogatives and depriving the Subjects of the propriety of their goods and the Liberty of their persons and under the name of the Priviledge of Parliament to exchange that excellent Monarchial Government of this Nation into the Tyrannical Government of a Faction prevailing over the major part of their well-meaning Brethren to Vote and Order things full of all injustice oppression and cruelty as may appear out of many by these few subsequent collections of their Proceedings By GRYFFITH WILLIAMS Lord Bishop of Ossory London Printed for Phil. Stephens the younger 1663. TO THE KINGS Most Excellent MAJESTY Most Gracious Sovereign THough the wisest man in all the Kingdom of Persia saith Great is the truth and stronger then all things Yeâ— the father of lies hath now plaid his part so well that as the Prophet saith Truth is fallen in the Street and Equity cannot enter in And your Majesty whom the God of Truth hath anointed his sole Vicegerent to be the Supreme Protector of them both in all your Dominions hath accordingly lifted up your Standard against their Enemies and I may truly say of you as Menevensis saith of that most Noble King Alfred Si modò victor erat ad crastina bella pavebat Si modò victus erat ad crastina bella parabat Neither do I believe that Lucan's Verse can be applied to any man better than to your Majesty Non te vidère superbum Prospera fatorum nec fractum adversa videbunt As the height of your glory and prosperity never swelled your Pious heart so your greatest crosses and adversities never dejected your Royal spirit But as the Prophet saith of the Captain of the hoast of the Lord so I say to you that are his Lieftenant Ride on with your honor or ride prosperously Because of the word of truth of meekness and righteousness the people shall be subdued unto you and because the King putteth his trust in the Lord and in the mercy of the most Highest he shall not miscarry especially while he fighteth as he doth the battail of the Lord in defence of the Church of Christ who hath promised to be his
House of Commons p. 6. heads Therefore some say this may well draw a suspicion upon the justice of the Sentence though I will not censure any man for any injustice therein But as the Earl said at his death which he undertook like a good The Earle's words at his death Christian full of Charity and no less Piety it was an ill Omen to this Nation that they should write the Frontispiece of this Parliament with letters of Blood which if unjustly done or unduly prosecuted I fear may with Abels blood cry for vengeance in the ears of God against the Contrivers of this mischief to produce our miseries And the God of Heaven doth only know how much of the blood of this Kingdom must be squeezed out to expiate all the mis-proceedings and the fearfull projects of our people God Almighty turn his anger from us and let not the righteous perish with the wicked nor the sins of some few be laid upon us all This was the first impediment that was to be removed before they could proceed any further in this Tragedy and thus it was most artificially acted And I say He was a great and a very great impediment of their design which made me the larger in the prosecution thereof because he was a person of that great ability and so great fidelity both to the Church and State and the taking off of his head made a very wide gap for our enemies to enter into the Vineyard of Christ and a large breach into the City of God to deface the Church and to destroy this Kingdom CHAP. III. Sheweth how they stopped the free judgment of the Judges procured the perpetuity of the Parliament the consequences thereof and the subtle device of Semiramis 2. THe next Let that might hinder their design was the great learning The second impediment of their design long experience and free judgment of the grave Judges to declare what is Truth and what is Law in every point for these men being skilful in the Laws and Statutes of our Land knew how contrary to the same and how repugnant to the fundamental Constitutions of our Government the erecting of a new Church and the framing of a new Common-Wealth would be and their judgment being to be inquired in any emergent Doubt might prove very prejudicial unto their plots and a hinderance of their Design except it were diverted by some course Therefore to stop this stream to put a gagg in their mouthes to imprison How they stopped the free judgment of the Judges all truths that might make against them and to make these Judges yield to whatsoever they do or at least not to contradict any thing they say they get many of them to be accused of High-Treason and they do but accuse them and not proceed to any trial against them which was a pretty plot of their policy because that hereby they kept them and the rest of their fellow-Judges that had any finger in the mis-sentencing of the Ship money and were therefore in the same predicament and to be under the same Censure under the lash and to be still silent for very fear of their proceeding against them for they saw by many presidents that those men which favoured their design or contradicted not their waies were winked at by this Faction though they were the greatest Delinquents and therefore redimere se captos to free themselves out of the hands of these men they might conceive it their safest course to gain-say none of their conclusions which was a Plot of no small value to further their design by this removal of this second impediment 3. The third Let that stood in their way to make stop of their impious The third impediment of their design design was the Royal power to dissolve the present Parliament as formerly to dissolve any other which they knew to be an inseparable flower of the Crown Timor undique nostris this brought them in fear on every side lest if they were too soon discovered they might suddenly be prevented and their plot might prove abortive Like the untimely fruit of a woman that perisheth before it seeth the Sun or as the apples of Sodome vanishing when they are touched into Nothing or at the best but to stinking blasts Therefore to escape this rock they sail about and like cunning Water-men they look towards you when they row from you their eyes and mouthes are one way when their hearts and minds are another way for they tell the King that the discontinuance of Parliaments hath produced abundance of distempers in this State and a world of grievances both in the Church and Common-wealth besides they say what the King and every man else saw to be true That the Scots were entred into our Land and setled in the bosom of this Kingdom and though perhaps The fair pretences for the continuance of the Parliament if some things had been better looked into we mought at first most easily have kept them out yet now duriùs ejicitur quà m non admittitur hostis it was too late to shut the door and it is not so easy to expel and drive them out except we made them a bride of gold to pass over the river and so to go homewards again And this cannot be done without a great deal of money which moneys though the Parliament should grant them as we are most willing to do to free your Majesty from these guests and to prevent the dangers of an intestine war yet they cannot suddenly be levied and collected as the times and occasions now required therefore it must be borrowed to supply our present necessities and lenders we shall find none except we can shew them a way how they shall be repaid again and the expeperience we have lately had in these latter years of so many Parliaments so unhappily and suddenly dissolved puts us out of all hope to find any way to secure their debts except your Majesty will pass an Act for as yet they durst not say they needed not His assent to what they did that this Parliament shall not be dissolved until it be agreed upon by the consent of both houses This and the like were their fair pretences like the Syrens voyces very How the King was seduced by their pretences sweet and very good and the good King that ever spake as he thought could not think that His great Councel whom He trusted with all the Affairs of His Kingdom meant any otherwise then they said or looked any further then they shewed Him He never dream'd that they intended to have an everlasting Parliament and so perfidiously to over-reach both the King and the Kingdom But though our gracious King being not so much versed with the dissembling subtilty and serpentine windings of wicked hypocrites that are to be removed from the King and expelled out of his House supposed all them to mean sincerely and to deal fairly as they seemed to do yet I
do admire that the wisdom of the Kings Counsel but that they which as the Apostle saith are not ignorant of the devices of Satan are not permitted by these men to be of His Councel could not espy what mischief might lurk under this fair shade or what might be the Consequences of such a Parliament that is inconsistent with a Monarchy and therefore must in a convenient time be ended or else will make an end of all Monarchical Government Why then might not a year or two or three or more so the years were limited suffice to determine all businesses but that the life of this Parliament should be endless and the continuance thereof undetermined This is beyond the age of the Counsel of Trent that they say lasted above forty years for I presume if some of What the faction could be contented with Complaint p. 19. the contrivers of this Design might have their desires the youngest of us should hardly see the Dissolution of this Parliament Til the earthly Houses of our Tabernacles be dissolved for it is likely they could be well contented as one saith to make an Ordinance that both Houses should be a Corporation to take our Lands and Goods to themselves and their successours and when any of that Corporation dieth â—oties quoties the surviver and none else should choose a successour to perpetuity so they should be Masters of our Estates and disposers of all we have as they are now for ever And therefore this was a Plot beyond the Powder-plot and beyond the device of Semiramis that with a lovely face desired her husband she The plot of Semiramis might rule but three daies to see how well she could mannage the State and obtaining her request in the first thereof she removed all the Kings Officers in the second she placed her own minions in all the places of Power and Authority as now the faction would do such as they confide in in all places of strength and in the third day she cut off the Kings head and assumed the Government of all the Kings Dominions into her own hands for not three daies nor three years will serve their turn for fear they shall not have ability in so short a space to finish all their strange intended projects and therefore that they might not be hindered their request is unlimited that the Parliament should not be dissolved till both Houses gave consent which they were contented should 〈◊〉 Gracas Calendas Yet God that knew best what punishments were due to be inflicted for their former Actions and for all the subtle Devices of their hard heâ—rts gave way for this also that this third Impediment of their projects might be removed that so at last their sins like the sins of the Amorites by little and little growing unto the full might undergo the fulness of Gods vengeance which as yet I fear was not fully come to pass for till the Parliament was made perpetual the things that they have done since were absolutely unimaginable because that while it How the faction hath strengthened it self was a dissolvable body they durst not so palpably invade the known rights either of King or Subjects whereas now their Body being made indissoluble they need not have the same apprehension of either having strengthened themselves by a Bill against the one and by an Army against the other and therefore all the dissolutions of Parliaments from the beginning of them to this time have not done half that mischief as the continuance of this one hath done hitherto and God only knowes what is to succeed hereafter But seeing themselves have publickly acknowledged in their Declarations that they were too blame if they undertook any thing now which they would not undertake if it were in His Majesties power to dissolve them the next day and they have since used this means which was given them to disburthen the Common-Wealth of that debt which was thought insupportable to plunge it irrevocably into a far greater What many wise men do say debt to the ruine of the whole Kingdom to change the whole frame of our Government and subjecting us to so unlimited an arbitrary power that no man knows at the sitting of the House what he shall be worth at the rising or whether he shall have his liberty the next day or imprisonment Many wise men do say they see no Reason that this trust being forfeited and the faith reposed in them betrayed the King may not immediatly re-assume that power of dissolving them into his own hands again and both our unjustly abused King and our much injured people declare this Act to be voyd when as contrary to their own Faith and the trust of the King they abuse it to overthrow the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom though I could heartily wish that because it still carrieth the Countenance of a Law the faction would be so Wise to yield it to be presently dissolved by a Law CHAP. IV. Sheweth the abilities of the Bishops the threefold practice of the Faction to exclude them out of the House of Peers and all the Clergy out of all Civil Judicature THere was one stop more that might hinder or at least hardly suffer The fourth impediment of their design their plots to succeed according to their hearts desire and that is the Bishops Votes in the Vpper House nay they cannot endure to call it so but in the House of the Lords for they rightly considered therein these two special things Which are two main things to stop and hinder many evils For 1. Their Number 2. Their Abilities 1. They had Twenty six Voyces which was a very considerable number and might stop a great gap and stay the stream or at least moderate the violence of any unjust prosecution 2. They were men of great Learning men of Profound knowledge both in Divine and Humane Affairs and men well educated à â—unabulis that spent all their time in Books and were Conversant with the dead that feared not to speak the truth and have wearied themselves in reading Histories comparing Laws and considering the Affairs of all Common-wealths The abilities of the Bishops and so were able if their modesty did not silence them to discourse de quolibet ente to untie every knot and to explain every riddle and being the immediate servants of the living God set apart as the Apostle speaketh to offer Sacrifice and to administer the Sacraments of God to prepare a people for the Kingdom of Heaven it ought not and it cannot be otherwise imagined by any child of the Church that is a true believer but that they are men of Conscience to speak the truth and to do justice in any cause and betwixt any parties more then most others especially those young Pardon me good Lords for so plainly speaking truth Lords and Gentlemen whose years do want experience and the course of their lives some in Hawking and Hunting and others in Dâ—cing and
Bowling and visiting Black-Friars Play-house or perhaps in worser exerciâ—es doth sufficiently shew how weak their judgment must needs be in great Affairs and how imperfect their conscience is as yet in holy things I hope not to be preferred before these grave and Reverend men And therefore lest these grave men should prove great hinderances of their unjust proceedings before any of their worst intentions be well perceived there must be an exclusion of them from Parliament and from those Lords whose consciences and knowledge they may then the better captivate and bring them the sooner to side with them for to effect their great Design And it is a world of wonders to see with what subtilty and industry with what Policy and Villany this one work must be effected It would fill a volume to collect the particulars of their Devices I will reduce them to these three heads A threefold practice against the Bishâ—ps 1. They used all means to render them odious in the eyes of all people 2. They brought the basest and the reffuse of all men water-men porters and the worst of all the apprentices with threats and menaces to thunder forth the death and destruction of these men 3. Upon a pretended treason they caused twelve of them besides the Arch-Bishop that was in the Tower before to be clapt up at once into prison where they kept them in that strong house until they got it Enacted that they should be excluded from the Vpper House and both they and their Clergy should be debarred from the Administration of any secular act of Justice in the Common-Wealth 1. To make them odious two waies 1. They endeavoured to make them odious unto the people two waies 1. In making that Order or giving that notice unto the people that 1. Way any man might exhibit his complaint against Scandalous Ministers and he should be heard which invitation of all discontented sheep to throw dirt in their Pastor's faces was too palpably malicious for our Saviour told us We should be sent as sheep into the midst of Woolvs but here is a sending for the Wolves to destroy the Shepheards and it came to pass hereby that no less then 900 complaints and petitions were brought in a very short space as I was informed by some of their own House that feelingly misliked these undue proceedings against many Learned and most faithful Servants of Jesus Christ that were therefore hated because they were not wicked and persecuted because they were conformable to the Laws of the King and the Church And the rest of our calling that were factious and Seditious The Ministers why persecuted were both countenanced and applauded in all their Seditious courses and the more they railed against our Church-Government the more they were favoured by these enemies of the Church-Governours As to instance in both particulars as you may find in the Author of the Sober Sadness p. 33. Master Squire Master Stone and Master Swadlin whom they have imprisoned and scarce allowed them straw to lye on Master Reading Master Griffith Master Ingoldsby Master Wilcocks and many others having done nothing worthy of death or of bonds are inserted into the black bill of Scandalous and superstitious Ministers only for Preaching Obedience to Soveraign-Authority and other points consonant to the Holy Scriptures and those that are scandalous indeed as Doctor Burgesse the ring-leader of all Sedition Doctor Downing that is reputed as variable as was Doctor Pern Master Calamy that is little better Master Harding a most vicious man Master Bridge a Socinian and Master Marshall not free from the suspicion of some unjust perswasions of the weaker Sex and many more such factious men are not only dispensed with for all faults but also rewarded and advanced for their inâ—idelity to God and disloyalty to His Vice gerent This the Author of the Sober Sadness affirmeth of them 2. By framing Petitions themselves as it is conceived in the name of 2. Way thousands of people from Cities and Countries that either never saw or never knew what was in them against Episcopacy and Episcopal men and then exhibiting the said petitions unto themselves and the rest of their seduced brethren to instigate others of their own faction that affected not Episcopacy and those offendors that by their Ecclesiastical censure were justly punished and yet thereby unjustly provoked to hate them to frame Petitions against Episcopacy how unjustly procured the like petitions against this Apostolical function and to make the World beâ—ieve how odious these Reverend men were in the judgment of so many millions of men which were indeed most ignorant and simple and which God knows and themselves afterwards confessed knew not what they did nor to what end their hands were purloyned from them under fair pretences that were alleadged for the Reformation of some abuses but were subscribed to most scandalous Petitions which the poor men utterly renounced when they understood how unchristianly they were seduced So strange were their plots to make the Bishops odioâ—s And yet you must not think that these courses are more strange than true for our Saviour tells his Apostles that were men beyond exceptions full of inspirations and abundantly indued with the gifts of sanctification They should be hated of all men for his names sake and if you look into the sufferings of Saint Paul and the most horrible imputations that were so scandalously raised against the Holy Fathers you need not admire so much to see these men suffering such things at the hands of sinners to be made the scorn of men and as the off scouring of the people as they were not long since when the Bishops and the most learned Preachers might pass with more honour and less contempt at Constantinople among the Turks or in Jerusalem among the Jews than in the City of London among this brood of Anabaptists 2. After they had thus brought them upon the Stage and used them 2. How the scum of the people threaten them thus strangely without cause they get Ven and Manwaring and others of the same Sect to gather together the scum of all the Prophanest rout the vilest of all men and the out-cast of the people such as Job saith are not worthy to eat with the dogs of the flock and as they came before for the Earl of Straffords head so now again they must come in great numbers without order without honesty against all Law and beyond all Religion with swords and staves and other unfashionable though not inconsiderable weapons to cry No Papists no Bishops and if they had added No God no Devil no Heaven no Hell then surely these men had obtained if the Parliament could have granted their requests the summ of their desires and they would have thought themselves better than either King or Bishop but as yet they go no farther than No Papist no Bishop and by this they put the good Bishops in great fear and well they
God made Kings our nursing Fathers and Queens our nursing Mothers and we putting our selves under their protection have been hitherto most graciously protected but now by this Act we are left naked of all defence and set under the very sword of our Adversaries and as the Psalmist saith They that hated us are made Lords over us to call us to assess us to undo us 3. Hereby they are made more slavish than the meanest Subject and 3. Debarred of that â—ight that none else arâ— deprived of that benefit and priviledge which the poorest Shoomaker Tailer or any other Tradesman or yeoman hath most justly left unto him for to be excluded debarred and altogether made uncapable of any benefit is such an insupportable burden that it is set upon no mans shoulders but upon the Clergy alone as if they alone were either unworthy to receive oâ— unable to do any good 4. Hereby they are made the unparalleled spectacle of all neglect and 4. Made more contemptible than all others scorn to all forraign people for I can hardly believe the like Precedent can be shewed in any Age or any other Nation of the World no not among the very Infidels or Indians for in former times the Bishops and Clergy-men were thought the fittest instruments to be imployed in the best places of greatest trust and highest importance in the Common-Wealth and Kings made them their Embassadours as the Emperour Valentinian did Saint Ambrose And our own Chronicles relate how former times respected the Clergy and how our Kings made them both their Counsellours and their Treasurers Chancellours Keepers of the Great Seal and the like Officers of the chiefest concernment as Ethelbert in the year of Christ 605. saith I Ethelbert King of Kent with the consent of the Reverend Vt refert in tractatu suo de Episcopatu p. 61 62. M Theyer Sir Henry Spelman p. 118. Idem p. 403. Idem p. 219. Arch Bishop Augustine and of my Princes do give and grant c. And the said Ethelbert with the Queen and his Son Eadbald and the most Reverend Prelate Augustine and with the rest of the Nobility of the Land solemnly kept his Christmass at Canterbury and there assembled a Common Councel tam cleri quà m populi as well of the Clergy as of the People And King Adelstan saith I Adelstan the King do signify unto all the Officers in my Kingdom that by the advice of Wolfelm my Arch-Bishop and of all my Bishops c. In the great Councel of King Ina An. 712. The Edicts were Enacted by the Common Councel and consent omnium Episcoporum Principum Procerum Comitum omnium sapientum seniorum populorum totius regni per praeceptum regis Inae And in the second Charter of King Edward the Confessour granted to the Church of Saint Peter How former timesrespected the Clergy in Westminster it is said to be Cum concilio decreto Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum Comitum aliorumque suorum Optimatum With the Counsel and Decree of the Arch-Bishops Bishops Earls and other Potentates And so not only the Saxon Kings but the Norman also ever since the Conquest had the Bishops in the like or greater esteem that they never held Parliament or Councel without them And surely these Princes were no Babes that made this choice of them neither was the Common-Wealth neglected nor justice prejudiced by these Governours And whosoever shall read Mores gentium or the pilgrimage of Master Purchas Livy Plutarch Appian and the rest of the Greek and Latin Histories I dare assure him he shall find greater honour given and far less contempt cast upon the Priests and Flamins the Prophets of the Sybils than we find of this Faction left to the Servants of the Living God who are now delt withall worse than Pharaoh dealt with the Israelites that took away their straw and yet required their full tale of Bricks For these men would rob us of all our means and take a way all our Lands and all our Rights and yet require not only the full tale of Sermons and Services as was used by our Predecessours but to double our files to multiply our pains and to treble How the Clergy are â—ow used the Sermons and Services that they used to have of our forefathers more than ever was done in any Age since the first Plantation of the Gospel And when we have done with John Baptist the utmost of our endeavours like a shining and a burning lamp that doth waste and consume it self to nothing while it giveth light to others they only deal with us as Carriers use to do with their pack-horses hang bels at their ears to make a melodious noise but with little provender lay heavy loads upon their backs and when they can bear no more burdens take away their Bells withdraw their praises call them Jades exclaim against their laziness and then at last turn them out to feed upon the Commons and to die in a ditch And thus we have now made the Ministers of Christ to be the Emblems of all misery and in pretending to make them more glorious in the sight of God we have made them most base in the eyes of all men And therefore the consequence of this Act is like to prove most lamentable when the people considering how that hereby we are left naked of all comfort and subject to all kind of scorn and distresse and how that this being effected is but the Praeludium of a far greater mischief they will rather with no great cost make their children of some good Trade and their children will chuse so to be than with such great cost and more care and yet little hope to bring them up to worse condition than the meanest of all Trades or the lowest degree of all rusticks When as they can challenge and it shall not be denied them to have the priviledges of the Law and a The Clergy alone are deprived of Magna Charta property in their goods which without their own consent yielded in their porsons or their representours cannot be taken from them And the Clergy only of all the people in this Kingdom shall be deprived of the right and benefit of our great Charter which so many famous Kings and pious Princes have confirmed unto us and when we have laboured all the dayes of our lives with great pains and more diligence to instruct our people and to attain to some competency of means to maintain our selves and our families we shall be in the power of these men at their pleasure under the pretence of Religion contrary to all justice to be deprived of any part of our freehold when we shall have not one man of our own Calling to speak a word in our behalf on no Seat of Justice throughout the whole Kingdom O terque quaterque beati Queis ante or a patrum contigit oppetere O most miserable and lamentable condition of Gods Ministers I must needs
be a tumult And no marvel Because they received incouragement as we believed from their defence and no reproof that we found was made for this indignity offered unto the King But if I be constrained and in danger it is not enough for me that I am voted free and safe For if that which looks as like a tumult as that did or as the representation of my face in the truest Glasse is like my face doth come against me and incompasse me about though I may be perhaps in more safety yet I shall think my self in great fear and in no more security than His Majesty was at Edge-hill 3. Because as the viewer of the Observat hath very well exprest it No Act 3. Reason p. 7. of Parliament can prevail to deprive the King of His Right and Authority as an Attainder by Parliament could not bar the Title to the Crown from descending on King Hen. 7. Nor was an Act of Parliament disabling King Hen. 6. to re-assume the Government of his people of any force but without any repeal in it self frustrate and void 7. Rep. 14. Calvins case an Act of Parliament cannot take away the protection or the Subjects service which is due by the Law of Nature 11. rep Sur de la Wares case William de la Ware although disabled by Act of Parliament was neverthelesse called by Queen Elizabeth to sit as a Peer in Parliament for that it seems the Queen could not be barred of the service and counsel of any of Her Subjects 2. H. 7. 6. a Statute that the King by no non obstante shall dispence with it is void because it would take a necessary part of Government out of the Kings hand And therefore I see not how this Act can deprive the King of the service and counsel of all his Bishops and Clergy but that it is void of it self and needeth no repeal or if otherwise yet seeing that besides all this 13. of the Bishops were shut in prison when this Act passed and their protestation was made long before this time and it was so unduly framed so illegally prosecuted and with such compulsive threats and terrours procured to be passed I hope the wisdom of the next Parliament together with their love and respect to the Church and Church-men will nullifie the same CHAP. VI. Sheweth the Plots of the Faction to gain unto themselves the friendship and assistance of the Scots And to what end they framed their new Protestation How they provoked the Irish to rebell and what other things they gained thereby ANd thus the Sectaries of this Kingdom and the Faction in this Parliament have by their craft and subtilty prevailed to have all the chiefest impediments of their Design to be removed So now the hedge is broken down and all the Boars of the Forrest may now come into the vineyard to destroy the vine and to undermine the City of God But into their counsels let not my soul come 2. When they had taken away these stops and hinderances of their projects they were to recollect and make up the furtherances that might help 2. The furtherances of their Design were five to advance their Cause for the founding of their new Church and the establishing of their famous Democratical Government and popular Common-wealth And these I find to be principally five 1. The gaining of their Brethren of Scotland to become their fast and faithful friends 2. The framing of a Protestation to frighten the Papists and to insnare the simple to be led as they listed to prosecute their Design 3. The condemning of our late Canons as abominable in their judgement and inconsistent with their Religion 4. The appointing of a new Synod the like whereof was never heard in the Church since Adam to compose such Articles as they liked and to frame such Discipline as should be most agreeable to their own dispositions 5. The setling of a Militia a word that the vulgar knew not what it was for to secure the Kingdom as they pretended from those dangers that they feared that is from those Jacks of Lent and men of Clouts which themselves set up as deadly enemies unto the Church and State but indeed insensibly to get all the strength of the Realm into their own hands and their Confederates that so they might like the Ephori bridle the King and bring him as they pleased to abolish and establish what Laws and Government they should propose whereby perhaps he might continue King in Name but they in Deed. These were the things they aimed at and they effected the first three before they could be discryed and their Plots discovered but in the other two they were prevented when God said unto them as he doth unto the Sea Hitherto shalt thou go and no further here shalt thou stay thy proud waves And therefore I am confident and I wish all good Christians were so that their purposes shall never succeed nor themselves prosper therein while the World lasteth because God hath so mercifully revealed so much so graciously assisted our King and so miraculously not only delivered him from them but also strengthened him against them contrary to all appearing likely-hood to this very day which is a sufficient argument to secure our faith that we shall by the help of our God escape all the rest of their destructive Designs But to display their Banners to discover their Projects and to let the World see what they are and how closely and yet cunningly they went about to effect their work I will in a plain manner set down what I know and what I have collected from other Writings and from men that are fide digni for one mans eyes cannot see all things nor infallibly perceive the Mysteries of all particulars for to confirm the faithful Subjects in their due obedience both to God and their King and to undeceive the poor seduced people that they perish not in the contradiction of Corah 1. It is believed not without cause with far greater probabilities than a 1 The indeering of themselves unto the Scots Our Sectâ—â—ies the inviters of the Scots to England bare suspicion that our own Anabaptistical Sectaries and this Faction were the first inviters of those angry spirits that conceived some cause to be discontented and were glad of secret entertainers to enter into the bosom of this Kingdom Whatsoever those our Brethren of Scotland did I will bury it according to their Act in oblivion neither approving nor yet blameing them for any thing But for any Subject of England to enterchange Messages and to keep private intelligence with any that seem to be in Arms against their King and the invaders of his Dominions to animate them to come and advance forward to refuse their Soveraigns Service and the Oath of their fidelity which was tendered unto them and to hinder the Kings Souldiers to do their duties either by denying to go with him or refusing to fight for him when
the the Rebellion than any wayes quench that destroying flame And this was as it succeeded and as you see hereby most likely intended a most detestable Plot for the kindling of that Rebellion and continuing of that bloody War in Ireland without which they knew this Rebellion in England could never have gained so much strength as it hath 2. By their large expression of what Religion they protested to defend 2. To gain all Sectaries to their side not the Protestant Religion as it is established by Law and expressed in the 39. Articles of the Church of England but as it is repugnant to Popery and taught perhaps by Burton Burges Goodwin Burrows or the like Amsterdamian Schismaticks they opened the gap so wide and made Heaven-gate so broad that all Brownists Anabaptists Socinians Familists Aâ—amites and all other New-England-brood and Out-landish Sectaries whatsoever that opposed Popery might return home and joyn with them as they have done since to overthrow our established Church and State And this Plot to increase their own strength was as craftily done and is as Detestable as the other which to weaken the King in England caused a Rebellion in Ireland 3. By their illegall compelling and forcible inducing of all the people 3. To desery their own strength in the Kingdom to take the same or to be adjudged ill affected and popish and after the Lords had rejected the imposing of it they by their Declaration which shewed That what person soever would not take it was unfit to bear Office either in Church or Common-wealth prevailed in this Plot so that they descryed the number of their own Party they understood their own strength and they perceived thereby many things which they knew not before for now they had with David numbred Israel and so far as the wit and policy of the Devil had instructed them they had searched into the secrets of all hearts 4. Having compelled the people to take it they have hereby insnared 4. To insnare all the simpler sort to adhere unto them all the simpler sort and tender consciences to stick unto them when they tell them and presse it upon their souls That they have made a Protestation to maintain the Priviledges of Parliament and the Liberty of the Subject and therefore they are bound to adhere to the Parliament to the uttermoâ— of their power and so by this equivocall Protestation they have seduced thousands into their Rebellion and led them blindfold unto destruction But to let you see not the sincerity of their hearts but the mystery of their The mystery of their iniquity iniquity by this their Protestation you shall never find them urge it unto others or remembring it themselves For the defence of the Kings Person Crown or Dignity or for the liberty of any Subject but only such Subjects as will be Râ—bels with them For how can they be said to defend any of these when they do their very besto to destroy His Person and deprive him of all his Royal Dignities and to plunder and imprison all true Subjects for being true Subjects unto their King Whereby you see how these Rebels are likewise perjured and have weaved this Protestation like a Spiders web That therebels are all perjured through which themselves might passe when they pleased and like Vulcans Net to catch the simpler sort to adhere most eagerly to their Designs and so it is but a circle of all subtilties and not unwittily questioned An protestatio Parliamentaria deterior sit juramento cum c. For if there be any thing injoyned to be done by that Protestation which was unlawful to be done before the Protestation was taken it is no more to be justified by that Act than any other unlawful thing is by a rash and wicked vow and it ought not to be urged to do mischief and if there be nothing to be injoyned thereby but what was every mans duty before there was but small need to draw any argument from any Protestation but if they intended to draw men from the duty of alleageance to which they were legally sworn all men understood to do somewhat which the ignorant did not understand then such a voluntary Protestation might do the deed for they have protested to maintain the Priviledges of Parliament And yet the wisest of us now may justly protest we cannot tell what those Priviledges are or how far they should extend in the judgement of the House of Commons for they are multiplied like the Rats of Egypt And as Pharaohs lean Kine did eat up all his fat Cows so these meager Priviledges have eaten up all our goodly Priviledges of Parâ— multiplyed and are like Pharaohs kine Laws And therefore the unlimited universality of these Priviledges in the Protestation extending it self as far as the caetera in the Canonical Oath was but a mischievous plot in the Contrivers to catch the simple to adhere unto them And it is a madness in any man that hath legally sworn to defend the King's Person Crown and Dignity which he knoweth and hath irregularly protested to maintain the Priviledges of Parliament which he knoweth not immediately to draw his sword against his known Soveraign or to Rebel against his well-known lawful Authority in the behalf of some thing he knoweth not what but is told by these men It is a Priviledge of Parliament O ye unwise among the people When will you understand Who hath bewitched you that you should not believe the truth CHAP. VII Sheweth how the Faction was inraged against our last Canons What manner of men they chose in their new Synod And of six special Acts of great prejudice unto the Church of Christ which under false pretences they have already done 3. FOr the Canons that were last made I must confess my self and many 3. The condemning of our last Canons others of my Brethren were very a verse unto our sitting to make any at that time yet many Reasons were shewed us that we might fit and we had the Judges of the Common-Laws opinion under their hands shewed us for the legality of our sitting and conclude such Canons as might be for the glory of God and the good of his Church but of those that are made though I assure my self the worst of them is not so ill as they alleadge nor near so bad as most I might say the best of their illegall Orders yet there were many of us that never gave our votes to passe them and though not for any offence that we saw in them yet for the scandall that might be taken at them we heartily wished they had never been so zealously propounded at that time But the Sectaries of London and the prevalent Faction in Parliament did with open mouth spend much time to the no small prejudice of the whole Kingdom and made many long Speeches to exclaim against them as against a Bundle of superstitions that obscured the purity of our
big and their fancies are but Dreams fit for laughter and I brought these onely as Vinegar to be tasted and then to be spit out again CHAP. X. Sheweth the great Bug-bears that affrighted this Faction the four speciall means they used to secure themselves the manifold lyes they raised against the King and the two speciall Questions that are discussed about Papists 5. FOr the setling of the Militia and putting the whole Kingdom in a 5. The setling of the Militia posture of Defence as they termed it 1. They dreamed of a desperate Disease and 2. They devised an Emperical way to cure it 1. The Disease was a monstrous fear of Popery and the re-establishment 2. The disease of abolished superstitions in our Church to invade their consciences and of the Papists with fire and sword to waste their estaâ—es and to take away their lives and liberties and through that groundâ—â—sse fear they looked on the innocent Ceremonies that were established in the Church as dangerous Innovations and introductions to Idolatry And in the State they feared the practised wayes and endeavours to produce an arbitrary government by our advancing of a boundlâ—sse Prerogative even to the dispoyling of the Subject of his property and robbing him of the benefit of the laws these were their fears And the grounds of these fears were lying fictions and most scandalous detractions and defamations for their invented Letters that should come from Holland and from Denmark and some other places beyond the Seas where we were better believe them then go try whether they were true which informed them sometimes of a Fleet of Danes sometimes of another Nation that should come to assist the King for the setting up of Popery and the securing of himself in a tyrannical and arbitrary government over them and every day almost produced a discovery What terrible things frighted them of new treacheries against the Parliament what terrible things frighted them as the stable of Horses under ground for indeed they were invisible Horses such as Elisha's servant saw terrifying their guilty consciences and that of the Taylâ—rs in Moor-fields and the like horrid machinations that were to come against them I know not from whom and God knowes from whence which things how false they were time which is the mother of truth hath long agone made manifest and ridiculous to any man that is not bewitched with these lying fancies therefore lest these dreams of their distempered brains should be too soon descryed and so prove defective to produce their intended project they alledge The Queen is a Papist and I would to God they were so truly religious and void of â—ypocrisie in their profession as she most gracious Queen is in her religion then they say The Bishops are all Papists Deans and Prebends are of the same stamp and all the Kings Chapleins that were preferred by the Arch-Bishop were either close Papists or profest Arminians which are but Cosen-germans unto the other Arminianisâ—â— being but a Bridge to passe over unto Popery And with these and the like false slanders against the King Queen and Clergy they so bewitched most of their well meaning brethren of the same house and amazed all the simpler sort of people of this Kingdom with these fears and filled them with such jealousies with those Pamphlets that they caused to be printed and dispersed every where that they were at their wits end for fear of this lamentable alteration of their religion and deprivation of their liberties 2. The disease being thus spread like a Gangrene over all the parts of 2. The Cure the body of this Kingdom they like skilful Physitians devise the cure and that is the preparation of a Militia and this Militia they would have put into such hands as they pleased such as they might confide in and I wish the whole Kingdom knew who those men were and who they are that they do confide in for I know 1. Some of them are poor men of most desperate fortunes if Bank-rupters may be termed such 2. Others to be most factious and schimatical men addicted to Anabaptism and Brownism and other worser Sects as amongst the London Commanders Ven Manwaring Fowke Norington Bradly Best and the rest whereof there are twice as many schismatical and as it is conceived beggarly Sectaries as are right honest men among them and if we looked among their Lords and all the rest of their nomination throughout the Kingdom I doubt we shall find some of them to be just of the same condition And because the King to whose care and trust God had committed all the people of this Kingdom and not to them that are called by the King and chosen onely by men and that onely for this time and of whom he will require an account of the laws and religion whereof he made him keeper and defender and not of them thought most rightly that this Militia should be committed rather to such men as he might confide in as it was in the raign of Queen Elizabeth and His Father of ever blessed memory rather than to any that they should name which was to disâ—robe himself of all his regal power of the chiefest garland of his royal Prerogatives without which he could hold his Crown by no better a tenure then durante beneplacito and to put the sword out of his own hand into the hands of them that could not love him because they could not trust him as they alledged and what reason had he to trust them that were causelesly so distrustful of him they startled at this deniall And because the King of heaven had by this time opened the Kings eys God openeth the Kings eyes to let him see what hitherto he could hardly imagine that these men to whom he had granted for the good of his Kingdom so many Acts of grace and favour as never any King of England did before and had very graciously offered to commit to the hands of their own choosing so large a share of the Militia as might have rendred the whole kingdom most secure if security in a just and legall way had been all that they sought for had their intentions far otherwise then they 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that not onely the government of the Church was intended to be alâ—eâ—ed and the Governours thereof destroyed but himself also waâ— hereby dis-robed of those rights which God and the Lawes of the Land had put into his hands and the Kingdom brought either into a base Tyranny or confused Anarchy when all things shall be done according to the arbitrary power of these factious and schismatical men therefore he utterly refused to grant their desires and most wisely withstood their design Whereupon these men put their heads together to consult how they How they strengthened themselves to make their orders fiâ—m without the King might strengthen themselves and make their ordinances firm and binding without the King and to that purpose having by their former doings gotten
they have made Which are all said to be exceedingly abused by them for 1. Against the King 2. Against the Subjects 3. Against the Law 1. Against the King it is registred to Posterity that they have proceeded besides many other things in all these particulars 1. They possesse all the Kings Houses Towns and Castles but what 1. Their proceedings against the King 1. Wrong Matâ—h â— 20. he gets by the strength of his sword and detain them from him so that we may say with our Saviour The Foxes have holes and the fowles of the air have nests but the King of England hath not an house allowed him by the Houses of Parliament wherein to put his head and they take not onely his Houses but also his rents and revenues and as I understood when I was in Oxford his very clothes and provision for his Table that seeing they could not take away his life by the sword they might murder him with cold or famin when he should not have the subsistâ—nce if they could hinder him to maintain life and soul together which is the shame of all shame and able to make any other men odious to all the The complaint to the House of Commons Pag. 19. world thus maliciously and barbarously to deal with their own most gracious King neither doth their malice here end but they with-hold the Rents of the Queen and seize upon the Revenues of our Prince which I assure them my Countrey-men takes in great scorn and I believe will right it with their lives or this Parliament-Faction shall redeem their errours with no small repentance when as we find no Prince of Wales was ever suffered by his Subjects to have such indignities offered him by the greatest Peers of England And here I cannot omit what Alderman Garraway saith of the reproach of Master Pym touching the maintaining of the Kings other Children which he professeth made his heart to rise and hoped it did so to many more Is our good King fallen so low that his Children must be kept Alderman Garraway his Speech for him It is worth our inquiry Who brought him to that condition We hear him complain that all his own Revenue is seized and taken from him Is not his Exchequer Court of Wards and Mint here his Customes too are worth somewhat and are his Children kept upon Alms How shall We and our Children prosper if this be not remedied And I pray God these things rise not up in judgement against them and this Nation but hereby they intended to verifie that disloyal Speech which One of them uttered in a Tavern and God will avert it from his Servant That they would make the King as poor as Job unlâ—sse he did comply Sober Sadnesse pag. 22. 2. Wrong with them 2. If any man which they like not attendâ— the Kings Person though he be his sworn servant or assist him in his just defence which he is bound to do by the Law of God and man yet he is presently voted and condemned for a Malâ—gnant Popish dis-affected evill Counsellour and an enemy to the State and that is enough if he be catched to have him spoyled and imprisoned at their pleasure nay my self was told by some of that Faction that because I went to see the King I should be plundered and imprisoned iâ— I were taken 3. Though they do solemnly professe that his Majesties personal safety 3 Wrong The Petition to his Majesty the 16. of July 1642. and his royaâ— honour and greatnesse are much dearer unto them then their own lives and fortunes which they do most heartily dedicate and shall most willingly imploy for the support and maintenance thereof yet for all this hearty Protestation they had at that very time as the King most accurately observeth in his Answer directed the Earl of Warwick to assist Sir John Hotham against him appointed their Generals and as Alâ—erman Non turpe est ab â—o vinâ—i qâ—em vincere est nefas neque et inhonestâ— aliquem submitâ—â— quem Deus super omnes extulit Dictum Armenii Pompeii Garraway testifieth raised ten thousand armed men out of London and the Neighbour-Countries before the King had seven hundred and afterwards though the King sent from Nottingham a gracious Message and sollicitation for Peace yet they supposing this proceeded from a dâ—ffidence of his own strength or being too confident of their own force sleâ—ghted the Kings Grace and most barbarously proceeded in the most hostile manner waged warre and gave battail against the Kings Army where they knew he was in his own Person and as one of their Preachers taught the Sunday before the Battail that they might with a good conscience as well kill the King horresco dicere as any other man so according to Captain Blagues directions as Judas taught the High-Priests servants we know what Troops and Regiments were most aimed at whereas they do most ridiculously say they have for the defence of his person sent many a Cannon-bullet about his eares which he did with that Kingly courage and Heroick magnanimity yeâ— and that Christian resolution and dependance on Gods assistance pass through that it shall be recorded to his everlasting honour and their indelible shame and reproach so long as the world endureth 4. They have most Disloyally and Traiterously spoken both privately 4 Wrong and publickly such things against his Majesty as would make the very Heathens tear them in pieces that should say the like of their Tyrannous Kings and such as I could not believe they proceeded from the mouth of a Christian against so Christian a King but that I find most of them were publickly uttered made known unto his Majesty and related by Sober sadness p. 3. â—he Viewer p. 4. His Majesties Declaration â—â—â—ssel in the supplement to Daniels History himself and those that were Ear-witnesses thereof as Horresco reserens that he was not worthy to be our King not fit to live that he was The Traitor that the Prince would govern better and that they dealt fairly with him they did not depose him as their fore-fathers had deposed Richard the second whom all the World knoweth to be most Traiterously Murdered and the whole progress of that Act whereby he was deposed is nothing else but the Scandal of that Parliament and an horrid treason upon the fairest relation of any Chronicle and the good Bishop of Carlile was not then affraid in open house to tell the Lords so to their faces and I would our Parliament men would read his Speech 5. They command their own Orders Ordinances and Declarations to 5. Wrong be Printed Cum privilegio and to be published in Publick throughout the whole Kingdom and they are not a little punished that neglect it and whatsoever Mâ—ssage Answer Declaration or Proclamation cometh from the King to inform his Subjects of the Truth of things and to undeceive his much seduced people they streightly forbid those to be
Printed and imprison if they can catch them all that publish them as they did many worthy Ministers in the City of London and in many other places of this Kingdom 6. They have publickly voted in their House and accordingly indeavoured 6. Wrong by Mâ—ssages to perswade our brethren of Scotland to joyn in their assistance with these grand Rebels to rebel against their Soveraign but I perswade my self as I said before that the Nobility and Gentry of Scotland are more Religious in themselves more Lâ—yal to their liege Lord and indeed wiser in all their actions then while they may live quietly at home in a happy peace to undertake upon the perswasions of Rebellious Subjects such an unhappy war abroad 7. It is remonstrated and related publickly that as if they had shaken 7. Wrong off all subjection and were become already a State Independent they have Treated by their agents with forraign States and do still proceed in that course which if true is such an usurpation upon Soveraignty as was never before attempted in this Kingdom and such a Presumption as few men know the secret mischiefs that may luâ—k therein 8. They suffer and licence their Pamphleters Pryn Goodwin Burges 8. Wrong Marshal Sedgwick and other emissaries of wickedness to publish such Treasons and Blasphemies and abominable Aphorisms As that thâ— negative vote of the King is no more then the dissent of one man the Affirmative vote of the King makes not a Law ergo the Negative cannot destroy it and the like absurd and sensless things that are in those Aphorisms and in Prins book of the Soveraign power of Parliament whereby they would deny the Kings power to hinder any Act that both the Houses shall conclude and so taking away those just prerogatives from him that are as Hereditary to him as his Kingdom compell him to assent to their conclusions for which things our Histories tell us that other Parliaments Why the two Spencers died have banished and upon their returns they were hanged both the Spencers the Father and the Son for the like presumption as among other Articles for denying this Prerogative unto their King and affirming Per aspertevid Ebsmere postnaâ—i p. 99. that if he neglected his duty and would not do what he ought for the good of the Kingdom he might be compelled by force to perform iâ— which very thing divesteth the King of all Soveraignty overthroweth Monarchy and maketh our government a meer Aristocracy contrary to the constitution of our first Kings and the judgment of all ages for we know full well from the Practise of all former Parliaments that seeing the three Pag. 48. States are subordinate unto the King in making Laws wherein the chiefest power consisteth they may propound and consent but it is still in the Kings power to refuse or raâ—ify and I never read that any Parliament man till now did ever say the contrary but that if there be no concurrence of the King in whom formally the power of making of any Law resideth ut in subjecto to make the Law the two Houses whose consent is but a requisite condition to compleat the Kings power are but a liveless convention like two Cyphers without a figure that of themselves are of no value or power but joyned unto their figures have the full strength of their places which is confirmed by the Viewer of the Observations out of 11. Hen. 7. 23. per Davers Polydore 185. Cowel inter verbo Praerog Sir Pag. 19 20 21. Thomas Smyth de republ Angl. l. 2. c. 3. Bodin l. 1. c. 8. For if the Kings consent were not necessary for the perfecting of every Act then certainly as The Letter to a Gentleman in Gloucestershire p. 3. another saith all those Bils that heretofore have passed both Houses and for want of the Royal assent have slept and been buried all this while would now rise up as so many Laws and Statutes and would make as great confusion as these new orders and ordinances have done And as the Lawyers tell us that the necessity of the assent of all three States in Parliament is such as without any one of them the rest do but Lamberts Archeion 271. Vid. the Viewer p. 21. lose their labour so Le Roy est assentus ceo faict un Act de Parliament and as another saith Nihil ratum habetur nisi quod Rex comprobarit Nothing is perfected but what the King confirmeth But here in the naming of the three States I must tell you that I find in most of our Writers about this new-born question of the Kings power a very great omission that they are not particularly set down that the whole Kingdom might know which is every one of them and upon this omission I conceive as great mistake in them that say the three States are 1. The King 2. The House of Peers Which be the three States of England 3. The House of Commons For I am informed by no mean Lawyer that you may find it upon the Rowls of Henry the fifth as I remember and I am sure you may find it Speed l 9. c. 19. p. 712. Anno. 1 Ric. 3. in the first year of Richard the third where the three States are particularly named and the King is none of them For it is said That at the request and by the assent of the three Estates of this Realm that is to say the Lords Spiritual the Lords Temporal and Commons of the Land Assembled it is declared that our said Soveraign Lord the King is the very undoubted King of this Realm Wherein you may plainly see the King that is acknowledged their Soveraign by all three can be none of the three but is the head of all three as the Dean is none of the Chapter but is Caput capituli and as in France and Spain so in England I conceive the three Estates to be 1. The Lords Spiritual that are if not representing yet in loco in the behalf of all the Clergy of England that till these Anabaptistical tares have almost choaked all the Wheat in Gods field were thought so considerable a party as might deserve as well a representation in Parliament as old Sarum or the like Borough of scarce twenty Houses 2. The Lords Temporal in the right of their Honor and their Posterity 3. The Commons that are elected in the behalf of the Conntrey Cities and Butroughs and what these three States consult and conclude upon for the good of the Church and Kingdom the King as the head of all was either to apprâ—ve or reject what he pleased And Joh. Beda advocate in the Court of Parliament of Paris saith p. 42. De jure Regum The Church is within the State made a part of the same and is subject to the Soveraign of the whole Territory being in France and England one of the three estates of the Kingdom whereof the King is head and superior aswel of the Clergy
of an absolute and a Politick Monarch with his two-leaves discourse upon the same is so false and so frivolous that as Saint Bernard saith of the fooleries of Abailardus it deserveth rather Fustibus contundi quà m rationibus refelli for Aristotle tels us that the Aristot Polit. l. 4. Supreme Power of all Government which resideth in every absolute Monarch and doth constituere Monarcham give being unto the Monarch consisteth chiefly in these three distinct branches 1. Legislative to make and repeal Laws The Supreme Power of every Government wherein it consisteth 2. Bellative to pronounce War and conclude Peace 3. Judicative decisively to determine all crimes and causes whatsoever And when this threefold power is not penes unum but penes optimates then it is no Monarchy but an Aristocracy and when it is penes populum then it is neither of those but a meer Democracy or popular Government And therefore our Kings having the sole power First to make War and conclude Peace at their own pleasure and have called Parliaments only to supply their wants and to add their counsel and assistance therein Secondly to make Laws and repeal them when they please save only that they promised to their people and obliged themselves not to do it without the advice of their Parliament And thirdly to judge all their Subjects according to their Laws It is most apparent that our Kings are most absolute Monarchs as Cassaneus Bodinus Sir Thomas Smith and all that wrote of this Kingdom do peremptorily affirm And though I deny not Bodins distinction of a Lordly Monarch a Bod l. 2. c. 2 3. Royal Monarch and a Tyrannical Monarch which sheweth only the Power and the Practice of the Monarch yet I say That the distinction of an absolute and mixed Monarchy which defigneth the manner of the Government is a meer foppery and a ridiculous distinction Because that Government which extendeth it self to more than one can never be a Monarchy as every man knoweth that understandeth the word Monarch These and many more such injuries and insufferable indignities they have offered unto our King and so indeed unto the whole Kingdom which they durst not have offered to any Tyrannical King that would have ruled them with his iron Rod but as the mercy of God emboldeneth wicked men to proceed in their abominations so the lenity and goodness of this pious Prince and nothing else in him encouraged these factious and ambitious men the people greedy of a licentious Liberty and the Nobility and Gentry of Rule which is their natural disease thus to usurpe the Rights of our King and to raise this miserable War CHAP. XII Sheweth the unjust proceedings of this Faction against their fellow-Subjects set down in four particular things 2. LEst they should be thought juster to their fellow Subjects than they 2. Their proceedings against the Subjects wherein I shall in most points set down what I find in the Remonstrance of the Commons to the House of Commons and what I collected out of other Writers of the best credit are to their Soveraign King you may observe what I find related of them 1. That besides the Act which they composed and procured it to passe for the Pole-money wherein they shew their exceeding great love to the Clergy as to make Deans whose Deanaries were scarce worth 100. l. apiece per annum to pay 40. l. per pole equall with the Lords and Aldermen of London and many Prebendaries to pay more than the annual worth of their Prebends and the like many passages of their respect to the Ministers and some other particulars which I passe without reproof because the Act is passed There were monies advanced by gift and by adventure and Souldiers were prepared for Ireland to reduce those Rebels to their former obedience and to restore the Kings distressed Subjects to their rights and possessions but the great neglect they shewed to discharge this duty the Souldiers that were sent being left almost altogether unpaid to be starved and exposed to the mercy of their merciless enemies and we the poor English that were robbed and spoiled of our goods and lands left not only unrelieved but also twitted with that scandal for our comfort that we were worthily expelled by the Irish and left unregarded by the English because we were but as the Samaritanes neither Israelites nor Pagans or as the Turks that partaking with the Jews and the Christians are neither 1 How they neglected the distresled Subjects of Ireland Jews nor Christians So the English in Ireland were just Laodicean like neither hot nor cold neither English nor Irish neither zealous Papists nor true Protestants and therefore worthily to be spued out of the mouth of all men which is the comfort we have of them and which puts us in a desperate condition unlesse his Majesty will be pleased to take another course to relieve us to be left as a prey to be destroyed betwixt two sorts we know not which more cruel enemies and makes us believe that the monies are diverted and the Souldiers detained to continue this unnatural War against our King that so by losing the Kingdom of Ireland they might the sooner destroy the Kingdom of Old England to bring the Kingdom of New England amongst us And besides this simple conversion of the Irish monies it is almost incredible to consider how unjustly they have dealt with the English Subjects to get money for to let abundance of other particulars pass the Earl of Manchester in the night time fetched away six thousand pounds as I understand that were collected for the repairing of Saint Andrews in Holbourn and the great sums of money that we gathered for London-derry Sober sadnesse p. 21. and for Brainceford were imployed by these Zelots not to maintain the lives of those distressed people but to destroy the lives of loyal Subjects and to prove themselves right Iscariots they brake into the Hospital at Gilâ—ord in Surrey and took four thousand pounds from the poor Lazars But as the Romans dealt with their neighbours Territories when they were made their Arbitrators so these men dealt as finely with the lading of that Ship called Sancta Clara for while the Merchants disputed about the goods these just Judges to reconcile the difference seize upon all and twenty thousand pound must be lent them before the right owner can receive them I might fill my papers with such examples 2. They have made an Ordinance that the twentieth part of mens 2. How they take what part they will of our estates Wheâ—eas they object That in the raign of King John and others â—f our king the twentieth fifteenth tenth or seventh part hath been given I answer in one word Never apart by the two Houses without the King and against the king as they do estates must be paid towards the maintenance of this Rebellion and they do appoint those that upon their discretion shall value that
twentieth part and they may for ought we know set down the tenth for the twentieth and if they may legally do this we can see no reason why by the same Rule they may not take the fifteenth tenth or half our goods for the same purpose and so they avouch they may but most untruly For it was never known till this present Parliament that an Ordinance of both Houses without the consent nay against the Command of the King can bind the free Subjects of England which do not then renounce their lâ—yalty to their King when they make choice of them to be their Procurators in the Parliament in their lives liberties or estates and yet these men not only bestow our monies as they please as they did six thousand pound to their own Speaker and the places of Command and great Profit more than all the Revenues of their lands come to upon themselves and upon their children and friends as upon Sir John Hotham the Lord Rochford Lord Say Lord Brook Hampden Brereton Fine the Earl of Essex and abundance more but they do also seize upon our estates and thus take our goods under the colour of maintaining this War to inrich themselves and their children And for the levying of this or what other part they please they ordain their friends and appoint their Collectors to distrain for the sum assessed and to sell the distress and if no distress can be found then the persons of these notable offenders that deny their goods thus illegally to be taken from them are to be imprisoned and their families to be banished from their habitations And to make the World believe how justly and sufficiently legal they could do this they made another Ordinance for the inhabitants of the Counties of Northampton Rutland Derby c. to pay the twentieth part and to be assessed by the Assessors that they name in imitation of the Statute lately made for the four hundred thousand pound and it is more than probable that this proceeding is but the praeludium of the like exaction to be extended when their need requireth to all the other parts of the Kingdom which is a most miserable course and injustice not to be paralleld to cast themselves into a necessity of getting money to maintain an impious War against their King and then out of that necessity to compel their fellow-Subjects and those peaceable men that do abominate this War to maintain the same yea and to fight in the same to kill men against their consciences in despite of their teeth or if they resuse to do it to send or at least to permit a party of Horse Dragooneers and other strength to go to fetch their Money Plate or other goods as if they were the goods of the deadly enemies of the Common-wealth and this for none other reason but for that the owners thereof are good Subjects to the King and not well-affected to their unjust and ungodly proceedings But let me perswade all men that do fear God still to suffer any thing which they cannot avoid from the violence of these wicked men rather than to contribute any thing unto them to further such abominable courses as they prosecute against the Law of God and man Because the Lord commandeth us to fear none of those things that we shall suffer but to stand in Rev. 2. 10. our integrity unto death and we shall be crowned with the crown of life 3. They have discharged the Apprentices and servants from their Masters 3. How they discharged the Apprentices compelledthem to fight services and have either compelled or perswaded them to serve in their Army against the King and that without the consent and against the will of their Masters and Dames yea sometimes against the commands of their own Parents which I speak from their own mouths 4. They have imprisoned very many hundreds of most able and most 4. How they imprisoned our men without cause honest men even so many that the Prisons are not able to contain them but they are fain to consecrate the greatest houses in London to become Prisons as the Bishop of London's house Eâ—y-house Winâ—hester-house Lambeth-house Crosby-house the Savoy and the like And this they do for none other cause but either for performing the duties of their places and discharging their obedience to his Majesty as the last Lord Maior Gurney which deserved rather to be commended than committed if we believe many that were present at his Tryal or petitioning unto them as Sir George Bynion and Captain Richard Lovelace and Sir William Boteler of Kent because they did not therein flatter and approve their present Complaint p. â— wicked courses or intending to petition unto the King for relief of these lamentable distresses as those Gentlemen of Hertford-shire and Westminster or for being as they conceived disaffected unto their disloyall Orders A strange thing and injustice beyond prehdent not the like to found among the Pagans That where no Law can condemn a man for his affections when no action is committed against Law men shall be robbed of their estates and adjudged for Malignants which is also a crime most general and without the compasse of any Statute and then for this new-created sin to be condemned and imprisoned and therein to remain without Tryal of his offence perhaps as long as the Archbishop of Canterbury And this wonder is the rather to be wondered at because it is the sense of both Houses if we may believe Master Pym That it is against the M Pym in his Speech at the Gaild hall Rules of Justice that any man should be imprisoned upon a general Charge when no particulars are proved against him For never Charge can be more general than to be ill-affected or a Malignant or a man not to be confided in whereof you find ten thousand in the City of London and many hundred thousands in the Kingdom and therefore when we find so many persons of Honour and Reputation imprisoned only upon this surmise without any other particular Charge so much as once suggested against them as was the Lord of Middlesex the Lord of Portland and abundance more and detained in prison because they were ill-affected in that they have not contributed to the maintenance of this War we see how insensibly they have accused themselves to have laid this insupportable punishment beyond the desert of the transgressors and against the Rules of all Justice and how they have forgotten their Protestation and exceedingly infringed the liberty of the Subjects whereof they promised to be such faithful Procurators CHAP. XIII Sheweth the proceedings of this Faction against the Laws of the Land the Priviledges of Parliament transgressed eleven special wayes 3. FOr the Laws of our Land which are either private as those chiefly 3. Their proceedings against the Laws which belong unto the Parliament and are called the Priviledges of Parliament or Publick which are Inheritance of every Subject you shall find
how they have invaded and violated each one of these For 1. Touching the Priviledges of Parliament We confess that former 1. Against the Priviledges of Parliament Kings have graciously yielded many just Priviledges unto them for the freedom of their persons and the liberty of their speeches so they be free from Blasphemy or Treason or the like unpardonable offence but such a freedom as they challenge though for my self I confess my skill in Law to be unable to distinguish the legitimate from the usurped yet in these subsequent particulars I find wise men utterly denying it them As 1. When they forbid us to dispute of their Priviledges and say That 1. Denying us to dispute of them L. Elismer in post-nati themselves alone are the sole Judges of them when as in former Ages they have been adjudged by the Laws of the Kingdom when Thorpe the Speaker of the House of Commons hath been committed and detained Prisoner upon an Execution and the House confirmed that Act. 2. When the Members of the House of whose elections and transgressions 2. Committing and putting out their Members against the House or any of their fellow-Members or the like the House is the proper Judge which ought to have as free liberty as any of the rest upon any emergent occasion are committed as Master Palmer and others were or put out of the House as Sir Edward Deering the Complaint p. 11. Lord Faulkland Sir John Culpepper Sir John Strangwayes and others have been voted hand over head for speaking more reason than the more violent party could answer or in very deed for speaking their minds freely against the sense of the House or rather against some of the prevalent Faction of the House which we say is no Priviledge but the pravity of the House to deny this just Priviledge unto those Members that were thus committed or expelled For hereby it doth manifestly appear that contrary to the practice of all former Parliaments and contrary to the Honour of any Parliament things were herein debated and carried not by strength of argument but by the most voices and the greater number were so for from understanding the validity of the alleadged Reasons that after the Votes passed they scarce conceived the state of the Question but thought it enough to be Clerks to Master Pym and to say Amen to Master Hampden by an implicite faith 3. When they deny the Members of their House or any other imployed by them in this horrid Rebellion should be questioned for Felony Treason 3. Denying their Members to be legally tried for any capital Crime Vide Dyer p. 59. 60. â—rompton 8. b. 9 10 11. Elâ— m. post-natâ— 20. 21. I he viewer P. 43. Murder or the like capital Crimes but only in Parliament or at least by the leave of that House whereof they are Members or which doth imploy them for by this means any Member of their House may be a Traitor or a Murderer or a Robber whensoever he please and may easily escape before the party wronged or complainant can obtain this leave of the House of Commons and therefore this is as unreasonable and as sensless a Priviledge as ever was challenged and was never heard of till this Parliament For why should any man refuse his Tryal or the House deny their Members to the justice of the Law when as the deniall of them to be tryed by the Law implyeth a doubt in us of the innocency of those whom we will not submit to Justice and their Tryal would make them live gloriously hereafter if they were found innocent and move the King to deliver those men that had so wickedly conspired their destruction to the like censure of the Law But for them to cry out The King is mis-informed and we dare not trust our selves upon a Tryal may be a way to preserve their safety but with the losse of their reputation and perhaps the destruction of many thousands of people If they say They are contented to be tried but by their own House which in the time of Parliament is the highest Court of justice It may be answered said a plain Rustick with the old Proverb Ask my fellow if I be a Thief For mine own part I reverence the justice of a Parliament in all other judgements betwixt party and party yea betwixt the King and any other Subject yet when the party accused shall be judged by his own Society his Brethren and his own Faction I believe any indifferent Judge would see this to be too great partiality against the King that he shall not have those whom he accuseth to be tried by the Laws already established and the ordinary course of Justice and if the Judges offend in their Sentence the Parliament hath full power undenied them by his Majesty to question and to punish those Judges as they did for that too palpable in justice as they conceived in the case of the Ship money but they will be judged by themselves and all that dissent from them must be at their mercy or destruction And yet it is said to be evident That no Priviledge can have its ground or commencement unlesse it be by Statute Grant or Prescription And by the Stat. 26. Hen. 8. cap. 13. it is enacted That no offender in any kind of high Treason shall have the priviledge of any manner of Sanctuary So all the Grants of such a priviledge if any such should be made are meerly void 1 Hen. 7. Staffords case and not one Instance could hitherto be produced whereby such a Priviledge was either allowed or claimed but the contrary most clearly proved by his Majesty out of Wentworths case And therefore seeing your own Law-books tell us That the Priviledge of Parliament doth not extend to Treason the breach of the Peace and as some think against the Kings debt it is apparent how grossely they do abuse the People by this claim of the Priviledge of Parliament 4. When they connive with their own compeers for any breach of priviledge 4. Conniving with their Faction for any fault as with Master Whitakers for searching Master Hampdens pockets and taking away his papers immediately after the abrupt breaking up of the last unhappy Parliament and those that discovered the names of them that differed in opinion from the rest of the Faction in the business of the Earl of Straffords and specially with that rabble of Brownists and Anabaptists which with unheard-of impudency durst ask that question publickly at the Bar Who they were that opposed the well-affected party in that House as if they meant to be eeven with them whosoever they were And likewise that unruly multitude of zealous Sectaries that were sent as I find it by Captain Ven and Isaac Pennington to cry Justice Justice Justice and No Bishops no Bishops and this to terrifie some of the Lords from the House and to awe the rest that should remain in the House as they had formerly done in the
case of the Earl of Strafford and when others that they like not are for the least breach of pretended Priviledge either imprisoned or expelled for I assure my self there cannot be higher breaches of Priviledges than these be nor greater stains to obscure the Honour and vilifie the repute of this Parliament 5. When there is such siding and ingaging one another in civil causes 5. The ingaging one another in civil causes that they may be conglutinated together for their great Design to do things not according unto Justice but for their own endâ— contrary to all right and their favour is scarce worth the charge of attendance to them that speed best by their Ordinances but the complaint is that mâ—n have the greatest injuries done them â—n this that themselves call the highest Court of Justice which others say hath now justified all other inferiour Courts and made all nurighteous Judges most just 6. When as we have been informed a matter of the greatest importance 6. The surreptitious carrying of businesses hath been debated and put unto the question and upon the question determined and the Bill once and again rejected yet at another time even the third time when the Faction had prepared the House for their own purpose and knew they could carry it by most voices the same question hath been resumed and determined quite contrary to the former determination when the House was more orderly convened as it is said they did to passe the Ordinance for the Militia which many men dare avouch to their faces to be no Priviledge of Parliament but a great abuse of their fellow-Members and a greater injury unto all their fellow-Subjects 7. When the elections of some of their Members have been questioned 7. Their partiall questioning of some men and no questioning of some others and others have been accused for no lesse than capital Crimes as Master Griffith was yet if these men incline and conspire with this Faction to confirm those Positions which they proposed to themselves to overthrow the Church and State and to uphold their usurped Government and tyrannical Ordinances they will pretend twenty excuses as The great Affairs of the State The multiplicity of their businesses The necessity of procuring monies The shortnesse of their time though they sate almost three years already that they have no leisure to determine these questions which in truth they do purposely put off lest they should leese such a friend unto their party but when any other which dissenteth from their humours doth but any thing contrary to the straitest Rules of the House they do presently notwithstanding all their greatest affairs call that matter into question and it must be examined The L Digby in his Apolog. and followed with that eagernesse as in my Lord Digby's case that he must be forthwith condemned and excluded for we say This cannot be any just Priviledge but an unjust proceeding of this Parliament 8. When they delegate their power to some men to do some things of 8. The delegating of their power to particular men themselves without the rest as it seems they did unto Master Pym when an Order passed under his sole test for taking away the Rails from the Communion Table for this is a course we never heard of in former time 9. When their Priviledges are so infinitely grown and inlarged more 9. The multiplying of their Priviledges than ever they were in former Parliaments and so swelled that they have now swallowed up almost all the Priviledges of other men so that they alone must do what they please and where they will in all Cities and in all Courts because they have the Priviledge of Parliament 10. When according to the great liberty of language which we deny 10. Their speaking and sitting in other Courts them not within their own wall they take the Priviledge to speak what they list in other places and to govern other Courts as they please where as they did in Dublin and do commonly in London they â—it as Assistants with them that are priviledged by their Charters to be freed from such Controllers 11. When above all that hath been or can be spoken they have made 11. Their close Committee a close Committee of Safety as they call it which in the apprehension of all wise and honest men is not only a course most absurd and illegall but also most destructive to all true Priviledges and contrary to the equitable practice of all publick meetings that any one should be excluded from that which concerneth him as well as any of the rest And this Committee only which consisteth of a very few of the most pragmatical Members of their House must have all intelligences and privy counsels received and reserved among themselves and what they conclude upon must be reported to the House which must take all that they deliver upon trust and with an implicite Roman faith believe all that they say and assent to all that they do only because these forsooth are men to be confided in upon their The greatnesse of this abuse bare word when their House hath no power to administer an Oath unto any man in the greatest affairs happiness or destruction of the whole Kingdom for this is in a manner to make these men Kings more than the Roman Consuls and so as great a breach of Priviledge and abuse of Parliament as derogatory to his Majesty that called them to consult together and as injurious to all the people as can be named or imagined CHAP. XIV Sheweth how they have transgressed the publike Laws of the Land three wayes and of four miserable Consequences of their wicked doings 2. FOr those publike written and better known Laws of this Land 2. Against the publick laws of the Land they have no lesse violated and transgressed the same than the other and that as well in their execution and exposition as in their composition For 1. When they had caused the Archbishop of Canterbury to be committed 1. In the execution of the old Laws to the Tower Judge Berkeley to the Sheriff of London Sir George Ratcliffe to the Gate house for no lesse crimes than high Treason and many other men to some other prisons for some other faults yet all the World seeth how long most of them have been kept in prison some a year some two some almost three and God only knoweth when these men intend to bring them to their legal tryal which delay of justice is not only an intolerable abuse to the present Subjects of this Kingdom to be so long deprived of their liberty upon a bare surmise but also a far greater injury to all posterity when this President shall be produced to be imitated by the succeeding Parliaments and to justifie the delayes of all inferiour Judges 2. Whereas we believe what Judge Bracton saith and Judge Britton 2. In expounding the Laws likewise which lived in the time of
Edward the first Si disputatio oriatur justiciarii non possunt cam interpretari sed in dubiis obscuris Domini regis erit expectanda interpretatio voluntas câ—m ejus sit interpretari Citatur à Domino Elism in post-nati p. 108. cujus est condere If any Dispute doth arise the Judges cannot interpret the same but in all obscure and doubtful questions the interpretation and the will of the King is to be expected when as he that makes the Law is to be the expounder and interpreter of the Law Yet they have challenged and assumed to themselves such a power that their bare Vote without any Act of Parliament may expound or alter a known Law which if it were so they might make the Law as Pighius saith of the Scripture like a nose of wax that may be fashioned and bended as they pleased but we do constantly maintain That the House of Commons hath no power to adjudge of any point or matter but to inform the Lords what they conceive and the House of Peers hath the power of Judicature which they are bound to do according to the Rules of the known established Laws and to that end they have the Judges to inform them of those cases and to explain those Laws wherein themselves are not so well experienced though now they sit in the House for cyphers even as some Clergy did many times in the Convocation and if any former Statute be so intricate and obscure that the Judges cannot well agree upon the right interpretation thereof then as in explaining Poynings Act and the like either in England or Ireland the makers of the Act that is the King and the major part of both Houses must explain the same 3 In composeing and setting forth new laws 3. Whereas we never knew that the House had any power to make Orders and Ordinances to bind any besides their own Members to observe them as Laws yet they compell us to obey their Orders in a stricter manner than usually we are injoyned by Law and this course to make such binding Ordinances as they do to carry the force though not the name of an Act of Parliament or a Law is a mighty abuse of our Laws and Liberties for Sir Edward Cook tells us plainly That as the constitution of our Government now standeth neither the House of Commons and King can make any binding Law when the Peers dissent nor â— Cook in the Preface of the Stat. of Westminster the second Lamberts Archeion 271. the Lords and King when the Commonalty dissenteth nor yet both Houses without the Kings consent but all three King Peers and Commons must agree before any coactive Law can be composed Nay more it is sufficiently proved that Dare â—us populâ— or the legislative power being one principall end of Regall Authority was in Kings by the Law of Nature while they governed the people by naturall equity long before municipall Laws or Parliaments had any beeing For as the Poet saith Remo cum fratre Quirinus Jura dabat populo Hoc Priami gestamen erat cum jura vocatis More daret populis Because this was the custom of the Kings of Scythia Assyria Aegypt c. long before Moses and Pharonaeus when Municipall Laws first began to give Laws unto their people according to the Rules of Naturall equity which by the Law of Nature they were all bound to observe And though some Kings did graciously yield and by their voluntary oathes for themselves and their successors bind themselves may times to stricter limits than were absolutely requisite as William Rufus King Stephen Henry the fourth Richard the third and the like granted many Priviledges perhaps to gain the favour of their Subjects against those which likely had a better Title to the Crown than themselves or it may be to satisfie their people as the guerdon or compensation for the sufferance of some fore-passed grievances as Henry the first Edward the second Richard the second and the like yet these limitations being agreeable to equity and consistent with Royalty and not forcibly extracted ought in all truth and reason to be observed by them And hence it is that the Kings of this Realm according to the oathes and promises which they made at their Coronation can never give nor repeal any Law but with the assent of the Peers and People But though they have thus yielded to make no Laws nor to repeal any Laws without them yet this voluntary concession of so much grace unto the people doth no waies translate the legislative power from the King unto his assistants but that it is formaliter and subjectivè still in the King and not in them else would the government of this Kingdom be an Aristocracy or Democracy and not a Monarchy because the Supreme power of making and repealing Laws and Governing or judging decisively according to those Laws are two of those three things that give being to each one of these three sorts of Government Therefore the King of England being an absolute Monarch in his own Cassan in catal gloria mundi 2 2 Ed. 3. 3 pl. 25. Vid. The view of a Printed book intituled Observations c. Where this point is proved at large p. 18 19 21 22. Kingdom as â—assaneus saith and no man can deny it the Legislâ—tive power must needs reside solely in the King ut in subjecto proprio and the consent of the Lords and Commons is no sharing of that power but only a condition yielded to be observed by King in the use of that power and so both the Oath of Supremacy and the form of all our ancient Statutes wherein the King speaks as the Law-maker do most evidently prove the same unto us Le Roy voit Neither durst any Subjects in former times either assume such a power unto themselves or deny the same unto their King for you may find how the House of Commons denying to pass the Bill for the Pardon of the Clergy which Henry the 8th granted them when they were all charged to be in a Premunire unless themselves also might be included within the pardon received this answer from the King that He was their Soveraign Lord and would not be compelled to shew his mercy nor indeed could they compel him to any thing else but seeing they went about to restrain him of his Liberty he would grant a pardon unto his Clergy by his great Seal without them though afterwards of his own accord he signed their pardon also which broughâ— great commendation to his judgment Sir Rich. Bakâ—r in viâ—a Hen. 8. to deny it at first when it was demanded as a right and to grant it afterward when it was received as of grace And yet the denyal of their assent unto the King is more equitable to them and less derogatory to him then to make orders without him And this manner of compulsion to shew grace unto themselves is more tolerable than to force him to disgrace
happiness we would buy Arms and be Voluntiers and every Town being too wanton would needs train and put themselves into a posture of defence as they termed it to be secured from their own shadows and though the King told them often there was no cause of their Jealousies and therefore forbade these disloyalties yet just like the Jews they were willing to be deceived by this miserable faction that contrived that Act whereby they have perfidiously over-reached both our good King and the rest of our wel-meaning brethren either to perfect their Design or else to make themselves perpetual Dictators and to betray the felicity of all our people under the name of Parliament which though as I said before I honour and love as much as any of the truest Patriots of either House both in the institution and the right prosecution thereof that is as it was constituted to be the great Council of the Kingdom graciously called by his Majesties-writ confidently to present the grievances of the people and humbly to offer their advice and counsels for their Reformation yet I do abhor those men that would abuse the word Parliament only as a Stalking-Horse to destroy all Acts of Parâ—iament and I hate to see men calling the Fanatick actions of a few desperate seditious persons the proceedings of Parliament and others making an Idol of it as if their power were omnipotent or unlimitted and more than any Regal Power their judgment infallible their Orders irreprehensible and themselves unaccountable for their proceedings to be so besotted with the name of it that this bare shadow without the substance for it is no Parliament without the King and the Major part of both Houses is either banished or imprisoned or compelled to reside with his Majesty should so bewitch us as Master Smyth blushed not to say Nothing could free us Ingeniosus ad blasphemiâ—â— from our dangers but the Divinity of a Parliament out of our own happiness to become more miserable then heretofore this Kingdom hath ever been by any Civil War for if you will consider the Treasons and Rebellions the Injustice Cruelty and Inhumanity the Subtilty Hypocrisie Lying Swearing Blasphemy Prophaneness and Sacriledge in the highest pitch and many other the like fearful sins that have been committed since the beginning of this Parliament by the sole means of this Faction and observe the ill Acts that have been used by them to compass things lawful the wicked Acts that have been daily practised to pâ—ocure things unlawful when by blood and rapine and the curses of many Fatherless and Widdows they have gotten the Treasure of the Kingdom and the Wealth of the Kings loyal Subjects into their hands and wasted it so that their wants are still as notorious as their crimes we may admire the miracles of Gods mercy and the bottomless depth of his goodness that the stones in the streets have not risen against them or the fire from Heaven had not consumed these Rebels that thus far and thus insolently had tempted Gods patience and provoked him to anger with such horrible abominations 5. As Jerusalem justified Samaria so this Faction hath justified all the 5. Mischief Romanists and shewed themselves worse Christians less Subjects and viler Traytors than all the Papists are for these factious Rebels justify their Rebellion and to the indelible shame of their Profession they maintain that it is not only lawful but that it is their duty to bear Arms and to wage War against their King when the King doth abuse his Power whereas the Doctrine of the Church of Rome * Christoâ—herson tract contr rebell Rhemist in Nov. Test p. â—01 Goldastus de Monarchia S. Imp. Rom. tom 3. Dr. Kellison in his Survey Aquin. de Regim Princip â— 6. Concil Constan Sess â—5 Stephan Cantuar anno 8. H. 3. Tolet. in summa l 5. c 6. Gr. Valentia p. 2. q 64. Bellar. Apol. c. 13. Lessius l. â— c. 9. Serrarius Azorius c. utterly denieth the same and concludes them no Children of the Church that do it and Doctor Kellison giveth this reason for it because Faith is not necessarily required to Jurisdiction or Government neither is Authority lost by the loss of Faith therefore it is not lawful for any Subjects to Rebel against their King though their King should prove a Tyrant or should Apostate from the Faith of Christ so that now the Papists boast they are better Subjects than these Rebellious Protestants and thefore I fear that this Faction Defendens Christum verso mucrone cecidit by their unjust Design to propagate the Gospel have most grievously wounded the Faith of Christ and given a more deadly blow to the Protestant Religion than ever it had since the Reformation when it is impossible that the true Religion should produce Rebellion And therefore seeing we are free born Subjects and persons interessed in the good and safety of this Kingdom as well as any of them we must crave liberty to express our grievances and to crave redresses and seeing my self am called to be a Preacher of Gods Word and a Bishâ—p over many of the souls of my Brethren for which I must render an account to my God both for my silence when I should speak and speaking any thing that should not be spoken I resolved to fear my God and neither out of flattery to the King and his party nor out of hatred or malice to those factiâ—us men but as I am perswaded in my Conscience fully satisfied and guided by Gods Truth to set forth this Discovery of these Mysteries what danger soever I shall undergo and if I shall become their Enemy for speaking Truth I shall fare no worse than Saint Paul did and it shall be with them if they do not repent as it was with the Israelites When their destruction cometh they shall seek peace and shall not have it but calamity Ezech. 7. 25 27. shall come upon calamity CHAP. XV. Sheweth a particular recapitulation of the Reasons whereby their Design to alter the Government of the Church and State is evinced And a pathetical disswasion from Rebellion ANd thus I have set down not any thing to render these men more odious If I have been misinâ—oâ—med of any thing that shall appear false I shall not blush to retract it by an ingâ—nuous confession than they are or to abuse my Reader with falshood or uncertainties but to report what I knew and what I collected out of the present writings of best credit and attested by men of known truth and integrity whereby it is most apparent to any discerning eye That the Faction of Anabaptists and Brownists and some other of the subtilest heads in the House of Commons had from the first Convention of this Parliament secretly projected this Design and insensible to the rest of their well-meaning Brethren prosecuted the same to alter and change the ancient Government both of the Church and Kingdom which the Author of Sober-Sadnâ—ss
Sheweth the unjust proceedings of this Faction against their fellow-Subjects set down in four particular things p. 2â—9 Chap. XIII Sheweth the proceedings of this Faction against the Laws of the Land The Priviledges of Parliament transgressed eleven special wayes p. 292. Chap. XIV Sheweth how they have transgressed the publike Laws of the Land three wayes and of four miserable Consequences of their wicked doings p. 295. Chap. XV. Sheweth a particular recapitulation of the Reasons whereby their Design to alter the Government both of Church and State is evinced And a pathetical disswasion from Rebellion p. 301. JVRA MAJESTATIS THE RIGHTS OF KINGS BOTH IN CHURCH and STATE 1. Granted by God 2. Violated by the Rebels 3. Vindicated by the Truth AND The Wickednesses of the Faction of this pretended PARLIAMENT at Westminster 1. Manifested by their Actions 1. Perjury 2. Rebellion 3. Oppression 4. Murder 5. Robbery 6. Sacriledge and the like 2. Proved by their Ordinances 1. Against Law 2. Against Equity 3. Against Conscience PUBLISHED 1. To the eternal honour of our just God 2. The indeleble shame of the wicked Rebels And 3. To procure the happy peace of this distressed Land Which many fear we shall never obtain until 1. The Rebels be destroyed or reduced to the obedience of our King And 2. The breaches of the Church be repaired 1. By the restauration of God's now much prophaned service And 2. The reparation of the many injuries done to Christ his now dis-esteemed servants By GRYFFITH WILLIAMS Lord Bishop of OSSORY Impii homines qui dum volunt esse mali nolunt esse veritatem quâ condemnantur mali Augustinus Printed at LONDON Ann. Dom. 1662. TO THE KING'S most Excellent MAJESTY Most gracious Soveraign WITH no smal paines and the more for want of my books and of any setled place being multum terris jactatus alto frighted out of mine house and tost betwixt two distracted Kingdoms I have collected out of the sacred Scripture explained by the ancient Fathers and the best Writers of God's Church these few Rights out of many that God and Nature and Nations and the Lawes of this Land have fully and undeniably granted unto our Soveraign Kings My witness is in Heaven that as my conscience directed me without any squint aspect so I have with all sincerity and freely traced and expressed the truth as I shall answer to the contrary at the dreadful judgement 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore with all fervency I humbly supplicate the divine Majesty still to assist Your Highness that as in Your lowest ebb You have put on Righteousness as a breast plate and with an heroick Resolution withstood the proudest waves of the raging Seas and the violent Attempts of so many imaginary Kings so now in Your acquired strength You may still ride on with Your honour and for the glory of God the preservation of Christ his Church and the happiness of this Kingdom not for the greatest storm that can be threatned suffer these Rights to be snatched away nor Your Crown to be thrown to the dust nor the Sword that God hath given You to be wrested out of Your hand by these uncircumcised Philistines these ungracious Rebels and the Vessels of God's wrath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unlesse they do most speedily repent for if the unrighteous will be unrighteous still and our wickednesse provoke God to bring our Land to Desolation Your Majesty standing in the truth and for the right for the honour of God and the Church of his Son is absolved from all blame and all the bloud that shall be spilt and the oppressions insolencies and abhominations that are perpetrated shall be required at the hands and revenged upon the heads of these detested Rebels You are and ought in the truth of cases of conscience to be informed by Your Divines and I am confident that herein they will all subscribe that God will undoubtedly assist You and arise in his good time to maintain his own cause and by this war that is so undutifully so unjustly made against Your Majesty so Giant-like fought against Heaven to overthrow the true Church You shall be glorious like King David that was a man of War whose dear son raised a dangerous rebellion against him and in whose reign so much bloud was spilt and yet notwithstanding these distempers in his Dominion he was a man according to God's own heart especially because that from α to ω * As in the beginning by reducing the Ark from the Philistins throughout the midst by setling the service of the Tabernacle in the ending by his resolution to build leaving such a treasure for the erecting of the Temple the beginning of his reign to the end of his life his chiefest endeavour was to promote the service and protect the servants of the Tabernacle the Ministers of God's Church God Almighty so continue Your Majesty bless You and protect You in all Your wayes Your vertuous pious Queen and all Your royal Progeny Which is the dayly prayer of The most faithful to Your Majesty GRYFFITH OSSORY THE RIGHTS OF KINGS Both in CHURCH STATE And The Wickednesses of this Pretended PARLIAMENT Manifested and Proved CHAP. I. Sheweth who are the fittest to set down the Rights which God granted unto Kings what causeth men to rebell the parts considerable in S. Peters words 1 Pet. ii 17. in fine How Kings honoured the Clergie the â—aâ— but most false pretences of the refractary Faction what they chiefly aâ—me at and their malice to Episcopacie and Royaltie IT was not unwisely said by Ocham that great Scholeman Guliel Ocham Ludov. 4. to a great Emperour which M. Luther said also to the Duke of Saxâ—nie Tu protege me gladio ego defendam tâ— calamo do you defend me with your Sword and I will maintain your Right with my Pen for God hath committed the Sword into the hand of the King Rom. 13. v. 4 and His hand which beareth not the Sword in vain knoweth how to use the Sword better than the Preacher and the King may better make good His Rights by the Sword then by the Pen which having once 〈◊〉 His papers with mistakes and concessions more then due though they should be never so small if granted further than the truth would 〈◊〉 as I fear some have done in some particulars yet they cannot so easily be scraped away by the sharpest sword and God ordered the divine tongue and learned Scribe to be the pens of a ready Writer and thereby to display the duties and to justifie the Rights of Kings and if they fail in either part the King needeth neither to performe what undue Offices they impose The Divine best to set down the Rights of Kings upon him nor to let pass those just honours they omit to yield unto him but he may justly claime his due Rights and either retain them or regain them by his Sword which the Scribe either wilfully omitted
do understand it I assure my self many of the Rebels such as rebell not out of pride disobedience or discontent are so conscientious that they would not so rebell as they do being seduced through their ignorance by the subtletie of the most crafty children of disobedience And therefore letting the usuall impatience of the furious fire-brands of sedition and the malicious incendiaries of Rebellion together with those treacherous Judasses that insensibly lurke in the King's Court and are more dangerous both to the Church and State than those open Rebels that are in the Parliament House to lay on me what reproach they please as some of them being galled and now gone have already done Ego in bona conscientia teneo quisquis volenâ— detrahit famae meae nâ—lens addit mercedi meae I shall beleive it in a good conscience that whosoever shall wittingly detract from my repute and unjustly load me with undue disgrace shall unwillingly add to my reward neither shall I ever think Plus ponderis esse in alieno convicio quà m in testimonio Ambrose meo that there is more account to be had in the foule slander of another mans malice then in the spotless testimony of mine own conscience but considering as Saint Hierome saith that Apud Christianos non qui patitur sed qui facit contumâ—liam miser est among Christians not he that suffereth but he that offereth Osor in Epist Reginae Eliz. pag. 7. injuries and reproaches is wretched though as Osorius saith Multae insidiae principibus à suis domesticis intenduntur multae fraudes in aulae Regia quaestiis compendii gratiâ suscipiuntur multa partim adulatione per fidiâ partim offensionis periculosâ formidine dissimulantur it à ut rarò inveniantur qui Regibus liberè loqui audeant many snares are laid for Princes by their own domestique servants many deceitfull tricks and cunning plots are undertaken in the King's Court for gain and honours sake and many things partly for fear How kings are deluded by their own Couttiers and the truth concealed from them The Authours Resolution with God's Assistance of offending and partly through a perfidious and false flattery are dissembled and the truth of things is imprisoned from the sight of the King so that he that seeth with these Courtiers eyes and heareth with their ears can hardly know the certain state of his own affairs especially when their flattering Parasites shall bear so heavy a hand over the faithfull servants that few of them shall dare freely to declare the Truth yet I am resolved to set down the plain face of Truth without either flattering of my Royal Master or fear either of the Court flatterers hatred or the Parliamentary Factions cruelty And though my eldest Brethren that are abler than my self should reprove me and say unto me as Eliah said unto David yet I will take 1 Sam. 17. 28. my staff in my hand mine own integrity to uphold me and my fidelity to my King and to the King of kings to protect me and I will gather a few stones out of the Brook of living waters out of the Book of holy Scriptures and I hope with one of them to smite the Philistine the three-headed Gerion the Anabaptist The Adversaries of regal Right Brownist and Puritan Rebel in the forehead that he fall to the earth his head shall be cut off with his own sword and the whole army of the uncircumcised Philistines that is all the rest of the wilfully seduced Rebels that refuse to be un-deceived and to accept of his Majesties grace and pardon shall flie away and be destroyed And The first stone that comes into my hand which I believe will hit the Bird in the eye and be abundantly sufficient to do the deed is a stone taken out of the Rock that appears highest in the Brook that is Saint Peter which our Saviour in the judgement of some Fathers which I quoted in my true Church calleth a Rock and in the judgement of most of the Fathers and the sober Protestants is the Prince of Apostles for he saith Honour the King and this one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Pet. 2. 17. short sentence truly understood though I confess many other may seem more full is absolutely sufficient to overthrow all the Anti-Royalists and to silence all the Basileu-Mastices all the opposers of their own Kings throughout all the world especially if we consider 1. Who saith this S. Peter 2. What is said Honour the King 3. To whom he saith thus to every Soul First The words are the words of Saint Peter the first in order the chiefest 1. The Author of these words for authority and the greatest for resolution of all the Apostles of Christ and he spake them as he was inspired by the holy Ghost therefore we may believe 2 Pet. 1. 21. them and we should obey them or we should fear the judgements of God for if they escaped not who refused him that spake on earth much more shall not we Hebr 12. 27. escape if we turn away from him that speaketh from heaven Secondly The Substance of this precept containeth as many parts as there 2. The Substance of the Precept be words 1. Who is to be honoured the King 2. What is that Honour that is due unto him Which two Points rightly understood and duely observed as they are enjoined would make a peaceable Common-wealth and a most flourishing Kingdom without any civil Broiles or intestine Rebellion which is the greatest Plague and heaviest Curse that God hath ever laid upon any Nation Bella geri placuit nullos habitura triumphos Lucan l. 1. I have therefore resolved to preuent this evil and to diswade us from this miserable mischief to say something of these two Points as may best heal the bleeding Wounds of these unhappy and distracted times First It is the most Gratious Promise of our good God to all them that will faithfully serve him I will honour them that honour me and Saint Augustine 1 Sam. 2. 30. saith that Sicut verax est in punitione malorum it à in retributione bonorum as he is most certain in his threatnings for the punishment of the wicked so he is most faithful in his Promises for rewarding of the Godly and that not onely for the future but also in these present times because Godliness hath the 1 Tim. 4. 8. Promise both of the life that now is and of that which is to come Therefore pious Princes that are God's Vicegerents here on earth and his How kings have honoured those that honoured God 1. With Dignities Deputies to discharge his Promise have accordingly honoured them that have by their upright life and indefatigable pains honoured God in his Church with double honour 1. With titular Dignities honourable Places and considerable Eminencies in the Common-wealth as conceiving it not unworthy to make the greater lights of
the Church to be not of least esteem in the Civil State but judging it most convenient that they whom God had intrusted with the Soules of men should with all confidence with their personal Actions and with the Imployments of the greatest trust 2. With compâ—tent means in some sort answerable to support their Dignities 2. With Maintenance without which means as the Poët saith Virtus nisi cum re vilior algâ— so honourable Titles without any subsistence is more contemptible then plain Beggery therefore out of their piety to God and bounty to the Church they have conferred many faire Lordships and other large Endowments upon the best deserving Members of Christ's Ministers But as the good Husbandman had no sooner sown his pure Wheat but immediately Matth. 13. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Cor. 4. 4. Inimicus homo the evil and envious man superseminavit zizania sowed his poysonous Tares amongst them so God had no sooner thus honoured his Servants but presently the Devil which is * the God of this World began to throw dirt in their faces and to deprive them of both these honours for 1. He stirred up ignorant men of small learning but of great spirits of no fidelity but of much hypocrisie that as Pope Leo wrote unto Thâ—odosius Leo Papa Epâ—st 23. What the factious Preachers pretended Privatas causas pictatis agunt obtentu and under a faire pretext did play the part of Aesop's Fox who being ashamed that his taile was cut off began to inveigh against the unseemly burthensome tailes of all the other Foxes and to perswade them to cut theirs off that so by the common calamity he might be the better excused for his obscenity for so they cryed down all Learning as prophane they raised at the Scholemen they scorned the Fathers and esteemed nothing but that nothing which they had themselves and although they professed to the Vulgar that they aimed at no end but the purity of the Gospel they desired nothing but the amendment of life and reformation of Ecclesiastical Discipline and hated nothing but the pride and covetousness of the Bishops and the other dignified Prelates which stopped their mouthes and imprisoned the liberty of their Conscience yet the truth is that because their worth was not answerable to their ambition to enable them to climbe up to some height of honour their envy was so great that they would fain pull down all those that had ascended and exceeded them And therefore with open mouthes that would not be silenced they exclaimed against Episcopacy and as the Apostle saith spake evil of Dignities imploying all their strength like wicked birds to defile their own nests to disrobe us of all honour and to leave us naked yea and as much as in them lay to make us odious and to stinke as the Israelites said to Moses in the What the Factious aim at Plutarch in lib. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eyes of the people Then 2. As Plutarch tells us that a certain Sicilian Gnatho and Philoxenus the son of Erixis that were slaves unto their gâ—tts and make a God of their bellies to cause all the other guests to loath their meat that they alone might devour all the dainties did use Narium mucum in catinis emungere so do these men spit all their poyson against the Revenues of the Bishops and that little maintenance that is left unto the Ministers and are as greedy to devour the same themselves as the dogs that gape after every bit they see us puâ— into our mouths for so I heard a whelp of that litter making a bitter invective in the House of Commons against Bishops Deans and Chapters and the greatness Doctor Burges of their Revenue and concluding that all they should be degraded their means should be sequestred and distributed all without any dimination of what they now possessed but with the restitution of all Impropriations unto himselfe and the rest of his factious fellow Preachers which speech as it pleased but few in the latter clause so no doubt it had fauters enough in the former part when we see this little remnant of our sore-fathers bounty this testimony of our Princes piety is the onely mote that sticks in their eye the undâ—gested morâ—â—ll in their stomacks and the onely bait that they gape after for did our King yeild this garment of Christ to be parted among their Souldiers and this revenue of the Church to be disposed of by the Parliament I doubâ— not but all quarrels about the Church would soon end and all other strife about Religion would be soon composed What many men would willingly undergo to procure peace But would this end all our civil Wars would the unbishoping of our Prelates bring rest unto our Prince and the taking away of their estates settle the State of the Common-wealth and bring peace and tranquillity unto this Kingdom If so we could be well contented for our own parts to be sacrificed for the safety of the people for though we dare not say with Saint Paâ—â— that we could wish our selves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or separated from â—hrist for our Country-men 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rom. 9. 6. yet I can say with a syncere heart that I believe many of us could be well contented our fortunes should be confiscated and our lives ended so that could pâ—ocure the peace of the Church which is infinitely troubled redeeme His Majesties honour which is so deeply wounded and preserve this our native Country from that destruction which this unparallel'd Rebellion doth so infallibly threaten The abolishing of Episcopacy would not satisfie the Factious but the truth is that the abolishing of Episcopacy root and branch the reducing of the best to the lowest rank and the bringing of the Clergy to the basâ—sâ— condition of servility to be such as should not be worthy to eate with the dogs of their flock as Job speaketh will not do the deed because as the Satyrist saith nemo repentè fit turpissimus but as virtues so vices have their encrease by use and Juven Sat. 2. progression primum quodque flagitium gradus est ad preximum and every heynous offence is as iron chain to draw on another â—or as Senâ—ca saith nunquam usque adeò temperatae cupiditates sunt ut in co quod contigit desinant sed gradus Seneca de Clem lib 1. à magnis ad majora fit spet improb ssimas complectuntur insperata assecuti our desires are never so far temperated that they end in that which is obtained but the gaining of one thing is a step to seek another And therefore cùm publicum jus omne positum sit in sacris as Plato saith how can it be that they which have prophaned all sacred things and have degraded their Ministers should Plato de legibus lib. 12. not also proceed to depose their Magistrates if you be diffident to believe the same let
the Annals of France Germany England and Scotland be revised and you shall find that Charles the fifth was then troubled with War when the Bishops were turmoyled and tumbled out of their Seas Scoti uno codémque momento numinis principis jugum excusserunt nec justum magistrâ—tum agnoverunt ullum ex quo primùm tempore sacris sacerdotibus bellum indixerunt and the Scots at one and the self-same moment did shake off the yoke of their obedience both unto their God and to their King neither did they acknowledg any for their just Magistrate after they had once warred against Religion and religious men which were their Priests and Bishops saith Blaâ—vodeus Blaevod Apolog pro regibus pag. 13. and in France saith he the same men were enemies unto the King that were adversaries unto the Priests quia politicam dominationem nunqâ—am fâ—rent qui principatum Ecclesiae sustulerunt nec mirum si Regibus obb quantâ—r qui sacerdotes flammâ ferro persequuntur because as I have shewed at large in The haters the Bishops ever enemies unto kings my Grand Rebellion they will never endure the Political Magistrate to have any rule when they have shaken off the Ecclesiastical government neither is it any wonder that they should slander rage against and reject their King when they persecute their Bishops with fire and sword And I think the sad aspect of this distracted Kingdom at this time makes this point so clear that I need not add any more proof to beget faith in any sober man for doth not all the World see that as soon as the seditious and trayterous How soon the Faction fell upon the King after they had cast off their Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Matth. 8. 34. faction in this unhappy Parliament had cast most of the Bishops the gravest and the greatest of all with Joseph into the dungeon a thing that no story can shew the like president in any age and had voted them all contrary to all right out of their indubitable right to sit in the House of Peers an act indeed so full of incivility as hath no small affinity with that of the Gergesites who for love of their swine drave not out but desired Christ to depart out of their coasts they prosently began to pluck the sword out of the Kings hand and endeâ—voured to make their Soveraign in many things more servile then any of his own Subjects so that he should be gloriosissimè servilis as Saint Augustine saith that Homer was suavissimè vanus and to effect this you see how they have torn in peices all his Rights they have trampled his Prerogatives under foot they have as much as they could laid his honour in the dust and they have with violent warr and virulent malice sought to vanquish and subdue their own most gracious Soveraign which cannot chuse but make any Christian heart to bleed to see such unchristian and such horrid unheard of things attempted to be done by any that would take upon him the name of a Christian Therefore to manifest my duty to God and my fidelity to my King I have The Rebels for the punishment of our sins may prosper for a time but at last they shall be most surely destroyed Prov. 8. 15. Psal 68. 30. Joshua 9 16. Psal 91. 16. undertaken this hard and to the Rebels unpleasant labour to set down the Rights of Kings wherein I shall not be afraid of the Rebels power neither would I have any man to fear them for however Victores victique cadunt here may be a vicissitude of good success many times on both sides to prolong the war â—or our sins and they may prosper in some places yet that is but nubecula quaedam a transient cloud or summer storm that will soon pass away for we may assure our selves they shall not prevaile because God hath said it By me Kings do raigne and He will give strength unto his King and exalt the horn of his Annointed He will scatter the people that delight in war and make the hearts of the cursed Canaanites to melt and their joynts to tremble but He will satisfie the King with long life and shew him his salvation CHAP. II. Sheweth what Kings are to be honoured the institution of Kings to be immediately from God the first Kings the three chiefest rights to Kingdoms the best of the three rights how Kings came to be elected and how contrary to the opinion of Master Selden Aristocracie and Democracie issued out of Monarchie TO proceed then you see the person that by Saint Peters precept is to be honoured to be the King and what King was that but as you may see in the beginning of this epistle the King of Pontus Galatia Cappadocia Asia and Bythinia and what manner of Kings were they I pray you I presume you will confess they were no Christians but it may be as bad as Nero who was then their Emperour and most cruelly tyrannizing over the Saints of God gave a very bad example to all other his substitute Kings and Princes What Kings are to be honoured to do the like and yet these holy Christians are commanded to honour them And therefore 1. Heathen Pagan wicked and tyrannical Kings are to be truely honoured by God's precept 2. Religious just and Christian Kings are to have a double honour because there is a double charge imposed upon them as 1. To execute justice and judgement among their people to preserve equity The double charge of all Christian Kings 1. To preserve peace 2. To protect the Church and peace both from intestine broyles and foreign Toes which careful government bringeth plenty and prosperity in all external affaires unto the whole Kingdom and this they do as Kings which is the common duty of all the Kings of the earth 2. To maintaine true Religion to promote the faith of Christ and to be the guardians and foster-fathers unto the Church and Church-men which tye their people unto God to make them spiritually and everlastingly happy and this duty is laid upon them as they are Christian Kings and therefore in regard of this accession of charge they ought to have an accession of honour more then all other Kings whatsoever 1. Then I say that the Heathen Pagan wicked and tyrannical Kings such as were Nero Dioclesian and Julian among the Christians or Ahab and Manasses among the Jews or Antiochus Dionysius and the rest of the Sicilian Tyrants among the Gentiles are to be honoured served and obeyed of all their Subjects and that in three especial respects 1. Of their institution which is the immediate ordinance of God 1. All Kings to be honoured in three respects 2. Of God's precept which enjoineth us to honour them 3. Of all good mens practice whether they be 1. Jewes 2. Gentiles 3. Christians 1. Justin tells us that Principio rerum gentium nationúmque imperium penes 1. The
his natural capacity that is 2. Reason as he is Charles the Son and Heir apparent of King James when as homage cannot be done to any King in his politique capacity the body of the King being Coke l. 7. Calvin's case invisible in that sence 3. Because in that case it is expresly affirmed that the King holds the Kingdom 3. Reason of England by birth-right inherent by descent from the bloud-royal therefore to shew how inseperable this right is from the next in bloud Hen. the 4. though he was of the bloud-royal being first cozen unto the King and had the Crown resigned unto him by Rich. the 2. and confirmed unto him by Act of Speed l. 9. c. 16. Parliament yet upon his death-bed confessed he had no right thereunto as Speed writeth 4. Because it was determined by all the Judges at the Arraignment of Watson 4. Reason 1. Jacobi and Clerke that immediately by descent his Majesty was compleatly and absolutely King without the Ceremony of Coronation which was but a Royal Ornament and outward Solemnization of the descent And it is illustrated by Hen. 6. Speed l. 9. c. 16. that was not crowned till the ninth year of his Reign and yet divers were attainted of High Treason before that time which could not have been done had The right heir to the kingdom is King before he is crowned Why the peoples consent is asked 2. Respect he not been King And we know that upon the death of any of our Kings his Successor is immediately proclaimed King to shew that he hath his Kingdom by descent and not by the people at his Coronation whose consent is then asked not because they have any power to deny their consent or refuse him for their King but that the King having their assent may with greater security and confidence rely upon their loyalty 2 As the Kings of Israel had full power and authority to make war and conclude peace to call the greatest Assemblies as Moses Joshua David Jehosaphat and the rest of the Kings did to place and displace the greatest Officers of State as Solomon placed Abiathar in Sadoâ—'s room and Jehosaphat appointed 2 Chron. 19. 11 The absolute authority of the kings of England Coke 7 rep fol. 25. 6. Polyd. Virgil. lib 11. Speed Stow c. Amariah and Zebadiah rulers of the greatest Affaires and had all the Militia of the Kingdom in their hands so the Kings of England have the like for 1. He onely can lawfully proclaim war as I shewed before and he onely can conclude peace 2. There is no Assembly that can lawfully meet but by his Authority and as the Parliament was first devised and instituted by the king as all our Historians write in the life of Henry the first so they cannot meet but by the king's Writ 3. All Laws Customs and Franchises are granted and confirmed unto the people by the King Rot. Claus 1. R. 2. n. 44. 4. All the Officers of the Realm whether Spiritual or Temporal are chosen Smith de repub Angl. l. 2. c. 4. c. 5. and established by him as the highest immediately by himself and the inferiour by an authority derived from him 5. He hath the sole power of ordering and disposing all the Castles Forts The absurdities of them that deny the Militia to the King and strong Holds and all the Ports Havens and all other parts of the Militia of this kingdom or otherwise it would follow that the king had power to proclaime war but not to be able to maintain it and that he is bound to defend his subjects but is denied the meanes to protect them which is such an absurdity as cannot be answered by all the House of Commons 6. The kings of Israel were unto their people their honour their Soveraigns their life and the very breath of their nostrils as themselves acknowledge and so the kings of England are the life the head and the authority of all things that be done in the Realm of England supremam potestatem merum imperium Smith de Repub l. 2. Cambden Britan p. 132. apud nos habentes nec in Imperii clientela sunt nec investituram ab alio accipientes nec prâ—ter Deum superiorem agnoscentes and their Subjects are bound by Oath to maintain the kings Soveraignty in all causes and over all persons as well Ecclesiastical as Civil and that not onely as they are singularly considered but over all collectively represented in the body politick for by sundry divers old authentick Histories and Chronicles it is manifestly declared and expressed that this Realm of England is an Empire and so hath been accepted in the world governed by one supream head and king having the dignity and royal In the Preface to a Stat. 24. Hen. 8. cap. 12 estate of the Imperial Crown of the same unto whom a body politick compact of all sorts and degrees of people divided in terms and by names of spiritualty and temporalty have been bounden and owen to bear next to God a natural and humble obedience 3. As the duty of every one of the kings of Israel was to be custos utriusque tabulae to keep the Law of God and to have a special care of his Religion and 3 Respect then to do justice and judgment according to the Law of nature and to observe all the judicial Laws of that kingdom so are the kings of England obliged to discharge the same duties 1. To have the chiefest care to defend the faith of Christ and to preserve the The duty of the kings of England honour of Gods Church as I shewed before 2. To maintain common right according to the rules and dictates of Nature And. 3. To see the particular Laws and Statutes of his own kingdom well observed amongst his people To all which the king is bound not onely virtute officii in respect of his office but also vinculo juramenti in respect of his Oath which enjoyneth him to guide his actions not according to the desires of an unbridled will but according to the tyes of these established Laws neither do our Divines give any further liberty to any king but if he failes in these he doth offend in his duty 4. As the kings of Israel were accountable for their actions unto none but 4 Respect Psal 51. 4. onely unto God and therefore king David after he had committed both murder and adultery saith unto God Tibi soli peccavi as if he had said none can call me to any account for what I have done but thou alone and we never read that either the people did call or the Prophets perswaded them to call any of their The kings of England accountable for their actions only to God I Reason Smith de repub l. 1. c. 9. 2 Reason most idolatrous tyrannical or wicked kings to any account for their idolatry tyranny or wickedness even so the kings
of England are accountable to none but to God 1. Because they have their Crown immediately from God who first gave it to the Conquerour through his sword and since to the succeeding kings by the ordinary means of hereditary succession 2. Because the Oath which he takes at his Coronation binds him onely before God who alone can both judge him and punish him if he forgets it 3. Because there is neither condition promise or limitation either in that 3 Reason Oath or in any other Covenant or compact that the king makes with the people either at his Coronation or at any other time that he should be accomptable or that they should question and censure him for any thing that he should do 4. Because the Testimony of many famous Lawyers justify the same truth 4 Reason for Bracton saith if the king refuse to do what is just satis erit ei ad poenam quòd Dominum expectet ultorem The Lord will be his avenger which will be punishment enough for him but of the kings grants and actiâ—ns nec privatae personae nec justiciarii debent disputare And Walsingham maketh mention of a Letter Bracton fol. 34. a. b. apud Lincol anno 1301. written from the Parliament to the Bishop of Rome wherein they say that certum directum Dominium à prima institutione regni Anglia ad Regem pertinuit the certain and direct Dominion of this Kingdom from the very first institution thereof hath belonged unto the King who by reason of the arbitrary or free prceminence of the royal dignity and custome observed in all ages ought not to answer before any Judge either Ecclesiastical or Secular Ergo neither before Ex l bera praeeminentia the Pope nor Parliament nor Presbytery 5. Because the constant custome and practice of this kingdom was ever such 5. Reason that no Parliament at any time sought to censure their king and either to depose him or to punish him for any of all his actions save onely those that were called in the troublesome and irregular times of our unfortunate Princes and were No legitimate and just Parliment did ever question the kings of England for their actions swayed by those that were the heads of the most powerful Faction to conclude most horrid and unjustifiable Acts to the very shame of their judicial authorities as those factious Parliaments in the times of Hen. 3. king John Rich. 2. and Hen. 4. and others whose acts in the judgment of all good authors are not to be drawn into examples when as they deposed their king for those pretended faults whereof not the worst of them but is fairly answered and all thirty three of them proved to be no way sufficient to depose him by that excellent Heningus c. 4. p. 93. Civilian Heningus Arnisaeus And therefore seeing the Institution of our kings is not onely by Gods Law but also by our own Laws Customs and practice thus agreeable to the Scripture kings they ought to be as sacred and as inviolable to us as the kings of Israel were to the Jews and as reverently honoured and obeyed by us as both the Apostles Saint Peter and Saint Paul advise us to honour and obey the king CHAP. V. Sheweth how the Heathens honoured their Kings how Christ exhibited all due honour unto Heathen and wicked Kings how he carried himself before Pilate and how all the good Primitive Christians behaved themselves towards their Heathen persecuting Emperours 2. WE finde that not onely the Jews that were the people of God a royal Priesthood that had the Oracles of God and therefore no wonder 2. The Heathens Persae quidem olim aliquid coeleste atque divinum in regibus inesse statuebant Osorde Instit regis l 4. p. 106. Justin l. 4 Herodot l. 8. What great respect men in former times did bear unto their kings that they were so conformable in their obedience to the will of God but the Gentiles also that knew not God knew this by the light of nature that they were bound to yield all honour unto their kings For Quintus Curtius tells us that the Persians had such a divine estimation and love unto their king that Alexander could not perswade them either for fear or reward to tell him where their king was gone or to reveale any of his intentions or to do any other thing that might any ways prejudice the life or the affairs of their king And Justin tell us that the Sicilians did bear so great a respect unto the last Will and Testament of Anaxilaus their deceased king that they disdain not to obey a slave whom he had appointed Regent during the minority of his son And Herodotus saith that when Xerxes fled from Greece in a vessel that was so ful of men of war that it was impossible for him to be saved without casting some part of them into the Sea he said O yee men of Persia let some among you testifie that he hath care of his King whose safety is in your disposition then the Nobility which accompanied him having adored him did cast themselves into the Sea till the vessel was unburthened and the King preserved And I fear these Pagans will rise in judgement to condemn our Nobility that seek the destruction of their King And the Macedonians had such a reverent opinion of their King that being foyled in war before they returned again to the battle they fetched their cradle wherein their young King lay and set him in the midst of the Camp as supposing Justin l. 7. that their former misfortune proceeded because they neglected to take with them the good augure of their King's presence And Boëmus Aubanus speaking of the Aegyptian Kings saith that they have so much good will and love from all men ut non solùm sacerdotibus sed etiam singulis Aegyptiis major Aubanus de Africa l. 1. p. 39. Reges divinos love genitos à love nutritos Homerus Hesiodus appellarunt regis quà m uxorum filiorúmque aâ—t aliorum principum salutis inesset cura that not onely the Priests but also the Aegyptians have a greater care of the safety of their King then of their wives or children or any other Princes of the Land And the same Author describing the manner how the Tartars create their King saith the Princes Dukes Barons and all the people meet then they place him that is to be their King on a Throne of gold and prostrating themselves upon the ground they cry with an unanimous and loud voice Rogamus volumus praecipimus ut domineris nobis We intreat you and beseech you to reign over us and he answereth If you would have this of me it is necessary that you should be obedient to do whatsoever I shall command you when I call you to come whethersoever I shall send you to go whomsoever I shall command you to kill to do it immediately without fear and to commit
as all were not Law-makers yet all of them preserved Religion as the onely preservation of their Lawes and the happinesse of their Kingdomes which they saw could not continue without Religion But 2. The wisedom of our grave Prelates and the learning of our religioâ—s Clergie having stopped the course of this violent stream and hindred the translation 2. In the Parliament of this right of Kings unto their new-born Presbytery and late erected Synods There sprang up another generation out of the dregs of the former that because they would be sure to be bad enough out of their envy unto Kings and malice unto the Church that the one doth not advance then unworthyness and the other doth not bear with undutifullness will needs transfer this right of ruling God's Church unto a Parliament of Lay-men the King shall be denuded of what God hath given him and the people shall be endued with what God and all good men have ever denyed them I deny not but the Parliament men as they are most noble and worthy Gentlemen so many of them may be very learned and not a few of them most religious and I honour the Parliament rightly discharging their duties as much as their modesty can desire or their merit deserve neither do I gain say but as they are pious men and the greatest Council of our King so they may propose things and request such and such Lawes to be enacted such abuses to be redressed and such a reformation to be effected as they think befitting for Gods Church but for Aaron's seed and the Tribe of Levi to be directed and commanded out of the Parliament Hugo de Sancto Vict. lâ—b 2. de sacr â—id par 2. cap 3. Laicis Christianis fidelibus terrena â—ossidere conceditur clericis verò tantùm spiritualia commiâ—tuntur quae a tem illa spiritualia sunt subjiciâ— c 5. diâ—eâ—s omnis ecclesiastica â—dministratio in trâ—bus consislit in sacramentis in ordinibus iâ— praeceptis Ergo Laâ—ci nihâ—l juris habent in leâ—ibus prâ—ceptis condendit ecclesiastâ—cis chair how to perform the service of the Tabernacle and for Lay men to determine the Articles of faith to make Canons for Church men to condemn heresies and define verities and to have the chief power for the government of Gods Church as our Faction now challengeth and their Preachers ascribe unto them is such a violation of the right of Kings such a derogation to the Clergy and so prejudicial to the Church of Christ as I never â—ound the like usurpation of this right to the eradication of the true Religion in any age for seeing that as the Proverb goeth Quod medâ—corum est promittunt medici tractant fabrilia fabri what Papist or Atheist will be ever converted to profess that religion which shall be truly what now they alleadge falsly unto us a Parliamentary religion or a religion made by Lay-men with the advice of a few that they choose â— faece Cleri I must seriously profess what I have often bewayled to see Nadab and Abihu offering strange fires upon God's Altar to see the sacred offices of the Priests so presumptuously usurped by the Laity and to see the children of the Church nay the servants of the Church to prescribe Lawes unto their Masters and â— did ever fear it to be an argument not onely of a corrupted but also of a decaying State when Moses chaire should be set in the Parliament House and the Doctours of the Church should never sit thereon therefore I wish that the Ark may be brought back from the Philistines and restored to the Priests to be placed in Shilo where it should be and that the care of the Ark which king David undertook may not be taken out of his hands by his people but that he may have the honour of that service which God hath imposed upon him For 3. As nothing is dearer to understanding righteous and religious Kings 3. Opinion Of the Orthodox Quia religio est ex potioribus reipublicae parlibus ut ait Aristoâ— Polit. l. 7 c. 8. ipsa soâ—â— custodit hominum inter se socieâ—ates ut ait Lactant. de ira Dei cap. 12. Peritura Troja perdidit primâ—m Deos. Therefore the Tyrians chayned their gods lest iâ— they fled they should be destroyed then the encrease and maintenance of true religion and the inlargement of the Church of Christ throughout all their Dominions so they have at all times imployed their studies to this end because it is an infallible maxime even among the Politicians that the prâ—sperity of any Kingdome flourisheth for no longer time then the care of Religion and the prâ—sperity of the Church is maintained by them among their people as we see Troy was soon lost when they lost their Palladium so it is the truest sâ—gn of a declining and a decaying State to see the Clergy despised and religion disgraced and therefore the provisiâ—n for the safety of the Church the publick injoying of the word of God the form of Service the manner of Government and the honour and maintenance of the Clergy are all the duties of a most Christian King which the King of Heaven hath imposed upon him for the happiness and prâ—sperity of his Kingdom and whosoever derive the authority of this charge either in a blinde obedience to the See of Rome as the Jesâ—ites do or out of their too much zeal and affection to a new Consistory as the late Presbyterians did oâ— to a Lay Parliament as our upstart Anabaptists aad Brownists do are most unjust usurpers of the Kings Right which is not onely ascribed unto him and warranted by the Word of God but is also confirmed to the Princes of this Land by several Acts of Parliament to have the supremacy in all causes and over all persons as well in the Ecclesiastical as in the Civil government which being so they â—â—â—xempted thereby from all inforcement of any domestical or forraign power and freed from the penalties of all those Laws both Ecclesiastical and civil whereunto all their Subjects Clergy and Laity and all inferiour Q Curtius de rebus Alexand. Joh. Bedâ— p. 22 23. persons and the superiour Nobility within their Kingdomes are obliged by our Laws and Statutes as hereafter I shall more fully declare Therefore it behoveth all Kings and especially our King at this time seriously to consider what prejudice they shall create unto themselves and their just authority if they should yeild themselves inferiour to their Subjects aggregativè or reprasentativè or how you will or liable to the penal Laws for so they may be soon dethroned by the unstable affection and weak judgment of discontented people or subject to the jurisdiction of Lay Elders and the excommunication of a tyrannous Consistory who denouncing him tanquam Ethnicum Matth. 18. 17. may soon add a stranger shall not raign over thee and so depose him Deut. 17. 15. from all
of Eâ—tyches Constantine the Fiâ—th called the sixth Synod against the Monothelites and so did many others in the like cases God having fully granted this right and autho ity unto them for their better information in any point of religion and the goverment of the Church And therefore they that deny this power unto Kings or assume this authority unto themselves whether Popes or Parliament out of the Kings hand they may as well take his eyes out of his head because this is one of the best helps that God hath left unto Kings to assist and direct them in the chiefest part of The unparallel'd presumption of the Faction to call a Synod without the king their royal government how presumptuous then and injurious unto our King and prejudicial to the Church of Christ was the factiâ—n of this Parliament without the Kings leave and contrary to his command to undertake the nomination of such a pack of Schismatical Divines for such a Synod as might finally determine such points of faith and discipline as themselves best liked of let all the Christian world that as yet never saw the like president be the Judge and tell us what shall be the religion of that Church where the Devil shall have the power to prompt worldlings to nominate his prime Chaplains Socinians Brownists Anabaptists and the refuse of all the refractory Clergy that seem The quality of the Synodical men learned in nothing but in the contradiction of learning and justifying Rebellion against their King and the Church to compose the Articles of our saith and to frame a new government of our Church I am even ashamed that so glorious a Kingdom should ever breed so base a Faction that durst ever presume to be so audacious and I am sorry that I should be so unhappy to live to see such an unparallel'd boldness in any Clergy that the like cannot be found in any Ecclesiastical History from the first birth of Christ's Church to this very day unless our Sectaries can produce it from some of the Vtopian Kingdoms that are so far South ward In terra incognita beyond the Torrid Zone that we whose zeal is not so fiery but are of the colder spirits could not yet perfectly learn the true method of their Anarchical government or if our Lawyers can shew us the like president that ever Parliament called a Synod contrary to the King's Proclamation I shall rest beholding to them produce it if they can Credat Judaeus apella non ego The third thing requisite to a King for the preservation of true religion and 3. An authority and power to guide the Church and to uphold the true religion the government of God's Church is power and authority to defent it for though the Prince should be never so religious never so desirous to defend the faith and never so well able in his understanding and so well furnished with knowledge to set down what Service and Ceremonies should be used yet if he hath not power and ability which do arise from his right and just authority to do it and to put the same in execution all the rest are but fruitless embryoes like those potentials that are never reduced into actions or like the grass upon Ps 1â—9 6. the house top that withereth before it be plucked up But to let you see that Kings and Princes should have this power and authority in all Ecclesiastical causes and over all Ecclesiastical persons we finde that all Ages and all Lawes have warranted them to do the same for Solomon displaced Abiathar and placed Sadoâ— in his room Jeremy's case was heard by the King 1. Reg. 2. 27. 35. Jerem. 26. How all kings and Emperors exercised this power oâ—er the Church of Israel Theodoâ—â—â—s and Valentâ—nian made a Decree that all those should be deposed which were infected with the impiâ—ty of Nestorius and Justinian deposed Sylverius and Vigilius and many oâ—her Kings and Emperours did the like and not onely the Law of God whereof the King is the prime keeper and the keeper of both Tables but also the Statutes of our Land do give unto our King the nomination of Bishops and some other elective dignities in the Church the â—ustody of the Bishops Temporalties during the vacation the Patronage Paramount or right to present by the last lapse and many other furtherances and preservatives of religion are in terminis terminantibus deputed by our Lawes unto the King and for his care and charge thereof they have setled upon him our first Fruits Tenths Subsidies and all other contributions of the Ecclesiastical persons which the Pope received while he usurped the government of this Church these things being due to him that had the supreme power for the government And therefore seeing the examples of all good Kings in the Old Testament and of the Christian Kings and Emperours in the New Testament and all Lawes both of God and man excepting those Lawes of the Pontificials that are made against the Law of God and all Divines excepting the Cassian de Incarn l. 1. c. 6. Jesuites and their sworn Brethren the Presbyterians do most justly ascribe this right and power unto Kings I may truly say with Cassianus that there is no place of audience left for them by whom obedience is not yielded to that which all have agreed upon nor any excuse for those Subjects that assist not their Soveraign to inable him to discharge this great charge that is laid upon him What then shall we say to them that pull this power and tear this prerogative out of the King's hand and place it in the hands of mad men as the Prophet epithets the madness of the people I or that furious Knox belched forth Psal 65. 7. How the Disciplinarians rob the king of this right Knox to the Commonalty fol. 49. 50 55. this unsavory Doctrine That the Commonalty may lawfully require of their King to have true Preachers and if he be negligent they themselves may justly provide them maintain them defend them against all that oppose them and detain the profits of the Church Livings from the other sort of Ministers a point fully practised by the English Scotizers of these dayes and as if this Doctrine were not seditious enough and abundantly sufficient to move Rebellion Goodman publisheth that horrible tenet unto the world that it is lawful to kill wicked Kings which most dangerous and more damnable Doctrine Dean Whittingham affirmeth to be the tenet of the best and most learned of them that were our Disciplinarians But when as true Religion doth command us to obey our Kings whatsoever their Religion is aut agendo aut patiendo either in suffering with patience whatsoever What true religion teacheth us they do impose or in doing with obedience whatsoever they do command Religion can be no warrant for those actions which must remain as the everlasting blemishes of that Religion which either commanded or approved of
their doing I am sure all wise men wil detest these Doctrines of Devils and seeing it is an infallible rule that good deserveth then to be accounted evil when it ceaseth to be well done it is apparent that it is no more lawful for private and inferiour persons to usurp the Princes power and violently to remove Idolatry or to cause any Reformation then it is for the Church of Rome by invasion or treason to establish the Doctrine of that See in this or any other forraign kingdome because both are performed by the like usurped authority Yet these were the opinions and practises of former times when Buchanan The old Disciplinarians Knox Cartwright Goodman Gilby Penry Fenner Martin Travers Throgmorton Philips Nichols and the rest of those introducers of Outlandish and Genevian Discipline first broached these uncouth and unsufferable tenets in our Land in the Realm of England and Scotland and truely if their opinions had not dispersed themselves like poison throughout all the veines of this Kingdom and infected many of our Nobility and as many of the greatest Cities of this Kingdome as it appeareth by this late unparallel'd rebellion these and the rest of the trayterous authours of those unsavory books which they published and those damnable tenets which they most ignorantly held and maliciously taught unto the people should have slept in silence their hallowed and sanctified Treason should have remained untouched and their memorial should have perished with them But seeing as Saint Chrysostome saith of the Hereticks of his time that although in age they were younger yet in malice they were equal to the antient Our rebellious Sectaries far worse then all the former Disciplinarians Hereticks and as the brood of Serpents though they are of less stature yet in their poyson no less dangerous then their dammes so no more have our new Sectaries our upstart Anabaptists any less wickedness then their first begetters nay we finde it true that as the Poet saith Aetas parentum pejor avis Tulit nos nequiores These young cubbs prove worse then the old foxes for if you compare the Wheles with the wolves our latter Schismaticks with their former Masters I doubt not but you shall finde less learning and more villany less honesty and more subtilty hypocrisy and treachery in Doctor Burges Master Marshal Case Goodwin Burrowes Calamy Perne Hill Cheynel and the rest of our giddy-headed Incendiaries then can be found in all the seditious Pamphlets of the former Disciplinarians or of them that were hanged as Penry for their treasons for these men do not onely as Sidonius saith of the like apertè invidere abjectè Sidon lib. epist fingere serviliter superbire openly envy the state of the Bishops basely forge lyes against them and servilely swel with the pride of their own conceited sanctity and apparent ignorance but they have also most impudently even in their pulpits slandered the footsteps of Gods Anointed and so brought the abomination of their transgression to stand in the holy place they haue with Achan troubled Israel and tormented the whole Land yea these three Kingdomes England Scotland and Ireland and for inciting provoking and incouraging simple ignorant poore For which their intolerable villanies If I be not deceived in my judgement they of all others above all the Rebels in the kingdom deserve the greatest and severest punishment God of Heaven give them the grace to repent discontented and seditious Secturies to be Rebels and Traytors against their own most gracious King they have not onely with Jerusalem justified Samaria Sodome and Gomorrah but they have justified all the Samaritanes all the Sodomites all the Schismaticks Hereticks Rebels and Traytors Papists and Atheists and all that went before them Judas himself in many circumstances not excepted and that which makes their doings the more evil and the more exceedingly wicked is that they make Religion to be the warrant for their evil doings the pack-horse to carry and the 〈◊〉 to cover all their treacheries and thereby they drew the greater multitudes of poore Zelots to be their followers And therefore seeing it is not onely the honour but also the duty as of all other Kings so likewise of our King to be as the Princes of our Land are justly stiled the Defenders of the Faith and that not only in regard of enemies abroad but also in respect of those far worse enemies which desire alteration at home it behoves the King to looke to these home-bred enemies of the Church and seeing the king though never so willing for his piety and religion never so What Gods faithful servants and the kings loyal Subjects must do in these times 1. To justifie the kings right able for his knowledge and understanding yet without strength and power to effect what he desires cannot defend the faith and maintain the true Religion from the violence of Sectaries and Traytors within his kingdome it hehoves us all to do these two things 2. To justifie the kings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his authority and right to the supreme Governour and defender of the Chuch and of Gods true religion and service both in respect of Doctrine and Discipline and that none else Pope or Parliament hath any power at all herein but what they have derivately from him which I hope we have sufficiently proved 2. To submit our selves unto our king and to add our strength force and 2. To assist Him against the Rebels power to inable his power to discharge this duty against all the Innovators of our Religion and the enemies of our peace for the honour of God and the happiness of this Church and Common-wealth for that power which is called the Kings power and is granted and given to him of God is not onely that Heroick virtue of fortitude which God planteth in the hearts of most noble Princes as he hath most graciously done it in abundant measure in our most gracious king but it is the collected and united power and strength of all his Subjects which the Lord hath commanded us to joyn and submit it for the assistance of the kings power against all those that shall oppose it and if we refuse or neglect the same then questionless whatsoever mischief idolatry barbarity or superstition shall take root in the Church and whatsoeuer oppression and wickedness shall impair the Common-wealth Heaven will free His Majesty and the wrath of God in no smal measure must undoubtedly light upon us and our posterity even as Debora saith of them that refused to assist Barac against his enemies Curse ye Meroz curse bitterly the Inhabitants thereof because they Jud. 5. 23. came not forth to helpe the Lord against the mighty CHAP. VIII Sheweth it is the right of Kings to make Ecclesiastical Lawes and Canons proved by many authorities and examples that the good Kings and Emperours made such Laws by the advice of their Bishops and Clergy and not of their Lay
the Church where it forbiddeth the Bishops to reiterate baptisme to paint or grave on earth the Image of our Saviour L. 1. tit 5. L. 1. tit 7. Novel 123. c. 10. Novel 58. Novel 137. c. 6. And in the Novels the Emperour ordaineth Lawes of the creation and consecration of Bishops that Synods should be annually held that the holy mysteries should not be celebrated in private houses that the Bishops should speak aloud when they celebrate the Sacraments of Baptisme and the Eucharist and that the holy Bible should be translated into the vulgar tongue and the like And not onely these and the rest of the godly Emperours that succeeded them but also Ariamirus Wambanus Richaredus and divers other Kings of Spaine did in like manner And Charlemaigne who approved not the decisions of the Greekish Synod wrote a book against the same * Intituled A Treatise of Charlemaigne against the Greekish Synod touching Images whereby the King maintained himself in possession to make Lawes for the Church saith Johannes Beda of which Lawes there are many in a book called The capitulary Decrees of Charles the Great who as Pepin his predecessour had done in the City of Bourges so did he also assemble many Councils in divers places of his Kingdoms as at Mayns at Tours at Reines at Chaalons at Arles and the sixt most famous of all at Francfort where himself was present in person and condemned the errour of Felician and so other Kings of France and the Kings of our own Kingdom of England both before and after the Conquest as Master Fox plentifully recordeth did make many Lawes and Constitutions for the government of God's Church But as Dioclesian that was neither the best nor the happiest governour said The saying of â—â—oclesian most truly of the civil government that there was nothing harder then to râ—le well * That is to rule the Common-wealth so it is much harder to govern the Church of Christ therefore â—s there cannot be an argument of greater wisdome in a Prince nor any â—hiâ—g of greater safety and felicity to the Common-wealth then for him to make â—hâ—ice of a wise Council to assist him in his most weighty affaires saith Cornâ—lius Tacitus Tacitus Annâ— lib. 12. So all religious Kings must do the like in the government of the Church and the making of their Lawes foâ— that government foâ— God ouâ— of his great mercy to them and no less desire to have his people religiously governed left such men to be theiâ— supporters their helpers and advisers in the performance of these 〈◊〉 and â— pray you whom did Kings chuse for this business but whom Gâ—â— â—ad oâ—dâ—ned for that purpose for you may observe that although those Christian King and Emperours made their Lawes as having the supremacy and the 〈◊〉 â—â—r of 〈◊〉 â—eligion committed by God into their hands yet they dâ—d never make them that ever I could read with the advice counsel or direction of any of â—heir Peers or Lay Subjects but as David had Nathan and Gâ—◠〈◊〉 had Daniel and the rest of the Jâ—wish Kings and The good Kings Emperours made their Lawes for the government of the Church onely by the advâ—ce of their Clergy A good Law of Iâ—stinian Constit 123. Heathens had their Prophets onely and Priests to direct them in all matters of religion so those Chrâ—stian Kings and Princes took their Bishops and their Clergâ—e â—nâ—ly to be their counsellors and directors in all Church causes as it appeareth out of all the 〈◊〉 Authors and all the Histories that do write thereof and Justinian pâ—blishâ—d this Law that when any Ecclesiastical cause or matter was moved his Lay officers should not intermeddle with it but should suffer the Bishops to end the same according to the Canons the words are Si Ecclesiastâ—â—â—m negotium sit nullam communionem habento â—iviles magistratus cum â—a disceptatione sed religiosâ—ssimi Episcopi secundum sacros canones negotio finem imp nuntâ— â—or the good Emperour knew sull well that the Lay Senate neither â—nderstood what to determine in the points of faith and the government of Christ's Church nor was ever willing to do any great good or any special favour unto the Shepherds of Christ's flock and the â—eachers of the true religion because the Son of God had foâ—e-told it that the world should hate us that secular men and Lay Senatours should commonly oppose cross and shew all the John 15 19. Matth. 10. 16. spite they can unto the Clergy of whom our Saviour saith Behold I send you forth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as sheep in the midst of wolves Whence this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 great distance between their dispositions being observed it grew into a Proverb that Laici semper infesti sunt Clericis And Doctour Meriton In a Sermon before King James observed this as one of the good savours the How the Laity love the Clergy A very memorable act Anno 39 Eliz. cap. 4. Clergie of England found from our Parliaments since the reformation when many men first began to be translated from the seat of the scornefull to sit in Moses chaire aâ—d to prescribe Lawes for Christ his Spouse to make an Act that all wandering beggars after their correction by the Constable should be brought to the Minister of the Paâ—ish to have their names registred in a Book and the Constable used to give to the Minister 2d for his paines for every one so registred but if he refused or neglected to do it the Statute saith he should be punished sive shillings for every one that should be so omitted where besides the honourable office I will not say to make the Minister of Christ a Bedle of the Beggars but a Register of the vagrants you see the punishment of one neglect amounteth to the reward of thirty labours therefore all the Christian Emperours and the wisest Kings considering this great charge that God had laid upon them to make wholesome Lawes and Constitutions for the government of his Church and seeing the inclinations of the Laity would never permit any of these Lay Elders and the Citizens of the world to usurp this authority to be the composers contrivers or assistants in concluding of any Ecclesiastical Law until the fences of God's vineyard were pulled down and the That the Laity should have no interest in making Laws for the Church wilde Boar out of the forrest the audacious presumption of the unruly Commonalty ventured either to govern the Church or to subdue their Prince since which incroachment upon the rights of Kings it hath never succeeded well with the Church of Christ and I dare boldly say it fidenter quia fideliter and the more boldly because most truly the more authority they shall gain herein the less glory shall Christ have from the service of his Church and the efore Be wise ô ye Kings And consider how any new Canons are to be made by our
Statute 25 Hen. 8. Ob. But then it may be demanded if this be so that the Laity hath no right Ob. in making Lawes and Decrees for the government of God's Church but that it belongs whâ—lly unâ—o the King to do it with the advice of his Bishops and the rest of his Clergy then how came the Parliament to annul those Canons that were so made by the King and Clergy because they had no vote nor consent in confirming of them Sol. Truely I cannot answer to this Objection unless I should tell you what Sol. the Poet saith Dum furor in cursu currenti cede furori Dâ—fficiles aditus impetus omnis habet They weâ—e furiously bent against them and you know furor arma ministrat dum regnant arma â—lent leges all Lawes must sleeâ— while Armes prevaile besides you may finde those Canons as if they had been prophetically made fore-saw the increasing strength of Anabaptisme Brownisme Puritanisme most likely to subvert true Protestantisme and therefore were as equally directed against these Sectaries of the left hand as against the Papists on the right hand and I think the whole Kingdom now findes and feels the strength of that virulent â—action and therefore what wonder that they should seek to break all those Canons to pieces and batter them down with their mighty Ordinances for seeking to â—ubdue their invincible errours or else because as they say the Eâ—clesiâ—stical State is not an independent society but a member of the whole the Parliament â—â—s not so to be excluded as that their advice and approbation should not be required to make them obligatory to the rest of the Subjects of the whole Kingdom which claim this priviledge to be tyed to the observation of no humane Lawes that themselves by their representatives have not consented unto 2. As the King is intrusted by God to make Lawes for the government of 2. To grant dispensations of his own Lawes the Church of Christ so it is a rule without question that ejus est dispensare absolvere â—njus est condere he hath the like power to dispense with whom he pleaseth and to absolve him that transgresseth as he hath to oblige them therefore our Church being for reformation the most famous throughout all the parts of the Christian world and our King having so just an authority to do the same it is a most impudent scandal full of all malice and ignorance not to be endured by any well affected Christian that the new brood of the old Anabaptists do lay upon our Church and State that they did veâ—y unreasonably and unconscionably by their Lawes grant Dispensations both for Pluralities and Non-residency onely to further the corrupt desires of some few to the The scandals of the malicious ignorants against the worthier clergy infinite wrong of the whole Clergy besides the hazard of many thousands of souls the intolerable dishonour of Gods truth and the exceeding disadvantage of Christ his Church for seeing God hath principally committed and primarily commended the care of his Church and service unto Kings who are therefore to make Laws and Orders for the well governing of the same I shall make it most evident that they may as they have ever done most lawfully and more beneficially both for Gods Church and also for the Common wealth do these three things 1. To grant that grace and favour unto their Bishops and other Ecclesiastical Three special points handled persons as to admit them of their counsel and to undertake secular authority and civil jurisdiction 2. To allow dispensations of Pluralities and Non-residency which they may most justly and most wisely do without any transgression of the Law of God 3. To give tolerations where they see cause of many things prohibited by their Law to dispence with the transgressions and to remit the fault of the transgressours For 1. Though the world relapsed from the true light and declined from the sincere 1 Point Religion to most detestable superstition yet there remained in the people certain impressions of the divine truth that there was a GOD and that this The great respect of the Clergy in former ages Saravia l. 2. c. 2. p. 103. 1. Among the Gentiles Osor p. 231. De tota Syria Palestina refert Dion l. 37. quòd rex summi Pontificis nomen habeat Strabolib 2 Apud Tertul. advers Valent. Hermetem legimus appellari Mâ—x sacerdotem maximum regem Cicero l. 2. de legibus Diotogenes apud Sâ—obâ—d cit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aethiopeâ— reges suos del gebant er numero sacerdotum Diodor l 3. c. 1. Titus Vespas Pontificatum maximum iâ—ed sese professus est accipere ut puras servaret manus Sueton iâ— Tito cap. 9. In Aritia regnum erat concretum cum sicerdotio Dâ—anae ut innâ—it Ovid De arte amandi lib. 1. Ecce suburbanae templum nemorale Dianae Parâ—áqâ—e per gâ—adios regna nocente manu Strabo lib. 5. God was religiously to be worshipped and those men that taught the worship of that God how fowly soever they did mistake it were had in singular account and supereminent authority among all Nations and as Saravia saith they were compeers with Kings in their Government so that nothing was done without their counsel and consent and as Theseus was the first that Cives Atticos è pagis in uâ—bem compulit and put the difference betwixt Nobles Husbandmen and Artificers so the Priests were always selected out of the noblest families and were ever in all their publick counsels as the Divines sate among the Athenians and the South-sayers sate with the King among the Lacedemonians in all their weightiest consultations and Strabo tells us that the Priests of Bellona which were in Pontus and Cappadocia for that Goddess was honoured in both places were regarded with the greatest honour next to the King himself and the Romans that were both wealthy warlike and wise did almost nothing without the advice and counsel of their Priests I will omit what Valerius Maximus setteth down of their care of Religion and their great respect unto their Priests and religious persons and I will refer you onely to what Tully writeth of this point where he saith that the greatest and worthiest thing in their Common-wealth was the priviledge and preheminence of the Divines which was joyned with the greatest authority for they dismissed the companies and the Councels of the chiefest Empires and the greatest Potentates when they were proposed they restrayned them when they were concluded they ceased from the affaires which they had in hand if but one Divine did say the contrary they appointed that the Consuls should depose themselves from their Magistracy and it was in their intire power either to give leave or not to give leave to deale with the people or not to deal to repeal Laws not lawfully made and to suffer nothing to be done by the Magistrate in peace or war without
no absolute prohibition of such imployments in any place but as it might be a hinderance to discharge his office or otherwise Saint Paul's Tent-making was as much against the calling of an Apostle as the sitting in a secular tribunal is against the office of a Bishop because there is no reason we should deny that benefit to a publick necessitated community which we will yeeld to a private personal necessity And so indeed these very men that cry out against our Bishops and other The Presbyterians will be the directors of all affaires grave Prelates of the Church for the least medling in these civil affaires do not onely suffer their own Preachers to strain at a gnat but also to swallow a Camel when M. Henderson Marshal Case and the rest of their new inspired Prophets shall sit as Presidents in all their Counsels and Committees of their chiefest affaires and consultations either about War or Peace or of any other civil cognizance how these things can be answered to deny that to us which they themselves do practise I cannot understand when as the light of Nature tells us Quod tibi vis fieri mihi fac quod non mihi noli Sic potes in terris vivere jure poli * Vnde Baldus jubeâ— ut quis in alios non aliter judicet quà m in se judicari vellet And therefore when as there is no politick Philosophy no imperial constitution nor any humane invention that doth or can so strictly binde the consciences of men unto subjection and true obedience as the Doctrine of the Gospel and no man can perswade the people so much unto it as the Preachers of Gods word as it appeareth by this Rebellion perswaded by the false Preachers because the Principles of Philosophy and the Laws of many nations do permit many things to be done against tyrants which the Religion of Christ and the true Bishops of Gods Church do flatly inhibit it is very requisite and necessary for all Christian How requisite it is for Kings to delegate civil affaires unto their Clergie Kings both for the glory of God their own safety and the happiness of the Common-wealth to desend this their own right and the right of the Clergy to call them into their Parliaments and Counsels and to demise certain civil causes and affairs to the gravest Bishops and the wisest of the Ministers and not suffer those Rebellious Anabaptists and Brownists that have so disloyally laboured to pull off the Crown from their Kings head to bury all the glory of the Church in the dust to bring the true Religion into a scorn and to deprive the King of the right which is so necessary for his safety and so useful for the Government of his people that is the service of his Clergy in all civil Courts and Councils And as it is the Kings right to call whom he pleaseth into his Parliaments and That it is the Kings right to give titles of honour to whom he pleaseth Councils and to delegate whom he will to discharge the office of a civil or Ecclesiastical magistrate or both wheresoever he appoints within his Realms and Dominions so it is primarily in his power and authority and his regal right to give titles of honour and dignity to those officers and magistrates whom he chooseth for though the Barbarians acknowledge no other distinction of Persons but of Master and Servants which was the first punishment for the first contempt of our Superiors therefore their Kings do raign and domineer Gen. 9. 25. over their Subjects as Masters do over their servants and the Fathers of â—amilies have the same authority over their Wives and Children as ouer the Saravia â— 28. p. 194. slaves and vassals and the Muscovites at the day do rule after this manner neither is the great Empire of the Turke much unlike this Government and generally all the Eastern Kingdomes were ever â—of this kinde and kept this rule over all the Nations whom they Conquered and many of them do still retain it to these very times Yet our Westerne Kings whom charity hath â—aught better and made them milder and especially the Kings of this Island which in the sweetness of Government exceeded all other Kings as holding it their The milde government of our Kings chiefest glory to have a free people subject unto them and thinking it more Honourable to command over a free then a servile nation have conferred upon their subjects many titles of great honour which the â—earned Gentleman M. Sâ—lden hath most Learnedly treated of and therefore I might well be silent in this point and not to write Iliads after Homer if this title of Lord given by His Majesty unto our Bishops for rone but he hath any right to give it did Of the Title of Lord. not require that I should say something thereof touching which you must observe that this name dominus is of divers significations and is derived à domo as Zanchius observeth where every man is a Lord of that house and possession which he holdeth and it hath relation also to a servant so that this name is ordinarily given among the Latinists to any man that is able to keep servants and so it must needs appear how great is the malice I cannot say the ignorance when every school-boy knowes it of those Sectaries that deny this title to be consistent with the calling of a Bishop which indeed cannot be denyed to any man of any ordinary esteeme But they will say that it signifieth also rule and authority and so as it is a title of rule and Dominion it is the invention of Antichrist the doration of the Devill and forbidden by our Saviour where he saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Luke 22. 25. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Matth. 16. 30. that is in effect be not you called gracious Lords or benefactors which is the proper signification of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore these titles of honour are not fit for the Preachers of the Gospell to puffe them up with pride and to make them swell above their brethren It is answered that if our Saviours words be rightly understood and his That there is a double rule or dominion meaning not maliciously perverted neither the authority of the Bishops nor the title of their honour is forbidden for as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a title of dominion so it is fit to be ascribed to them unto whom the Lord and author of all rule and dominion hath committed any rule or Government over his People and our Saviour forbiddeth not the same because you may finde that there is a double rule and dominion the one just and approved the other tyrannicall and disallowed and the tyrannicall rule or as S. Peter saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the domineering 1 Pet. 5. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 authority over Gods inheritance both Christ and his Apostles do â—orbid but the just rule and
do because the God of Heaven that hath built his Church upon a rock and will not turn away his face from his Anointed will so bless our King that it shall never be with him as it was with Zedechia when it was not in hâ—s power to save Gods Prophet but said unto his Princes Behold he is in your Jeâ—em 28. 5. hand for the King is nâ—t he that can do any thing against you yet as Mordecai said to Hester God will send enlargement and deliverance unto his Church and Hester 4. 14. they and their fathers houses that are against it shall be destroyed because as Saint Peter saith we have forsaken all to become his servants that otherwise might have served Kings with the like hâ—nour that they do and we have left the world to build up his Church we put our trust under the shadow of his wings and being in trouble we do cry unto the Lord and therefore he will hear our cry and will helpe us and we sâ—all never be confounded Amen CHAP X. Sheweth that it is the Kings right to grant Dispensations for Pluralities and Non-residency what Dispensation is reasons for it to tolerate divers Sects or sorts of Religions the foure special sorts of false professors S. Augustines reasons for the toleration of the Jewes toleration of Papists and of Puritans and which of them deserve best to be tolerated among the Protestants and how any Sect is to be tolerated 2. WHereas the Anabaptists and Brownists of our time with what conscience 2. That the King may lawfully grant his dispensation for Pluralities and Non-residency I know not cry out that our Kings by their Lawes do unreasonably and unconscionably grant dispensations both for Pluralities and Non-residency onely to further the corrupt desire of some few aspiring Prelates to the infinite wrong of the whole Clergy the intolerable dishonour of our Religion the exceeding prejudice of Gods Church and the lamentable hazard of many thousand soules I say that the Pluralities and Non-residency granted by the King and warranted by the Lawes of this Land may finde sufficient reasons to justifie them In Anno 112. for if you consider the first limitation of Benefices that either Euaristus Bishop In Anno 636. of Rome or Dionysius as others thinke did first assigne the precincts of Parishes and appointed a certain compass to every Presbyter and in this Kingdome The first distribution of Parishes Honorius Arch-bishop of Canterbury was the first that did the like appointed the Pastorall charge and the portion of meanes accrewing from that compass to this or that particular person whereas before for many years they had no particular charge assigned nor any Benefice allotted them but had their Canonicall pensions and dividents given them by the Bishop out of the common stock of the Church according as the Bishop saw their severall deserts for at first the greater Cities onely had their standing Pastors and then the Countrey Villages imitating the Cities to allow maintenance according to the abilities of the inhabitants had men of lesser learning appointed for those places Therefore this limitation of particular Parishes being meerly positive and an Pluralities and Non-residency no transgression of Gods Law humane constitution it cannot be the transgression of a divine ordinance to have more Parishes then one or to be absent from that one which is allotted to him when he is dispenced with by the Law-maker to do the same for as it is not lawfull without a dispensation to do either because we are to obey every ordinance of the higher power for the Lords sake so for the higher power to dispence with both is most agreeable to reason and Gods truth for all our Gods Law admitteth an interpretation not a dispensation of it Lawes are either divine or humane and in the divine Law though we allow of interpretation quia non sermoni res sed rei sermo debet esse subjectus because the words must be applyed to the matter else we may fall into the heresie of those that as Alfonsus de Castro saith held it unlawfull upon any occasion to sweare because our Saviour saith sweare not at all yâ—t no man King nor Pope hath power to grant any dispensation for the least breach of the least precept of Gods Law he cannot dispence with the doing of that which God forbiddeth to be done nor with the omitting of that which God commandeth but in all humane Lawes so far as they are meerly positive and humane it is in Mans Law may be dispensed with the power of their makers to dispence with them and so quicquid sit dispensation superioris non sit contra praeceptum superioris and he sinneth neither against the Law noâ— against his own conscience because he is delivered from the obligation of that Law by the same authority whereby he stood bound unto it And as he that is dispensed with is free from all sin so the King which is the dispenser is as free from all fault as having full right and power to grant His dispensations â—or seeing that all humane Lawes are the conclusions of the Law of nature or the evidences of humane reason shewing what things are most benefiâ—iall to any society either the Church or Common-wealth and that experience â—eacheth us our reason groweth often from an imperfection to be more perfect when time produceth more light unto us we cannot in reason deny an abrogation and dispensation to all humane Lawes which therefore ought not to be like the Lawes of the Medes and Persians that might not be changed Aug. de libero arbit l. 1. and so Saint Augustine saith Lex humana quamvis justa sit commutari tamen pro tempore juste potest any humane Law though it be never so just yet for the time as occasion requireth may be justly changed dispensatio est juris communis relaxatio facta cum causae cognitione ab eo qui jus habet dispensandi Dispensation what it is and as the Civilians say a dispensation is the relaxation of common right granted upon the knowledge of the cause by him that hath the power of dispensing or as the â—tymologie of the word beareth dispensare est diversa pensare The reward of learning and vertue how to be rendered to dispense is to render different rewards and the reward of learning or of any other virtue either in the civill or the ecclesiasticall person being to be rendered as one saith not by an Arithmeticall but a Geometricall proportion and the division of Paâ—â—shes being as I said before a positive humane Law it cannot be denyed but the giver of honour and the bestower of rewards which is the King hath the sole power and right to dispose how much shall be given to this or that particular person If you say the Law of the King which is made by the advice of his whole Ob. Parliament hath already determined what
and collationem potestatis the designation of the person which is sometimes done by men and that is where the King is elective and the donation of the power which is proper onely unto God for so the Psalmist saith God hath spoken once and twice I have also heard the same Psal 62. 11. â— that power belongeth unto God and the Apostle saith the powers that are are ordained of God which is to be understood of the regall or Monarchicall power Rom. 13. 2. because Saint Paules 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 higher powers are interpreted by Saint 2 Pet 2. 13. Saint Peters description betwixt the King and the inferiour Magistrates A twofold royalty in a King 1 Merum imperium Peter to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Kings that are supreme where Saint Peter makes an excellent distinction betwixt the superiour and the inferiour Magistrates the superiour is that which Saint Paul saith is ordained of God and the inferiours are they which Saint Peter calleth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such as are sent by the King for the better explanation of which place you must know that in every King or supreme Magistrate we may conceive a double royalty The â— is merum imperium or regni potestas summa plenissima and this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this fulnesse of power and independent of any creature and immediately received of God which the Civilians call jus regis or munus regni is in the person of the King indivisible not to be imparted by the King to any creature because he cannot devest himself divide this power or alienate the same to any subject no not to his own son without renouncing or dividing his Kingdome How the King cannot do unjustly and by this the Civilians say the King may governe sine certa lege sine certo jure sed non sine aequitate justitia without Law but not without equity whereupon it is a rule in the Common Law hoc unum rex potest sacere quod non potest injustè agere which is to be applyed to this inseperable regality of the King 2 Imperium dispositivum and hath been often alleadged by other Parliaments to justifie the King from all blame The 2 is imperium dispositivum or jus gubernandi vel jurisdictio the right of governing or jurisdiction and distribution of justice and this may be derived and delegated from the King legatis vitalitiis either for terme of life or during the Kings pleasure But how not privativè when the King doth not denude himself thereof but cumulativè and executivè to execute the same as the Kings Instruments for the preservation of peace and the administration of How the King delegates his power to his inferiour Magistrates justice as it appeareth in their patent and this subordinate power is not inherent in their persons but onely committed unto them for the execution of some office because that when the supreame power is present the power of the inferiour officers is silent it is in nubibus fled into the clouds and like the light of the Moon and Stars vanishing whensoever the Sun appeareth for Kings when they do transfâ—â— any actuall power to the subalternate Officers retain the habituall power still in their own hands which upon any emergent occasion they may actually resume to themselves again which they could not do if they parted with the habite and forme of this despâ—ticall power of government that they The words of the Apostles vindicated from the false glosses of the Sectaries Rom. 13. 1. 1 Pet. 2. 13. The testimony of the Fathers or the Soveraignty of Kings Tertul. ad Scap. in apologet c. 30. Iren advers haeres Valent l. 5. c. 20. Optat. contr Parmen l. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysost tom 6. orat 40. orat 2. Aug. de civit Dei l. 5. c. 21. have immediately received from God And as the Scriptures make it plain that the Kings right and power to govern is immediately from God so they make it as plain that it is the greatest right and most eminent highest power that is on earth for though the cavilleâ—â— at this power translate the words of Saint Paul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not potestatibus sublimioribus or sutremis but potestatibus superexcellentibus and say that the word or particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where S. Peter bids us submit our selves to the King 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as to the cheif intends a resemblance onely and not a reall demonstration to prove the King to be the chief Yet the malice of these men and the falshood of these glosses will appear if you consider that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 habens se super alios or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 joyned with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the powers that are ordained of God must needs signify not any subordinate power but the supremâ—st power on earth because the other powers are directly said by Saint Peter to be sent by the King and the article 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth as really expresse the matter there as in John 1. 14. where the Evangelist saith and we beheld his glory 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the glory of the onely begotten Son of God And I hope our Sectaries will not be so impudent as to say that this signifieth but a resemblance of the Son of God But to make this point more plain you shall heare what the Fathers and the learned say for I told you before Tertullian saith of Kings and Emperours inde potâ—stas unde spiritus and he is sâ—lo Deo minor inferiour to none but God Saint Chrysostome saith he hath no peer on Earth but is the top of all men living Athanasius saith there is none above the Emperour but onely God that made the Emperour Saint Cyrill in a Sermon upon that text I am the vine commendeth Q. Curtius l. 9 the answer of a King whom Quintus Curtius affirmeth to be Alexander that being shot and his Subjects would have him bound to pull out the arrow said non decet vinciri Regem Bern. Tractat. de pass Dom. c. 4. it becomes not Kings to be bound because none is superiour unto them Agapetus a Deacon of Constantine saith as much and because it is a rule in the Civill Law testem quem quis inducit pro se tenetur recipere contra sese the testimony of our adversaries is most convictive therefore I beseech you hear what they say for Rosellus a great Catholique saith it is heretical to affirm that the universal administration of the temporall affaires is or must be in the Pope when the King hath no superiour on earth but the Creator of heaven and earth Caninus also saith that the Apostle Rom. 13. spake of the Regall and secular Power and not of the Ecclesiasticall and Cassanaeus Cassan Catal. glor mundi p. 8 consider 2 S. Card. Cusan concord Cathol l. 3. c. 5. Vide Arnis p.
and a glorious society but let loose out of the Princes hands they are as Serpents crocked wriggled versipelles and A people well governed very glorious as full as may be of all deadly poyson and the Prophet David makes the ruling of the people to be as great a miracle as to appease the raging of the Seas and therefore he ascribes this Government to be the proper work of God when psal 65. 7. God is the governour and Kings are but Gods instruments psal 77. 20. speaking unto God he saith Thou rulest the rage of the Seas the noyse of his waves and the madness of the people for Kings are but Gods instruments and God himself is the ruler of his people even as the same King David sheweth saying still to God Tu duxisti populum tuum Thou leadest thy people like sheep by the hands of Moses and Aaron God was the leader and they were but the hands by which he led them for where God hath not a hand in the government of the people it is impossible for the best and most politick heads to do it and this Solomon knew full well when God bade him aske what he should give him and he said Thou hast made me King he doth not say the people hath made 1 Reg. 3. 7 9. me and I knâ—w not how to go out or in that is to govern them therefore I pray the give thy servant an â—nderstanding heart to judge thy people that I may discern between good and bad for who is able to judge this thy so great a people that is what one man is able to govern an innumerable multitude of men Thou therefore must be the Governour and I am but thine instrument and that I may be a fit instrument to do thy work I desire thee to give me a docible heart Wherefore O you Subjects without obedience and you Divines without They that reject their King reject God Divinity how dare you put any instruments into Gods hands and refuse nay reject the instrument that he chuseth for the performance of his own work to rule the people you may as well refuse God himself even as God saith unto Samuel They have not reiected thee but they have reiected me so you that do 1 Sam. 8. 7. rebel and cast away your King that God hath chosen as his hand to guide you and his instrument to govern you I pronounce it to all the World you have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Luk. 10. 16. rebelled against God and you have cast away your God for the rule of Christ must stand infallible he that rejecteth or despiseth him that is sent rejecteth him that sent him CHAP. XII Sheweth the assistants of Kings in their government to whom the choice of inferiour Magistrates belongeth the power of the subordinate officers neither Peers nor Parliament can have supremacy the Sectaries chiefest argument out of Bracton answered our Lawes prove all Soveraignty to be in the King the two chief parts of the regal government the four properties of a just War and how the Parliamentary Faction transgress in every property 3. SEeing it is so hard and difficult a matter ars artium gubernare populum 3. The assistance that God alloweth unto Kings to help them in their government of two sorts the Mistresse of all Sciences and the most dangerous of all faculties to govern the people that Saturninus said truly to them that put on his Kingly ornaments they knew not what an evil it was to rule because of the many dangers that hang over the rulers heads which under the seeming shew of a Crown of gold do wear indeed a Crown of thornes therefore Vt rarò eminentes viros non magnis adjutoribus ad gubernandam fortunam suam usus invenies saith Paterculus as great men of a wealthy and vast estate are seldome without great counsel to assist them to govern and to dispose of that great fortune so Kings having a great charge laid upon them are not onely permitted but advised and counselled by God to have 1. Faithful and wise Counsellors to direct them 1. Wise Counsellors 2. Subordinate Magistrates to assist them in the government of the people 1. Tacitus as I said before saith There cannot be an argument of greater Tacit. annal lib. 2. wisedome in a Prince nor any thing of greater safety to the Common-wealth then for him to make choice of a wise and religious Counsel because the most weighty labours of the Prince do stand in need of the greatest helpes therefore Agamemnon had his Nestor and Chalâ—as Augustus had Mecoenas and Agrippa two Dionys Halicar lib. 2. wise Counsellors to direct him in all his affairs David had Nathan Gâ—d Achitophel and Hushai and Nebuchadnezzar had Daniel Shadrach Meshac and Abednego and so all other Kings in all Nations do chuse the wisest men that they conceive to be their Counsellors 2. For subordinate Magistrates Jethro's counsel unto Moses and Moses 1. Subordinate Magistrates hearkning unto him as to a wise and faithful Counsellor makes it plain how necessary it is for the supreme Magistrate to chuse such assistants as may bear with him some part of the great burthen of government Thus far it is agreed upon on all sides but the difference betwixt us and our new State-Divines consisteth in these two points of these officers For 1. About the choice A twofold difference 2. About the power 1. We say that by the Law of nature every master hath right to chuse his 1. About the choice of inferiour Magistrates and Officers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Cor. 4 5. Exod. 18. 11. own servants this is Lex gentium ever practiced among all Nations why then should not the King make choice of his own Counsellors and Servants they will say because he is the servant of the Common-wealth But how is that I hope none otherwise then the Minister is the servant of the Church for Christ his sake and shall he therefore that is your King lose the priviledges of a common Subject Besides hath not God committed the charge of his people into the Kings hand and will he not require an accompt of him of their government how then shall he give an account to God when the government is taken out of his hands and subordinate officers and servants put upon him I am sure when the 70 grand Senators of Israel the great Sanhedrim of the Jewes were to be chosen Jethro saith unto Moses Thou shalt provide out of the people able men mark I pray you thou and not the people shalt provide them neither shall you find it otherwise in any History Pharaoh and not his people made Joseph ruler over Gen. 41. 41. all the Land of Egypt Nebuchadnezzar and not his people made Daniel ruler over the whole Province of Babylon and Darius set over his Kingdome Dan. 2. 48. Cap. 6. 1 2. a hundred and twenty Princes and made Daniel
professed in Q. Elizabeth's times that was established by the Lawes justified by the paines and confirmed by the bloud of so many worthy men and faithful Martyrs but a new religion first hatched in Amsterdam then nourished in New-England and now to be transplanted into this Kingdom 3. Who are the persons that are imployed in this war he first of all that 3. Meet Members is the more disloyal because he was a person of honour that had so much honour conferred upon him by His Majesty and so much trust reposed in him and would notwithstanding prove so unthankful as to kick with his heeles against his Master and so follow whom you know passibus aequis whose example any other man that were not rob'd of his understanding would make a remora to retain him from rebellion and what are the other heads but a company either of poor needy and mean condition'd Lords and Gentlemen Who the Rebels are and what manner persons they be or discontented Peers that are misled or such factious Sectaries whose blind zeal and furious malice are able to hurry them headlong to perpetrate any mischief for their Captains and their Officers I believe they fight neither for the Anabaptists creed nor against the Romane faith nor to overthrow our Protestant Church but for their pay for which though they cannot be justified to take their hire for such ill service to rebel against their King and to murder their innocent brethren Yet are they not so bad as their grand Masters and for their common Souldiers I assure my self many of them fight against their wills many seduced by their false Prophets others inticed by their factious Masters and most of them compelled to kill their brethren against their wils and therefore in some places though their number trebled the Kings yet they had rather run away then fight and what a miserable and deplorable case is this when so many poor soules shall be driven unto the Devil by Preachers and Parliament against their wills 4. If you consider quâ authoritate by what authority they wage this war 4. The supreme authority they will answer by the Authority of Parliament and that is just none at all because the Parliament hath not the supreme authority without which the war is not publique nor can it be justified for a war is then justifiable when there is no legal way to end the controversie by prohibiting farther appeales which cannot be but onely betwixt independent States and several Princes that Albericus Gentilis de jure belli l. 1. c. 2. Subjects can never make a lawful war against their King have the supreme power in their own hands and are not liable to the censure of any Court which power the Parliament cannot challenge because they are or should be the King 's lawful Subjects and therefore cannot be his lawful enemies but they will say Master Goodwin Burroughs and all the rest of our good men zealous brethren and powerful Preachers do continually cry out in our eares it is bellum sanctum a most just and holy war a war for the Gospel and for our Lawes and Liberties wherein whosoever dies he shall be crowned a Martyr I answer that for their reward they shall be indeed as Saint Augustine saith of the like Martyres stultae Philosophiae when every one of them may Res dura ac plena pericli est regale occidisse genus be indicted at the bar of God's justice for a felo de se a Malefactour guilty of his own untimely death and for their good Oratours that perswade them to this wickednesse I pray you consider well what they are men of no worth rebellious against the Church Rebels against the King factious Schismaticks of In what condition their Preachers are and of what worth no faith of no learning that have already forfeited their estates if they have any and their lives unto the king and will any man that is wise hazard his estate his life and his soul to follow the perswasions of these men my life is as deare to me as the Earle of Essex his head is to him and my soul dearer and I dare ingage them both that if all the Doctors in both Vniversities and all the Divines within the kingdome of England were gathered together to give their judgement of this War there could not be found one of ten it may be as I beleive not one of twenty that durst upon his conscience say this war is lawful upon the Parliament side for though these Locusts that is the German Scottish It is contrary to the doctrine of all the Protestant Church for Subjects to resist their king and the English puritane agreeing with the Romane Jesuite ever since the reformation harped upon this string and retained this serpentine poison within their bosome still spitting it forth against all States as you may see by their bookes Yet I must tell you plainly this doctrine of Subjects taking up armes against their lawful King is point blanck and directly against the received doctrine of the Church of England and against the tenet of all true Protestants and therefore Andreas Rivetus Professor at Leyden writing against a Jesuite Paraeus in Rom. 13. Boucher l. 2. c. 2. Kecâ—erm Syst pol. c. 32. Jun. Bruâ— q. 2. p. 56. Bellar. de laic c. 6. Suar. de fid cathol c. 3. Lichfield l. 4. 19. sect 19. Field l. 5. c. 30. that cast this aspersion upon the Protestants that they jumpe with them in this doctrine of warring against and deposing kings saith that no Protestant doth maintain that damnable doctrine and that rashness of Knox and Buchanan is to be ascribed praefervido Scotorum ingenio ad audendum prompto Juel and Bilson and all the Doctors of the Church are of the same minde and Lichfield saith no Orthodox father did by word or writing teach any resistance for the space of a thousand yeares and Doctor Field saith that all the worthy fathers and Bishops of the Church perswaded themselves that they owed all duty unto their kings though they were Hereticks and Infidels and the Homilies of the Church of England allowed by authority do plainly and peremptorily condemne all Subjects warring against their King for Rebels and Traytors that do resist the ordinance of God and procure unto themselyes damnation and truely I beleive most of their own consciences tell them so and they that thinke otherwise I would have them to consider that if they were at a banquet where twenty should aver such a dish to be full of poyson for every one that would warrant it good would'st thou venture to eate it and hazard thy life in such a case O then consider what it is to hazard thy soule upon the like termes So you see the justness of the War on the Parliament side But. 1. On the Kings side it cannot be denied but his cause is most just for his own defence for the maintenance of the
true Protestant Religion that is established by our Laws and for the rights of the Church and the just liberties and property of all his loyal Subjects this he testifieth in all his Declarations and this we know in our own consciences to be true and therefore 2. As his Majesty professeth so we beleive him that he never intended otherwise by this war but to protect us and our Religion and to maintain his own just and unquestionable rights which these Rebels would most unjustly wrest out of his hands and under the shew of humble Petitioners to become at last proud Commanders for as one saith They whom no denial can withstand Seeme but to aske while they indeed command For the persons that war with him they are the chiefest of the Nobility 3 His assistants learned honest and religious 〈◊〉 best Gentry that hazard their lives not for filthy lucre for the Kings 〈◊〉 being so unjustly detained from him they are fain to supply his neces 〈…〉 〈◊〉 to bear their own charges and the poor common Soldiers are no 〈…〉 〈◊〉 to do their best endeavours neither need they to fear any 〈◊〉 because 4. The King hath a just right to give them full power and authority to do 4 His authority sacred and unquestionable What the pretended Parliament is execution upon these Rebels as I have proved unto you before And therefore the result of all is that the Parliament side under the pretence of Religion fighting if not for the Crown yet certainly for the full power and authority of the King who shall have the ordering of the Militia that is who shall have the government of this Kingdome which is all one as who shall be the King they or King CHARLES and which is the very question that they would now decide by the sword in taking away our goods are theeves and robbers in killing their brethren are bloudy murderers and in resisting their King are rebellious traytors that as the Apostle saith purchase to themselves damnation when as the Prophet Esay speaketh of the like Rebels Esay 8. 21 22. being hardly bestead and hungry as I believe thousands of them are in London and other Rebellious Cities they shall fret themselves and curse their King and their God and looke upward as I fear many of them do curse the King with thâ—ir tongues and God in their hearts and they shall looke unto the Matth. 8. 12. earth and behold trouble and darknesse dimnesse and anguish and they shall be driven to darknesse even to utter darknesse where there shall be weeping and gnashing of teeth if by a true repentance they do not betimes rent their hearts and forsake their fearful sinns And the Kings side in this war doing no further then the king gives Commission do no more then what God commandeth and therefore living they shall be accounted loyal Subjects worthy of honour and dying they shall be sure to be everlastingly rewarded CHAP. XIII Sheweth how the first Government of Kings was arbitrary the places of Moses Deu. 17. and of Samuel 1 Sam. 8. discussed whether Ahab offended in desiring Naboths Vineyard and wherein why absolute power was granted unto Kings and how the diversities of Government came up 2. HAving thus shewed you potestatem ducendi the Kings right and power of 2 part of the regal government in the time of peace Master Selden in his titles of Honour p. 15. That the first government of Kings was arbitrary making War it resteth that I should speake De potestate judicandi of his power and right of judging and governing his people in the time of peace touching which we finde none denying his right but all the difference is about the manner where 1. I finde Master Sâ—lden rejecting as ridiculous the testimony of Justiâ—â— which saith Populus nullis legibus tenebatur sed arbitria regum pro legibus crant the people were kept under by no Lawes but the will of their Kings was all the Law they had but as oportet mendacem esse memorem so it behoves him that opposeth the truth to be very subtile and very mindful of his own discourse otherwise a meaner Scholler having such advantage as the truth to assist him may easily get the victory for though he goeth about to confute the reason that some alleadge for the denyal of those times to be governed by any Law because the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not to be found in all Homer but wheresoeuer he Homer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in hymnis ad Apoll. speakes of Justice he expresseth the same by the word Themis and saith that this is false which he proveth from Homers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and sheweth that there were Lawes before Homers time from Talus his Lawes that were written in brasse in the Isle of Crâ—te yet all this may be answered and Justines opinion prove most true for Talus his time must needs be uncertain Joseph advers Appion l. 5â— Plutarch in lib. de Hero and by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Homer means the just measure of riming but never useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the set Law of living besides there were many ages and many Kings before Homers time and before Talus Minos Radamanthus or any other Law-maker that you read of Moses was the first that I finde either giving Lawes or inventing Letters and yet there were many Kings before Moses nine Kings named in one Chapter and what Lawes had they to govern Gen. 14. 1 â— their people besides their own wils and therefore Master Selden vi veritatis victus confesseth that in the first times in the beginning of States there were no Pompon de origine juris sf l. 1. sect 2. Josephus regnuÌ„ appellaâ— imperium summum unius hominis non ex lege sed ex arbitrio imperantis Antiquit l. 4. Saravia de imperand autor l. 2. c. 3. Barclaâ—us l. 3. c. 16. Arnis l. 1. c. 3 p. 49 50. Irvinus cap. 4. p. 64 65. Lawes but the arbitrements of Princes as Pomponius speaketh and pag. 4. he saith the people seeing the inconveniences of popular rule chose one Monarch under whose arbitrary rule their happy quiet should be preserved where also you may observe his great mistake in making the Monarchy to spring out of the Democracy when as I have proved before the Monarchicall government was many hundred of years before we heare mention of any other forme of government but in any government Doctor Saravia saith and he saith most truly Quisquis summum obtinâ—t impâ—rium sive is sit unus rex sive pauci nobiles vel ipse populus universus supra omnes leges sunt ratio haec est quòd nemo sibi ferat legem sed subditis suis se legibus nâ—mo aâ—stringit huc accedit illa ratio quòd neque suis legibus teneri possit scil rex cum nemo sit sâ—ipso superior nemo
them to obey and though it should not excuse the king from sin yet it wholly disables and disavowes the peoples resisting their king because in all this the Prophet allowes them none other remedy but to cry unto the Lord for seeing The kings absolute power not given him to inable him for oppression but to retaine his Subjects from rebellion God hath given him directum dominium absolutum imperium though he should fail of his duty which God requireth and do that wrong unto the people which God forbiddeth yet he is solutus legibus free from all Laws quoad coactionem in respect of any coaction from the people but not quoad obligationem in respect of obedience to God by his obligation for though Kings had this plenitudinem petestatis to rule and govern their people as the father of the family rules his houshold or the Pilot directs his Ship secundum liberum arbitrium according to his own arbitrary will yet that will was to rule and to guide all his actions according to the strict Law of common equity and justice as I have often shewed unto you But though this arbitrary rule continued long and very general for Diodorus Diodor. Siculus l. 2. c. 3. Boemus Aubanus tamen asserit voluntatem regum Aegypti pro lege esse Siculus saith that excepting the Kings of Egypt that were indeed very strictly tied to live according to Law all other Kings infinitâ licentiâ ac voluntate suâ pro lege regnabant ruled as they listed themselves Yet at last corruption so prevailed that either the Kings abusing their power or the people refusing to yeild their obedience caused this arbitrary rule to be abridged and limited within the bounds of lawes whereby the Kings promised and obliged themselves to govern their people according to the rules of those established lawes for though the supreme Majesty be free from all Lawes spontè tamen iis accomodare potest the king may of his own accord yeild to observe the same and as the German Poet saith German vates de rebus Frid. l. 8. Nihil ut verum fatâ—ar magis esse decorum Aut regale puto quà m legis jure solutum Sponte tamen legi sese supponere regem and according to the diversities of those Laws so are the diversities of government How diversities of government came up among the several kingdoms of the earth for I speake not of any Popular or Aristocratical state therefore as some kings are more restrained by their Lawes then some others so are their powers the lesse absolute and yet all of them being absolute Kings and free Monarchs are excepted from any account of their actions to any inferiour jurisdiction because then they had not been Monarchs but of Kings had made themselves Subjects Thus you see that rule which formerly was arbitrary is now become limited but limited by their own lawes and with their own wills and none otherwise for I shewed you else-where that the Legislative power resided alwayes in the King even as Virgil saith Virgil Aeneid I. Gaudet regno Trojanus Acestes Indicitque forum patribus dare jura vocatis And as that mirror of all learned Kings saith King Fergus came to Scotland before Rex Jacobus in the true Law of free Monarchs p. 201. any Statutes or Parliament or Lawes were made and you may easily finde it that Kings were the makers of the Laws and not the Lawes the makers of Kings for the Lawes are but craved by the Subjects and made onely by him at their rogation and with their advice so he gives the Law to them but takes none from them and by their own Lawes Kings have limited and abridged their own Right and Power which God and nature have conferred upon them some more some less according as their grants were unto their people §. The extent of the grants of Kings what they may and what they may not grant what our Kings have not granted in seven speciall prerogatives and what they have granted unto their people ANd here I would have you to consider these two points concerning these Two things considerable about the priviledged grants of Kings 1. The extent of the grants of kings Prov. 30. 15. grants of Kings unto their Subjects for 1. Of the extents of these grants 2. Of the Kings obligation to observe them 1. It is certain that the people alwayes desirous of liberty though that liberty should produce their ruine are notwithstanding like the daughters of the Horse-leech still crying unto their Kings give give give us liberties and priviledges more and more and if they may have their wills they are never satisfied Till Kings by giving give themselves away And even that power which should deny betray For the concessions and giving away of their right to govern is the weakning That it is to the prejudice of government to grant too many priviledges to the people of their government and the more priviledges they give the less power they have to rule and then the more unruly will their Subjects be and therefore the people being herein like the horses the Poets faigne to be in Phaebus chariot proud and stomackfull Kings should remember the grave adâ—ice the Father gave unto Phaâ—ton Parce puer stimulis sed fortiùs utere loris Ovid. Met. l. 1 Sponte sua properant labor est inhibere volantes They must be strongly bribled and restrained or they will soone destroy both horse and rider both themselves and their Governours Yet many Kings Constrained gifts not worthy of thanks either foâ—cibly compelled by their unruly Subjects when they might think and therefore not yield that Who gives constrain'd but his own feare reviles Not thank't but scorn'd nor are they gifts but spoiles Or else as some intruding usurping Kings have done to retaine their unjustly gained crownes without opposition or as others out of their Princely clemency and facility to gain the more love and affection and as they conceived What moved Kings to grant so many priviledges to their Subjects the greater obligation from their Subjects have many times to the prejudice of themselves and their posterity to the diminution of the rights of government and often to the great damage of the Common-wealth given away and released the execution of many parts of that right which originally most justly belonged unto them and tyed themselves by promises and oaths to observe those Laws which they made for the exemption of their Subjects But there be some things which the King cannot grant as to transfer the Majora jura inseperabilia à Majestate ne queunt indulgeri subditis ita cohaerent ossibus ab illo separari si ne illius destructione non possunt Paris de put eo Arnisaeus l. 2. c. 2. de jure ma. Blacvod c. 7. pag. 75. things that the King cannot grant right of succession to any other then the right heir to whom it doth
justly belong quia non jam haereditas est sed proprium adeuntis patrimonium cujus ei pleno jure dominium acquiritur non à Patre non à populo sed à lege Because he hath this right unto the Crown not from his Father nor from the people but from the Law of the Land and from God himself which appointed him for the same saith the Civilian and therefore that vulgar saying is not absurd nunquam mori Regem That the King never dyeth for as soone as ever the one parteth with this life the other immediately without exspecting the consent either of Peeres or people doth by a just and plenary right succeed not onely as his fathers heir but as the lawful governour of the people and as the Lord of the whole kingdome not by any option of any men but by the condition of his birth and the donation of his God and therefore the resignation of the Crown by King John unto the Pope was but a fiction that could infer no diminution of the right of his successour because no King can give away this right from him whom God hath designed for it And there be some things which no Christian King should grant away as any of those things that being granted may prejudice the Church of God things that the King should not grant and depresse the glory of the Gospel of Jesus Christ as the giving way for the diminution of the just revenues of the Church the prophanation of things consecrated to Gods service and the suppression of any of the divine callings of the Gospel which are Bishops Priests and Deacons because all kings are bound to honour God and to hinder all those things whereby he is dishonoured either in respect of things persons or places And there be some things which the Kings of this realm have never granted Things that kings have not granted away away but have still retained them in their own hands as inviolable prerogatives and characteristical Symboles and Properties of their Supremacy and the relicks of their pristine right as in the time of peace those two special parts of the gouernment of the Common-wealth which do consist 1. About the Laws 1. About the Lawes 2. About the Magistrates The first whereof saith Arnisaeus containeth these particulars that is to make Lawes to create Nobility and give titles of dignity to legitimate the ill begotten to grant Priviledges to restore Offenders to their lost repute to pardon the transgressors and the like 1. Then it is the right of the King jura dare to give Laws unto his people for though as I said before the Subjects in Parliament may treat of Lawes 1. Jus Legislativum Johan Beda pag. 25. The power of making Lawes is in the King and intreat the King to approve of them that they propose unto him yet they are no Laws and carry with them no binding force till the King gives his consent and therefore out of Parliament you see the Kings Proclamation hath vim vigorem legis the full force and strength of a Law to shew unto us that the power of making Lawes was never yeilded out of Kings hands nor can it indeed be parted with except he part with His Majesty and Soveraignty for the The case of our affaires pag. 11. limiting of his own power by his voluntary concession of such favours unto his people not to make any Lawes without their consent doth no way diminish his Soveraignty or lessen his own right and authority but as a man that yeildeth Stat. West 1. 3. E. 1. 3. 6. 42. Stat. of Merch. 13. E. 1. West 3. 18. E. 1. 1. Stat. of Waste 20. E. 1. of appeale 28. E. 1. 1. E. 2. 1. and all the titles and acts of our Parliaments himself to be bound by some others hath the use of his strength taken from him but none of his naturall strength it self is lessened and much lesse is any part of it transferred to them that bound him but that whensoever his bonds are loosened he can work again by vertue of his own naturall strength and not by any received strength from his loosers so the naturall right and interest of the Soveraignty being solely in the King and the Peeres and Commons by the Kings voluntary concession being onely interessed in the office of restraining his power for the more regular working of the true legitimate Soveraignty it cannot be denyed but in whatsoever the Peeres and Commons do remit the restraint by yeilding their consent to the point proposed thâ— King worketh and acteth therein absolutely by the power of his own inherent Soveraignty and all acts and lawes so passing doe virtually proceed from the King as from the true How the same acts may be said to be the acts of the King and of the Parliament and proper efficient author thereof and may notwithstanding be said to be the acts of the whole Court because the three estates contribute their power of remitting the restraint and yeilding their assent as well as the King useth his unrestrained power And therefore Suarez saith that as condere legem unus est ex praecipuis actibus gubernationis reipublicae ita praecipuam superiorem requirit potestatem to make Lawes is one of the chiefest acts of the government of a Common-wealth so it Suarez l. 1. c. 8 n. 8. requireth the cheifest and supremest power and authority quae quidem potestas legislativa primariò in Deo est which legislative power is primarily in God and is communicated unto Kings saith he per quandam participationem according to the saying of the wise man Heare O ye Kings because power is given Sap. 6. unto you of the Lord. And Saint Augustine calleth Jura humana jura imperatorum quia ipsa jura humana per imperatores all humane lawes are the lawes Aug. in Joan. tract 6. of Emperors or Kings because they are made by them and the Holy Ghost speaking of the Kings of Judah saith The Scepter shall not depart Gen. 49. 10. from Judah nor a Lawgiver from between his feet to teach us that whosoever swayeth the Scepter hath the right to be the Law-maker which is one of the prime prerogatives of Soveraignty 2. Jus nobilitandi the right of appointing the principall Officers of State 2. Ius nobilitandi to cry up any of all his Subjects whom the King will honour as Pharaoh did Joseph and Ahasuerus did Haman and Mordecai and to give them titles of honour per codicillos honorarios aut per dâ—plomata sua as to make Dukes Marquesses Barons Knights c. doth belong onely unto the King that hath onely the supreme Majesty But if the Dukes Earles and Barons be so plyable to the Puritan faction to It is the Doctrine of the Anabaptists and Puritans that there should be no Degrees of Schooles nor titles of honour among men put down the spiritual Lords I doubt
that e're long the King shall have but few Nobility when not onely the Mechanicks and Rusticks will all cry out against this Lordlinesse and say as they did in the rebellion of Jack Cade and Wat Tyler When Adam delv'd and Eve span Who was then the Gentleman And why should we now indure so many titles of vanity and so many vain honours to vapour it over us but the Puritan Clergy also seeing themselves deprived of their due honour and made all equall all as base as Jeroboams Priests will be apt enough to blow up this conceit and to put it into the Creed of all the vulgar that God made us all equall and to be Lords is but to be tyrants over their Brethren and the Presbytery whose pride could not obey the authority of their Bishops will not abide the superiority of any Lords but if they cannot Lord it themselves will be sure to take away the Lordship from all others And therefore if the Nobility be not wiser then to lay our honours in the dust as I see some about his Majesty that would faine be the Priests to bury it which meere policy though they wanted piety should prohibit they shall find that Jam tua res agitur paries cùm proximus ardet Virgil. Aeneid l. 1. When our Cottages are burnt their next Palaces shall not escape the fire but through our sides their Honours shall be killed and buried without honour 3. Jus legitimandi the right of legitimation belongs unto the King without 3. Jus legitimandi which legitimation the Lawyers tell us that as the world now standeth a mighty emolument would happen unto the Crown if the King granted not this grace to them that want it 4. Jus appellationes recipiendi the right of taking notice of causes and of judging 4. Ius appellationes recipiendi Act. 25. 11. the same by the last appeale definitively doth alwayes belong to the supreme Majesty because that as Saint Paul appealed unto Caesar so the last appeale is to the highest Soveraigne from whom there lyeth none appeale but onely to him that shall judge all the Judges of the earth 5. Jus restituendi in integrum the right to restore men attainted or banished 5. Honores restituendt or condemned to death unto their Country wealth and honour is likewise a part of the royall right So Osorius saith that Immanuel King of Portugall restored Osorius de rebus Imman p. 6. James son of Fernandus and his brother Diâ—nysius and others unto their forfeited honours and so not â—nely the Scripture sheweth how David pardoned 1 Reg. 2. 26. Absolon and Shimei two wicked Rebels and Solomon pardoned Abiathar that were all worthy of death but also Saint Augustine speaking of other Kings and Veniam criminosis indulgere Emperours saâ—th judicibus statuendum est ne liceat in reum datam sententiam revocare the Judges may not pardon a man condemned to death numquid ipse Imperator sub hac lege erit but shall not the Emperour or King pardon him are they likewise under this Law of restraint by no meanes Nam ipsi soli licet revocare sententiam reum mortis absolvere ipsi ignoscere for he and he alone that is the Emperour or King may revoke the sentence and absolve him that is guilty of death And so our King according to this his undenyable right hath most graciously and not seldome offered his pardon unto these intolerable Our kings unparallel'd elemency and piety towards the Rebels Rebels a pardon not to be parallel'd in any History nor to be beleived unlesse we had seen it that a man could be so far inclined to elemency and mercy as to remit such transcendent impiety which will render them the more odious both to God and man and their names the more infamous to all posterity that after they had filled themselves with all kind of wickednesse with incredible transgressions they should be found contemners of so favourable a pardon But though it be the Kings right to pardon faults and to restore offenders yet herein all Princes should take great heed especially when they have power 2. Sam. 3. 39. to take revenge for sometimes the sâ—nners may be like the sons of Zervia too strong for David how they pardon thâ—se great crimes that are committed to the dishonour of God and do so far provoke him to anger as to plague both the doers and the sufferers of them because that although they be sâ—luti legibus suis not Arnisaeus l. 1. c. 3. pag. â—9 bound to their own Lawes yet they are not soluti ratienâ— praeceptis divinis but they are bound to observe Gods Lawes and to punish the transgressors of his Commandments or if they do not when they can do it they shall render a strict account to God for all their omissions as they may see it in the example of King Saul 1 Sam. 15. 9. 6. Jus convocandi the right of calling Synods Parliaments Dyets and the 6. Jus convocandi Synodos Parliamenta c. like were the rights of the kings of Israel and are the just Prerogatives of the kings of England howsoever this saction of the Parliament hath sought to wrest it as they do all other rights out of the kings hands by their presumption to call their Schismaticall Synod to which they have no more colour of right then to call a Parliament 7. Jus excudendi the right of coyning mony to give it valxe to stampe his 7. Jus mone tas excudendi Matth. 22. 20. armes or his image upon it as our Saviour saith Whose Image and superscription is this and they say to him Caesars is the proper right of Caesar the prerogative of the king The second sort of the King 's right is circa Magistratus and containeth jurisdiction 2. About the Magistrates rule creation of officers appointing of circuits provinces judgements censures institution of Scholes and Colledges collation of dignities receiving of fidelities and abundance more whereof I intend not to speak at this time but refer my Reader to Arnisaeus de jure Majâ—statis if he desires to be informed of these particulars Arnâ—s l. 2 c 2 And as these and the like are jura Regalia the rights of Majesty in the time of peace so when peace cannot continue it doth properly belong unto the King and to none else but to him that hath the Soveraignty whose right it is alone to make war either to succour his allyes or to revenge great injuries or for any the like just causes and as he seeth cause to conclude Peace to send Ambassadours to negotiate with foreign States and the like are the rights of Kings and the indeleble Characters of Soveraignty which whosoever violateth and endeavoureth to purloin them from the King doth with Prometheus steal fire from Heaven which the Gods would not suffer as the Poets feign to go unrevenged And these
obliged to perform such a promise or to keep such an oath to tell you mine own judgement I think he ought not to perform it and our own Law tels us what grants soever are obtained from the King under the broad Seal by fraud and deceit those grants are void in Law therefore seeing the Act for the perpetuity of this Parliament was obtained dolâ— pessimo to the great dishonour of God and the ruine both of Church and State when their pretence was very good though the goodness of his Majesty in the tenderness of his conscience was still loath to allow himself the liberty to dissolve it until he had other juster and more clear causes to pronounce it no Parliament as the abusing of his grant to the raising of an Army and the upholding of a Rebellion against their Soveraign yet I believe he might safely have done it long agone without the least violation of God's Law when their evil intentions were openly discovered by those Armies which they raised For I doubt not to affirm it with the Authour of The sacred Prerogative of Christian Kings p. 144. if any good Prince or his royal Ancestors have been cheated out of their sacred right by fraud or force he may at the fittest opportunity when God in his wise providence offereth the occasion resume it especially when the Subjects do abuse the King's concessions to the dammage of Soveraignty so that it redounds also to the prejudice either of the Church or Common-wealth 3. When the King through fear not such as the Parliaments fear is who 3. Grants gotten by force not to be observed were afraid where no fear was and were frighted with dreames and causelesse jealousies but that fear which is real and not little but such as may fall in fortem constantem virum doth passe any Law especially that is prejudicial to the Church and injurious to many of his Subjects I say that when he shall be freed from that fear he is not onely freed from the obligation of that Law but he is also obliged to do his uttermost endeavour to annul the same it is true that his fear may justly free him from all blame at the passing of it as the fear of the thief may clear me from all fault in delivering my purse unto him because these are no voluntary acts and all acts are adjudged good or evil according to the disposition of the will the same being like the golden bridle The will must never consent to forced acts that are unlawful His Majesties answer to the Petition of the Lords and Commons 16. Julii p. 8. that Minerva was said to put upon Pegasus to guide him and to turn him as she pleased but when his fear is past and God hath delivered him from the insurrection of wicked doers if his will gives consent to what before he did unwilling who can free the greatest Monarch from this fault Therefore His Majesty confessing which we that saw the whole proceedings of those tumultuous routs that affrighted all the good Protestants and the Loyal Subjects do know that it could not be otherwise that he was driven out of London for fear of his life I conclude that the act of excluding the Bishops out of Parliament being past after his flight out of London can be no free nor just nor lawful act and the King when he is more fully informed of many particulars about this act that is so prejudicial to the Church of Christ and so injurious to all his servants the Clergy whose rights and priviledges the King promised and sware at His Coronation to maintain cannot continue it in my judgement and be innocent But this is answered by the answerer to Doctour Ferne that he is no more Ob. Pag. 31. bound to defend the rights of the Clergy by his oath then the râ—st of the Lawes formerly enacted whereof any may be abrogated without perjury when they are desired to be annulled by the Kingdome To which I say that as His Majesty confesseth there are two speciall questions Sol. His Majesties answer to the â—eâ—onstrance or declaration of the Lords and Commons 26. of May 1642. demanded of the king at His Coronation 1. Sir Will you grant and keep and by your oath confirm to the people of England the Lawes and Customes to them granted by the Kings of England your lawfull and religious predecessors And the king answereth I grant and promise to keep them 2. After such questions as concerne all the commonalty of this kingdome both Clergy and Laity as they are his Subjects one of the Bishops reads this admonition to the king before the people with a loud voice Our Lord and King we beseech you to pardon and to grant and to preserve unto us and to the Churches committed to our charge all Canonicall priviledges and due law and justice and that you would protect and defend us as every good King in His Kingdome ought to be the protector and defender of the Bishops and the Churches under their Government And the king answereth With a willing and devout heart I promise and grant my pardon and that I will preserve and maintaine to you and the Churches committed to your charge all Canonicall Priviledges and due law and Justice and that I will be your Protector and defender to my power by the assistance of God as every good king in His kingdome in right ought to protect and defend the Bishops and Churches under their Government The Kings Oath at His Coronation two-fold Then the king laying his hand upon the book saith the things which I have before promised I shall performe and keep so helpe me God and the contents of this Book Where I beseech all men to observe that here is a two-fold promise and so a two-fold oath 1. The one to all the Commonalty and people of England Clergy and Laity The first part of the Oath Populâ— Anglicaâ—o Vide D. p. 165. and so whatsoever he promiseth may by the consent of the parties to whom the right was transferred be remitted and altered by the representative body in Parliament quia volenti non fit injuria and the rule holds good quibus modis contrahitur contractus iiâ—dem dissolvitur and therefore as any compact or contract is made good and binding so it may be made void and dissolved mutuo contrahentium â—ssensu by the mutuall assent of both parties that is any compact where God hath not a speciall interest in the contract as he hath in the conjugall contract betwixt man and wife and the politicke covenant betwixt the Contracts wherein God is interessed cannot be dissolved without God King and His Subjects which therefore cannot be dissolved by the consent of the parties untill God who hath the cheifest hand in the contract gâ—ves his assent to the dissolution and so when things are dedicated for the service of God or Priviledges granted for his honour neither donor nor receiver can alienate
the gift or annull that Priviledge without the leave and consent of God that was the principal party in the concession as it appeareth in the example of Ananias and is confirmed by all Casuists 2. The other part of the oath is made to the Clergy in particular and so The second part of the oath Clericis Ecclesiasticis D. p. 165. also with their consent some things I confess may perhaps be revoked but without their consent not any thing can be altered in my understanding without injustice for with what equity can the Laity vote away the rights of the Clergy when the Clergy do absolutely deny their assent just as if the Clergy should give away the lands of the Laity or as if I had lent the king ten thousand pounds upon the publique assurance of King and both Houses to be repaid again and they without mine assent shall vote the remission of this debt for some great benefit that they conceive redounding to the Common-Wealth by which vote The party to whom the bond is made must release the bonds I should beleive my selfe to be no better then meerely cheated or as if the Parliament without the assent of the Londoners should pass an act that all the money which they lent should be remitted for the releiving of the State I doubt not but they would conclude that act very unjust and so is this act against the Bishops because the Kings obligation to a particular body personall or politique cannot be dispensed with by the representative Kingdome without the releasement of that body to whom the King is obliged For I find that all the Casuists will tell you that juramentum promissorium ita obligat ut invito creditore non potest in melius commutari quia aliter justitia veritas non servarentur inter homines and it is their common tenet that it Suarez de jurameâ—to promiss l. 2. c. 12. n. 14. cannot be dispensed with quia per promissum acquiritur jus ei cui fit promissio utilitas â—nius non sufficit ut alter suo jure privetur the benefit of others must not deprive me of my right This point is so cleare that neither Scholer nor any man of reason or conscience will deny it Therefore to perswade the king that is bound by his oath to preserve the Rights and Priviledges of the Church and Clergy to cast out the Bishops out of their rights or to take away their Lands without their own consent whom the king by his oath hath obliged himself to protect I cannot see how they can do it without great iniquity or His Majesty consent to it and be innocent when he is fully informed of the Rights of his Clergy whereas otherwise the most religious Prince may be subject to mistakings and so nesciently admit that which willingly he would never have granted And if they can not perswade him to do this without iniquity how dare they goe about to force and compell him against conscience to commit this and such other horrible impiety but I assure my self that God who hath blessed our king and preserved him hitherto without blame as being forced to what he did or not throughly understanding what was our right the Bishops being imprisoned and not suffered to informe him nor to answer for themselves will still arme His Majesty with that resolution as shall never yeild to their impetuousnesse to transcend the limits of his own most upright conscience Yet still it is urged they were excluded by act of Parliament therefore their Ob. exclusion cannot be unjust as being done by the wisdome of the whole State and the king should not desire it to be altered I answer that all Parliaments are not alwayes guided by an unerring spirit Sol. but were many times swayed by the heads of the most powerfull faction which The case of our affaiâ—s p. 17. How powerfull factions have procured Parliaments to doe most unjust things Turba tremens sequitur fortunam ut semper odit damnaâ—os Juven Saâ—â—ra 10. When Kings were most powerfull they could get the Parliaments to yeeld to what Statutes they thought best when the Lords or faction were most powerful they forced their Kings to make what Statutes they liked best are instances rather of their unsteady weaknesse then of their just power when forsaking the guidance of their lawfull head they suffered themselves to be led by popular pretenders as when Canutus prevailed by his armes he could have a Parliament to resolve that his title to the Crown was the best when Hen. 4. had an army of 60000 men he could have a Parliament to depose Rich. 2. and confer the Crown upon himself when Edw. Duke of Yorke grew powerfull he could have a Parliament to determine the reigne of Hen. 6. and leave him only the name of king for his life but give the very Kingdome unto the Duke under the names of Protector and Regent and then he could procure the Parliament to declare that Hen. 4. Hen. 5. and Hen. 6 were but kings de facto non de jure so Rich. the 3. as meere an Usurper as any could notwithstanding procure a Parliament to declare him a lawfull king and Hen. 7. could procure the forementioned acts that were made in favour of Edw. 4. and Rich. 3. to be annulled and Hen. 8. could have a Parliament to justifie and authorize his divorces and Queen Elizab. could have a Parliament to make it high treason for â— any man to say that the Queen could not by Act of Parliament bind and dispose the rights and titles which any person whatsoever might have unto the Crown when as we know it was adjudged in Hen. 7. that no Act of Parliament nor yet an Attainâ—er by Parliament can disable the right heire to the Crown because the descent of the Crown upon him purges all disabilityes whatsoever and makes him every way capable thereof Thus as the Parliaments when they were most prevalent caused their kings unwillingly to yeeld many things against right so the kings growing most powerfull prevailed to work the Parliament to consent to very unjust conclusions and therefore it is inconsequent to say this exclusion must be just because it is past by an Act of Parliament And therefore as in the 15. yeare of Edw. 3. the king being unwillingly The case of our affaires p. 20. drawn to consent to certain Articles prejudiciall to the Crown and to promise to seale the Statute thereupon made lest otherwise his affairs in hand might have been ruinated which we conceive to be just in like manner now the king very unwillingly drawn to passe this Act for the exclusion of the Clergy which is most prejudiciall both to the Crown and the Church and a mighty dishonour unto God himself lest otherwise more mischiefe might have followed when he hoped that this would have appeased the fury of that prevalent faction which now the kingdome seeth it did not Another Statute
was made the same year reciting the former matter that was enacted in these words It seemed to the said Earls Statutes unwillingly procured from the king repealed Barons and otherwise men that since the Statute did not of our free will proceed the same to be void and ought not to have the name nor strength of a Statute and therefore by their counsell and assent we have decreed the said Statute to be void c. So I hope our Earles and Baron and the rest will be so wise and so just both to the king and to the Church that seeing this Statute proceeded not of the kings free will as I beleeve their own conscience knoweth and do presume His Majesty will acknowledge they likewise will consent that the king may make it void again §. Certaine Quaeres discussed but not resolved the end for which God ordained Kings the prayse of a just rule Kings ought to be more just then all others in three respects and what should most especially move them to rule their people justly AND here I must further craue leave to be resolved in certain Quaeres and doubts wherein I would very gladly be satisfied for seeing as I told you before there are some rights of royalty which are inseperabilia â— majestate which the king ought not and which indeed he cannot grant away as there be some things which he may forgoe though he need not I demand 1. Whether any positive Act Statute or Law that is either ex diametro or ex 1. Quaere obliquo either directly or by consequent or any other way contradictory or transgressive to the Law of God ought to be kept and observed wherein I beleive and constantly maintain that it ought not and I say further that by the Word of God not any Lay men be they never so noble never so learned and never so many but the Clergy be they never so poore and never so much dis-esteemed ought to be the resolvers of this point what is repugnant and what consonant to the Law of God because the Priests lips must preserve knowledge and the people must Malach. 2. 7. seek the Law at his mouth therefore it may be conceived no Statute can be rightly made that is not assented to and approved as all our former Statutes were by the Bishops that are the chiefest of the Clergy to be no wayes contrary to the Law of God 2. Whether the king that is an absolute Monarch to whom God hath committed 2. Quaere the charge and government of his people can without offence to God change this forme of government from a Monarchicall to an Aristocraticall or a Democraticall forme of government which may be beleived he cannot because though as I shewed out of Saint Augustine the worser forme invented by man may lawfully be changed into a better yet the best which is onely and primarily ordained by God cannot be changed into a worser without offence 3. Whether the king can passe away that power authority and right which 3. Quaere God hath given him and without which he cannot govern and protect his people that God hath committed under his charge wherein it may be conceived he cannot because God must discharge him from the charge that he imposed upon him before he can be freed and excused from it but as the Bishop on whom the Lord hath laid the charge of soules cannot lay aside this charge when he pleaseth so no more can the King lay aside the charge of the Government nor paâ—t with that power and right * Otherwise then by substitution Rege absente durante beneplacito or quamdiu se benè gesserinâ— substituti whereby he is inabled to govern them and without which he cannot governe them untill God that laid this charge upon him and gave him full power and authority to do it by some undeniable dispensation gives him his Writ of ease to dischaâ—ge him 4. Whether such an Act or Statute which disinableth any King to dissolve his Dyet Councill Assembly or Parliament and inableth some subtle faction of his Subjects in some sort to countermand their King be not derogatory to the inseperable right of Majesty destructive to the power of government and 4. Quaere prejudicial to all the loyall Subjects and therefore void of it selfe and not to be observed because such an act ought not to have been concluded wherein I The Act for the indissolubility of any Parliament beleived by many to be of it selfe void 1. Reason leave the resolution to be dete mined by the Judges and Bishops of this Land and I will onely crave leave to set down what may be thought herein viz. that such an Act or Statute is clearly and absolutely void 1. Because that hereby the King may be said after a sort and in some kinde to change the fundamentall constitution and Government of his Kingdome from an absolute Monarchy to another spâ—cies and forme of Government either Aristocratiâ—all or Democraticall or some other forme emergent out of all these such as we know not how to terme it and such as was never known from the beginning of the world a mixture indeed which I told you before no absolute King can be thought to do without offence unless he can prove his licence from God to do the same 2. Because that hereby he may be said to denude himselfe of his Right and 2. Reason by depriving himselfe of this power to disinable himselfe to discharge that duty which God doth necessarily require at his hands that is to govern his people by pâ—â—tecting the innocent and punishing the wrong doer and when God shall call the King to an account why he did not thus governe his people and defâ—nd those poore Subjects that were loyal and faithful both to God and their King according to the charge that he laid upon him and the right and power which he gave him to discharge it It may be feared it will be no sufficient answer for any King to say but I have so laid away that power and parted with that right unto my Lords and Commons that I could not do it for it may be asked where doth God require him or when did he authorize him to devest himselfe of that authority wherewith he indued him how then can he do it to the undoing of many people without an assured leave from God therefore as that Act which was made unrepealable was adjudged no Act but immediately void because it was destructive to the very power of Parliament * Which may repeale their owne Acts but noâ— destroy their just power nor themselves as it seemes the Act of excluding the Bishops doth and takes away as it were the soule of the Parliament 3. Reason and if any act should be made to destroy common right or to hinder the publique service of God or to disinable the right heire to injoy the Crowne or the like those Acts are void
of themselves so any Statute that disinableth the Kings Government must needs be void ipso facto as I have partly shewed in my Discovery of Mysteries p. 32. 3. Because it may be beleived no King would ever grant such an act unless he were either subtilly deceived and seduced or forâ—ibly compelled thereunto for feare of some inavoidable extremity which according to all outward appearance could not otherwise be prevented without the concessions of such unspeakable disadvantages as a man gives away his sword when he seeth his life in danger if he deliver it not Therefore the premises considered 5. The Quaere is whether any King should be bound and obliged to 5. Quaere In all these Quaeries I conclude nothing whatsoever I beleive observe such grants and make good such Acts as are thus fraudulently obtained or forcibly wrested from him and are thus contradictory to Gods will thus prejudiciall to the power of Government and thus destructive to his Subjects which for the fore said reasons is by many men beleived he is not but that this right was unduly procured from him so when God inableth him he may justly acquire it and re-assume it without any offence to God or the least reluctancy to his own conscience And if this Act that hath passed in our Parliament makes it immediately to be no Parliament * As I know not whether it doth or not neither will I determine it as being now another forme of government which the Divines hold ought not to be effected then certainly all Acts that passed since are no Acts but are void and invalid of themselves Or be it granted that the Act for the perpetuity of Parliament doth not annul the Parliament yet it is doubted by many whether the Parliament may not themselves without the kings pronouncing it void or dissolved make it no Parliament when of Counsellors for the King they become Traytors unto the Quid prodest tibi nomen usurpare alienum vocari quod non es King and of Patriots that should protect the Common-wealth they become Parricides and Catilines unto the same because these duties being as the soul the life and the end of Parliaments when these are changed to be the bane and death of King and Kingdome it is doubted how it can be a Parliament any more then a dead carkase that is deprived of his soul can be said to be a man for the circumstances and ceremonies of times places and the like are not essentialia Parliamenti but as accidentia quae possunt adesse abesse sine interitis subjecti and may be ad benè esse but are as Punctilio's in respect of the end and essence of a Parliament And therefore as God promiseth infallibly to do a thing for example that He will not fail David his seed shall endure for ever and of Eli he said indeed Psal 89. 34. 1 Sam. 2. 30. that his house and the house of his father should walke before him for ever yet this unchangeable God when the change is wrought in David or his seed or in Eli his house David doth immediately say Thou hast abhorred and forsaken thine Anointed and art displeased at him and of his promise to Eli God Psal 89. 37. 1 Sam. 2. 30. saith in the same place now be it far from me so it may be conceived that when any Parliament changeth its nature faileth in its very being and of a I should never acknowledge Judas after he betrayed his master and resolved to persist in his wickednesse to be an Apostle of Jesus Christ no more then I should take the Temple of Jerusalem to be the house of God so long as it continued the den of theeves preservative becomes a poyson both to the King and Kingdome the King and Kingdome may then without any change in themselves or failing of their former promises justly say they are no Parliament but as the Romans said unto a worthy Patriot that had formerly saved them from the Senones and at last became an enemy to the State We did honour thee as our deliverer when thou didst save us from the Senones sed jam nobis es quasi unus ex Senonibus so may we say of any Parliament that turnes to be the destruction of a Common-wealth that it is but a shadow and no substance a den of theeves and no Parliament of Counsellours And I assure my selfe much more may be spoken and many in answerable arguments may be produced to confirm this to be most true so I have set down what I conceive to be true about the Kings grants and concessions unto his people and his obligations to observe them And if His Majesty whom I unfainedly love and heartily honour and in whose service as I have most willingly spent my slender fortunes so I shall as readily hazard my dearest life be offended with me for setting down any of these things that my conscience tells me to be true and needful to be known and my duty to declare them I must answer in all humility and with all reverence that remembring what Lucian saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 many men shunning the smoake fell into the fire and that Job saith Timentes pruinam opprimentur à nive which Saint Gregory moralizeth of them that fearing the frost of mans anger which they may tread under foot shall be overwhelmed with the snow of Gods vengeance that fals from Heaven and cannot be avoided I had rather suffer the anger of any mortal man then endure the wrath of the great God and now I have freed my soule let what will come of my body I will fear God and honour my King 5. We are to consider the end for which God ordained the King to rule and 5 The end for which God ordained Kings govern his people and that is to preserve justice and to maintain peace through out all the parts of his Dominions for as the Subjects may neither murmur nor resist heir Soveraign at any time for any cause so the King must not do any wrong or â—njustice to his meanest Subject neither do we presse the obedience of the Subject to give licence unto the King to use them as he listeth but we tell Kings their duties as well as we do to the Subjects and that is to doe justice unto the afflicted and to execute true judgement among all his people for as Plato saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal 82. 3. Zâ—char 7 9. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all men cry out with one mouth how beautiful a thing is temperance and righteousnesse Cicero calleth her the Lady and Mistresse of all virtues and Pindarus saith that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a golden eye and a Cicero offic l. 3. golden countenance are always to be seene in the face of justice and that Jupiter Soter dwelleth together with Themis whereby he would give us to understand Pindar apad A then Cl. Alex and Sirom l. 5. regem
King and to make others to have the like 2 Sam. 15. 6. high esteeme of His Majesty and to manifest the same in our to mes speeches and communications accordingly to gain the love of the rest of His Subjects towards Him and not as Absolon did by cunning and sinister expressions to steale away the hearts and affections of His People for to make mention of him either in our prayers or Sermons or in any other familiar talke so as if he were a friend to Popery an enemy to the Gospell and carelesse of Justice and the like as too many of our Sectaries most falsely and most malitiously have done is rather to vilifie and disgrace him to work an odium against him and a tediousness of him then to procure an honourable esteeme and reverence of him Cassiodorus saith stipendium tyranno penditur praedicatio non nisi bono Principi Tribute is due to Tyrants and ought to be paid unto them but honour and reverence much more to a good Prince and the spirit of God bids us bless them that Rom. 12. 14. Matth. 5. 44. persecute us and our Saviour saith blesse them that curse you that is speak well of Tyrants that oppress us and speak not ill of them that speak ill of you especially if they be your Magistrates or your King whom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you are commanded to honour even with the same word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore no doubt but with the same honour as we are commanded to honour our Father and our Mother because the King is our Politicall Father and is therefore commanded The fifth Commandment is the most obliging of all the Commandments of the second Table Ephes 6. 2. How the heathens honoured their kings C. Tacitus lib. 14. Seneca de benefic l. 30. The reason of their reverence to be reverenced by this precept which as the Divines observe is of greater moment and more obliging then any of the rest of the Commandments of the second Table not onely because it keepeth the first place of all these precepts but is also the first Commandment with promise as the Apostle observeth And not onely the Scriptures command us thus to honour and to reverence our King but the very Heathens also did so reverence them they did adore the Statues and Images of their Kings and Caesars as Tacitus reporteth and it was Treason for any man to pull away or violate them that fled unto them for sanctuary yea it was capitall for a man that had the Image of his Prince stamped in silver or ingraven in a Ring to go to any uncleane or unseemly place and therefore Seneca saith that under the Empire of Tiberius a certain Noble man was accused of Treason for moving his hand that had on his finger a Ring whereon was ingraven the portraiture of the Prince unto his privie parts when he did urine and the reason of this great reverence which they bare unto their Princes was that they beleived there was in Kings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some divine thing which above the reach of man was ingraffed in them and could not be derived from them for so Raderus tells us that this divine Majesty Raderus Comment in Quint. Curt. or celestiall sparke was so eminent in the countenance of Alexander that it did not onely terrifie his enemies but also moved his best Commanders and greatest Peeres to obey his commands and the like is reported of Scipio Africanus and I finde the Macedonians had a Law that besides the Traitors condemned A Macedonian Law to death five of their next Kinssolkes that were convicted of conspiracy against their King and a Gentleman of Normandy confessing to his I rie◠how such a thought came once in his minde to have killed King Francis the A Gentleman hanged for his thought first but repenting of his intention he resolved never to do it the Frier absolved him of his sin but told the King thereof and he sent him to his Parliament who condemned and executed him for his thought Philip the first of Spain seeing a Falcon killing an Eagle commanded his head to be wrong off saying let one presume abore their Soveraigne and in the Raigne of Henry the fourth of England one was hanged drawn and quartered in Cheapside London for jesting with his son that if he did learne well he would make him heire of the Crowne meaning his owne house that had the Signe of the Crowne to prove the Proverbe true non est bonum ludere cum sanctis it is not safe jesting with Kings and Crowns and it is lesse safe to resist them if you will believe wise Solomon And I have read of another King that passing over a river his Crowne fell into the water one of his water-men lept in and dived to the bottome and taking up the Crown put it upon his head that it might not hinder his swimming and so brought it to the King again who rewarded him well for his pains but caused his head to be chopt off for presuming to weare his Crown And all this is but an inanswerable argument to condemne our Rebels that neither reverence the Majesty of their King nor respect the commandment of their God 3. Obedience is another principall part of that honour which we owe unto the 3. Obedience king and this obedience of the inferiours joyned with the direction of the superiors The marriage of obedience and authority and the issue Aeschylus All must be obedient doe make any state most successefull but when these are divorced then nothing goeth right in that Common-wealth for so the Sages of Greece exprest it by the marriage that Jupiter made between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whose child brought forth betwixt them was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to shew unto us that when authority is married to obedience and obedience proves a dutifull and good wife to authority the fruit of that match will be happinesse to the whole Kingdome And therefore if we would be happy we must be obedient and our obedience must be universall in all things in the Lord. Jussa sequi tam velle mihi quà m posse necesse est Lucan l. 1. So the people say unto Joshua all that thou commandest us we will do and all must Josh ◠16. do it the greater aswell as the lesser the noble man as well as the meane man yea rather then the meane man for though Rebellion in any one is as the sin of witchcraft yet in a vulgar man it may admit of vulgar apologies but in a man of quality in noble men in Courtiers bred in the Kings house the Kings service Noble mens Rebellion more abominable to God and man then any other and raised by the Kings favour it is Morbus complicatus a decompound sin a transcendent ingratitude and unexpressable inquity the example more spreading and the infection more contagious because more conspicuous
that they should obey their King 1. Active obedience and those that are sent of him they do willingly yield obedience to their superiours and no marvel because there cannot be a surer argument of an evil man then in a Church reformed and a Kingdom lawfully governed to resist authority and to disobey them that should rule over us especially him whom God immediately hath appointed to be his vice-gerent his substitute and the supreme Monarch of his Dominions here on earth for all other things both in heaven and earth do obsere that Law which their maker hath appointed for them when as the Psalmist saith he hath given them a Law which shall not be broken therefore this must needs be a great reproof and a mighty shame to those men that being Subjects unto their King and to be ruled by his Lawes will notwithstanding disobey the King and transgresse those Lawes that are made for their safety and resist that authority which they are bound to obey onely because their weak heads or false hearts do account the commandment of the King to be against right and what themselves doe to be most holy and just But our City Prophets will say that although the King be the supreme Monarch Ob. Diverse kinds of Monarchies whom we are commanded to obey yet there are diverse kinds of Monarchies or Regal governments as usurped lawful by conquest by inheritance by election and these are either absolute as were the Eastern Kings and the Roman Emperours or limited and mixed which they term a Political Monarchy where the King or Monarch can do nothing alone but with the assistance and direction of his Nobility and Parliament or if he doth attempt to bring any exorbitancies to the Common-wealth or deny those things that are necessary for the preservation thereof they may lawfully resist him in the one and compel him to the other to which I answer 1. As God himself which is most absolute liberrimum agens may notwithstanding Sol. Absolute Monarchs may limit themselves limit himself and his own power as he doth when he promiseth and sweareth that he will not fail David and that the unrepentant Rebels should never enter into his rest so the Monarch may limit himself in some points of his administration and yet this limitation neither transferreth any power of Soveraignty unto the Parliament nor denieth the Monarch to be absolute nor admitteth of any resistance against him for 1. This is a meer gull to seduce the people that cannot distinguish the point I cannot devise words to expresse this new devised government of a needle just like the Papist that saith he is a Roman Catholick that is a particular universal a black white a polumonarcha a many one governor when we say he is a Monarch joined in his government with the Parliament for he can be no Monarch or supreme King and Soveraign that hath any sharers with him or above him in the government 2. There is no Monarch that can be said to be simply absolute but onely God yet where there is no superiour but the soveraignty residing in the King he may he said to be an absolute Monarch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1. Because there is none on earth that can controul him 2. Because he is free and absolute in all such things wherein he is not expresly limited and therefore 3. Seeing no Monarch or Soveraign is so absolute but that he is some way No Monarch so absolute but someway limited limited either by the Law of God or by the Rules of nature or of his own concessions and grants unto his people or else by the compact that he maketh with them if he be an elective King and so admitted unto his Kingdom there is no reason they should resist their King for transgressing the limitations of one kind more then the other or if any no doubt but he that transcendeth the limits of God's Law or goeth against the common rules of nature ought rather to be resisted then he that observeth not his own voluntary concessions but themselves perceiving how peremptorily the Apostle speaketh against resistance of the Heathen Emperours that then ruled do confess that absolute Monarchs ought not to be resisted wherein also they are mistaken because the histories tell us those Emperours were not so absolute as our Kings till the time of Vespasian when the lex regia transferred all the power of the People upon the Emperour Vlpian de constit Principis therefore indeed no Monarch ought No Monarch ought to be resisted to be resisted whatsoever limitations he hath granted unto his Subjects And the resisters of authority might understand if their more malitious then blinde leaders would give them leave that this virtue of obedience to the supreme power maketh good things unlawful when we are forbidden to do them as the eating the forbidden tree was to Adam and the holding up of the Arke was to Vzza and it maketh evil things to be good and lawful when they are commanded to be done as the killing of Isaack if he had done it had been commendable in Abraham and the smiting of the Prophet was very laudable in him that smote him when the Prophet commanded him to do it and therefore Adam and Vzza were punished with death because they did those lawful good things which they were forbidden to do and the others were recompenced Rebels should well consider these things with blessings because they did and were ready to do those evill things that they were commanded to do when as he that refused to smite the Prophet being commanded to do it was destroyed by a Lyon because he did it 1 Reg. 20. 38. not whereby you see that things forbidden when they are commanded è contrà cannot be omitted without sin You will say it is true when it is done by God whose injunction or prohibition Ob. Mandaâ—um imperantis tollit peccatum obedientis Aug. Sol. his precept or his forbidding to do it or not to do it maketh all things lawful or unlawful I answer that we cannot thinke our selves obedient to God whilest we are disobedient to him whom God hath commanded us to obey and therefore if we will obey God we must obey the King because God hath commanded us to obey him and being to obey him non attendit verus obediens quale sit quod praecipitur sed hoc solo contentus quia praecipitur he that is truely obedient to him whom God commanded us to obey never regardeth what it is that is commanded so it be not simply evil for then as the Apostle saith it is better to obey God then man were he the greatest Monarch in the World but he considereth and is therewith satisfied that it is commanded and therefore doth it saith Saint Bernard in l. de praecept dispensat Bernard in l. de praecept dispensat CHAP. XVI Sheweth the answer to some objections against the obeying
of our Sectaries 4. If it be from inordinate affection quùm id sanctum quod volumus when 4. From inordinate affection every one makes what he loves to be lawful and his own wayes to be just let us hearken to found reason and prefer truth before our own affections or otherwise perit omne judicium cùm res transit in affectum there can be no true judgement Seneca of things when we are transported with our partial affections 5. If it be from faintnesse let us be scrupulous where we have cause lest we 5. From faintnesse should think it lawfull to swallow a Camel because we are able to straine a gnat and let us not be afraid where no feare is and think those things sinfull that are most lawfull which is a heavy judgment of God upon the wicked and A heavy judgment upon this Nation by mistaking sins hath now lighted very sore upon many of the Inhabitants of this Land who think it Popery to say God blesse you and judge it Idolatry to see a Crosse in Cheapside 6. If it be of perplexity when a man is close as he conceives betwixt two 6. From perplexity sins where he seeth himself unable though never so willing to avoid both let him pecâ—are in tutiorem partem which though it takes not away the sin yet it will make the fault to be the lesse sin as the casting away of the Corne which is the gift of God and the sustenance of mans life is an unthankfull abuse of Gods creature yet as S. Paul caused the same to be cast into the Sea Act. 27. 38. for the safegard of their lives so must we do the like when occasion makes it necessary as now rather to kill our enemies the Rebels though we should think it to be ill then suffer them to wrong our King and to destroy both Church and Kingdome because that of two things which we conceive evill and are When things are to be judged inevitable not both evitable the choice of the lesser to avoid the greater is not evil but they are then to be judged inevitable when there is no apparent ordinary way to avoid them because that where counsell and advice do beare rule we may not presume of Gods extraordinary power without extraordinary warrant saith Hooker Eccles pol. l. 5. p. 15. 7. From too much humility Multos in summa pericula misit venturi timor ipse mali Lucan l. 7. judicious Mr. Hooker 7. If it be of too much humility which is an error of lesse danger yet by no meanes to be fostered lest by gathering strength it proves most pernitious they should pray to God to preserve them from too much fear for though as Saint Gregory saith bonarum mentium est ibi culp as agnoscere â—bi culpa non est ye as I said before it is a heavy Judgement and a want of God's grace to be afraid where no fear is and it makes men to commit many sins many times for fear of sin And thus having rectified our conscience in the understanding of all these things we are bound by the commandment of God to be obedient unto the commands of our King for it is a paradox to say Christians are free from the Act. 15. 20. Lawes of men because it was a humane law touching things strangled and bloud and the Apostles do exact our obedience unto humane Lawes even the Laws of Rom. 13. 1â—2 1 Peter 2 13. Heathen and Idolatrous â—mperours and therefore being bound to obey them they cannot be freed in conscience from the Religion of them and so Dr. Whitaker saith that as the Lawes of God must be simply obeyed without any difference of time place and circumstance so must the Lawes of men be â—beyed as the circumstances do require for example he that is a Roman and liveth at Rome must obey the Roman â—awes and he saith that the authority of the Magistrate which is sacred and holy cannot with any good conscience be Whitaker contra Camp p. 258. contemned because it is the commandment of God that we should â—bey them and this saith he doâ—h binde the conscience when as the Apostle saith he is to be obeyed for conscience sake Ob. But you will say what if the King forbids me to do what God commandeth as the high Priest did to the Apostles or commandeth me to do what God forbiddeth as Julian did unto the Christians and Nebuchadnezzar to the three children We have often answeâ—ed that in such a case it is better to obey God then man Sol. Act. 5. 25. for it is sometimes lawfuâ—l not to obey but it is never lawfull to resist What if he compells us by force and violence to do what God forbids us to Ob. do if he playes the Tyâ—ant violaâ—es our Laws and corrupts the true Religion with dolatry and superstition may we not then as our fore-fathers did heretofore unto Chilperiâ—k King of I rance and to Richard the second of this Kingdome and others bridle them and depose them too if they will not be ruled by their Great Counsell the Parliament I answer first Non spectandum quid factum sit sed quid fieri debuerit we Sol. â—eningus Arnisaeus de author princi in pop are not so much to regard what hath been done as what ought to have been done as Arnisâ—us proveth at large and sheweth most excellently with a full answer to all the Arâ—icles that were alleadged against those Kings how unjustly they were handled and deposed contrary to all right and I wish that book were translated unto English 2. I say that when our active obedience cannot 2. Of our passive bedience be yeilded our passive obedience must be used for were our Kings as Tyrannicall as Nero as Idolatrous as Manasses as wicked as Achab and as prophane as Julian yet we may not resist when as Arnisaeus proveth by many Idem cap. 3. p. 68. examples that the Rebellion of Subjects against their King doth overthrow the order of nature and Justinian saith quis est tantae autoritatâ—â— ut nolentem principem possit coactare but in such a case we must do as all the Saints did before us not as the Heathens which thought them worthy of divine honour which Cicero pro Milone did kill a Tyrant and said with Seneca victima hand â—lla amplior Seneca in Hercul sur Potest magâ—sque â—pâ—ma mactari Jovi Quà m Rex iniquus But as Christ himselfe suffered under Pontius Pilate a most wicked Magistrate Christ and his Apostles suffered but never resisted the lawfull Magistrate and registred in the breâ—iary of our Faith that we might never forget our duty rather to sâ—ffer then to resist the authority that is from Heaven and as Saint Ambrose answered the Emperour that would have his Church delivered to the Arians I shall never be willing to leave it coactus repugnare non novi if I
Tyrant and it is one of the gracious apâ—thâ—gmes of King James his golden apothegme Basilicon doron l. 2. p. 99. our late noble and never to be forgotten Soveraigne worthy to be written in in letters of gold where speaking to his son he saith inrich not your self with exactions from your Subjects but think the riches of your Subjects your best Treasures and Artaxerxes said it was a great deale more seemlier for the Majesty of a King to give then to take by polling to cloath then to uncloath which belongeth to Theeves not to Princes unlesse they will stain their names for as Apollonius saith that gold which is taken by Tyranny is far baser then any iron because it is wetted with the teares of the poor Subjects and therefore Peter de la Primauday saith they are unworthy of the title of Prince that lending their eares to such as invent new wayes to get monyes from their Subjects and having against all humanity spoyled them of their goods do either miserably Pet. de la Primauday cap. 60. p. 670. consume them upon their pleasures or prodigally bestow them upon undeserving flatterers that fat themselves by the overthrow of others And therefore it behoveth all kings to consider that all mens goods are theirs only quoad tuitionem defensionem and their Subjects quoad possessionem proprietatem as you may see where Joseph bought all the Land of the Egyptians for king Pharaoh and then let it them againe in Fee-sarme to give the King Gen. 47. 46. the fifth part of the fruit of it and as you may conclude it from the eighth Commandment which saith as well to the King as to the Subject thou shalt not steale for if all be his he cannot be said to steale it and if this precept concerns not kings then have they but nine Commandments and therefore be wise O ye Kings and remember what Saint Augustine saith remotâ justitiâ quid sunt Regna nisi Latrocinia for though you may justly demand Tribute and Taxes yet you must have just occasions to use them and you must take but a just proportion or else they may come unjustly unto you But who shall be the Judges of the Kings just occasions in many kingdomes his conscience as the Roman Consuls imposed what taxes they thought meet upon the Provinces they subdued so Marcus Antonius being in Asia doubled their Tax and laid a second charge upon the People which was very unreasonable as Hebreas told him saying if thou wilt have power to lay The saying of Hebreas to M. Antonius upon us two taxes in one year thou must have also power to give us two summers and Autumns two Harvests and two Vintages and yet if our king do thus unreasonably tax us with more then we are able to beare we may reason with him as Hebreas did with Marke Antony refel his arguments and repel Kings herein not to be resisted 1. Reason his oppressions according to the course of Law but we may not in any case with the Sword make any resistance either actual or habitual against him 1 Because God hath not made us Judges of the Kings occasions and we know not his necessities and therefore we cannot determine what is just and unjust 2. Were it granted that the superior demanded without right yet the inferior 2. Reasan not onely may rightly render it without offence unto his conscience but also ought to pay it without resistance unto the Magistrate for if the Jews were not free and the Romans had no right to demand Tribute of them yet by our Saviours question unto Saint Peter and his replication unto the Apostles answer it is apparent that our Saviour was most free and was no way bound to pay any Hesselius in Matth. 18. Barrad to 2. l. 19. c. 32. thing unto the Romans not onely quâ— Deus as Hesselius saith but also as he was a man â—as Barradius more truely proveth yet lest he should offend them as he saith tributum solvit quia voluit he doth most willingly discharge it to teach us that we may and ought justly and without any scruple of conscience pay that which may be unjustly demanded and the best Authors that I have read are of the same judgement we have no other remedy but to cry to God who can judge them for their injustice non caret modis quibus Greg. Tholos l. 26. de repub c. 5. n. 25. possit quando voluerit hujusmodi principes tollere vel emendare But though in most of the Eastern Countries the Kings imposed upon their Subjects what taxes and tributes pleased themselves as Augustus taxed all the world as much as he would at his own pleasure and Charles the fifth saith Osorius prâ—ter pecunias quibus illum Hispani juverant immania tributa populis imperavit besides those monyes wherewith the Spaniard assisted him laid Osor de rebus Emanuel l. 12. p. 386. What the Kings of England promised to their Subjects most heavy taxes upon the people which is indeed a branch of the absolute right of Kings and was originally practised by most of them yet here with us our Kings out of grace and favour unto their people granted such a priviledge unto their Subjects and devested themselves of this right to lay no impositions or taxes upon their Subjects without the consent of their three States convened in the two Houses of Parliament and this Princely concession being truely observed may procure a great deale of love and peace unto the king and as much tranquility and happinesse unto the people Neither do I thinke that he loves his King but am sure that he hates his Country that would perswade him That we should not be niggards to assist our king for all the wealth of the kingdome to violate his own grant and faith herein but as our king granted this savour to impose no taxes without the consent of his Parliament so his parliament in all duty ought alwayes with all thankfulness to acknowledge this special grace and in requital thereof most fully to supply his wants and support his necessities whensoever he acquaints them therewith And therefore we ought not to be like those hide-bound Sectaries and close-fisted Puritans and Brownists that are so miserably covetous and extream niggards that when the king makes known his wants and demands his due for it is still his due though he granted not to cesse it without their consent for his royal supportation and the safety of his kingdome they will finde a hundred excuses to deny him but never a penny to give him out of all their wealth and this is the cause of our misery and may prove as fatal to us as it hath been to the Constantinopolitans whose churlishnesse and niggâ—rdlinesse towards their Emperour was the chiefest cause of the losse of that great Empire and to make the Turk sit in Christ his Chaire to have Mahâ—met adored where
when the hairy scalpe of such as still go on in their wickedness will not so easily be rubbed off I should say to every King put your trust in Gods assistance and as the Holy Ghost saith to the King of Kings Gird Psal 45. 3. thee with thy sword upon thy thigh O thou most mighty ride on with thine honour and let thy right hand teach thee terrible things and those thine enemies that would not thou shouldst reigne over them cause them to be brought and let them be slain before thee so shalt thou be a ruler in the midst of thine enemies and some Luke 19 27. think that it were but just if our King though he be never so loath should now at last turn the leafe and follow the example of God himself who when his children regard not his grace and set at naught all his counsels will laugh at their calamity and mock when their destruction cometh as a whirle-winde and should Prov. 1. 16 17. make London as Hierusalem and as other the like rebellious Cities that the Lord in his just revenge of their iniquity hath suffered to be destroyed and The wealth pride of the City of London have brought this misery and calamity upon all the kingdome of England to be made an heape of stones because the Londoners have shewed themselves in many things worse then the Jews and for Rebellion have justified all the Cities of the world or if the King will not do this though I dare not say of them as Antoninus after he had heard the confession of a miserable covetous wretch said unto him Deus misereatur tui si vult condonet tibi peccata tua quod non credo perducat te in vitam aeternam quod est impossibile yet seeing their sins are so intolerable among men and so abhominable in the sight of God it is much feared that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 after their hard hearts Rom. 2. 5. which cannot repent they will still proceed to heape upon themselves the heavy wrath of God till there be no remedy to preserve them from utter ruine and destruction though from my heart I wish them more grace and pray to Almighty God that Nullum sit in omine pondus Or if this cannot be that they may escape that damnation which the Apostle Rom. 13. 2. 6. Prayers for the King threatneth to all them that resist this ordinance of God 6. The last but not the least part of that honour which is due to our King is our prayers to God for him and as the other duty was to be performed by the practice 〈◊〉 c 2. p. â—8 Tertul ad Scap. Ita Marâ—us Anreliuâ— Christ anorum militum orationibus ad Deum factis imbres victoriam in expeditione Germanica impetravit of all good Subjects so is this to be observed by the precept of the Apostle who though the Kings were Ethnicks and Tyrants yet commanded us to pray for them and that you may know what manner of prayer the Christians made for their persecuting Kings Tertullian that lived under the Emperour Severus saith in behalf of the Church Omnibus Imperatoribus precamur vitam prolixam imperium securum domum tutam exercit us fortes senatum fidelem popâ—lum probum orbem quietum quaecunque hominis Caesaris vota sunt and I fear me our Rebels pray for none of these things to a most Christian King Nam orare pro aliquo in exitium ejus machinari annon haec sunt sibi contraria for to pray for ones health and long life and to do our best to worke his destruction Non benè conveniunt can never proceed from a true heart but as the uncharitable Papists prayed for the successe of the Gun-powder Plot which was a Treason sine exemplo quia crudelis sine modo saying Gentem aâ—ferto perfidam Credentium de sinibus Vt Christo preces debitas Persolvamus alacriter So the practice of these Rebels makes us believe their prayer is Regem auferto perfidum Credentium de finibus c. * I am ashamed to set down how the factious and malicious Preachers of the rebellious Cities either neglect to pray at all or pray most seditiously and unchristianly for their own Liege Lord and gracious King and therefore the curse of Judas lights upon them that their prayer is turned into sin which should make them pray that Judas his end should not fall unto them But we that desire to follow the Apostles Precept considering the greatnesse of his cares and charge that he doth undergo and the multitude of dangers that he is lyable to will most heartily pray to God both in our Morning and our Evening Prayers both at our sitting and at our rising from our meat Vt vivat Rex exurgat Deus dissipentur inimici that God would give his Angels charge over him to preserve him in all his wayes that he dash not his foot against a stone that his enemies may be cloathed with shame and that he may flourish as the Lilly that he may raign long and happily here and raign for ever in Heaven this shall be my prayer for ever CHAP. XVIII The persons that ought to honour the King and the recapitulation of one and twenty Wickednesses of the Rebels and the faction of the pretended Parliament 3. HAving seen the Person that is to be honoured and the honour that is 3. The persons that must honour the King due unto him we are now to consider in the last place who are to honour him included in this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 honour ye him which being unlimited and indefinite is equivalent to an universal and so Saint Paul doth more plainly express it saying 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let Rom. 13. 1. every soul be subject to the higher powers which is an Hebrew Ideome or Synecdochical speech signifying the whole man the world 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 being usually taken in Scripture pro toto composito for the whole man composed of body and soul as where it is said that Jacob went down into Aegypt with 70 soules and S. Peter Gen. 46. 62. 27. Act. 2. by one Sermon converted 3000 soules and the abstract word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here taken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to shew that our subjection obedience and honour which we are to ascribe unto our King must be not as hypocrites render it in shew from the teeth outward but really and indeed ex animo from our soules and the bottome of our hearts as Aquinas glosseth it and the concrete 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 added unto it makes it the more energetical to shew that all mortal men none excepted are obliged to do this honour and to yield this subjection unto their King for seeing every man both spiritual and temporal and every sex both man and woman and every degree of men young and old rich and poor one
13. 1. 1 Pet. 2. 13. How the Rebels swore and forswore themselves Kings at their admittance to any office to beare faith and true alleagiance to His Majesty at the beginning of this last Parliament to maintain the Kings just rights and all the priviledges of Parliament together with the liberty and property of the Subjects and yet immediately to forget their faith to break all these oathes and to make ship wrack of their conscience to drive the Bishops out of their House which is one of the first and most fundamentall priviledges of the Parliament they being the first of the three Estates of this Kingdome to take away not some but all the Kings rights out of his hands and to make him no King indeed to take away all our goods our liberties and our lives at their pleasure Holland and Bedford shew'd what trust is to be given them and then to assure the Divel they would be faithfull unto him which were thus faithlesse unto God to sweare again and make a solemne Covenant with Hell they would never repent them of their wickednesse but continue constant in his service till they have rooted out whom they deemed to be Malignants though Proverb 21. the King who is wise as the Angel of God that hath the Kings heart in his hand and turneth it like the Rivers of waters where he pleaseth knoweth best what to No trust to be given to lyars and perjurers 2 Sam. 20. 20. 16. do as God directeth him yet for mine own part either in Peace or War I I would never trust such faithlesse perjured creatures for a straw and seeing that to spare transcendent wickedness is to encrease wickednesse and to incourage others to the like Rebellion upon the like hope of pardon if they failed of their intention if our great Metropolis of London partake not rather of the wise spirit of the men of Abel then of the obstinacy of the men of Gibeah and delivered not unto the King the chiefe of those Rebells that rose up against him I feare that Judg. 20. Gods wrath will not be turned away but his hand will be stretched out still until he hath fullfilled his determined visitation upon this Land and consummated all with their deplorable destruction even as he did those obstinate men of Gibeah and Benjamin for though the King beyond the clemency of a man and the How the King desired the good of the Rebels expectation of any Rebell hath most Christianly laboured that they would accept of their pardon and save themselves and their posterity yet their wickednesse being so exceedingly great beyond all that I can finde in any history Rebellion it selfe being like the sin of witchcraft the Rebellion of Christians far worse and a Rebellion against a most Christian pious Prince worst of all and such a Rebellion ingendered by pride fostered by lyes augmented by perjury continued by cruelty reâ—using all clemency despisâ—â—â— all piety and contemning The unspeakable greatness of their sins God their Saviour when they make him with reverence be it spoken which is so irreverently done by them the very pack-horse to beare all their wickedness being a degree beyond all degrees of comparison hath so provoked the wrath of God against this Nation that I feare his justice will not suffer their hearts that can not repent accept and imbrace their own happiness till they be purged with the floods of repentant teares or destroyed with the streames of Gods fearefull vengeance which I heartily beseech Almighty God may by the grace of Christ working true repentance in them for themselves and reducing them to the right way be averted from them And the best way that I conceive to avert it to appease Gods wrath and to turne away his judgements from us is to returne back the same way as we proceeded hitherto to make up the breaches How we may recover the peace and prosperity of this Land of the Church to restore the Liturgie and the service of our God to its former purity to repeale that Act which is made to the prejudice of the Bishops and Servants of God that they may be reduced to their pristine dignity to recall all Ordinances that are made contrary to Law and derogatory to the Kings right and to be heartily sorry that these unjust Acts and Ordinances were ever done and more sorry that they were not sooner undone and then God will turne his face towards us he will heale the bleeding wounds of our Land and he will powre down his benefits upon us but till we do these things I do assure my selfe and I beleive you shall finde it that his wrath shall not be turned away but his hand will be stretched out still and still untill we either do these things or be destroyed for not doing them King James his speech made true by the Rebells Thus it is manifest to all the World that as it was often spoken by our sharpe and eagle-sighted Soveraigne King James of ever blessed memory no Bishop no King so now I hope the dull-ey'd owle that lodgeth in the desart seeth it verifyed by this Parliament for they had no sooner got out the Bishops but presently they laid violent hands upon the Crowne seized upon the Kings Castles shut him out of all his Townes dispossest him of his owne houses took How the Rebells have unking'd our King away all his sâ—ips detained all his revenues vilified all his Declarations nullified his Proclamations hindered his Commissions imprisoned his faithful Subjects killed his servants and at Edge-hill and Newbury did all that ever they could to take away his life and now by their last great ordinance for their counterfeit Seale they pronounce all honours pardons grants commissions and whatsoever else His Majesty passeth under his Seale to be invalid void and of none effect and if this be not to make King Charles no King I know not what it is to be a King so they have unking'd him sine strepitâ— and as the Prophet saith Hos 8. 4. they have set up Kings but not by me they have made Princes and I knew it not but whom have they made Kings even themselves who in one word do What kings they would have to rule us and have now exercised all or most of the regall power and their Ordinances shall be as firm as any Statutes and what are they that have thus dis-robed King Charles and exalted themselves like the Pope as if they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the great Antichrist above all that are called Gods truly none other then king Pym king Say king Faction or to say the truth most truly and to call a spade a spade king perjurers king murderers king traytors * Which S. Peter never bade us honour The Rebells brave exchange Psal 146. 20. and I am sorry that I should joyne so high an office so sacred a thing as King to such wicked persons as I
with us to the comfort of our King and the glory of our God through Jesus Christ our Lord To whom with his Father and the Holy Spirit be all honour thanks prayse and dominion for ever and ever Amen Amen Jehovae liberatori FINIS Errata PAge â— lin 35. dele not p. 5. l. 50. for make r. made p. 9. l. 23. for hand r. had p. 27. l. 53. dele can p. 39. l. 25. r. right to be p. 51. l. 54. r. this day p. 54. l. 37. dele and p. 61. l. 21. r. that denyed repentance p. 62. l. â—â— r. the same hope p. â—5 l. 18. for justice r. injustice p. 106. l. 49. for ye r. yet The Contents of the severall Chapters contained in the RIGHTS of KINGS CHAP. I. Sheweth who are the fittest to set down the Rights which God granted unto Kings what causeth men to rebell the parts considerable in S. Peter's words 1 Pet. 2. 17. in fine How Kings honoured the Clergy the faire but most false pretences of the refractary Faction what they chiefly ayme at and their malice to Episcopacy and Royalty Pag. 1 CHAP. II. Sheweth what Kings are to be honoured the institution of Kings to be immediately from God the first Kings the three chiefest rights to kingdoms the best of the three Rights how Kings came to be elected and how contrary to the opinion of Master Selden Aristocracy and Democracy issued out of Monarchy 7 CHAP. III. Sheweth the Monarchicall Government to be the best forme the first Government that ever was agreeable to Nature wherein God founded it consonant to Gods own Government the most universally received throughout the world the immediate and proper Ordinance of God c. 11 CHAP. IV. Sheweth what we should not do and what we should do for the King the Rebels transgressing in all those how the Israelites honoured their persecuting King in Egypt how they behaved themseves under Artaxerxes Ahashuerus and under all their own Kings of Israel c. 17 CHAP. V. Sheweth how the Heathens honoured their Kings how Christ exhibited all due honour unto Heathen and wicked Kings how he carried himself before Pilate and how all the good Primitive Christians behaved themselves towards their Heathen Persecuting Emperours 23 CHAP. VI. Sheweth the two chiefest duties of all Christian Kings to whom the charge and preservation of Religion is committed three several opinions the strange speeches of the Disciplinarians against Kings are shewed and Viretus his scandalous reasons are answered the double service of all Christian Kings and how the Heathen Kings and Emperours had the charge of Religion 27 CHAP. VII Sheweth the three things necessary for all Kings that would preserve true Religion how the King may attain to the knowledge of things that pertain to Religion by His Bishops and Chaplains and the calling of Synods c. 34 CHAP. VIII Sheweth it is the right of Kings to make Ecclesiasticall Lawes and Canons proved by many authorities and examples that the good Kings and Emperours made such Lawes by the advice of of their Bishops and Clergy and not of their Lay-Counsellors how our late Canons came to be annulled c. 40 CHAP. IX Sheweth a full answer to four speciall Objections that are made against the Civill jurisdictions of Ecclesiasticall persons their abilities to discharge these offices and desire to benefit the Common-wealth why some Councels inhibited these Offices unto Bishops c. 47 CHAP. X. Sheweth that it is the Kings right to grant Dispensations for Pluralities and Non-residency what Dispensation is reasons for it to tolerate divers Sects or sorts of Religions the foure speciall sorts of false Professors S. Augustines reasons for the toleration of the Jewes toleration of Papists and of Puritans and which of them deserve best to be tolerated among the Protestants and how any Sect is to be tolerated 56 CHAP. XI Sheweth where the Protestants Papists and Puritans do place Soveraignty who first taught the deposing of Kings the Puritans tenet worse then the Jesuites Kings authority immediately from God the twofold royalty in a King the words of the Apostle vindicated from false glosses c. 64 CHAP. XII Sheweth the assistants of Kings in their Government to whom the choice of inferiour Magistrates belongeth the power of the subordinate officers neither Peeres nor Parliament can have Supâ—emacy the Sectaries chiefest argument out of Bracton answered our Lawes prove all Soveraignty to be in the King 70 § The two chiefest parts of the Regall Government the foure properties of â— just war and how the Parliamentary Faction transgress in every property 74 CHAP. XIII Sheweth how the first Gouernment of Kings was arbitrary the places of Moses Deut. 17. and of Samuel 1 Sam. 8. discussed whether Ahab offended in desiring Naboths Vineyard and wherein why absolute power was granted unto Kings and how the diversities of Gouernment came up 78 § The extent of the grants of Kings what they may and what they may not grant what our Kings have not granted in seven speciall prerogatives and what they have granted unto their people 83 CHAP. XIV Sheweth the Kings grants unto His People to be of three sorts Which ought to be observed the Act of excluding the Bishops out of Parliament discussed the Kings Oath at His Coronation how it obligeth him and how Statutes have been procured and repealed 88 § Certain quaeries discussed but not resolved the end for which God ordained Kings the praise of a just rule Kings ought to be more just then all others in three respects and what should most especially move them to rule their people justly 92 CHAP. XV. Sheweth the honour due to the king 1. Feare 2. An high â—steem of our king how highly the Heathens esteemed of their kings the Marriage of obedience and authority the Rebellion of the Nobility how haynous 3. Obedience foure-fold divers kindes of Monarchs and how an absolute Monarch may limit himselfe 98 CHAP. XVI Sheweth the answer to some objections against the obeying of our Soveraigne Magistrate all actions of three kindes how our consciences may be reformed of our passive obedience to the Magistrates and of the kings concessions how to be taken 104 CHAP. XVII Sheweth how tribute is due to the king for six speciall reasons to be paid the condition of a lawfull tribute that we should not be niggards to assist the king that we should defend the Kings Person the wealth and pride of London the cause of all the miseries of this Kingdome and how we ought to pray for our king 116 CHAP. XVIII The persons that ought to honour the king and the recapitulation of 21 wickednesses of the Rebells and the faction of the pretended Parliament 121 CHAP. XIX Sheweth how the Rebellious faction have transgressed all the ten Commandments of the Law and the new Commandment of the Gospell how they have committed the seaven deadly sins and the foure crying sins and the three most destructive sins to the soul of man and how their
the Congregation is holy and that is a lye when there can be no holinesse in the Rebels and The Lord is among them which is another lye for he will forsake all those that forsake him then they say Moses and Aaron take too much upon them which is an apparent slander and they adde that they lifted up themselves above the Congregation of the Lord which is another slander as false as the Father of lyes could lay upon them for I shewed unto you before how truly they were called and how justly they behaved themselves in their places but as Absolon knew well enough that to traduce his Father's Government was the readiest way to insinuate and to winde himselfe into a good opinion among the people and to make the King odious unto his subjects so these and all other Rebels will be sure to lay load enough of lyes and slanders upon their Governours and so the namelesse Authour of the Soveraign Antidote Goodwin Bâ—rroughs Goodwin in his Anti Caval Buâ—roughs in his Sermon upon The glorious name of the Lord of Hosts and abundance more such scandalous impudent lying libels have not blushed which a man would think the brazen face of Satan could not chuse but do so maliciously and reproachfully to lay to his Majesty's charge the things which as the Prophet saith he never knew and which all they that know the King do know to be apparent lyes and most abominable slanders against the Lord's Vicegerent but Quid domini facient audent cum talia fures You know the meaning of the Poet and you may know the reason why these grand Lyars these impudent slanderers do so impudently bely so good a King so pious and so gracious a Majesty for Lay on enough Et aliquid adhaerebit and throw dust enough in their faces and let the Governours be never so good the King as milde and as unreproveable as Moses and the Bishops like Aaron the Saints of the Lord yet some thing will stick in the opinion of the simple that are not able to discern the subtilty of those distractors And as they diminish and undermine the credit and reputation of the best Governours by no other engine then a lying tongue and a false pen so with the same instruments they do magniâ—â—e their own repute and further their unjust proceedings by deceiving the most simple with A strange equivâ—cation such equivocal lyes as any sensible man might well wonder that they should be so insensibly swallowed down as when they say They fight for him whom they shoot at and they are for the King when with all their might and main they strive to take away his power to pull the sword out of his hand and to throw his Crown down to the dust which is so strange a kind of equivocation as might well move men with Pilate to ask What is truth which we can never understand if any of these things can be true which as one saith most truly is one of the absurdest gulleries that ever was put upon any Nation much like that Anabaptist which I knew that beat his wife almost to death and said He beat not her but that evill The tale of an Anabaptist spirit that was in her Therefore the Lord hateth this abominable sinne because it is unpossible the people should be so soon drawn into rebellion if they did not credit these defamations But the wise man tells us that Stultus credit omni verbo therefore no wise man will believe those false and wicked slanders that such malicious Rebels do spread abroad against their King Prince or Priest or any other Governour of Gods people 8. After they had thus slandered these good men they fell to open rayling 8. Rayling against them as you may see Num. 16. 13 14. For now they had eaten shame and drunk after it and therefore they cared not what they said and so now we find how the Rebels deal with our King and with our Bishops too with our Moses and with our Aaron for here in Ireland they rebell against their Soveraign because he is no Papist and will not countenance the Papists as they desire And in England they rayle at him and rebell against him because they say He is a Papist and doth connive at Popery and hath a design to bring in Popery into the Kingdome which is as flat a lye as the father of lyes hath ever invented So the Bishops here are driven out of all as my self am expelled â—dibus sedibus and left destitute of all relief because we are no Papists but do both preach and write against their errours as much as any and more learnedly then many others And in England we are persecuted and driven to flee from place to place or to take our place in a hard prison as my self have been often forced to flee and to wander in the cold and dark long nights because we are Papists and Popishly given Good God! what shall we do whither shall we go or what shall we say for Nusquam tuta fides nec hospes ab hospite tutus We cannot confide in the confiders to whom we are become malignant enemies for speaking truth neither dare we trust in the followers of the publique faith nor in the professors of the Catholique faith whereof men maliciously rejecting their godly Bishops rebelliously fighting against their lawful King and mortally wounding their own souls have made a shipwrack But If they called the Master of the house Beelzebub if they said he was a glutton and a drunkard what wonder if they say these things of us and if Christ the King of Kings was crucified between two Thieves what marvel if this servant of Christ our King be thus pressed opposed and abused betwixt two rebellious factions And when we see our Saviour and our King thus handled it is lesse strange to find the Bishops and the Priests persecuted and crucified betwixt two heretical and tyrannical parties Well Jerusalem Jerusalem that killest the Prophets and stonest them that are sent unto thee take heed lest the King of peace shall say unto thee Verily thou shalt see me no more till thou sayest Blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord. 9. When they were grown thus impudent from bad to worse both over 9 Disobedience shooes and over boots then Disobedience must needs follow and therefore now putting on their brazen foreheads they tell Moses plainly We will not come to thee we will do nothing that thou willest but will crosse thee in all that thou intendest this is our most peremptory resolution And so we see that Nemo repentè fit pessimus but the wicked grow worse and worse first you must lend then you must giveâ— if not we will take or if you deny your goods we will have your bodies so at first what soever we do it is for the King and because this is so palpable a mockery that as every man knoweth they
that fight against the Earl of Essex and his Army do warre against the Parliament so they that fight against the Kings Army do as certainly war against the King then we grow so impudent as to justifie any rebellion against our King as in England Goodwin and that seditious Pamphleter in opening The glorious name of the Lord of Host do but a little lesse For which application of Gods glorious name and abusing the holy Scriptures to such abominable transgression of Gods holy Precepts to instigate the subjects to warre against their goveraign and to involve a whole Kingdom into a detestable distraction I do much admire that they are not apprehended and transferred to the Kings Bench Barre to be there arraigned and condemned to be punished according to their deserts 10. When these Rebels had proceeded thus far then contrary to the 10. Rebellion See the place Jâ—shua 1. 16 17 18. loyal obedience which they owed unto their Prince and which the people promise unto Joshua they ascended to the height of that odious rebellion which may not unfitly be called Monstrum horrendum informe ingens câ—i lumen ademptum and is as Thuâ—ydides saith All kind of evill Et qui facit peccatum non facit sed ipse totus est peccatum and therefore Samuel saith that Rebellion is as the sinne of Witchcraft when men do confederate to give their souls unto the Devill for now these Rebels are ready to take arms against Moses and they had reduced all civill order to a confused paritie deposed and destroyed their Governours if the Governour of all the world by whom Kings do reign and who hath promised to defend them had not prevented the same from Heaven And the reason why they did all this and proceeded thus farre against The reason of their rebellion Moses and Aaron is intimated in the words of my Text Aemulati sunt because they would emulate or imitate Moses that is to play the Moses or play the King and play the part of the chief Priest themselves for this is certain that none will envy murmure at slander and disobey his King so farre as to make an open rebellion against him but they that in some sort would rule and be Kings themselves especially when they shall seek so farre to debilitate their Prince as that he shall be no wayes able to make resistance for they think If Treason prosper 't is no Treason what 's the reason if it prosper who dares call it Treason and none would disobey their Bishops or chief Priests but they that would and cannot be Bishops themselves because pride and ambition are the two sides of that bellowes which blowes up disobedience and rebellion But they that are bad servants will prove worse Masters they that will not learn how to obey can never tell how to rule and if Moses were as these Rebels suggested a Tyrant yet the Philosopher tells us we had better endure one Tyrant then as they were 250. Tyrants And the Homily of the Church tells us that contrary to their hopes God never suffers the greatest treasons or rebellions for any long time to prosper Therefore when under loyal pretences we see nothing but studied mischiefs and most crafty endeavours to innovate our government or to imbroyle the Kingdom in a civil warre that so they may fish in a troubled water let us never be so stupid as to secure them in these actions to produce our discredit for our simplicity and destruction for our disloyalty but rather let us leave them as Delinquents to the justice of our Lawes and the mercy of the King and this will be the readiest way to effect peace and happinesse to our Nation CHAP. XII Sheweth where the Rebels do hatch their Rebellion The heavy and just deserved punishments of Rebels The application and conclusion of the whole 4. WE are to confider Vbi fecerunt where they did all this in castris 4. Part. Where they did lal this non in templis that is in their own houses not in the house of God for in Gods house we teach obedience to our Kings and beat down rebellion in every Kingdom this is the Doctrine of the Church But in our houses in our cabins and corners in private Coventicles they teach rebellion which is the doctrine of those Schools And these Schools Our houses are our Castles are called Castra Tents or Castles because indeed every man's house is his Castle or his Fort where he thinks himselfe sure enough so did these Rebels and they would not come out of them neither Moses the King could compell them nor Aaron the Priest could perswade them to come out of their Castles and forsake their strong holds which their guilty consciences would not permit them to do and so all other rebels will never be perswaded to forsake their places of strength untill God pulleth them as he did these Rebels out of their holes for were it not for these Castra the Cities and Castles that they possesse they could not so like subtle Foxes run out and in to nullifie the property and to captivate the liberty of the Kings faithful subjects as they do for though they do all this under those fair pretences for the defence of the true religion the maintenance of our liberties and the property of our estates yet for our Religion it is now amongst us as it was in the days of Saint Basil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Every one is a Divine and then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Basilius de Spiritu Sancto cap. ulâ— c. All the bounds of our forefathers are transgressed foundation of doctrine and fortification of discipline is rooted up and the innovators which never had any other imposition of hands but what they laid upon themselves have matter enough to set forward their sedition And for the other pretences I dare procaim it to all the world that mine own experience believeth the liberty of the subjects and the property of our goods and the true Protestant Religion could not possibly be more abused then it hath been by them that came in the name and for the service of the Parliament and therefore I would to God that all the oppressions injustice and imprisonments that have been made since the beginning of this Parliament were collected and recorded in a Book of remembrance that all the world might see and read the justice and equity of our Parliament and the iniquity oppression and rapine of them that to enrich themselves deprive us of our estates and liberties and that under the How the Parliament Rebels have inriched themselves in Ireland Parliaments name For I hear that as many have been impoverished so many both the Lords and Commons in this Kingdom of Ireland that before the conjunction of these malevolent martial Planets were very low at an ebbe and their names very deep in many Citizens books have now wiped off all scores paid all their debts and clad themselves in