With several other Informations concerning other Fires in Southwark Fetter-Lane and elsewhere 27 5. Votes and Addresses of the Honourable House of Commons assembled in Parliament made 1673. concerning Popery and other Grievances 49 6. A Letter from a Parliament-man to his Friend concerning the Proceedings of the House of Commons this last Session begun the 13th of October 1675. 53 7. A Speech made by Sir William Scroggs one of His Majesty's Serjeants at Law to the Right Honourable the Lord Chancellor of England at his admission to the Place of one of His Majesty's Justices of the Court of Common-Pleas 56 8. A Discourse upon the Designs Practises and Councels of France 59 9. An Answer to a Letter written by a Member of Parliament in the Countrey upon the Occasion of his reading of the Gazette of the 11th of December 1679. wherein is the Proclamation for further proroguing the Parliament till the 11th of November next ensuing 67 10. The Right Honourable the Earl of Shaftsbury's Speech in the House of Lords March 25. 1679. 71 11. The Instrument or Writing of Association that the true Protestants of England entred into in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth 73 12. The Act of Parliament of the 27th of Queen Elizabeth in Confirmation of the same 74 13. A Word without doors concerning the Bill for Succession 76 14. A Collection of Speeches in the House of Commons in the Year 1680. 81 15. A Copy of the Duke of York's Bill 91 16. Some particular Matters of Fact relating to the Administration of Affairs in Scotland under the Duke of Lauderdale 93 17. The Impeachment of the Duke and Dutchess of Lauderdale with their Brother the Lord Hatton presented to his Majesty by the City of Edenburgh The matters of fact particularly relating to the Town of Edenburgh humbly offered for His Majesty's information 96 18. His Majesty's Declaration for the dissolving of His late Privy Council and for constituting a New One made in the Council-Chamber at White-hall April 20. 1679. 99 19. The Mâ—ssage from the King by Mr. Secretary Jenkins to the Commons on the 9th of November 1680. 102 20. The Address to His Majesty from the Commons on Saturday the 13th of November 1680. Ibid. 21. The Address of the Commons in Parliament to His Majesty to remove Sir George Jeffreys out of all publick Offices 103 22. His Majesty's Message to the Commons in Parliament relating to Tangier 104 23. The Humble Address of the Commons assembled in Parliament presented to His Majesty on Monday the 29th of November 1680. in answer to that Message ibid. 24. The Humble Address of the House of Commons presented to His Majesty on Tuesday the 21st of December 1680. in answer to His Majesty's Gracious Speech to both Houses of Parliament upon the 15th day of the same December 107 25. The Report of the Committee of the Commons appointed to examine the Proceedings of the Judges c. 109 26. The Report from the Committee of the Commons in Parliament appointed by the Honourable House of Commons to consider of the Petition of Richard Thompson of Bristol Clerk and to examine Complaints against him And the Resolution of the Commons in Parliament upon this Report for his Impeachment for High Crimes and Misdemeanors on Friday the 24th of December 1680. 116 27. Articles of Impeachment of Sir William Scroggs Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench by the Commons in Parliament assembled in their own Name and in the name of all the Commons of England of High Treason and other great Crimes and Misdemeanors 119 28. The Humble Petition of the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons of the City of London in Common Council assembled on the 13th of January 1680. to the King 's Most Excellent Majesty for the sitting of the Parliament prorogued to the 20th then instant together with the Resolutions Orders and Debates of the said Court 122 29. Vox Patriae Or the Resentments and Indignation of the Free-born Subjects of England against Popery Arbitrary Government the Duke of York or any Popish Successor being a true Collection of the Petitions and Addresses lately made from divers Counties Cities and Burroughs of this Realm to their Respective Representatives chosen to serve in the Parliament held at Oxford March 21 1680. 125 30. The Speech of the Honourable Henry Booth Esq at Chester the 2d of March 1680 1 〈◊〉 his being elected One of the Knights of the Shire for that County to serve in the Parliament summon'd to meet at Oxford the 21st of the said Month. 147 31. An Account of the Proceedings at the Sessions for the City of Westminster against Thomas Whitfield Scrievener John Smallbones Woodmonger and William Laud Painter for tearing a Petition prepared to be presented to the King for the sitting of the Parliament with an Account of the said Petition presented on the then 13th Instant and His Majesty's Gracious Answer 150. 32. The Judgment and Decree of the Vniversity of Oxford passed in their Convocation July 21 1683. against certain pernicious Books and damnable Doctrines destructive to the Sacred Persons of Princes Their State and Government and of all Humane Society 153 32. The Case of the Earl of Argyle Or an Exact and Full Account of his Tryal Escape and Sentence As likewise a Relation of several Matters of Fact for better clearing of the said Case 151 33. Murther will out Or The King's Letter justifying the Marquess of Antrim and declaring that what he did in the Irish Rebellion was by direction from His Royal Father and Mother and for the Service of the Crown 217 34. Vox Populi Or The Peoples claim to their Parliaments sitting to redress Grievances and to provide for the Common safety by the known Laws and Constitution of the Nation 219 35. The Security of English-mens Lives Or The Trust Power and Duty of the Grand Juries of England explained according to the Fundamentals of the English Government and the Declarations of the same made in Parliament by many Statutes 225 36. The Speech and Carriage of Stephen Colledge before the Castle at Oxford on Wednesday Aug. 31. 1681. taken exactly from his Mouth at the place of Execution 255 37. The Speech of the late Lord Russell to the Sheriffs together with the Paper delivered by him to them at the place of Execution July 21. 1683. 262 38. To the King 's Most Excellent Majesty the Humble Petition of Algernoon Sidney Esq 266 39. The very Copy of a Paper delivered to the Sheriffs upon the Scaffold on Friday Dec. 7. 1683. by Algernoon Sidney Esq before his Execution there 267 40. Of Magistracy 269. Of Prerogatives by Divine Right 270. Of Obedience 271. Of Laws 272. By Mr. Samuel Johnson 41. Copies of two Papers written by the late King Charles II. published by His Majesty's Command Printed in the Year 1686. 273. 42. A Letter containing some Remarks on the Two Papers writ by His late Majesty King Charles II. concerning Religion 274
by certain Noblemen and others of our Kingdom of Ireland suggesting Disorders and Abuses as well in the Proceedings of the late begun Parliament as in the Martial and Civil Government of the Kingdom We did receive with extraordinary Grace and Favour And by another Proclamation in the 12th year of his Reign Procl 12 Jac. he declares That it was the Right of his Subjects to make their immediate Addresses to him by Petition and in the 19th year of his Reign he invites his Subjects to it And in the 20th year of his Reign Procl Dat. 10 July 19. Jac. Procl Dat. 14. Feb. 20. Jac. he tells his People that his own and the Ears of his Privy Council did still continue open to the just Complaints of his People and that they were not confined to Times and Meetings in Parliament nor restrained to particular Grievances not doubting but that his loving Subjects would apply themselves to his Majesty for Relief to the utter abolishing of all those private whisperings and causless Rumors which without giving his Majesty any Opportunity of Reformation by particular knowledge of any Fault serve to no other purpose but to occasion and blow abroad Discontentment It appears Lords Journ Anno 1640. that the House of Lords both Spiritual and Temporal Nemine contradicente Voted Thanks to those Lords who Petitioned the King at York to call a Parliament And the King by his Declaration Printed in the same year Declar. 1644. declares his Royal Will and Pleasure That all his Loving Subjects who have any just cause to present or complain of any Grievances or Oppressions may freely Address themselves by their humble Petitions to his Sacred Majesty who will graciously hear their Complaints Since his Majesty's happy Restauration Temp. Car. 2. the Inhabitants of the County of Bucks made a Petition That their County might not be over-run by the Kings Deer and the same was done by the County of Surry on the same Occasion 'T is time for me to conclude your trouble I suppose you do no longer doubt but that you may joyn in Petition for a Parliament since you see it has been often done heretofore nor need you fear how many of your honest Countreymen joyn with you since you hear of Petitions by the whole Body of the Realm and since you see both by the Opinions of our Lawyers by the Doctrine of our Church and by the Declarations of our Kings That it is our undoubted Right to Petition Nothing can be more absurd than to say That the number of the Supplicants makes an innocent Petition an Offence on the contrary if in a thing of this Publick concernment a few only should address themselves to the King it would be a thing in it self ridiculous the great end of such Addresses being to acquaint him with the general desires of his People which can never be done unless multitudes joyn How can the Complaints of the diffusive Body of the Realm reach his Majesty's Ears in the absence of a Parliament but in the actual concurrence of every individual Person in Petition for the personal application of multitudes is indeed unlawful and dangerous Give me leave since the Gazette runs so much in your mind Stat. 13. Car. 2. c. 5. to tell you as I may modestly enough do since the Statute directs me what answer the Judges would now give if such another Case were put to them as was put to the Judges 2 Jacobi Suppose the Nonconformists at this day as the Puritans then did should sollicite the getting of the hands of Multitudes to a Petition to the King for suspending the Execution of the Penal Laws against themselves the present Judges would not tell you that this was an Offence next to Treason or Felony nor that the Offenders were to be brought to the Council-board to be punished but they would tell you plainly and distinctly That if the hands of more Persons than twenty were solicited or procured to such a Petition and the Offenders were convicted upon the Evidence of two or more credible Witnesses upon a Prosecution in the Kings-bench or at the Assizes or Quarter Sessions within six Months they would incur a Penalty not exceeding a 100 l. and three Months Imprisonment because their Petition was to change a matter establisht by Law But I am sure you are a better Logician than not to see the difference which the Statute makes between such a Petition which is to alter a thing establisht by Law and an innocent and humble Petition That a Parliament may meet according to Law in a time when the greatest Dangers hang over the King the Church and the State The Right Honourable the Earl of Shaftsbury 's Speech in the House of Lords March 25. 1679. My Lords YOU are appointing of the Consideration of the State of England to be taken up in a Committee of the whole House some day next Week I do not know how well what I have to say may be received for I never study either to make my Court well or to be Popular I always speak what I am commanded by the Dictates of the Spirit within me There are some other Considerations that concern England so nearly that without them you will come far short of Safety and Quiet at Home We have a little Sister and she hath no Breasts what shall we do for our Sister in the day when she shall be spoken for If she be a Wall we will build on her a Palace of Silver if she be a Door we will inclose her with Boards of Cedar We have several little Sisters without Breasts the French Protestant Churches the two Kingdoms of Ireland and Scotland The Foreign Protestants are a Wall the only Wall and Defence to England upon it you may build Palaces of Silver glorious Palaces The Protection of the Protestants abroad is the greatest Power and Security the Crown of England can attain to and which can only help us to give Check to the growing Greatness of France Scotland and Ireland are two Doors either to let in Good or Mischief upon us they are much weakened by the Artifice of our cunning Enemies and we ought to inclose them with Boards of Cedar Popery and Slavery like two Sisters go hand in hand sometimes one goes first sometimes the other in a doors but the other is always following close at hand In England Popery was to have brought in Slavery in Scotland Slavery went before and Popery was to follow I do not think your Lordships or the Parliament have Jurisdiction there It is a Noble and Ancient Kingdom they have an illustrious Nobility a Gallant Gentry a Learned Clergy and an Understanding Worthy People but yet we cannot think of England as we ought without reflecting on the Condition therein They are under the same Prince and the Influence of the same Favourites and Councils when they are hardly dealt with can we that are the Richer expect better usage for 't is
That Parliaments are part of the frame of the Common-Law which is laid in the Law and Light of Nature right Reason and Scripture 2. That according to this Moral Law of Equity and Righteousness Parliaments ought frequently to meet for the common peace safety and benefit of the People and support of the Government 3. That Parliaments have been all along esteemed an essential part of the Government as being the most ancient honourable and Sovereign Court in the Nation who are frequently and perpetually to sit for the making and abolishing Laws Redressing of Grievances and see to the due administration of Justice 4. That as to the place of Meeting it was to be at London the Capital City the Eye and Heart of the Nation as being not only the Regal Seat but the principal place of Judicature and residence of the chief Officers and Courts of Justice where also the Records are kept as well as the principal place of Commerce and Concourse in the Nation and to which the People may have the best recourse and where they may find the best accommodation 5. The Antiquity of Parliaments in this Nation which have been so ancient that no Record can give any account of their Beginning my Lord Coke thus tracing them from the Britains through the Saxons Danes and Normans to our days So that not to suffer Parliaments to sit to answer the great ends for which they were Instituted is expresly contrary to the Common Law and so consequently of the Law of God as well as the Law of Nature and thereby Violence is offered to the Government it self and Infringement of the Peoples fundamental Rights and Liberties Secondly What we find hereof in the Statute-Law The Statute Laws are Acts of Parliament which are or ought to be only Declaratory of the Common Law which as you have heard is founded upon right Reason and Scripture for we are told that if any thing is Enacted contrary thereto it is void and null As Coke Inst l. 2. c 29. f. 15. Finch p. 3. 28 H. 8. c. 27. Doct. and Stud. The first of these Statures which require the frequent Meeting and Sitting of Parliaments agreeable to the Common Law we find to be in the time of Ed. 3. viz. 4 Ed. 3. ch 14. In these words ' Item It is accorded that a Pariament shall be holden every year once or more often if need be The next is in the 36 of the same K. Ed. 3. c. 10. viz. Item For the maintenance of the said Articles and Statutes and Redressing of divers Mischiefs and Grievances which dayly happen a Parliament shall be holden every year as at another time was ordained by a Statute viz. the aforementioned in his 4th year And agreeable hereto are those Statutes upon the Rolls viz. 5 Ed. 2. 1 R. 2. No. 95. By which Statutes it appeareth That Parliaments ought annually to meet to support the Government and to redress the Grievances which may happen in the Interval of Parliaments That being the great End proposed in their said Meetings Now for Parliaments to meet Annually and not suffered to sit to Answer the Ends but to be Prorogued or Dissolved before they have finished their Work would be nothing but a deluding the Law and a striking at the foundation of the Government it self and rendering Parliaments altogether useless for it would be all one to have No Parliaments at all as to have them turn'd off by the Prince before they have done that that they were called and intrusted to do For by the same Rule whereby they may be so turn'd off one Session they may be three Sessions and so to threescore to the breaking of the Government and introducing Arbitrary Power To prevent such intollerable Mischiefs and Inconveniencies are such good Laws as these made in this King's time and which were so Sacredly observed in after times That it was a Custom especially in the Reigns of H. 4. H 5. H. 6. to have a Proclamation made in Westminster-Hall before the end of every Session * An honest and a necessary Proclamation to be made every Parliament That all those who had any matter to present to the Parliament should bring it in before such a day for otherwise the Parliament at that day should Determine Whereby it appears the People were not to be eluded nor disappointed by surprizing Prorogations and Dissolutions to frustrate and make void the great ends of Parliaments And to this purpose saith a late Learned Author That if there was no Statute or any thing upon record extant concerning the Parliaments sitting to redress grievances yet that I must believe that it is so by the fundamental Law of the Government which must be lame and imperfect without it For otherwise the Prince and his Ministers may do what they please and their Wills may be their Laws Therefore it is provided for in the very Essence and Constitution of the Government it self and this saith our Author we may call the Common-Law which is of as much value if not more than any Statute and of which all our good Acts of Parliament and Magna-Charta it self is but Delaratory so that though the King is intrusted with the formal part of summoning and pronouncing the Dissolution of Parliaments which is done by Writ yet the Laws which oblige him as well as us have determined how and when he shall do it which is enough to shew that the King's share in the Soveraignty that is in the Parliament is cut out to him by Law and not left at his disposal The next Statute we shall mention to inforce this fundamental Right and Privilege 25 Ed. 3. c. 23. Statute of Provisors is the 25th Ed. 3. ch 23. called the Statute of Provisors which was made to prevent and cut off the Incroachments of the Bishops of Rome whose Usurpations in disposing of Benefices occasioned intollerable Grievances wherein in the Preamble of the said Statute it is expressed as followeth Whereupon the Commons have prayed our said Soveraign Lord the King that sith the Right of the Crown of England and the Law of the said Realm is such that upon the Mischiefs and Damage which happeneth to his Realm be ought and is bounden of the accord of his said People in his Parliament thereof to make Remedy and Law in avoiding the Mischiefs and Damage which thereof cometh That it may please him thereupon to provide Remedy Our Soveraign Lord the King seeing the Mischiefs and Damage before-named and having regard to the said Statute made in the time of his said Grand-Father and to the Causes contained in the same which Statute holdeth always his force and was never defeated or annulled in any point and by so much is bound by his Oath to do the same to be kept as the Law of this Realm tho that by Sufferance and Negligence it hath since been attempted to the contrary And also having regard to the grievous Complainte made to him by his
time acquaint his Highness with what we have further done at that Meeting Dated at Guild-hall the 11th of December 1688. A Paper delivered to his Highness the Prince of Orange by the Commissioners sent by his Majesty to treat with him And his Highness's Answer WHereas on the 8th of December 1688. at Hungerford a Paper signed by the Marquess of Hallifax the Earl of Nottingham and the Lord Godolphin Commissioners sent unto us from His Majesty was delivered to Us in these Word following viz. Sir THE King commanded us to acquaint You That he observeth all the Differences and Causes of Complaint alledged by Your Highness seem to be referred to a Free Parliament His Majesty as He hath already declared was resolved before this to call one but thought that in the present State of Affairs it was advisable to defer it till things were more compos'd Yet seeing that His People still continue to desire it He hath put forth His Proclamation in order to it and hath issued forth His Writs for the calling of it And to prevent any Cause of Interruption in it He will consent to every thing that can be reasonably required for the Security of all those that shall come to it His Majesty hath therefore sent Us to attend Your Highness for the adjusting of all Matters that shall be agreed to be necessary to the Freedom of Elections and the Security of Sitting and is ready immediately to enter into a Treaty in Order to it His Majesty proposeth that in the mean time the respective Armies may be restrained within such Limits and at such a Distance from London as may prevent the Apprehensions that the Parliament may in any kind be disturbed being desirous that the Meeting of it may be no longer delay'd than it must be by the usual and necessary Forms Hungerford Dec. 8. 88. Signed Hallifax Nottingham Godolphin We with the Advice of the Lords and Gentlemen assembled with Vs have in Answer to the same made these following Proposals I. THAT all Papists and such Persons as are not qualified by Law be Disarmed Disbanded and Removed from all Employments Civil and Military II. That all Proclamations which Reflect upon Us or any that have come to Us or declared for Us be recalled and that if any Persons for having so assisted have been committed that they be forthwith set at Liberty III. That for the Security and Safety of the City of London the Custody and Government of the Tower be immediately put into the Hands of the said City IV. That if His Majesty shall think fit to be at London during the Sitting of the Parliament that We may be there also with equal Number of our Guards Or if his Majesty shall please to be in any place from London at what-ever distance he thinks fit that We may be at a place of the same distance And that the respective Armies do remove from London Thirty Miles and that no more Foreign Forces be brought into the Kingdom V. That for the Security of the City of London and their Trade Tilbury Fort be put into the Hands of the said City VI. That to prevent the Landing of French or other Foreign Troops Portsmouth may be put into such Hands as by Your Majesty and Us shall be agreed upon VII That some sufficient part of the Publick Revenue be Assigned Us for the Maintaining of our Forces until the Meeting of a Free Parliament Given at Littlecott the Ninth of December 1688. W. H. Prince of Orange The Speech of the Recorder of Bristol to his Highness the Prince of Orange Monday January the 7th 1688. The Mayor Recorder Aldermen and Commons of the Principal Citizens of the City of Bristol waited upon the Prince of Orange being introduced by his Grace the Duke of Ormond their High-Steward and the Earl of Shrewsbury Where the Recorder spake to this Effect May it please your Highness THE Restitution of our Religion Laws and Liberties and the Freeing us from that Thraldom which hath rendred us for many Years useless and at last dangerous to the Common Interest of the Protestant World by your Highness's singular Wisdom Courage and Conduct are not only a Stupendious Evidence of the Divine Favour and Providence for our Preservation but will be and ought to be an Everlasting Monument of your Highness's Magnanimity and other the Heroick Vertues which Adorn your great Soul by whom such a Revolution is wrought in this Nation as is become the Joy and Comfort of the Present and will be the Wonder of all Succeeding Ages In the Contrivance and Preparation of which great Work your Highness like the Heavens did shed your propitious Influences upon us whilst we slept and had scarce any prospect from whence we might expect our Redemption But as since your happy Arrival in England we did among the first Associate our selves to assist and promote your Highness's most glorious Design with our Lives and Fortunes so we now think our selves bound in the highest Obligation of Gratitude most humbly to present to your Highness our humble and hearty Thanks for this our Deliverance from Popery and Arbitrary Power and likewise for declaring your gracious Intentions That by the Advice of the Estates of this Kingdom you will rectifie the late Disorders in the Government both Ecclesiastical and Civil according to the known Laws The due and inviolable Observation of which will in our poor Opinion be the only proper Means to render the Soveraign Secure and both Soveraign and Subject happy To which his Highness returned a most Gracious Answer By the Commissioners of Lieutenancy for the said City Guild-hall London December the 11th 1688. Ordered THat Sir Robert Clayton Kt. Sir William Russel Kt. Sir Basil Firebrass Kt. and Charles Duncomb Esq be a Committee from the said Lieutenancy to Attend his Royal Highness the Prince of Orange and present to his Highness the Address agreed by the Lieutenancy for that purpose And that they begin their Journey to Morrow Morning By the Commissioners Command Geo. Evans Cl. Lieu. London To His Highness the Prince of Orange The Humble Address of the Lieutenancy of the City of London May it please Your Highness WE can never sufficiently express the deep Sense we have conceived and shall ever retain in our Hearts That Your Highness has exposed Your Person to so many Dangers both by Sea and Land for the Preservation of the Protestant Religion and the Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom without which unparallel'd Undertaking we must probably have suffered all the Miseries that Popery and Slavery could have brought upon us We have been greatly concerned that before this time we have not had any seasonable Opportunity to give Your Highness and the World a real Testimony that it has been our firm Resolution to venture all that is Dear to Us to attain those glorious Ends which Your Highness has proposed for restoring and settling these Distracted Nations We therefore now unanimously present to Your Highness
43. A Brief Account of particulars occurring at the happy death of our late Soveraign Lord K. Ch. 2d in regard to Religion faithfully related by his then Assistant Mr. Jo. Huddleston 280 44. Some Reflections on His Majesty's Proclamation of the Twelfth of Feb. 1686 7. for a Toleration in Scotland together with the said Proclamation 281 45. His Majesty's Gracious Declaration to all his Loving Subjects for Liberty of Conscience 287 46. A Letter containing some Reflections on His Majesty's Declaration for Liberty of Conscience Dated April 4. 1687. 289 47. A Letter to a Dissenter upon Occasion of His Majesty's Late Gracious Declaration of Indulgence 294 48. The Anatomy of an Equivalent 300 49. A Letter from a Gentleman in the City to his Friend in the Countrey containing his Reasons for not reading the Declaration 309 50. An Answer to the City Minister's Letter from his Countrey Friend 314 51. A Letter from a Gentleman in Ireland to his Friend in London upon ocasion of a Pamphlet entituled A Vindication of the Present Government of Ireland under his Excellency Richard Earl of Tyrconnel 316 52. A Plain Account of the Persecution laid to the Charge of the Church of England 322 53. Abby and other Church Lands not yet assured to such possessors as are Roman-Catholicks dedicated to the Nobility and Gentry of that Religion 326 54. The King's Power in Ecclesiastical matters truly stated 331 55. A Letter writ by Mijn Heer Fagel Pensioner of Holland to Mr. James Stewart Advocate giving an Account of the Prince and Princess of Orange's thoughts concerning the Repeal of the Test and the Penal Laws 334 56. Reflections on Monsieur Fagel's Letter 338 57. Animadversions upon a pretended Answer to Mijn Heer Fagel's Letter 343 58. Some Reflections on a Discourse called Good Advice to the Church of England c. 363 59. The ill effects of Animosities 371 60. A Representation of the Threatning Dangers impending over Protestants in Great-Britain With an Account of the Arbitrary and Popish ends unto which the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience in England and the Proclamation for a Toleration in Scotland are designed 380 61. The Declaration of his Highness William Henry by the Grace of God Prince of Orange c. of the Reasons inducing him to appear in Arms in the Kingdom of England for preserving of the Protestant Religion and for restoring the Laws and Liberties of England Scotland and Ireland 420 62. His Highnesses Additional Declaration 426 63. The then supposed Third Declaration of his Royal Highness pretended to be signed at his head Quarters at Sherborn-Castle November 28. 1688. but was written by another Person tho yet unknown 427 64. The Reverend Mr. Samuel Johnson's Paper in the year 1686. for which he was sentenc'd by the Court of Kings-Bench Sir Edward Herbert being Lord Chief Justice and Sir Francis Wythens pronouncing the Sentence to stand Three times on the Pillory and to be whipp'd from Newgate to Tyburn which barbarous Sentence was Executed 428 65. Several Reasons for the establishment of a standing Army and Dissolving the Militia by the said Mr. Johnson 429 66. To the King 's Most Excellent Majesty the Humble Petition of William Archbishop of Canterbury and divers of the suffragan Bishops of that Province then present with him in behalf of themselves and others of their absent Brethren and of the Clergy of their respective Diocesses with His Majesty's Answer 430 67. The Petition of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal for the calling of a free Parliament together with His Majesty's Gracious Answer to their Lordships Ib. 68. The Prince of Orange's Letter to the English Army 431 69. Prince George his Letter to the King 432 70. The Lord Churchill's Letter to the King 432 71. The Princess Ann of Denmark's Letter to the Queen 433 72. A Memorial of the Protestants of the Church of England presented to their Royal Hignesses the Prince and Princess of Orange 433 73. Admiral Herbert's Letter to all Commanders of Ships and Seamen in His Majesty's Fleet. 434 74. The Lord Delamere's Speech 434 75. An Engagement of the Noblemen Knights and Gentlemen at Exeter to assist the Prince of Orange in the defence of the Protestant Religion Laws and Liberties of the People of England Scotland and Ireland 435 76. The Declaration of the Nobility Gentry and Commonalty at the Rendezvouz at Nottingham November 22. 1688. 436 77. His Grace the Duke of Norfolk's Speech to the Mayor of Norwich on the 1st of December in the Market-place of Norwich 437 78. The Speech of the Prince of Orange to some principal Gentlemen of Somersetshire and Dorsetshire on their coming to join his Highness at Exeter Novemb. 15. 1688. 437 79. The True Copy of a Paper delivered by the Lord Devonshire to the Mayor of Darby where he Quartered Novemb. 21. 1688. 438 80. A Letter from a Gentleman at Kings-Lynn Decemb. 7. 1688. to his Friend in London With an Address to his Grace the most Noble Henry Duke of Norfolk Lord Marshall of England Ibid. 81. His Grace's Answer with another Letter from Lynn-Regis giving the D. of Norfolk's 2d Speech there Decemb. 10. 1688. 439 82. The Declaration of the Lord 's Spiritual and Temporal in and about the Cities of London and Westminster Assembled at Guild-Hall Decemb. 11. 1688. Ibid. 83. A Paper delivered to his Highness the Prince of Orange by the Commissioners sent by His Majesty to treat with him and his Highness's Answer 1688. 440 84. The Recorder of Bristoll's Speech to his Highness the Prince of Orange Monday Jan. 7. 1688. 441. 85. The Humble Address of the Lieutenancy of the City of London to his Highness the Prince of Orange Decemb. 12. 1688. 442 86. The Humble Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons of the City of London in Common-Council Assembled to his Highness the Prince of Orange 443 87. The Speech of Sir Geo. Treby Knight Recorder of the Honourable City of London to his Highness the Prince of Orange Decemb. 20. 1688. Ibid. 88. His Highness the Prince of Orange's Speech to the Scotch Lords and Gentlemen with their Advice and his Highness's Answer with a true Account of what past at their meeting in the Council Chamber at White-Hall Jan. 7. 1688 9. 444 89. The Emperor of Germany's Account of K. James's Misgovernment in joining with the K. of France the Common Enemy of Christendom in his Letter to K. James 446 90. The Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons Assembled at Westminster concerning the Misgovernment of K. James and filling up the Throne Presented to K. William and Q. Mary by the Right Honourable the Marquess of Hallifax Speaker to the House of Lords with His Majesty's Most Gracious Answer thereunto 447 91. A Proclamation Declaring William and Mary Prince and Princess of Orange to be King and Queen of England France and Ireland c. 449 92. The Declaration of the Estates of Scotland concerning the Misgovernment of K. James the 7th
and filling up the Throne with K. William and Q. Mary 450 93. A Proclamation Declaring William and Mary King and Queen of England to be King and Queen of Scotland Edinburgh April 11. 1689. 452 93. The manner of the King and Queen's taking the Coronation-Oath 453 94. The Coronation-Oath of England 454 The Coronation-Oath of Scotland Ibid. 95. Proposals humbly offered to the Lords and Commons in the present Convention for Setling of the Government 455 96. The late Honourable Convention proved a Legal Parliament 457 97. The Present Convention a Parliament 459 98. The Thoughts of a private Person about the Justice of the Gentlemens undertaking at York Novemb. 1688. wherein is shewed That it is neither against Scripture nor Moral Honesty to defend their Just and Legal Rights against the Illegal Invaders of them occasioned then by some private Debates and now submitted to better Judgments 461 99. An Enquiry into the Measures of Submission to the Supream Authority and of the Grounds upon which it may be lawful or necessary for Subjects to defend their Religion Lives and Liberties 483 100. The Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy no Badges of Slavery 489 THE Earl of Clarendon's Speech ABOUT Disbanding the Army SEPTEMBER 13. 1660. My Lords and Gentlemen THE King tells you that he hath commanded me to say many particulars to you and the truth is He hath charged me with so many that I have great reason to fear that I shall stand in much need of His Mercy for omitting many things He hath given me in Command at least for delivering them in more Disorder and Confusion then Matters of such Moment and Importance ought to be to such an Assembly for which the King Himself hath even a kind of Reverence as well as an extraordinary Kindness I am to mention some things He hath done already and many things He intends to do during this Recess that you may see how well content soever he is that you should have Ease and Pleasure and Refreshment he hath designed Work enough for Himself The King hath thanked you for the Provision you have made that there may be no free Quarter during the time the Army shall be Disbanding and hath told you what He will do with that Money you have given Him if there should want wherewithal to Disband it And now I hope you will all believe that His Majesty will consent to the Disbanding He will do so And yet He does not take it unkindly at their hands who have thought that his Majesty would not Disband this Army It was a sober and a rational Jealousie No other Prince in Europe would be willing to Disband such an Army an Army to which Victory is entailed and which humanely speaking could hardly fail of Conquest whithersoever He should lead it and if God had not restored His Majesty to that rare Felicity as to be without apprehension of Danger at home or from abroad and without any Ambition of taking from his Neighbours what they are possessed of Himself would never Disband this Army an Army whose Order and Discipline whose Sobriety and Manners whose Courage and Success hath made it famous and terrible over the World an Army of which the King and His two Royal Brothers may say as the noble Grecian said of Aeneas Stetimus tela aspera contra Contulimusque manus experto credite quantus In clypeum assurgat quo turbine torqueat hastam They have all three in several Countries found themselves engaged in the midst of these Troops in the heat and rage of Battel and if any common Souldiers as no doubt many may will demand the old Roman Priviledge for having encountred Princes single upon my Conscience he will find both Favour and Perferment They have all three observed the Discipline and felt and admired and loved the Courage of this Army when they were the worse for it and I have seen them in a season when there was little else of comfort in their view refresh themselves with joy that the English had done the great Work the English had got the Day and then please themselves with the Imagination what wonders they should perform in the head of such an Army And therefore when His Majesty is so entirely possessed of the Affection and obedience of this Army and when it hath merited so much from Him can it be believed or imagined that He can without some regret part with them No My Lords and Gentlemen He will never part with them and the only sure way never to part with them is to Disband them should it be otherwise they must be exposed to the daily Importunity of His great Neighbours and Allies and how could He refuse to lend them His Troops of which He hath no use Himself His Majesty knows they are too good English men to wish that a standing Army should be kept in the howels of their own Countrey that they who did but in Bello pacis gerere negotium and who whilest an Army lived like good Husbandmen in the Countrey and good Citizens in the City will now become really such and take Delight in the Benefit of that Peace they have so honestly and so wonderfully brought to pass The King will part with them as the most indulgent Parents part with their Children for their Education and for their Perferment He will prefer them to Disbanding and prefer them by Disbanding and will always retain such a Kindness for them and such a Memory of the Service they have done him that both Officers and Souldiers after they are Disbanded shall always find such countenance favour and reward from His Majesty that He doubts not but if he should have Occasion to use their Service they will again resort to Him with the same Alacrity as if they had never been Disbanded And if there be any so ill amongst them as there can be but very few if any who will forfeit that Favour and Protection they may have from Him by any withstanding His Majesties Commands and the full and declared sense of the Kingdom His Majesty is confident they will be as odious to their Companions as they can be to any other honest Men. My Lords and Gentlemen I am in the next place by the Kings Command to put you in mind of the Act of Indemnity not of any Grants or Concessions or Releases He made to you in that Act I have nothing of that in charge no Prince hath so excellent a memory to forget the Favours he doth but of what He hath done against you in that Act how you may be undone by that Act if you are not very careful to perform the Obligations He hath laid upon you in it the clause I am to put you in mind of is this And to the intent and purpose that all names and terms of Distinction may be likewise put into utter Oblivion Be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid That if any Person or Persons within the space of three Years next
but Christianity itself that lies at stake For in the Ruine of the Empire the Turks work is done to his hand by breaking down the only Fence that has preserv'd us all this while from the Incursions of the Ottoman Power Now as nothing can be more glorious than at all hazards to hinder the effusion of more Christian Blood and to save Christendom itself from Bondage it is so much our Interest too that we our selves are lost without it And as the Obligation is reciprocal so the Resolution is necessary The choice we have before us being only this Either to unite with our Neighbours for a Common Safety or to stand still and look on the tame Spectators of their Ruine till we fall alone This is so demonstrative that if we do not by a powerful Alliance and Diversion prevent the Conquest of Flanders which lies already a gasping we are cut off from all Communication with the rest of Europe and coop'd up at home to the irrecoverable loss of our Reputation and Commerce for Holland must inevitably follow the Fate of Flanders and then the French are Masters of the Sea Ravage our Plantations and infallibly possess themselves of the Spanish Indies and leave us answerable for all those Calamities that shall ensue upon it which as yet by God's Providence may be timely prevented But he that stills the raging of the Sea will undoubtedly set Bounds to this overflowing Greatness having now as an Earnest of that Mercy put it into the Hearts of our Superiours to provide seasonably for the Common Safety and in proportion also to the Exigence of the Affair knowing very well that things of this Nature are not to be done by halves We have to do with a Nation of a large Territory abounding in Men and Money their Dominion is grown absolute that no Man there can call any thing his own if the Court says Nay to 't So that the sober and industrious part are only Slaves to the Lusts and Ambition of the Military In this Condition of Servitude they feel already what their Neighbours fear and wish as well to any Opportunity either of avoiding or of casting off the Yoke which will easily be given by a Conjunction of England and Holland at Sea and almost infallibly produce these effects First It will draw off the Naval Force of France from Sicily America and else-where to attend this Expedition Secondly The Diversion will be an Ease to the Empire and the Confederates from whence more Troops must be drawn to encounter this Difficulty than the French can well spare Thirdly It will not only encourage those Princes and States that are already engag'd but likewise keep in awe those that are disaffected and confirm those that waver 'T is true this War must needs be prodigiously expensive but then in probability it will be short And in Cases of this Quality People must do as in a Storm at Sea rather throw part of the Lading over-board than founder the Vessel I do not speak this as supposing any difficulty in the Case for the very contemplation of it has put fire into the Veins of every true English-man and they are moved as by a sacred impulse to the necessary and the only means of their Preservation And that which Crowns our hopes is that these generous Inclinations are only ready to execute what the Wisdom of their Superiours shall find reasonable to Command I need not tell you how jealous the People of England are of their Religion and Liberties to what degree they have contended even for the shadow of these Interests nor how much Blood and Treasure they have spent upon the Quarrel Could any Imposture work so much and can any Man imagine that they will be now less sensible when they see before their eyes a manifest Plot upon their Religion their Liberties invaded their Traffick interrupted the Honour and the very Being of their Country at stake their Wives and Children expos'd to Beggary and Scorn and in Conclusion The Priviledge of a Free-born English-man exchanged for the Vassalage of France An ANSWER to a LETTER written by a Member of Parliament in the Country upon the occasion of his Reading of the Gazette of the 11th of December 1679 wherein is the Proclamation for further Proroguing the Parliament till the 11th of November next ensuing SIR I Received your Letter when I was ingaged in much other business which will excuse me that I have not returned an Answer sooner and that is done no better now You desire me to let you know what that Judgment is which my Lord Chancellor acquainted my Lord Mayor and his Brethren with and what my thoughts are upon it And that I may obey you in both I will first Transcribe that Case as it is reported by Justice Crook that being already put into English whereas the Case in Moor is in French MEmorandum That by Command from the King all the Justices of England Cro. Ja. f. 37. Nov. 100. Moor 755. with divers of the Nobility viz. The Lord Ellesmere Lord-Chancellor the Earl of Dorset Lord-Treasurer Viscount Cranbourn Principal Secretary the Earl of Nottingham Lord Admiral the Earls of Northumberland Worcester Devon and Northampton the Lords Zouch Burghley and Knowles the Chancellor of the Dutchy the Arch-bishop of Canterbury the Bishop of London Popham Chief Justice Bruce Masters of the Rolls Anderson Gawdy Walmesley Fenner Kingsmil Warburton Savel Daniel Yelverton and Snigg were assembled in the Star-Chamber where the Lord Chancellor after a long Speech made by him concerning Justices of the Peace and his Exhortation to the Justices of Assize and a Discourse concerning Papists and Puritans declaring how they both were Disturbers of the State and that the King intending to suppress them and to have the Laws put in execution against them demanded of the Justices their Resolutions in three things First Whether the Deprivation of Puritan-Ministers by the High Commissioners for refusing to conform themselves to the Ceremonies appointed by the last Canons was lawful Whereto all the Justices answered That they had conferred thereof before and held it to be lawful because the King hath the Supreme Ecclesiastical Power which he hath delegated to the Commissioners whereby they had the Power of Deprivation by the Canon-Law of the Realm And the Statute of 1 Eliz. which appoints Commissioners to be made by the Queen doth not confer any new Power but explain and declare the Ancient Power And therefore they held it clear That the King without Parliament might make Orders and Constitutions for the Government of the Clergy and might deprive them if they obeyed not And so the Commissioners might deprive them But they could not make any Constitutions without the King And the divulging of such Ordinances by Proclamation is a most gracious Admonition And forasmuch as they have refused to obey they are lawfully deprived by the Commissioners ex Officio without Libel Et ore tenus convocati Secondly Whether a Prohibition
be grantable against the Commissioners upon the Statute of 2 H. 5. if they do not deliver the Copy of the Libel to the Party Whereto they all answered That that Statute is intended where the Ecclesiastical Judge proceeds ex Officio ore tenus Thirdly Whether it were an Offence punishable and what Punishment they deserved who framed Petitions and collected a multitude of hands thereto to prefer to the King in a publick cause as the Puritans had done with an intimation to the King That if he denied their Sute many thousands of his Subjects would be discontented Whereto all the Justices answered That it was an Offence finable at Discretion and very near to Treason and Felony in the Punishment For they tended to the raising of Sedition Rebellion and Discontent among the People To which Resolution all the Lords agreed And then many of the Lords declared That some of the Puritans had raised a false Rumor of the King how he intended to grant a Toleration to Papists Which Offence the Justices conceived to be heinously finable by the Rules of the Common Law either in the Kings Bench or by the King and his Councel or now since the Statute of 3 H. 7. in the Star-Chamber And the Lords severally declared how the King was discontented with the said false Rumor and had made but the Day before a Protestation unto them that he never intended it and that he would spend the last drop of Bloud in his Body before he would do it and prayed that before any of his Issue should maintain any other Religion than what he truly professed and maintained that God would take them out of the World I doubt not but yourself and every English Protestant will joyn with this Royal Petitioner and will heartily say Amen But you desire to know if I think the Resolution of the Judges in this case ought to deter us from humbly Petitioning his Majesty that this Parliament may effectually sit on the 26th day of January next In order to this give me leave to observe to you As it is most certain that a great Reverence is due to the Unanimous Opinion of all the Judges so there is a great difference to be put between the Authority of their Judgments when solemnly given in Cases depending before them and their sudden and extrajudicial Opinions The Case of Ship-money it self is not a better proof of this than that which you have now read as you will now see if you consider distinctly what they say to the several Questions proposed to them As to their Answer to the first Question it much concerns the Reverend Clergy to enquire whither they did not mistake in it And whether the King by his Proclamation can make new constitutions and oblige them to obedience under the Penalty of Deprivation Should it be so and should this unhappy Kingdom ever suffer under the Reign of a Popish Prince he might easily rid himself of such obstinate Hereticks and leave his Ecclesiastical Preferments open for Men of better Principles He will need only to publish a Proclamation that Spittle and Salt should be used in Baptism that Holy-water should be used and Images set up in Churches and a few more such things as these and the Business were effectually done But if you will believe my Lord Chief Justice Cook 12. Co. 19. 12. Co. 49. he will tell you that it was agreed by all the Judges upon Debate Hill 4to Jacobi that the King cannot change his Ecclesiastical Law and you may easily remember since the whole Parliament declared That he could not alter or suspend them I have the uniform Opinion of all the Judges given upon great Deliberation Co. Mag. Char. 616. Mich. 4to Jac. to justifie me if I say that our Judges here were utterly mistaken in the Answer which they gave to the second Question I will not cite the numerous subsequent Authorities since every man knows that it is the constant practice of Westminster-Hall at this Day to grant Prohibitions upon refusal to give a Copy of Articles where the Proceedings in the Ecclesiastical Courts are ex Officio You see there was a kind of ill Fate upon the Judges this day as usually there was when met in the Star-chamber and that they were very unfortunate in answering two of the three Questions proposed to them let us go on to consider what does principally concern us at present their Answer to the last Question You have just done reading it and therefore I need not repeat to you either the Doubt or the Solution of it but one may be allowed to say modestly that it was a sudden Answer 'T is possible the Lords then present were well enough inform'd when they were told that such kind of Petitioning was an Offence next to Treason and Felony but I dare be so bold as to say That at this Day not a Lawyer in England would be the wiser for such an Answer they would be confounded and not know whether it were Misprision of Treason which seems an Offence nearest to Treason or Petty-larceny which seems nearest to Felony You will be apt to tell me that I mistake my Lords the Judges and they spoke not of the nature of the crime but the manner of the Punishment but this will mend the matter but little for since the Punishments of those two Crimes are so very different you are still as much in the dark as ever what these ambiguous words mean Well but we will agree that the Crime about which the Enquiry was made was a very great one When Men arrive to such Insolence as to threaten their Prince it will be but little excuse to them to call their Menaces by the soft and gentle Name of Petitions But you would know for what and in what manner we are at present to Petition 13 Car. 2. c. 5 and I will give you a plain and infallible Rule It is the Statute 13 Car. 2. c. 5. Be it enacted c. that no person or persons whatsoever shall solicite labour or procure the getting of hands or other consent of any persons above the number of twenty or more to any Petition Complaint Remonstance Declaration or other Addresses to the King or both or either Houses of Parliament for alteration of matters established by Law in Church or State unless the matter thereof have been first consented to and ordered by three or more Justices of the County or by the major part of the Grand Jury of the County or Division of the County where the same matter shall arise at their publick Assizes or General Quarter-Sessions or if arising in London by the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons in Common Council assembled and that no person or persons whatsoever shall repair to His Majesty or both or either of the Houses of Parliament upon Pretence of presenting or delivering any Petition Complaint Remonstrance or Declaration or other Addresses accompanied with excessive Number of People not at
certain that in all Absolute Governments the poorest Countreys are always most favourably dealt with When the Ancient Nobility and Gentry there cannot enjoy their Royalties their Shrevaldoms and their Stewardaries which they and their Ancestors have possessed for several hundreds of years but that now they are enjoyned by the Lords of the Council to make Deputations of their Authorities to such as are their known Enemies Can we expect to enjoy our Magna Charta long under the same Persons and Administration of Affairs If the Council-Table there can Imprison any Nobleman or Gentleman for several years without bringing him to Trial or giving the least Reason for what they do can we expect the same Men will preserve the Liberty of the Subject here I will acknowledge I am not well vers'd in the particular Laws of Scotland but this I do know that all the Nothern Countries have by their Laws an undoubted and inviolable Right to their Liberties and Properties yet Scotland hath out-done all the Eastern and Southern Countries in having their Lives Liberties and Estates subjected to the Arbitrary Will and Pleasure of those that Govern They have lately plundered and harrassed the richest and wealthiest Countries of that Kingdom and brought down the Barbarous Highlanders to devour them and all this without almost a colourable Pretence to do it Nor can there be found a Reason of State for what they have done but that those wicked Ministers designed to procure a Rebellion at any Rate which as they managed was only prevented by the miraculous Hand of God or otherwise all the Papists in England would have been Armed and the fairest Opportunity given in the just time for the Execution of that Wicked and Bloudy Design the Papists had and it is not possible for any Man that duly considers it to think other but that those Ministers that Acted that were as guilty of the Plot as any of the Lords that are in question for it My Lords I am forced to speak this the plainer because till the Pressure be fully and clearly taken off from Scotland 't is not possible for me or any Thinking Man to believe that Good is meant us here We must still be upon our Guard apprehending that the Principle is not changed at Court and that these Men that are still in Place and Authority have that Influence upon the Mind of our Excellent Prince that he is not nor cannot be that to us that his own Nature and Goodness would incline him to I know your Lordships can order nothing in this but there are those that hear me can put a perfect Cure to it until that be done the Scottish Weed is like Death in the Pot Mors in Olla But there is something too now I consider that most immediately concerns us their Act of Twenty two thousand Men to be ready to invade us upon all Occasions This I hear that the Lords of the Council there have treated as they do all other Laws and expounded it into a standing Army of Six thousand Men. I am sure we have Reason and Right to beseech the King that that Act may be better considered in the next Parliament there I shall say no more for Scotland at this time I am afraid your Lordships will think I have said too much having no concern there But if a French Noble-Man should come to dwell in my House and Family I should think it concern'd me to ask what he did in France for if he were there a Felon a Rogue a Plunderer I should desire him to live elsewhere and I hope your Lordships will do the same thing for the Nation if you find the same cause My Lords give me leave to speak two or three Words concerning our other Sister Ireland thither I hear is sent Douglas's Regiment to secure us against the French Besides I am credibly informed that the Papists have their Arms restored and the Protestants are not many of them yet recovered from being the suspected Party the Sea-Towns as well as the In-land are full of Papists That Kingdom cannot long continue in the English Hands if some better Care be not taken of it This is in your Power and there is nothing there but is under your Laws therefore I beg that this Kingdom at least may be taken in consideration together with the State of England For I am sure there can be no Safety here if these Doors be not shut up and made sure THE INSTRUMENT OR Writing of Association THAT THE True Protestants of ENGLAND entred into IN THE Reign of Q. Elizabeth FOrasmuch as Almighty God hath Ordained Kings Queens and Princes to have Dominion and Rule over all their Subjects and to preserve them in the Possession and Observation of the true Christian Religion according to his holy Word and Commandment And in like sort that all Subjects should Love Fear and Obey their Soveraign Princes being Kings or Queens to the utmost of their Power at all times to withstand pursue and suppress all manner of Persons that shall by any means intend and attempt any thing dangerous or hurtful to the Honour States or Persons of their Soveraigns Therefore we whose Names are or shall be subscribed to this Writing being Natural Born Subjects of this Realm of England and having so gracious a Lady our Soveraign Elizabeth by the Ordinance of God our most rightful Queen Reigning over us these many Years with great Felicity to our inestimable Comfort And finding lately by divers Depositions Confessions and sundry Advertisements out of Foreign Parts from credible Persons well known to her Majesties Council and to divers others That for the furtherance and Advancement of some pretended Title to the Crown it hath been manifested that the Life of our gracious Soveraign Lady Queen Elizabeth hath been most dangerously to the Peril of her Person if Almighty God her perpetual Defender of his Mercy had not revealed and withstood the same By whose Life we and all other her Majesties True and Loyal Subjects do enjoy an inestimable benefit of Peace in this Land do for the Reasons and Causes before alledged not only acknowledge our selves most justly bound with our Lives and Goods for her Defence in her Safety to persecute suppress and withstand all such Intenders and all other her Enemies of what Nation Condition and Degree whatsoever they shall be or by what Council or Title they shall pretend to be her Enemies or to attempt any Harm upon her Person but do further think it our bounden Duties for the great Benefit of Peace Wealth and Godly Government we have more plentifully received these many Years under her Majesties Government then any of our Forefathers have done in any longer time of any other Progenitors Kings of this Realm Do declare and by this Writing make manifest our bounden Duties to our said Sovereign Lady for her Safety And to that end We and every of us First Calling to Witness the Name of Almighty God do Voluntarily and
keeping Watch since the Plot hath cost the City above 100000 l. The City of London is the Bulwark of our Religion And is it not said the Duke is at the head of 30 or 40000 men The Lieutenancy and Justices how are they molded for his turn And if you do nothing now in this House we must all without any more ado try to make a Peace with him as well as we can I 'll never do it And will you for the sake of one man destroy three Kingdoms An Highth He moved that the Representation might declare That we see no Security but removing the Duke of York A Ninth We discoursing of Tangier at this time is like Nero's Fiddling whilst Rome was consuming by Fire If it be in a good condition we cannot help it if in a bad one we are not in a posture to do it Pray consider the condition by what 's past when King Henry the Eighth was for Supremacy the Kingdom was for it when King Henry the Eighth was against it the Kingdom was against it When King Edward the Sixth was a Protestant the Kingdom was so when Queen Mary was a Papist the Kingdom was so when Queen Elizabeth was a Protestant the Kingdom so again Regis ad exemplum c. And I believe even in King Edward the Sixth's time the Bishops themselves would not have been for throwing out such a Bill as this And if King Edward had promised any thing for the preservation of the Protestant Religion so that Mary might succeed the Pope would no way have contrived so great a Favour The bidding us prevent Popery and the letting alone a Popish Successor is as if a Physician should come to a man in a Pleurisie and tell him he may make use of any Remedies but letting of Blood the Party must perish that being the only Cure I am not at present for giving of Money that being to the State as Food to the Stomach if that be clean meat turns to good Nourishment but if it be out of order it breeds Diseases And so it is in the State if that be not in order too We have been often deceived and by the same men again Was not 200000 l. given for the Fleet in 74 and was any of it employed that way Money given for an actual War with France employed for a dishonourable Peace Never so many Admirals and so few Ships to guard us never more Commissioners of the Treasury and so little Money never so many Counsellors and so little Safety Let us address His Majesty A Tenth I 'll never be for giving of Money for promoting Popery and a Successor a publick Enemy to the Kingdom and a Slave to the Pope Whilst he hath 11 to 7 in the Council and 63 to 31 in the House of Lords we are not secure And if my own Father had been one of the 63 I should have voted him an Enemy to the King and Kingdoms and if we cannot live Protestants I hope we shall dye so The Eleventh Redress our Grievances first and then and not till then Money Tangier never was nor will be a place of Trade Tituan and Sally so near they will never trade with us to destroy themselves and can never be for our Advantage And I have many years wonder'd at the Council that have been for the keeping of it and am of opinion that Popery may be aimed at by it and that our Councils are managed at Rome from whence I saw a Letter from a Friend dated the 21th of October with the Heads of the King's Speech in it to this effect That His Majesty would command them not to meddle with the Succession That he would ask no Money That he would stand upon the Confirmation of the Lord Danby's Pardon and That the keeping of Tangier was to draw on Expences and was it not would be for the blowing of it up Twelfth I am for a Representation Thirteenth I remember before the last Session of Parliament there was a Council held at Lambeth and there hatched a Bill against Popery It was for the breeding of Children of a Popish Successor which admitted the thing and it was called a Bill against Popery but we called it the Popish Bill I am for the Church of England but not for the Church-men of the late Bishop of St. Asaph on his Death-bed good man could hardly forbear declaring himself which his Epitaph did Ora pro Anima ordered to be written upon his Tomb. We are told the other day we ought to make the Duke a Substantive to stand by himself That there was less danger of a General without an Army than an Army without a General And I have read in Pliny which was most to be feared an Army of Lyons with an Hare to their General or an Army of Hares with a Lyon to their General and it was concluded that an Army of Hares with a Lyon to their General was most to be feared of the two His Majesty is inclosed by a sort of Monsters who endeavour to destroy and I hope to move against them before we rise and though we have lost our last Bill we have not lost our Courage and Hearts Fourteenth His Majesty desires your Advice and Assistance it is seldom which is very kind and though you shall think fit not to give the latter it 's but mannerly to give the first And I hope you will not resent any Injury if any there were done by the House of Lords on the King who though he cannot cure all ill in one day he can ruine all And I acquaint you there is a very great Weight laid upon this Session of Parliament and upon the agreeing of the King with the People on which depends the Welfare of the Protestants abroad and hope you will not go about to Remonstrate now Fifteenth If you had sent the Duke's Lord Craven's and Mulgrave's Regiment to Tangier it would supply the Place with Men and Disband the Lord Oxford's Regiment and the Money on those imployed would bear much of the share of this Then the House Resolved to appoint a Committee to draw up an Address upon the Debate of this House to represent His Majesty the State and Condition of the Kingdom in Answer to His Majesties Message about Tangier The SPEECHES of several Learned and Worthy Members of the Honourable House of Commons for Passing the Bill against the Duke of York Mr. Speaker THE Gentleman that spoke last seems to intimate that we ought to have a due regard to the Kings Brother and consider what infinite disadvantages will accrew to us if we are too hasty in our Resolutions as before the Duke is found guilty to proceed to pass a Bill for Exclusion for that nothing but War and Bloodshed can be expected from it therefore he says we ought to be moderate and find out a Medium to secure the Protestant Religion notwithstanding the Duke may be a Papist Now Gentlemen I give you the Dictates of my
besides the Bill I have heard none proposed in this Parliament the last Parliament thought not fit to debate them they were so weak but hath this Plot been no longer than 1678. We gave 250000 l. to fight the Dutch and assist them that had a Design to subdue us and the Protestant Religion which is not well settled Have all the Laws been put in Execution against the Papists But a few Apprentices going to pull down a Bawdy-house with a Red Cloth on a Pole was made Treason but what hath been done with the Plot in the intervals of Parliament The Lords have confirmed the King in his Opinion but did not the Proviso for the D. come from the Lords House I believe the Lords do not fear him but I believe the Plot is more dangerous than ever To rely upon any Remedy but this Bill will expose your Selves and your Religion The Eighth Speech by an Honourable Gentleman You have heard several Propositions but first make an end of one It is long since we thought in this House we were not secure without the Bill some have not yet considered of it and I think we never shall To make an Act of Association against the D. is to say Let him be lawful King and then fight against him Another way is Banishment if it be during the Kings life truly you run into more dangers rather then remove them if you talk of Banishment during the D. Life that is Exclusion if the D. be a Papist exclude all Papists from inheriting Some talk of an Act pass they would not satisfie their Consciences I am sure a Vote to Exclude him will not Popery encreases upon hopes the D. may come to the Crown we ought to take care of this Presumption Will not Papists expect to have their Religion established when the D. is next I wonder men will pretend to plead for Loyalty to one that they may never come to use it some say Cannot the D. change his Religion Must not the Two Houses joyn Did not Queen Mary do it Regis ad Exemplum most will conform To make Arguments of this Bill is to lessen it the King bids you go on to other things let 's declare all other things are ineffectual without this Bill We cannot think our selves safe to rely on any thing else is not only insufficient but dangerous The Ninth Speech by an Honourable Gentleman Now I see the House is full so considerate I am bound to give my Thoughts The Reason the Verity of the Bill hath formerly been debated and Precedents are Printed to shew it hath been done It will be a Reproach to us when dead in our Graves if we do not whatever any Parliament did to preserve Religion When we received the Kings Message I was perswaded he was over-ruled by other men for he saith What shall come in a Parliamentary Way how comes the King to know what 's done in Parliament When Clifford set up bare-fac'd for Popery he brought the King to come frequently to the House of Lords Cranmer saith That King Henry the Eighth passed the Act of 6 Articles in an Un-Parliamentary way by the Kings coming and solliciting Henry the Fourth in a Record called The Indempnity of the Peers and Commons the King being in haste for Money sends a Message desires he may debate the matter with them they return Answer Parliaments ought to debate free It 's entred into the Rolls That the King shall neither come to one House or other Danby's solliciting could not move them the King comes and he prevails Some Lords have little Estates some little Consciences some less Religion The King calls it an Opinion and tells you he is confirmed in it by the House of Lords he may come to take up other Resolutions if the Parliament go away and leave this work undone The King is in the highest Danger though some men think they shall be accounted Loyal for opposing an Act of Parliament it is but a Nick-name King James in his Speech 1603 thought it his Security to comply with his Parliament Nay He would betray his Country and Posterity in not doing it Remember what care the last King took to have his Posterity maintain the Protestant Religion Remember Queen Mary broke her Word for Conscience sake every day a Security would draw me from the Bill Queen Elizabeths Association against the Queen of Scots in the Act of Parliament was an Exclusion she was but a Woman but had wise Counsellors Prelates then did not fear the frown of a Prince Surely when the King sees so many Gentlemen of this House so firm he will take their Advise and Prorogue them and then pass the Bill I find not a Man that hath understanding but saith We are undone without it We have not Compounded yet for our Throats as some at Whitehall have done there is no next best the only way to preserve the Protestant Religion is to pass the Bill what is as secure as this must be amounting to Exclusion We can't save his Personal Dignity but with the loss of our Laws and Lives too I would to God the King knew how well this House doth love him The Tenth Speech by an Honourable Gentleman Consider whether the Dis-inheriting of a lawful Prince be Injustice or not or whether we ought not rather to trust to the Providence of Almighty God The Eleventh Speech by an Honourable Gentleman I should be glad the last Gentleman would make it good that we are to trust to the Providence of Almighty God rather than do as he supposes an unlawful Act but can he prove it unlawful can the King Lords and Commons do an unlawful Act must we not have a Supream Power But to hint it to something is to say it is not Supream was there not Machinations every year against Queen Elizabeth but she took away the Scotch Queen I wonder we have this Answer till I consider who is at the Kings Ear and have had an Interest carried on so long The denial of this is the denial of every thing you see where there are divers Medicines yet but one conducing to the end you shall have a Popish King if that be allowed with Power to compel and corrupt you you shall have what you will to protect you but you shall be under the power of one to destroy you The Frogs must have a Government but they must have a Stork for their King Samson's Locks will be grown again by that time he comes in There is a Lion in the Lobby keep him out say I no says some open the Door we will chain him when he 's come in Would you have a King that would neither court you nor protect you you would have a Parliament to make Judges and Bishops then sure the Long-House will be Jure divino you can have no Security under the Copes of Heaven without this Bill A Copy of the Duke of YORK 's Bill WHereas James Duke of York is notoriously known
to have been perverted from the Protestant to the Popish Religion whereby not only great Encouragement hath been given to the Popish Party to enter into and carry on most Devilish and Horrid Plots and Conspiracies for the Destruction of His Majesties Sacred Person and Government and for the Extirpation of the True Protestant Religon But also if the said Duke should succeed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm nothing is more manifest than that a Total Change of Religion within these Kingdoms would ensue For the Preservation whereof Be it Enacted by the King 's Most Excellent Majesty by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled and by the Authority of the same That the said James Duke of York shall be and is by the Authority of this present Parliament Excluded and made for ever uncapable to Inherit Possess or Enjoy the Imperial Crown of this Realm and of the Kingdoms of Ireland and the Dominions and Territories to them or either of them belonging or to have exercise or enjoy any Dominion Power Jurisdiction or Authority in the same Kingdoms Dominions or any of them And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid That if the said James Duke of York shall at any time hereafter challenge claim or attempt to possess or enjoy or shall take upon him to use or exercise any Dominion Power or Authority or Jurisdiction within the said Kingdoms or Dominions or any of them as King or Chief Magistrate of the same That then he the said James Duke of York for every such Offence shall be deemed and adjudged guilty of High Treason and shall suffer the Pains Penalties and Forfeitures as in case of High Treason And further That if any Person or Persons whatever shall assist or maintain abett or willingly adhere unto the said James Duke of York in such challenge claim or attempt or shall of themselves attempt or endeavour to put or bring the said James Duke of York into the Possession or Exercise of any Regal Power Jurisdiction or Authority within the Kingdoms and Dominions aforesaid or shall by Writing or Preaching advisedly publish maintain or declare That he hath any Right Title or Authority to the Office of King or Chief Magistrate of the Kingdoms and Dominions aforesaid that then every such Person shall be deemed and adjudged guilty of High Treason and that he suffer and undergo the Pains Penalties and Forfeitures aforesaid And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid That he the said James Duke of York shall not at any time from and after the Fifth of November 1680 return or come into or within any of the Kingdoms or Dominions aforesaid And then he the said James Duke of York shall be deemed and adjudged guilty of High Treason and shall suffer the Pains Penalties and Forfeitures as in case of High Treason And further That if any Person or Persons whatsoever shall be aiding or assisting unto such Return of the said James Duke of York That then every such Person shall be deemed and adjudged guilty of High Treason and shall suffer as in Cases of High Treason And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid That he the said James Duke of York or any other Person being guilty of any of the Treasons aforesaid shall not be capable of or receive Benefit by any Pardon otherwise than by Act of Parliament wherein they shall be particularly named and that no Nole prosequi or Order for stay of Proceedings shall be received or allowed in or upon any Indictment for any of the Offences mentioned in this Act. And be it further Enacted and Declared And it is hereby Enacted and Declared That it shall and may be lawful to and for any Magistrates Officers and other Subjects whatsoever of these Kingdoms and Dominions aforesaid and they are hereby enjoyned and required to apprehend and secure the said James Duke of York and every other Person offending in any of the Premisses and with him or them in case of Resistance to fight and him or them by Force to subdue For all which Actings and for so doing they are and shall be by virtue of this Act saved harmless and indemnified Provided and it is hereby Declared That nothing in this Act contained shall be construed deemed or adjudged to disenable any other Person from inheriting and enjoying the Imperial Crown of the Realms and Dominions aforesaid other than the said James Duke of York But that in case the said James Duke of York should survive his now Majesty and the Heirs of his Majesty's Body The said Imperial Crown shall descend to and be enjoyed by such Person or Person successarily during the Life of the said James Duke of York as should have inherited and enjoyed the same in case the said James Duke of York were naturally dead any thing contained in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid That during the Life of the said James Duke of York this Act shall be given in charge at every Assizes and General Sessions of the Peace within the Kingdoms Dominions and Territories aforesaid and also shall be openly Read in every Cathedral Church and Parish Church and Chappels within the aforesaid Kingdoms Dominions and Territories by the several respective Parsons Vicars Curates and Readers thereof who are hereby required immediately after Divine Service in the Fore-noon to read the same twice in every year that is to say on the 25th of December and upon Easter-day during the Life of the said James Duke of York This BILL was Read Three Times and Passed and sent up to the Lords for their Concurrence Some particular Matters of Fact relating to the Administration of Affairs in Scotland under the Duke of LAUDERDALE Humbly offered to Your Majesty's Consideration in Obedience to Your Royal Commands 1. THE Duke of Lauderdale did grosly misrepresent to your Majesty the Condition of the Western Countries as if they had been in a state of Rebellion though there had never been any opposition made to your Majesty's Authority nor any Resistance offered to your Forces nor to the execution of the Laws But he purposing to abuse your Majesty that so he might carry on his sinistrous Designs by your Authority advised your Majesty to raise an Army against your peaceable Subjects at least did frame a Letter which he sent to your Majesty to be signed by your Royal Hand to that effect which being sent down to your Council Orders was thereupon given out for raising an Army of Eight or Nine thousand men the greatest part whereof were Highblanders and notwithstanding that to avert threatning the Nobility and Gentry of that Country did send to Edenburgh and for the security of the Peace did offer to engage that whatsoever should be sent to put the Laws in execution should meet with no affront and that they would become Hostages for their safety yet
not unknown to your Majesty how restless the Endeavours and how bold the Attempts of the Popish Party for many years last past have been not only within this but other your Majesties Kingdoms to introduce the Romish and utterly to extirpate the true Protestant Religion The several Approaches they have made towards the compassing this their Design assisted by the Treachery of perfidious Protestants have been so strangely successful that 't is matter of Admiration to Us and which we can only ascribe to an Over-ruling Providence that your Majesties Reign is still continued over Us and that We are yet assembled to consult the means of our preservation This bloody and restless Party not content with the great Liberty they had a long time enjoyed to excercise their own Religion privately amongst themselves to pertake of an equal Freedom of their persons and Estates with your Majesties Protestant Subjects and of an Advantage above them in being excused from chargeable Offices and Employments hath so far prevailed as to find countenance for an open and avowed practice of their Superstition and Idolatry without controul in several parts of this Kingdom Great swarms of Priests and Jesuits have resorted hither and have here exercised their Jurisdiction and been daily tampering to pervert the Consciences of your Majesties Subjects Their Opposers they have found means to disgrace and if they were Judges Justices of the Peace or other Magistrates to have them turned out of Commission and in contempt of the known Laws of the Land they have practised upon people of all Ranks and qualities and gained over divers to their Religion some openly to profess it others secretly to espouse it as most conduced to the service thereof After some time they became able to influence matters of State and Government and thereby to destroy those they cannot corrupt The continuance or Prorogation of Parliaments has been accommodated to serve the purposes of that Party Money raised upon the People to supply your Majesties extraordinary Occasions was by the prevalence of Popish Councils imployed to make War upon a Protestant State and to advance and augment the dreadful Power of the French King though to the apparent hazard of this and all other Protestant Countries Great numbers of your Majesties Subjects were sent into and continued in the service of that King notwithstanding the apparent Interest of your Majesties Kingdoms the Addresses of the Parliament and your Majesties gracious Proclamations to the contrary Nor can We forbear to mention how that at the beginning of the same War even the Ministers of England were made Instruments to press upon that State the acceptance of one demand among others from the French King for procuring their peace with him that they should admit the publick exercise of the Roman Catholick Religion in the United Provinces the Churches there to be divided and the Romish Priests maintained out of the publick Revenue At home if Your Majesty did at any time by the Advice of Your Privy-Council or of Your two Houses of Parliament Command the Laws to be put in Execution against Papists even from thence they gained advantage to their Party while the edge of those Laws was turned against Protestant Dissenters and the Papists escaped in a manner untoucht The Act of Parliament enjoining a Test to be taken by all Persons admitted into any Publick Office and intended for a security against Papists coming into Employment had so little effect that either by Dispensations obtained from Rome they submitted to those Tests and held their Offices themselves or those put in their places were so favourable to the same Interests that Popery it self has rather gained than lost ground since that Act. But that their business in hand might yet more speedily and strongly proceed at length a Popish Secretary since Executed for his Treasons takes upon him to set afoot and maintain correspondencies at Rome particularly with a Native Subject of Your Majesties promoted to be a Cardinal and in the Courts of other Forreign Princes to use their own form of Speech for the subduing that Pestilent Heresie which has so long domineered over this Northern World that is to root the Protestant religion out of England and thereby to make way the more easily to do the same in other Protestant Countries Towards the doing this great Work as Mr. Coleman was pleased to call it Jesuits the most dangerous of all Popish Orders to the Lives and Estates of Princes were distributed to their several Precincts within this Kingdom and held joint Councils with those of the same Order in all Neighbour Popish Countries Out of these Councils and Correspondencies was hatcht that damnable and hellish Plot by the good Providence of Almighty God brought to light above two Years since but still threatning us wherein the Traitors impatient of longer delay reckoning the prolonging of Your Sacred Majesties Life which God long Preserve as the Great Obstacle in the way to the Consummation of their hopes and having in their prospect a Proselyted Prince immediately to succeed in the Throne of these Kingdoms resolved to begin their Work with the Assassination of Your Majesty to carry it on with Armed Force to destroy Your Protestant Subjects in England to Execute a second Massacre in Ireland and so with ease to arrive at the suppression of our Religion and the subversion of the Government When this Accursed Conspiracy began to be discovered they began the smothering it with the Barbarous Murther of a Justice of the Peace within one of Your Majesties own Palaces who had taken some Examinations concerning it Amidst these distractions and fears Popish Officers for the Command of Forces were allowed upon the Musters by special Orders surreptitionsly obtained from Your Majesty but Counter-Signed by a Secretary of State without ever passing under the Tests prescribed by the aforementioned Act of Parliament In like manner above fifty new Commissions were granted about the same time to known Papists besides a great number of desperate Popish Officers though out of Command yet entertain'd at half pay When in the next Parliament the House of Commons were prepared to bring to a legal Tryal the principal Conspirators in this Plot that Parliament was first Prorogued and then Dissolved The Interval between the Calling and Sitting of this Parliament was so long that now they conceive Hopes of covering all their past Crimes and gaining a seasonable time and advantages of practising them more effectually Witnesses are attempted to be corrupted and not only promises of Reward but of the Favour of your Majesty's Brother made the Motives to their Compliance Divers of the most considerable of your Majesty's Protestant Subjects have Crimes of the highest nature forged against them the Charge to be supported by Subornation and Perjury that they may be destroyed by Forms of Law and Justice A Presentment being prepared for a Grand Jury of Middlesex against your Majesty's said Brother the Duke of York under whose Countenance all the
unlawful manner among others Henry Carr George Broome Edw. Berry Benj. Harris Francis Smith Sen. Francis Smith Jun. and Jane Curtis Citizens of London Which Proceedings of the said Sir Will. Scroggs are a high Breach of the Liberty of the Subject destructive to the Fundamental Laws of this Realm contrary to the Petition of Right and other Statutes and do manifestly tend to the introducing of Arbitrary Power VI. That he the said Sir Will. Scroggs in further Oppression of his Majesty's Liege People hath since his being made Chief Justice of the said Court of Kings Bench in an Arbitrary manner granted divers general Warrants for Attaching the Persons and Seizing the Goods of his Majesty's Subjects not named or described particularly in the said Warrants By means whereof many of his Majesty's Subjects have been vexed their Houses entered into and they themselves grievously oppressed contrary to Law VII Whereas there hath been a Horrid and Damnable Plot contrived and carried on by the Papists for the Murthering the King the Subversion of the Laws and Government of this Kingdom and for the Destruction of the Protestant Religion in the same All which the said Sir William Scroggs well knew having himself not only Tried but given Judgment against several of the Offenders nevertheless the said Sir Will. Scroggs did at divers times and places as well sitting in Court as otherwise openly Defame and Scandalize several of the Witnesses who had proved the said Treasons against divers of the Conspirators and had given Evidence against divers other Persons who were then untried and did endeavour to disparage their Evidence and take off their Credit whereby as much as in him lay he did traiterously and wickedly suppress and stifle the Discovery of the said Popish Plot and Encourage the Conspirators to proceed in the same to the great and apparent Danger of his Majesty's Sacred Life and of the well-established Government and Religion of this Realm of England VIII Whereas the said Sir William Scroggs being advanced to be Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench ought by a sober grave and vertuous Conversation to have given a good Example to the King's Liege People and to demean himself answerable to the Dignity of so Eminent a Station yet he the said Sir William Scroggs on the contrary by his frequent and notorious Excesses and Debaucheries and his Prophane and Atheistical Discourses doth daily affront Almighty God dishonour his Majesty give countenance and incouragement to all manner of Vice and Wickedness and bring the highest scandal on the publick Justice of the Kingdom All which Words Opinions and Actions of the said Sir William Scroggs were by him spoken and done traiterously wickedly falsly and maliciously to alienate the Hearts of the King's Subjects from his Majesty and to set a Division between him and them and to subvert the Fundamental Laws and the Establisht Religion and Government of this Kingdom and to Introduce Popery and an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government and contrary to his own knowledge and the known Laws of the Realm of England and thereby he the said Sir William Scroggs hath not only broken his own Oath but also as far as in him lay hath broken the King Oath to his People whereof he the said Sir William Scroggs representing his Majesty in so high an Office of Justice had the Custody for which the said Commons do Impeach him the said Sir William Scroggs of the High-Treason against our Sovereign Lord the King and his Crown and Dignity and other the High Crimes and Misdemeanours aforesaid And the said Commons by Protestation saving to themselves the Liberty of Exhibiting at any time hereafter any other Accusation or Impeachment against the said Sir William Scroggs and also of Replying to the Answer that he shall make thereunto and of Offering proofs of the Premises or of any other Impeachments or Accusations that shall be by them exhibited against him as the Case shall according to the Course of Parliament require Do pray that the said Sir Will. Scroggs Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench may be put to Answer to all and every the Premises and may be committed to safe Custody and that such Proceedings Examinations Tryals and Judgments may be upon him had and used as is agreeable to Law and Justice and the Course of Parliaments Resolved That the said Sir William Scroggs be Impeached upon the said Articles The Humble Petition of the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons of the City of London in Common-Council Assembled on the Thirteenth of January 1680. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty for the Sitting of this present Parliament Prorogu'd to the Twentieth Instant Together with the Resolutions Orders and Debates of the said Court Commune Concil ' tent ' in Camera Guildhall Civitatis London Die Jovis decimo tertio die Januarii Anno Domini 1680. Annoque Regni Domini nostri Carol ' Secundi nunc Regis Angl ' c. Tricesimo secundo coram Patient ' Ward Mil ' Major ' Civitatis London Thoma Aleyn Mil ' Bar ' Johanne Frederick Mil ' Johanne Lawrence Mil ' Georgio Waterman Mil ' Josepho Sheldon Mil ' Jacobo Edwards Mil ' Roberto Clayton Mil ' Aldermannis Georgio Treby Ar ' Recordatore dictae Civit ' Johanne Moore Mil ' Willielmo Pritchard Mil ' Henrico Tulse Mil ' Jacobo Smith Mil ' Roberto Jeffery Mil Johanne Shorter Mil ' Thoma Gould Mil ' Willielmo Rawsterne Mil ' Thoma Beckford Mil ' Johanne Chapman Mil ' Simone Lewis Mil ' Thoma Pilkington Ar ' Ald'ris Henrico Cornish Ar ' Ald'ro ac unum vicecom ' dictae Civitatis necnon Major ' parte Comminarior ' dictae Civitatis in Communi Concil ' tunc ibidem Assemblat ' THis Day the Members that serve for this City in Parliament having communicated unto this Court a Vote or Resolution of the Honourable House of Commons whereby that House was pleased to give Thanks unto this City for their manifest Loyalty to the King their Care Charge and Vigilance for the Preservation of his Majesty's Person and of the Protestant Religion This Court is greatly sensible of the Honour thereby given to this City and do declare That it is the fixt and uniform Resolution of this City to persevere in what they have done and to contribute their utmost Assistance for the Defence of the Protestant Religion His Majesty's Person and the Government Established It was now unanimously Agreed and Ordered by this Court That the Thanks of this Court be given to the Members that serve for this City in Parliament for their good Service done this City and their Faithfulness in discharging their Duties in that Honourable and great Assembly Upon a Petition now Presented by divers Citizens and Inhabitants of this City representing their Fears from the Designs of the Papists and their Adherents and praying this Court to acquaint his Majesty therewith and to desire That the Parliament may sit from the Day
to which it stands Prorogued until they have sufficiently provided against Popery and Arbitrary Power This Court after some Debate and Consideration had thereupon did return the Petitioners Thanks for their Care and good Intention herein And did thereupon nominate and appoint Sir John Lawrence Sir Robert Clayton Knights and Aldermen Mr. Recorder Sir Thomas Player Kt. Mr. John Du Bois John Ellis Esq and Mr. Michael Godfrey Commoners to withdraw and immediately to prepare a Petition to his Majesty upon the Subject matter of the said Petition who accordingly withdrawing after some time returned again to this Court and then presented the Draught of such a Petition to his Majesty The Tenor whereof followeth Viz. To the King 's most Excellent Majesty c. After reading whereof It is agreed and ordered by this Court Nemine Contradicente That the said Petition shall be presented to his Majesty this Evening or as soon as conveniently may be And the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor is desired to present the same accompanied with Sir John Lawrence Sir Joseph Sheldon Sir James Edwards Knights and Aldermen Mr. Recorder Deputy Hawes Deputy Daâ—â—l John Nichols John Ellis Esquires Mr. Godfrey and Capt. Griffith Commoners who are now nominated and appointed to attend upon his Lordship at the Presenting thereof Ward Mayor Commune Concil ' tent ' 13 Januarii 1680. Annoque Regis Car. II. 32. IT is Agreed and Ordered by this Court Nemine Contradicente That the Humble Petition to His Majesty from this Court now read and agreed upon shall be presented to His Majesty this Evening or as soon as conveniently may be And the Right Honourable the Lord Mayor is desired to Present the same accompanied with Sir John Lawrence Sir Joseph Sheldon and Sir James Edwards Knights and Aldermen Mr. Recorder Deputy Hawes Deputy Daniel John Nichols John Ellis Esquires Mr. Godfrey and Capt. Griffith Commoners who are now nominated and appointed to attend upon his Lordship at the Presenting thereof Wagstaffe To the KING 's most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons of the City of London in Common-Council Assembled Most Humbly sheweth THat Your Majesty's great Council in Parliament having in their late Session in pursuance of Your Majesty's Direction entred upon a strict and impartial Inquiry into the horrid and execrable Popish Plot which hath been for several years last past and still is carried on for destruction of Your Majesty's Sacred Person and Government and extirpation of the Protestant Religion and the utter Ruine of Your Majesty's Protestant Subjects and having so far proceeded therein as justly to attaint upon full Evidence one of the five Lords impeached for the same and were in further Prosecution of the remaining Four Lords and other Conspirators therein And as well the Lords Spiritual and Temporal as the Commons in Your said Parliament assembled having Declared That they are fully satisfied that there now is and for divers years last past hath been a horrid and Treasonable Plot and Conspiracy contrived and carried on by those of the Pupish Religion in Ireland for Massacring the English and subverting the Protestant Religion and the Ancient established Government of that Kingdom And Your said Commons having Impeached the Earl of Tyrone in order to the bringing him to Justice for the same And having under Examination other Conspirators in the said Irish Plot. And Your said Commons having likewise impeached Sir William Scroggs Chief Justice of Your Majesty's Court of Kings Bench for Treason and other great Crimes and Misdemeanors in endeavouring to subvert the Laws of this Kingdom by his Arbitrary and Illegal proceedings And having voted Impeachments against several other Judges for the like Misdemeanors Your Petitioners considering the continual Hazards to which Your Sacred Life and the Protestant Religion and the Peace of this Kingdom are exposed while the Hopes of a Popish Successor gives Countenance and Encouragement to the Conspiratours in their wicked Designs And considering also the Disquiet and Dreadful Apprehensions of Your good Subjects by reason of the Miseries and Mischiefs which threaten them on all parts as well from Foreign Powers as from the Conspiracies within Your several Kingdoms against which no sufficient Remedy can be provided but by Your Majesty and Your Parliament were extreamly surprized at the late Prorogation whereby the Prosecution of the Publick Justice of the Kingdom and the making the Provisions necessary for the Preservation of Your Majesty and Your Protestant Subjects hath received an interruption And they are the more affected herewith by reason of the Experience they have had of the great Progress which the emboldned Conspirators have formerly made in their Designs during the late frequent Recesses of Parliament But that which supports them against Dispair is the Hopes they derive from Your Majesty's Goodness That Your Intention was and does continue by this Prorogation to make way for Your better Concurrence with the Counsels of Your Parliament And Your Petitioners humbly hope That Your Majesty will not take Offence that your Subjects are thus Zealous and even impatient of the least Delay of the long hoped for Security whilst they see your precious Life invaded the true Religion undermined their Families and innocent Posterity likely to be subjected to Blood Confusion and Ruine and all these Dangers encreased by reason of the late Endeavours of Your Majesty and Your Parliament which have added Provocation to the Conspirators but have had little or no Effect towards securing against them And they trust Your Majesty will graciously accept this Discovery and Desire of their Loyal Hearts to preserve Your Majesty and whatever else is dear to them and to strengthen Your Majesty against all Popish and Pernicious Counsels which any ill affected Persons may persume to offer They do therefore most humbly Pray That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased as the only means to quiet the Minds and extinguish the Fears of Your Protestant People and prevent the imminent Dangers which threaten Your Majesty's Kingdoms and particularly this Your Great City which hath already so deeply suffered for the same to permit Your said Parliament to Sit from the Day to which they are Prorogued untill by their Counsels and Endeavours those good Remedies shall be provided and those just Ends attained upon which the Safety of Your Majesty's Person the preservation of the Protestant Religion the Peace and Settlement of Your Kingdoms and the Welfare of this Your Ancient City do so absolutely depend For the pursuing and obtaining of which good Effects Your Petitioners unanimously do offer their Lives and Estates And shall ever Pray c. Vox Patriae Or the Resentments and Indignation of the Free-born Subjects of England against Popery Arbitrary Government the Duke of York or any Popish Successor being a true Collection of the Petitions and Addresses lately made from divers Counties Cities and Boroughs of this Realm to their respective Representatives chosen to serve in the Parliament
being accompanied with several other Lords at the Delivery thereof thus expressed himself The Earl of Essex's Speech at the Delivering the following Petition to His most Sacred Majesty Jan. 25. 1680. May it please your Majesty THe Lords here present together with divers other Peers of the Realm taking notice that by Your late Proclamation Your Majesty has declared an intention of calling a Parliament at Oxford and observing from History and Records how unfortunate many Assemblies have been when called at a Place remote from the Capital City as particularly the Congress in Henry the Second's time at Clarendon Three several Parliaments at Oxford in Henry the Third's time and at Coventry in Henry the Sixth's time With divers others which have proved very fatal to those Kings and have been followed with great mischief on the whole Kingdom And considering the present posture of affairs the many jealousies and discontents which are amongst the People We have great Cause to apprehend that the consequences of a Parliament now at Oxford may be as fatal to Your Majesty and the Nation as those others mentioned have been to the then Reigning Kings and therefore we do conceive that we cannot answer it to God to Your Majesty or to the People If we being Peers of the Realm should not on so Important an Occasion humbly offer our advice to Your Majesty that if possible Your Majesty may be prevailed with to alter this as we apprehend unseasonable Resolution The Grounds and Reasons of our Opinion are contained in this our Petition which We humbly Present to Your Majesty To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition and Advice of the Lords under-named Peers of the Realm Humbly Sheweth THat whereas Your Majesty hath been pleased by divers Speeches and Messages to Your Houses of Parliament rightly to represent to them the Dangers that Threatned Your Majesty's Person and the whole Kingdom from the Mischievous and wicked Plots of the Papists and the sudden Growth of a Foreign Power unto which no stop or remedy could be Provided unless it were by Parliament and an Union of Your Majesty's Protestant Subjects in one Mind and one Interest And the Lord Chancellor in Pursuance of Your Majesty's Commands having more at large Demonstrated the said Dangers to be as great as we in the midst of our Fears could Imagine them and so pressing that our Liberties Religion Lives and the whole Kingdom would be certainly Lost if a speedy Provision were not made against them And Your Majesty on the 21st of April 1679. Having called unto your Council many Honourable and Worthy Persons and declared to them and the whole Kingdom That being sensible of the evil Effects of a single Ministry or private Advice or Forreign Committee for the General Direction of your Affairs Your Majesty would for the future Refer all things unto that Council and by the constant Advice of them together with the frequent use of your great Council the Parliament Your Majesty was hereafter Resolved to Govern the Kingdoms We began to hope we should see an end of our Miseries But to our unspeakable Grief and Sorrow we soon found our Expectations Frustrated The Parliament then subsisting was Prorogued and Dissolved before it could perfect what was intended for our Relief and Security and though another was thereupon called yet by many Prorogations it was put off till the 21st of October past and notwithstanding Your Majesty was then again pleased to acknowledge that neither Your Person nor Your Kingdom could be safe till the matter of the Plot was gone thorow It was unexpectedly Prorogued on the 10th of this Month before any sufficient Order could be taken therein all their Just and Pious Endeavours to save the Nation were overthrown the good Bills they had been Industriously preparing to Unite all Your Majesties Protestant Subjects brought to nought The discovery of the Irish Plot stifled The Witnesses that came in frequently more fully to declare That both of England and Ireland discouraged Those Forreign Kingdoms and States who by a happy conjunction with us might give a Check to the French Power disheartned even to such a Despair of their own Security against the growing greatness of that Monarch as we fear may induce them to take new Resolutions and perhaps such as may be fatal to us The Strength and Courage of our Enemies both at home and abroad increased and our selves left in the utmost danger of seeing our Country brought into utter Desolation In these Extremities we had nothing under God to comfort us but the Hopes that Your Majesty being touched with the Groans of Your perishing People would have suffered Your Parliament to meet at the Day unto which it was Prorogued and that no further interruption should have been given to their Proceedings in Order to their saving of the Nation But that failed us too For then we heard that Your Majesty by the private suggestion of some Wicked Persons Favourers of Popery Promoters of French Designs and Enemies to Your Majesty and the Kingdom without the Advice and as we have good Reason to believe against the Opinion even of Your Privy-Council had been prevailed with to Dissolve it and to call another to meet at Oxford where neither Lords nor Commons can be in Safety but will be daily exposed to the Sword of the Papists and their Adherents of whom too many are crept into Your Majesties Guards The Liberty of speaking according to their Consciences will be thereby Destroyed and the Validity of all their Acts and Proceedings consisting in it left Disputable The Straitness of the Place no way admits of such a concourse of Persons as now follows every Parliament the Witnesses which are necessary to give Evidence against the Popish Lords such Judges or others whom the Commons have Impeached or had resolved to Impeach can neither bear the Charge of going thither nor trust themselves under the Protection of a Parliament that is it self Evidently under the power of Guards and Soldiers The Premises considered We Your Majesties Petitioners out of a Just Abhorrence of such a dangerous and pernicious Council which the Authors have not dared to avow and the direful Apprehensions of the Calamities and Miseries that may ensue thereupon do make it our most Humble Prayer and Advice That the Parliament may not sit at a Place where it will not be able to Act with that Freedom which is necessary and especially to give unto their Acts and Proceedings that Authority which they ought to have amongst the People and have ever had unless Impaired by some Awe upon them of which there wants not Precedents And that Your Majesty would be graciously pleased to Order It to Sit at Westminster it being the usual Place and where they may Consult and Act with Safety and Freedom And your Petitioness shall ever Pray c. Monmouth Kent Huntington Bedford Salisbury Clare Stanford Essex Shaftsbury Mordant Evers Paget Grey Herbert Howard Delamer The Counties
His Majesty's Royal Person the good Government of the Nation by Law and in securing our Rights and Liberties for your real Endeavours herein we joyntly return our hearty Thanks and have now chosen you again to be our Representatives in this Parliament And though we have not the least Suspicion or Doubt of your Wisdom and Integrity in Acting for our Common Good now as we apprehend in great danger yet we judge it expedient to discover our Minds and hearty Desires in the Particulars following viz. I. That you 'll continue vigorously to prosecute the horrid Popish Plotters and endeavour thay may be brought to condign punishment especially all Sham-Plotters which we esteem the worst of Villains II. That you will insist on a Bill for excluding all Popish Successors to the Crown which we believe an effectual Means under God for preserving the Protestant Religion His Majesty's Life and Tranquillity with the well established Government of the Kingdom and securing it to our Posterity III. That you endeavour passing a Bill for Regulating Elections and the Frequency of Parliaments for dispatch of those weighty Affairs of the Nation that shall from time to time be before them which we judge the best prevention of an Arbitrary Power IV. That you perservere in Asserting our Right of Legal Petitioning for removing our just Grievances and pass a Bill if there be no Law to punish such that shall obstruct it V. That you will use your utmost Endeavours to bring in a Bill against Pluralities of Church-Livings Non-residency and Scandalous Ministers of which there are too many in most Counties VI. That you will endeavour to preserve His Majesty's Person to root out Popery and prevent Arbitrary Government and use your utmost Endeavours to unite His Majesty's Protestant Subjects VII Lastly That you will not consent to any Money-Bill till the foresaid Particulars be effected and in so doing we hereby promise to stand by you with our Lives and Fortunes The Address of the Free-holders of the County of Leicester To the Right Honourable Benet Lord Sherrard and Sir John Hartopp Baronet as it was audibly read in Court by the Sheriff and unanimously approved of by the said Free-holders immediately after their Election 24 Febr. 1680 1. WE the Free-holders of the County of Leicester having chosen you to be our Representatives in the Two last Parliaments being highly sensible of the care you have taken to secure his Majesty's Royal person the Protestant Religion our Liberties and Properties as also your Endeavours further to discover and prosecute the horrid Popish Plot spread over the Realm of England and others of His Majesty's Dominions with your zealous promoting an happy Union of all good Protestants in this Land not only by good and wholesome Laws for that End but by Repealing those which were destructive to it and especially for your persisting in the Exclusion of James Duke of York and all other Popish Successors from inheriting the Imperial Crown of England which we esteem the only Security under God of His Majesty's Person and Dominions Likewise your Vindicating our fundamentally Right of Petitioning His Majesty for frequent Sitting of Parliaments by your particular Marks of Displeasure laid upon the Opposers of it For all which and other good Laws you were about to make we give you most hearty Thanks And having now again Unanimously chosen you for the ensuing Parliament if you shall continue the prosecution of the aforementioned absolutely necessary Things we shall stand by you with our Lives and Fortunes The Address of the Gentry and Free-holders of the County of York publickly read in Court and fully consented to by the whole Assembly by a general Acclamation at their Election March 2. To the Right Honourable Charles Lord Clifford and Henry Lord Fairfax May it please your Lordships THe Assurance we had of your Fidelity and Activity for the Service of our King and Country in the Parliament which began at Westminster the 6th of March 1678. Was the only Reason of our Choice of you to Represent us in the last Parliament and our experience of your Faithfulness and Diligence in the same Service the last Parliament is the only Ground of our uncontradicted Choice of you again this Day into the same Trust for the ensuing Parliament appointed to meet at Oxford the 21th instant And we judge it our Duty as good Protestants Loyal Subjects and True Englishmen not only to express our hearty Concurrence with you in but also to return you our real and publick Thanks for the many good Things you did and were about to do in both the last Parliaments and more especially for your seasonable Addresses to His Majesty your Necessary Votes Resolutions Orders and Bills whereby you have endeavoured 1. To preserve the Protestant Religion His Majesty's Person and the Kingdoms of England and Ireland from the many Dangers which threaten them 2. To Exclude a Popish Successor 3. To Unite all His Majesty's Protestant-Subjects 4. To purge out the Corruptions which abound in Elections of Members to serve in Parliament And 5. To secure us for the future against Popery and Arbitrary Power And we intreat you to proceed in a Parliamentary way to the Accomplishment of these Excellent Things and we assure you that these things being done we shall with great chearfullness be willing to supply His Majesty to the utmost of our Ability with Money for the securing of His Interest and Honour both at home and abroad A Letter agreed upon by the Mayor and Inhabitants of the Borough of Bridgwater to be sent to their Burgesses chosen on the 26th of February Sir Halswel Tynt and Sir John Malet WE greet you both with our most humble and hearty Service and by these inform you that on Saturday the 26th past with all becoming Calmness and Fairness we Elected you to be our Burgesses and Representatives in the ensuing Parliament We do also Unanimously approve of that great Care and indefatigable Industry which the last Parliament took in and toward the securing of the Protestant Religion than which nothing is more dear to us His Majesty's Sacred Person and Government together with the Vindication and Preservation of our Native Rights Liberties and Priviledges For their utmost Endeavour to bring the Betrayers of the same together with all the principal Conspirators in that most damnable and hellish Popish Plot to condign punishment not omitting our grateful Acknowledgments of those many Good Bills which they had prepared And moreover for all those worthy Votes Resolutions and orders made and past in that most Loyal and never-to-be-forgotten Parliament whereof one of you in the last and both of you in former Parliaments to our great comfort and encouragment approved your selves faithful Members We do also humbly and heartily Desire and Petition you to follow their good Precedent and Example in this ensuing Parliament to do your utmost to secure the King's Person with the Protestant Religion which we apprehend with deep sense
the King to be Presented and Delivered by which Petition it was shown that whereas there had been and was a most damnable Plot against the Royal Person of our said Soveraign Lord the King the Protestant Religion and well Established Government of this Realm for which Plot several of the Principal Conspirators were impeached by Parliament and whereby it was humbly prayed that the Parliament which was prorogued to the 26th day of January next ensuing in the said Year might then sit to Try the Offenders and to redress the pressing Grievances not otherwise to be Redressed And that Thomas Whitfield late of the said Parish of St. Martin's in the Fields in the Liberty aforesaid and the County aforesaid Yeoman John Smallbones late of the said Parish within the Liberty aforesaid in the County aforesaid Woodmonger and William Laud late of the Parish aforesaid in the County aforesaid Yeoman being persons ill-affected and Contriving Devising and Intending as much as in them lay to hinder the sitting of the said Parliament as was prayed by the said Petition and also to hinder the Trial of the said Offenders and Redressing the said Grievances the said 20th day of December in the said one and Thirtieth Year of the Reign of our said Soveraign Lord the King as Rioters and Disturbers of the Peace of our Soveraign â—ord the King for the Disturbing of the Peace of our said Soveraign Lord the King with Force and Arms at the said Parish within the Liberty aforesaid in the County aforesaid Unlawfully and Riotously did Assemble themselves and being so then and there assembled with Force and Arms then and there Unlawfully Riotously and Injuriously the said Petition being delivered by one William Horsley to them the said Thomas Whitfield John Smallbones and William Laud at their Request and for the subscribing their Names thereunto if they should think fit did Tear in pieces in contempt of our said Sovereign Lord the King and of his Laws to the evil Example of all others in the like Cases offending and against the Peace of our said Soveraign Lord the King his Crown and Dignity The Names of the Grand-Jury that found the Bill are these William Jacob Thomas Trevor Erasmus Browne Henry Dugley Richard Streete John Henly John Weston Martin Frogg John Pierce Robert Pinke Nathanael Wilkinson Edward Whitefoot John Gentle Thomas Harris William Fortune Roger Higdon James Harrold Cornelius Rickfield ☞ George Wright Apothecary ☞ Walter Wright Apothecary ☞ Adam Langley Apothecary Upon Wednesday the 7th of this instant January many Gentlemen and eminent Citizens who had been concerned for managing the Petition for the Sitting of the Parliament upon the 26th instant met together and agreed upon the method of finishing the same and of nominating fit Persons for the Presenting it to His Majesty which being accordingly done these Gentlemen following viz. Sir Gilbert Gerrard Baronet Son-in-Law to the late Bishop of Durham Francis Charlton Esq John Ellis Esq John Smith Esq Johnson of Stepney Esq Ellis Crispe Esq Anthony Selby Esq Henry Ashurst Esq Tho. Smith Esq Gentlemen of good Worth and Estates and several of whom have been eminent Sufferers for His Majesty did this 13th of January attend His Majesty with it at Whitehall when being introduced to His Royal Presence Sir Gilbert Gerrard kneeling presented this Petition To the King 's most Excellent Majesty The humble Petition of Your Majesty's most Dutiful and Loyal Subjects Inhabitants in and about the City of London whose Names are here-under subscribed Sheweth THat whereas there has been and still is a most Damnable and Hellish Popish Plot branched forth into the most Horrid Villianies against Your Majesty's most Sacred Person the Protestant Religion and the well Established Government of this Your Realm for which several of the principal Conspirators stand now impeached by Parliament Therefore in such a time when Your Majesty's Royal person as also the Protestant Religion and the Government of this Nation are thus in most imminent Danger We Your Majesty's most Dutiful and Obebient Subjects in the deepest sense of our Duty and Allegiance to Your Majesty Do most humbly and earnestly pray That the Parliament which is prorogued until the 26th day of January may then sit to Try the Offenders and to redress all our most important Grievances no otherwise to be redressed And Your Petitioners shall ever pray for Your Majesty's long and prosperous Reign 〈◊〉 expressed himself to this effect Sir I have a Petition from many thousands of your Majesty's Dutiful and Loyal Subjects in and about Your City of London which I 〈…〉 in their Names and desire Your Majesty would be pleased to read it To which His Majesty gave this Gracious answer I know the substance of it already I am Head of the Government and will take care of it and then received the Petition it being a great Roll of above 100 Yards in length and carried it away in His Hand The Judgment and Decree of the University of Oxford pass'd in their Convocation July 21. 1683. against certain Pernicious Books and Damnable Doctrines destructive to the Sacred Persons of Princes their State and Government and of all Human Society Published by Command ALtho' the barbarous Assassination lately enterprized against the person of his Sacred Majesty and his Royal Brother engage all our thoughts to reflect with utmost detestation and abhorrence of that execrable Villainy hateful to God and Man and pay our due acknowledgements to the Divine Providence which by extraordinary methods brought it to pass that the breath of our Nostrils the anointed of the Lord is not taken in the pit which was prepared for him and that under his shadow we continue to live and enjoy the Blessings of his Government Yet notwithstanding we find it to be a necessary duty at this time to search into and lay open those impious Doctrines which having of late been studiously disseminated gave rise and growth to those nefarious attempts and pass upon them our solemn publick Censure and Decree of Condemnation Therefore to the honour of the holy and undivided Trinity the preservation of Catholick truth in the Church and that the King's Majesty may be secur'd from the attempts of open and bloudy enemies and the machinations of Traiterous Hereticks and Schismaticks We the Vice Chancellor Doctors Proctors and Masters Regent and not Regent met in Convocation in the accustom'd manner time and place on Saturday the 21 of July in the Year 1683. concerning certain Propositions contained in divers Books and Writings published in English and also in the Latin tongue repugnant to the holy Scriptures Decrees of Councils Writings of the Fathers the Faith and Profession of the Primitive Church and also destructive of the Kingly Government the safety of his Majesty's Person the Publick Peace the Laws of Nature and bonds of humane Society By our Unanimous assent and consent have Decreed and Determin'd in manner and form following Proposition 1. All Civil Authority is derived originally from
they that make Leasings to his Grace of his Lords Barons and Leiges Act 134. Par. 8. James 6. May 22. 1584. Anent Slanderers of the King his Progenitors Estate and Realm FOrasmuch as it is understood to our Soveraign Lord and his three Estates assembled in this present Parliament what great harm and inconveniency has fallen in this Realm chiefly since the beginning of the Civil troubles occurred in the time of his Highness minority through the wicked and licentious publick and private speeches and untrue calumnies of divers of his Subjects to the disdain contempt and reproach of His Majesty his Council and proceedings and to the dishonour and prejudice of his Highness his Parents Progenitors and Estate stirring up his Highness's Subjects thereby to misliking sedition unquietness and to cast off their due obedience to His Majesty to their evident peril tinsil and destruction his Highness continuing always in love and clemency toward all his good Subjects and most willing to seek the safety and preservation of them all which wilfully needlessly and upon plain malice after his Highness's mercy and pardon oft times afore granted has procured themselves by their treasonable deeds to be cut off as corrupt Members of this Commonwealth Therefore it is statute and ordained by our Soveraign Lord and his three Estates in this present Parliament that none of his Subjects of whatsoever Function Degree or Quality in time coming shall presume or take upon hand privately or publickly in Sermons Declanations and familiar Conferences to utter any false slanderous or untrue Speeches to the disdain reproach and contempt of His Majesty his Council and proceedings or to the dishonour hurt or prejudice of his Highness his Parents and Progenitors or to meddle in the Affairs of his Highness and his Estate present by-gone and in time coming under the pains contained in the Acts of Parliament anent makers and tellers of Leasings certifying them that shall be tryed contraveeners thereof or that hear such slanderous Speeches and reports not the same with diligence the said pain shall be executed against them with all rigour in example of others Act 205. Par. 14 King James 6. June 8. 1594. Anent Leasing-makers and Authors of Slanders OUR Soveraign Lord with advice of his Estates in this present Parliament ratifies approves and for his Highness and Successors perpetually confirms the Act made by his Noble Progenitors King James the First of Worthy Memory against Leasing-makers the Act made by King James the Second entituled Against Leasing-makers and tellers of them the Act made by King James the Fifth entituled Of Leasing-makers and the Act made by his Highness's self with advice of his Estates in Parliament upon the 22d day of May 1584. entituled For the punishment of the Authors of Slanders and untrue Calumnies against the Kings Majesty his Council and proceedings to the dishonour and prejudice of his Highness his Parents Progenitors Crown and Estate as also the Act made in his Highness's Parliament holden at Linlithgow upon the 10th of December 1585. entituled Against the Authors of slanderous Speeches or Writs and statutes and ordains all the said Acts to be published of new and to be put in execution in time coming with this addition That whoever hears the said Leasings Calumnies or slanderous Speeches or Writs to be made and apprehends not the Authors thereof if it lies in his power and reveals not the same to his Highness or one of his Privy Council or to the Sheriff Steward or Bayliff of the Shire Stewards in Regality or Royalty or to the Provost or any of the Bayliffs within Burgh by whom the same may come to the knowledge of his Highness or his said Privy-Council where through the said Leasing makers and Authors of slanderous Speeches may be called tryed and punished according to the said Acts The hearer and not apprehender if it lye in his power and concealer and not revealer of the said Leasing makers and Authors of the said slanderous Specches or Writs shall incur the like pain and punishment as the principal Offender Act 107. Par. 7. King James 1. March 1. 1427. That none interpret the Kings Statutes wrongously ITem the King by deliverance of Council by manner of Statute forbids That no man interpret his Statutes otherwise than the Statutes bear and to the intent and effect that they were made for and as the maker of them understood and who so does in the contrary shall be punished at the Kings will Act 10. Par. 10. King James 6. Dec. 10. 1585. Authors of slanderous Speeches or Writs should be punished to the Death IT is statuted and ordained by our Soveraign Lord and three Estates that all his Highness's Subjects content themselves in quietness and dutiful obedience to his Highness and his Authority and that none of them presume or take upon hand publickly to declaim or privately to speak or write any purpose of reproach or slander of His Majesties Person Estate or Government or to deprave his Laws and Acts of Parliament or misconstrue his proceedings whereby any misliking may be moved betwixt his Highness and his Nobility and loving Subjects in time coming under the pain of Death certifying them that do in the contrary they shall be reputed as seditious and wicked Instruments enemies to his Highness and the Commonwealth of this Realm and the said pain of Death shall be executed upon them with all rigour in example of others Act for preservation of His Majesties Person Authority and Government May 1662. And further it is by His Majesty and Estates of Parliament declared statuted and enacted That if any person or persons shall by writing printing praying preaching libelling remonstrating or by any malicious or advised speaking express publish or declare any words or sentences to stir up the people to the hatred or dislike of His Majesties Royal Prerogative and Supremacy in Causes Ecclesiastical or of the Government of the Church by Archbishops and Bishops as it is now settled by Law That every such person or persons so offending and being legally Convicted thereof are hereby declared incapable to enjoy or exercise any place or employment Civil Ecclesiastick or Military within this Church and Kingdom and shall be liable to such further pains as are due by the Law in such Cases Act 130. Par. 8. James 6. May 22. 1584. Anent the Authority of the three Estates of Parliament THE Kings Majesty considering the Honour and the Authority of his Supreme Court of Parliament continued past all memory of man unto their days as constitute upon the free Votes of the three Estates of this ancient Kingdom by whom the same under God has ever been upholden Rebellious and Traiterous Subjects punished the Good and Faithful preserved and maintained and the Laws and Acts of Parliament by which all men are governed made and established And finding the Power Dignity and Authority of the said Court of Parliament of late years called in some doubt at least some curiously travelling
depraving His Majesties Laws For if such Foundations were laid Judges and Lawyers had a dangerous employment there being nothing more ordinary than to fall into differences and mistakes of the sense and meaning of the Laws and Acts of Parliament But such Crimes cannot be inferred but with and under the qualifications above mentioned of malicious and perverse designs joyned with licentious wicked and reproachful speeches spread abroad to move Sedition and dislike of the Government And the said Laws were never otherwise interpreted nor extended in any case And therefore the Explication libelled neither as taken complexly nor in the several expressions thereof nor in the design of the ingiver of the same can in Law import against him all or any of the Crimes libelled In like manner the Pannel conjoyns with the grounds above-mentioned the Proclamation issued forth by His Majesties privy Council which acknowledges and proceeds upon a Narrative that scruples and jealousies were raised and spread abroad against the Act of Parliament enjoyning the Test For clearing and satisfaction whereof the said Proclamation was issued forth and is since approved by His Sacred Majesty The Kings Advocates Argument and Plea against the Earl of Argyle HIS Majesties Advocate for the foundation of his Debate does represent That His Majesty to secure the Government from the Rebellious Principles of the last Age and the unjust Pretexts made use of in this from Popery and other Jealousies as also to secure the Protestant Religion and the Crown called a Parliament and that the great security resolved on by the Parliament was this excellent Test in which that the old jugling Principles of the Covenant might not be renewed wherein they still swore to serve the King in their own way the Parliament did positively ordain That this Oath should be taken in the plain genuine meaning of the words without any evasion whatsoever Notwithstanding whereof the Earl of Argyle by this Paper does invent a new way whereby no man is at all bound to it For how can any person be bound if every man will only obey it as far as he can and as far as he conceives it consistent with the Protestant Religion and with it self and reserve to himself notwithstanding thereof to make any alteration that he thinks consistent with his Loyalty And therefore His Majesties Advocate desires to know to what the Earl of Argyle or any man else can be bound by this Test what the Magistrate can expect or what way he can punish his Perjury For if he be bound no farther than he himself can obey or so far as this Oath is consistent with the Protestant Religion or it self quomodo constat to whom or what is he bound And who can determine that Or against what alteration is the Government secured since he is Judg of his own alteration So that that Oath that was to be taken without any evasion is evaded in every single word or Letter and the Government as insecure as before the Act was made because the taker is no farther bound than he pleases From which it cannot be denied but his Interpretation destroys not only this Act but all Government since it takes away the security of all Government and makes every mans Conscience under which Name there goes ordinarily in this Age Humour and Interest to be the rule of the takers obedience Nor can it be conceived to what purpose Laws but especially Oaths needed to be made if this were allowed or how this cannot fall under the 197th Act Par. 7. James 6. whereby it is statuted That no man interpret the Statutes otherwise than the maker understood For what can be more contrary to the taking of them in the makers sense than that every man should obey as far as they can and be allowed to take them in a general sense so far as they are consistent with themselves and the Protestant Religion without condescending wherein they do not agree with the Protestant Religion and that they are not bound not to make any alteration which they think good for the States For all these make the rule of obedience in the taker whereas the positive Law makes it to be in the maker Or how could they be punished for Perjury after this Oath For when he were quarrelled for making alterations against this Oath and so to be perjured he might easily answer That he took this Oath only in so far as it was consistent with the Protestant Religion and with a Salvo that he might make any alteration that he thought consistent with his Loyalty And as to these Points upon which he were to be quarrelled he might say he did not think them to be inconsistent with his Loyalty think we what we pleased and so needed not to be perjured except he pleased to decide against himself for in these Generals he reserves to himself to be still Judge And this were indeed a fine security for any Government And by the same rule that it looses this Oath it shews a way of loosing all Oaths and Obedience and consequently strikes at the root of all Laws as well as this whereas to shun all this not only this excellent Statute 107. has secured all the rest but this is common Reason And in the opinion of all Divines as well as Lawyers in all Nations Verba juramenti intelliguntur secundum mentem intentionem ejus cui fit juramentum Which is set down as the grand position by Sanderson whom they cite pag. 137. and is sounded upon that Mother-Law Leg. 10. Cui interrogatus f.f. de interrogationibus in Jure faciendis and without which no man can have sense of Government in his head or practise it in any Nation Whereas on the other hand there is no danger to any tender Conscience since there was no force upon the Earl to take the Oath but he took it for his own advantage and might have abstained 2. It is inferred from the above-written matter of Fact That the Earl is clearly guilty of contravention of the 10. Act Parl. 10 James VI. whereby the Leiges are commanded not to write any purpose of Reproach of His Majesties Government or misconstrue his proceedings whereby any misliking may be raised betwixt his Highness his Nobility or his people And who can read this paper without seeing the King and Parliament reproached openly in it For who can hear that the Oath is only taken as far as it is consistent with it self and the Protestant Religion but must necessarily conclude that in several things it is inconsistent with it self and the Protestant Religion For if it were not inconsistent with it self and the Protestant Religion why this Clause at all but it might have been simply taken For the only reason of hindering it to be taken simply was because of the inconsistency ergo there behooved necessarily to be an inconsistency And if there be any inconsistency with the Protestant Religion or any contradiction in the Oath it self can there be
of Justitiary before pronouncing sentence but without any answer or effect It was then commonly said that by the old Law and Custom the Court of Justitiary could no more in the case of Treason than of any other Crime proceed further against a Person not compearing and absent than to declare him Out-Law and Fugitive And that albeit it be singular in the case of Treason that the Trial may go on even to a final Sentence though the Party be absent yet such Trials were only proper to and always reserved for Parliaments And that so it had been constantly observed until after the Rebellion in the Year 1666 But there being several Persons notourly engaged in that Rebellion who had escaped and thereby withdrawn themselves from Justice it was thought that the want of a Parliament for the time ought not to afford them any immunity and therefore it was resolved by the Council with advice of the Lords of Session that the Court of Justitiary should summon and proceed to trial and sentence against these Absents whether they compeared or not and so it was done Only because the thing was new and indeed an innovation of the old Custom to make all sure in the first Parliament held thereafter in the Year 1669. it was thought fit to confirm these Proceedings of the Justitiary in that point and also to make a perpetual Statute that in case of open Rebellion and Rising in Arms against the King and Government the Treason in all time coming might by an Order from His Majesty's Council be tried and the Actors proceeded against by the Lords of Justitiary even to final sentence whether the Traytors compeared or not This being then the present Law and custom it is apparent in the first place that the Earl's Case not being that of an open Rebellion and Rising in Arms is not at all comprehended in the Act of Parliament So that it is without question that if in the beginning he had not entered himself Prisoner but absented himself the Lords of Justiciary could not have gone further than upon a citation to have declared him Fugitive But others said that the Earl having both entered himself Prisoner and compeared and after debate having been found guilty before he made his escape the case was much altered And whether the Court could notwithstanding of the Earl's intervening escape yet go on to sentence was still debatable for it was alledged for the affirmative that seeing the Earl had twice compeared and that after debate the Court had given judgment and the Assize returned their Verdict so that had nothing remained but the pronouncing of Sentence it was absurd to think that it should be in the power of the Party thus accused and found guilty by his escape to frustrate Justice and withdraw himself from the punishment he deserved But on the other hand it was pleaded for the Earl That first It was a fundamental Rule That until once the Cause were concluded no Sentence could be pronounced Next that it was a sure Maxim in Law that in Criminal Actions there neither is or can be any other conclusion of the cause than the Parties presence and silence So that after all that had past the Earl had still freedom to add what he thought fit in his own defence before pronouncing sentence and therefore the Lords of Justiciary could no more proceed to sentence against him being escaped than if he had been absent from the beginning the Cause being in both cases equally not concluded and the principle of Law uniformly the same viz. That in Criminals except in cases excepted no final sentence can be given in absence For as the Law in case of absence from the beginning doth hold that just temper as neither to suffer the Contumacious to go altogether unpunished nor on the other hand finally to condemn a party unheard And therefore doth only declare him Fugitive and there stops So in the case of an Escape before Sentence where it cannot be said the Party was fully heard and the Cause concluded the Law doth not distinguish nor can the parity of Reason be refused Admitting then that the Cause was so far advanced against the Earl that he was found guilty Yet 1. This is but a declaring of what the Law doth as plainly presume against the Party absent from the beginning and consequently of it self can operate no further 2dly The finding of a Party guilty is no conclusion of the Cause And 3dly As it was never seen nor heard that a Party was condemned in absence except in excepted Cases whereof the Earl's is none so he having escaped and the Cause remaining thereby unconcluded the general rule did still hold and no sentence could be given against him It was also remembred that the Dyets and days of the Justice Court are peremptour and that in that case even in Civil far more in Criminal Courts and Causes a Citation to hear Sentence is constantly required which induced some to think that at least the Earl should have been lawfully cited to hear Sentence before it could be pronounced But it is like this course as confessing a difficulty and occasioning too long a delay was therefore not made use of However upon the whole it was the general Opinion That seeing the denouncing the Earl Fugitive would have wrought much more in Law than all that was commonly said at first to be designed against him And that his Case did appear every way so favourable that impartial men still wondered how it came to be at all questioned It had been better to have sisted the Process with his Escape and taken the ordinary course of Law without making any more stretches But as I have told you when the Friday came the Lords of Justiciary without any respect or answer given to the Petition above-mentioned given in by the Countess of Argyle to the Court for a stop pronounced Sentence first in the Court and then caused publish the same with all solemnity at the Mercat-Cross at Edinburgh FOrasmuch as it is found by an Assize That Archibald Earl of Argyle is guilty and culpable of the Crimes of Treason Leasing-making and Leasing-telling for which he was detained within the Castle of Edinburgh out of which he has now since the said Verdict made his Escape Therefore the Lords Commissioners of Justiciary decern and adjudge the said Archibald Earl of Argyle to be execute to the death demained as a Traytor and to underly the pains of Treason and other punishments appointed by the Laws of this Kingdom when he shall be apprehended at such a time and place and in such manner as his Majesty in his Royal pleasure shall think fit to declare and appoint And his Name Memory and Honours to be extinct And his Arms to be riven forth and delete out of the Books of Arms swa that his Posterity may never have place nor be able hereafter to bruick or joyse any Honour Offices Titles or Dignities within this Realm in
People in divers Parliaments holden heretofore Willing to ordain Remedy for the great Damages and Mischiefs which have happened and dayly do happen by the said Cause c. By the assent of all the great Men and Commonalty of his said Realm hath Ordained and Established c. In which preamble of the Statute we may observe 1. The intollerable grievance and burden which was occasion'd by the illegal Incroachments of the See of Rome 2. The many Complaints the People had made who in those dark times under Popery were sensible of groaning under those Burdens 3. The Endeavours used in vain by former Parliaments to Redress the same and to bring their Laws in being to have their Force and Effect 4. The acknowledgment of the King and Parliament that the Obligation hereto was upon the King 1. From the Right of the Crown which obliged every King to pass good Laws 2. The Statute in force 3. The King's Oath to keep the Old and pass New Laws for his Peoples safeguard which they should tender to him 4. From the sence of the People expressed in their Complaints and 5. From the Mischief and Damage which would otherwise ensue And therefore by the desire and accord of his People He passes this famous Law The Preamble whereof is here recited Another Statute to the same purpose you find 2 R. 2. No. 28. Also the Commons in Parliament pray That forasmuch as Petitions and Bills presented in Parliament by divers of the Commons could not heretofore have their Respective Answers That therefore both their Petitions and Bills in this present Parliament as also others which shall be presented in any future Parliament may have a good and gracious Answer and Remedy ordained thereupon before the departing of every Parliament And that to this purpose a due Statute be ensealed or Enacted at this present Parliament to be and remain in Force for all times to come To which the King replied The King's Answer THE King is pleased that all such Petitions deliver'd in Parliament of things or matters which cannot otherwise be determined A Good and Reasonable Answer shall be made and given before the departure of Parliament In which excellent Law we may observe 1. A Complaint of former remisness their Bills having aforetime been pass'd by their Grievances Unredressed by unseasonably Dissolving of Parliaments before their Laws could pass 2. That a Law might pass in that very Parliament to rectifie that Abuse for the future And 3. That it should not pass for a temporary Law but for perpetuity being of such absolute Necessity that before the Parliaments be dismissed Bills of common Right might pass And the King agreed hereto Suitable hereto we have my Lord Chief Justice Coke that great Oracle of the Law in his Instit 4. B. p. 11. asserting Petitions being truly preferr'd though very many have been Answered by the Law and Custom of Parliament before the end of Parliament This appears saith he by the Ancient Treatise De Modo tenendi Parliamentum in these Words faithfully Translated The Parliament ought not to be ended while any Petition dependeth undiscussed or at the least to which a determinate Answer is not made Rot. Par. 17. E. 3. No. 60. 25 E. 3. No. 60. 50 E. 3. No. 212. 2 R. 2.134 2 R. 2. No. 38. 1 H. 4.132 2 H. 4325.113 And that one of the principal ends of calling Parliaments is for redressing of Grievances that daily happen 36 E. 3. c. 10. 18 E. 3. c. 14. 50 E. 3. No. 17. Lyons Case Rot. Par. 1 H. 5. No. 17. 13 H. 4. No. 9. And that as concerning the departing of Parliaments It ought to be in such a manner faith Modus Tenendi viz. To be demanded yea and publiekly Proclaimed in the Parliament and within the Palace of the Parliament whether there be any that hath delivered a Petition to the Parliament and hath not received Answer thereto if there be none such it is to be supposed that every one is Satisfied or else Answered unto at the least so far forth as by the Law be may be And which custom was observed in after Ages as you have heard before Concerning the Antiquity and Authority of this Ancient Treatise called Modus tenendi Parliamentum saith my Lord Coke whereof we make often use in our Institutes Certain it is that this Modus was Rehearsed and Declared before the Conqueror at the time of his Conquest and by him approved for England and accordingly he according to Modus held a Parliament for England as appears 21 E. 3. so 60. Whereby you clearly perceive that these wholsome Laws are not only in full agreement with the Common Law and declarative thereof but in full accord with the Oath and Office of the Prince who has that great trust by the Law lodged with him for the good and benefit not hurt and mischief of the People viz. First These Laws are very suitable to the Duty and Office of a Ruler and the end for which he was instituted by God himself who commands him to do Judgment and Justice to all especially to the Oppressed and not to deny them any request for their relief protection or welfare 2 Sam. 22.3 1 Chron. 13.1 to 5.2 Chron. 9.8.19.5 c Est 1.13 Our Law-Books enjoyning the same as Bracton Lib. 1. c. 2. Lib. 3. c. 9. fol. 107 c. Fortiscue ch 9. fo 15. c. 7. fol 5.11 Coke 7. Book Reports Calvin's Case f. 11. Secondly They are also in full Harmony with the King's Coronation Oath solemnly made to all his Subjects viz. To grant fulfill and defend all rightful Laws which the Commons of the Realm shall choose and to strengthen and maintain them after his Power Thirdly These Laws are also in full agreement and oneness with Magna Charta it self that Ancient Fundamental Law which hath been Confirmed by at least Forty Parliaments viz. We shall deny We shall defer to no Man Justice and Right much less to the whole Parliament and Kingdom in denying or deferring to pass such necessary Bills which the Peoples needs call for Object But to all this which hath been said it may be objected That several of our Princes have otherwise practised by Dissolving or as laterly used by Prorogucing Parliaments at their pleasures before Grievances were Redressed and Publick Bills of Common Safety Passed and that as a Privilege belonging to the Royal Prerogative Answ To which it is Answered That granting they have so done First It is most manifest that deth not therefore create a right to them so to do according to that known Maxim a facto ad jus non valet Consequentia especially when such Actions are against so many express and positive Laws such Principles of Common Right and Justice and so many particular Tyes and Obligations upon themsâ—â—es to the contrary Secondly But if it had been so yet neither can Prerogative be pleaded to justify such Practices because the King has no Prerogative but what the Law gives
the Lives of all that are brought into Judgment do ultimately depend from their Verdict there lies no Appeal by finding Guilty or not Guilty they do complicately resolve both Law and Fact As it hath been the Law so it hath always been the Custom and Practice of these Juries upon all general Issues pleaded in Cases Civil as well as Criminal to judge both of the Law and Fact See the Reports of the Ld Chief Justice Vaughan p. 150 151. So it is said in the Report of the Lord Chief Justice Vaughan in Bushel's Case That these Juries determine the Law in all matters where Issue is joined and tried in the Principal Case whether the Issue be about Trespass or a Debt or Disseizin in Assizes or a Tort or any such like unless they should please to give a special Verdict with an implicite faith in the Judgment of the Court to which none can oblige them against ther wills These last 12 must be Men of equal condition with the Party indicted and are called his Peers therefore if it be a Peer of the Realm they must be all such when indicted at the Suit of the King and in the Case of Commoners every man of the 12 must agree to the Verdict freely without compulsion fear or menace else it is no Verdict Whether the Case of a Peer be harder I will not determine Our Ancestors were careful that all men of the like condition and quality presumed to be sensible of each other's infirmity should mutually be Judges each of others lives and alternately taste of Subjection and Rule every man being equally liable to be accused or indicted or perhaps to be suddenly judged by the Party of whom he is at present Judge if he be found innocent Whether it be Lord or Commoner that is indicted the Law intends as near as may be that his Equals that judge him should be his Companions known to him and he to them or at least his Neighbours or Dwellers near about the place where the Crime is supposed to have been committed to whom something of the Fact must probably be known and though the Lords are not appointed to be of the Neighbourhood to the indicted Lord yet the Law supposes them to be Companions and personally well known each unto other being presumed to be a small number as they have anciently been and to have met yearly or oftner in Parliament as by Law they ought besides their other meetings as the hereditary Councellors of the Kings of England If time hath altered the case of the Lords as to the number indifferency and impartiality of the Peers it hath been and may be worthy of the Parliament's consideration and the greater duty is incumbent upon Grand Juries to examine with the utmost diligence the Evidence against Peers before they find a Bill of Indictment against any of them if in truth it may put their Lives in greater danger It is not designed at this time to undertake a Discourse of Petit-Juries but to consider the Nature and Power of Grand Inquests and to shew how much the Reputation the Fortunes and the Lives of English-men depend upon the Conscientious performance of their Duty It was absolutely necessary for the support of the Government and the safety of every Man's Life and Interest that some should be trusted to inquire after all such as by Treasons Felonies or lesser Crimes disturbed the peace that they might be prosecuted and brought to condign punishment and it was no less needful for every man's quiet and safety that the trust of such Inquisitions should be put into the hands of Persons of understanding and integrity indifferent and impartial that might suffer no man to be falsely accused or defamed nor the Lives of any to be put in jeopardy by the malicious Conspiracies of greator small or the Perjuries of any profligate Wretches For these necessary honest Ends was the institution of Grand Juries Our Ancestors thought it not best to trust this great concern of their Lives and Interests in the hands of any Officer of the King 's or in any Judges named by him nor in any certain number of men during life lest they should be awed or influenced by great men corrupted by Bribes Flatteries or love of Power or become negligent or partial to Friends and Relations or pursue their own Quarrels or private Revenges or connive at the Conspiracies of others and indict thereupon But this trust of enquiring out and indicting all the Criminals in a County is placed in men of the same County more at least than Twelve of the most honest and most sufficient for knowledge and ability of Mind and Estate to be from time to time at the Sessions and Assizes and all other Commissions of Oyer and Terminer named and returned by the chief Sworn Officer of the County the Sheriff who was also by express Law anciently chosen annually by the People of every County and trusted with the Execution of all Writs and Processes of the Law and with the Power of the County to suppress all Violences unlawful Routs Riots and Rebellions Yet our Laws left not the Election of these Grand Inquests absolutely to the Will of the Sheriffs but have described in general their Qualifications who shall enquire and indict either Lord or Commoner They ought by the old Common-law to be Lawful Liedge-people of ripe Age not over aged or infirm and of good Fame amongst their Neighbours free from all reasonable suspicion of any design for himself or others upon the Estates or Lives of any suspected Criminals or quarrel or controversie with any of them They ought to be indifferent and impartial even before they are admitted to be sworn and of sufficient understanding and Estate for so great a Trust The ancient Law-book called Briton of great Authority says See Brit. p. 9 and 10. The Sheriffs Bailiffs ought to be sworn to return such as know best how to enquire and discover all breaches of the Peace and lest any should intrude themselves or be obtruded by others they ought to be returned by the Sheriff without the denomination of any except the Sheriff's Officers And agreeable hereunto was the Statute of 11 H. 4. in these words Item Because of late See 11 Hen. 4. Inquests were taken at Westminster of persons named to the Justices without due Return of the Sheriff of which persons some were outlawed c. and some fled to fanctuary for Treason and Felony c. by whom as well many Offenders were indicted as other lawful Liege-people of the King not guilty by Conspiracy Abetment and false imagination of others c. against the force of the Common-Law c. It is therefore granted for the Ease and Quietness of the People that the same Indictment with all its Dependences be void and holden for none for ever and that from henceforth no Indictment be made by any such persons but by Inquest of the King's Liedge-people in the manner as
of the Peace and Vnity of this Realm 3. And that such Person or Persons so to be Named Assigned Authorised and Appointed by Your Highness Your Heirs or Successors after the said Letters Patents to him or them made and delivered as is aforesaid shall have full Power and Authority by Vertue of this Act and of the said Letters Patents under Your Highness Your Heirs and Successors to exercise use and execute all the premisses according to the Tenor and Effect of the said Letters Patents any matter or cause to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding So that I take it that all manner of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction was in the Crown by the Common Law of England and declared to be so by the said Act of 1 Eliz. 1. and by that Act a Power given to the Crown to assign Commissioners to exercise this Jurisdiction which was accordingly done by Queen Elizabeth and a High Commission Court was by her erected which sate and held Plea of all Causes Spiritual and Ecclesiastical during the Reign of Queen Elizabeth King James the First and King Charles the First till the 17th Year of his Reign Which leads me to consider the Statute of 17 Car. 1. ca. 11. which Act recites the Title of 1 Eliz. ca. 1. and Sect. 18. of the same Act and recites further Section 2. That whereas by colour of some Words in the aforesaid Branch of the said Act whereby Commissioners are authorised to execute their Commission according to the Tenor and Effect of the Kings Letters Patents and by Letters Patents grounded thereupon the said Commissioners have to the great and insufferable Wrong and Oppression of the Kings Subjects used to Fine and Imprison them and to exercise other Authority not belonging to Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction restored by that Act and divers other great Mischiefs and Inconveniences have also ensued to the Kings Subjects by occasion of the said Branch and Commissions issued thereupon and the Executions thereof Therefore for the repressing and preventing of the aforesaid Abuses Mischiefs and Inconveniences in time to come by Sect. 3. the said Clause in the said Act 1 Eliz. 1. is Repealed with a Non obstante to the said Act in these Words Be it Enacted by the Kings most excellent Majesty and the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament Assembled and by the Authority of the same That the aforesaid Branch Clause Article or Sentence contained in the said Act and every Word Matter and thing contained in that Branch Clause Article or Sentence shall from henceforth be Repealed Annulled Revoked Annihilated and utterly made Void for ever any thing in the said Act to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding And in Sect. 5. of the same Act it is Enacted That from and after the first of August in the said Act mentioned all such Commissions shall be void in these Words And be it further Enacted That from and after the said first Day of August no new Court shall be erected ordained or appointed within this Realm of England or Dominion of Wales which shall or may have the like Power Jurisdiction or Authority as the said High Commission Court now hath or pretendeth to have but that all and every such Letters Patents Commissions and Grants made or to be made by his Majesty his Heirs and Successors and all Powers and Authorities granted or pretended or mentioned to be granted thereby And all Acts Sentences and Decrees to be made by virtue or Colour thereof shall be utterly void and of none effect By which Act then the Power of Exercising Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by Commissioners under the Broad-Seal is so taken away that it provides no such Power shall ever for the future be Delegated by the Crown to any Person or Persons whatsoever Let us then in the last place consider Whether the Act of 13 Car. 2. ca. 12 hath restored this Power or not And for this I take it that it is not restored by the said Act or any Clause in it and to make this evident I shall first set down the whole Act and then consider it in the several Branches of it that relate to this Matter The Act is Entituled An Act for Explanation of a Clause contained in an Act of Parliament made in the 17th Year of the Late King Charles Entituled An Act for Repeal of a Branch of Statute in Primo Elizabethae câ—ncerning Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical The Act it self runs thus Whereas in an Act of Parliament made in the Seventeenth Year of the Late King Charles Intituled An Act for Repeal of a Branch of a Stature primo Elizabethae concerning Commissioners for Causes Ecclesiastical It is amongst other things Enacted that no Arch-bishop Bisâ—â—p or Vicar-General nor any Chancellor nor Commissary of any Arch-Bishop Bishop or Vicar-General nor any Ordinary whatsoever nor any other Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Judge Officer or Minister of Justice nor any other Person or Persons whatsoever exercising Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Power Authority or Jurisdiction by any Grant Lisence or Commission of the Kings Majesty His Heirs or Successors or by any Power or Authority derived from the King his Heirs or Successors or otherwise shall from and after the First Day of August which then should be in the Year of our Lord God 1641. Award Impose or Inflict any Pain Penalty Fine Amercement Imprisonment or other Corporal Punishment upon any of the Kings Subjects for any Contempt Misdemeanor Crime Offence Matter or Thing whatsoever belonging to Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Cognizance or Jurisdiction 2. Whereupon some Doubt hath been made that all ordinary Power of Coertion and proceeding in Causes Ecclesiastital were taken away whereby the ordinary Course of Justice in Causes Ecclesiastical hath been obstructed 3. Be it therefore Declared and Enacted by the Kings most Excellent Majesty by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament Assembled and by the Authority thereof That neither the said Act nor any thing therein contained doth or shall take away any ordinary Power or Authority from any of the said Arch-Bishops Bishops or any other Person or Persons named as aforesaid but that they and every of them exercising Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction may proceed determine Sentence execute and exercise all manner of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and all Censures and Coertions appertaining and belonging to the same before any making of the Act before recited in all Causes and Matters belonging to Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction according to the Kings Majesties Ecclesiastical Laws used and practised in this Realm in as ample Manner and Form as they did and might lawfully have done before making of the said Act. Sect. 2. And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid That the afore recited Act of Decimo Septimo Car. and all the Matters and Clauses therein contained excepting what concerns the High Commission Court or the new Erection of some such like Court by Commission shall be and is thereby repealed to dlintents and purposes whatsoever
any thing clause or sentence in the said Act contained to the contrary â—â—ithstanding Sect. 3. Provided always and it is hereby Enacted That neither this Act nor any thing herein conâ—â—ined shall extend or be construed to ravive or give Force to the said Branch of the said Statute wade in the said First Year of the Reign of the said Late Queen Elizabeth mentioned in the said Act if Parliament made in the Seventeenth Year of the Reign of the said King Charles but that the said Branch of the said Statute made in the said First Year of the Reign of the said Late Queen Elizabeth scall stand and be Repealed in such sort as if this Act had never been made Sect. 4. Provided always and it is hereby Enacted That it shall not be lawful for any Arch-bishop Bishop Vicar-General Chancellor Commissary or any other Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Judge Officer or Minister or any other person having or exercising Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to Tender or Administer unto any Person whatsoever the Oath usually called Ex Officio or any other Oath whereby such person to whom the same is tendred or administred may be charged or compelled to confess or accuse or to purge him or herself of any Criminal matter or thing whereby he or she may be liable to Censure or Punishment any thing in this Statute or any other Law Custom or Vsage heretofore to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding Sect. 5. Provided always That this Act or any thing therein contained shall not extend or be construed to extend to give unto any Arch Bishop Bishop or any other Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Judge Officer or other person or persons aforesaid any Power or Authority to Exercise Execute Inflict or Determine any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction Censure or Coertion which they might not by Law have done before the Year of our Lord 1639. 2. Nor to abridge or diminish the Kings Majesties Supremacy in Ecclefiastical Matters and Affairs nor to confirm the Canons made in the Year 1640. nor any of them nor any other Ecclesiastical Laws or Canons not formerly confirmed allowed or enacted by Parliament or by the established Laws of the Land as they stood in the Year of our Lord 1639. From the Title of the Act and the Act it self considered I gather First That it is an Explanatory Act of the 17th of Car. 1. as to one particular Branch of it and not introductive of any new Law Secondly That the Occasion of making it was not from any Doubt that did arise VVhether the High Commission Court were taken away or whether the Crown had Power to erect any such like Court for the future but from a Doubt that was made that all ordinary Power of Coertion and Proceedings in Causes Ecclefiastical was taken away whereby Justice in Ecclesiastical Matters was obstructed and this Doubt did arise from a Clause in 17 Car. 1. ca. 11. Sect. 4. herein mentioned to be recited in the said Act of 13 Car. 2. ca. 12. Thirdly That this Statute of 13 Car. 2. ca. 12. as appears upon the Face of it was made to the intent the ordinary Jurisdiction which the Bishops and other Ecclesiastical Persens had always exercised under the Crown might not be infringed but not to restore to the Crown the power of Delegating the Exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by Letters Patents to Lay persons or any others and as to this nothing can be plainer than the VVords of the Act it self Sect. 2. Whereby 17 Car. 1. is repealed but takes particular care to except what concerned the High Commission Court or the new Erection of some such Court by Commission Neither did the Law-makers think this Exception in that Statute of 13 Car. 2. ca. 12. Sect. 2. to be sufficient but to put the Matter out of all doubt in the Third Section of the same Statute It is provided and Enacted That neither that Act nor any thing therein contained should extend or be construed to revive or give force to the Branch of 1 Eliz. 1. Sect. 18. but that the same Branch shâ—â—â— stand absolutely Repealed And if so then the power of the Crown to delegate the Exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction is wholly taken away for it was vested in the Crown by 1 Eliz. 1. and taken away by 17 Car. 1. ca. 11. and is in no manner restored by 13 Car. 2.12 or any other But there may arise an Objection from the VVords in the Statute of 13 Car. 2. ca. 12. that saith That that Act shall not extend to abridge or diminish the Kings Majesties Supremacy in Ecclesiastical Matters and Affairs VVhence some Men would gather that the same power still remains in the Crown that was in it before 17 Car. 1. ca. 11. To which Objection I give this Answer That every Law is to be so constructed that it may not be Felo de se and that for the Honour of the Legislators King Lords and Comment Now I would appeal to the Gentlemen themselves that assert this Doctrine VVhether they can so construe the Act of 13 Car. 2. ca. 12. as they pretend to do without offering Viâ—lence to their own Reason For when the 1 Car. 1. ca. 11. had absolutely repealed the Branch of 1 Eliz. 1. that vested the power in the Crown of Delegating the Exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction and Enacts That no such Commission shall be for the future and the Act of 13 Car. 2. ca. 12. Repeals the 17 Car. 1. ca. 12. except what relates to that particular Branch there can no more of the Kings Supremacy in Ecclesiastical Matters and Affairs be saved by the saving in the 13 Car. 2. ca. 12. but what was left in the Crown by 17 Car. 1. ca. 11. And now I hope I have sufficiently evinced That all the Proceedings before the Ecclesiastical Commissioners are CORAM NON JVDICE and therefore have sufficient Reason to believe That the same would never have been set on foot by his present Majesty who had always the Character of JAMES the Just and hath promised upon his Royal VVord That he will invade no Mans Property had he not been advised thereunto by them who are better versed in the Canons of the Church of ROME than in the Laws that relate to the CROWN and CHURCH of ENGLAND A LETTER Writ by Mijn Heer Fagel Pensioner of Holland to Mr. James Stewart Advocate Giving an Account of the Prince and Princes of Orange's Thoughts concerning the Repeal of the Test and the Penal Laws SIR I Am extream sorry that my ill health hath so long hindred me from Answering those Letters in which you so earnestly desired to know of me what their Highnesses thoughts are concerning the repeal of the Penal Laws and more particularlarly of that concerning the Test I beg you to assure your self that I will deal very plainly with you in this matter and without reserve since you say that your Letters were writ by the King's knowledge and allowance I must
by Hundreds of Thousands at once 4. Because the Dragooners have made more Converts than all the Bishops and Clergy of France 5. The Parliament ought to establish one standing Army at the least because indeed there will be need of Two that one of them may defend the People from the other 6. Because it is a thousand pities that a brave Popish Army should be a Riot 7. Unless it be Established by Act of Parliament The Justices of Peace will be forced to suppress it in their own Defence for they will be loth to forfeit an hundred Pounds every day they rise out of Complement to a Popish Rout. 13 H. 4. c. 7. 2 H. 5. c. 8. 8. Because a Popish Army is a Nullity For all Papists are utterly disabled and punishable besides from bearing any Office in Camp Troop Band or Company of Soldiers and are so far disarmed by Law that they cannot wear a Sword so much as in their Defence without the allowance of four Justices of the Peace of the County And then upon a March they will be perfectly Inchanted for they are not able to stir above five Miles from their own Dwelling-house 3. Jac. 5. Sect. 8.27 28 29.35 Eliz. 2.3 Jac. 5. Sect. 7. 9. Because Persons utterly disabled by Law are utterly Unauthorized and therefore the void Commissions of Killing and Slaying in the Hands of Papists can only enable them to Massacre and Murder To the King 's Most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition of William Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and divers of the Suffragan Bishops of that Province now present with him in behalf of themselves and others of their absent Brethren and of the Clergy of their respective Diocesses Humbly sheweth THAT the great averseness they find in themselves to the distributing and publishing in all their Churches your Majesty's late Declaration for Liberty of Conscience proceeds neither from any want of Duty and Obedience to your Majesty our Holy Mother the Church of England being both in her Principles and in her constant Practice unquestionably Loyal and having to her great Honour been more than once publickly acknowledg'd to be so by your Gracious Majesty Nor yet from any want of due tenderness to Dissenters in relation to whom they are willing to come to such a Temper as shall be thought fit when that Matter shall be considered and settled in Parliament and Convocation But among many other Considerations from this especially because that Declaration is founded upon such a Dispensing Power as has been often declared Illegal in Parliament and particularly in the years 1662 and 1672. and in the beginning of your Majesty's Reign and is a matter of so great Moment and Consequence to the whole Nation both in Church and State that your Petitioners cannot in Prudence Honour or Conscience so far make themselves Parties to it as the distribution of it all over the Nation and the solemn Publication of it once and again even in God's House and in the Time of his Divine Service must amount to in common and reasonable Construction Your Petitioners therefore most Humbly and Earnestly beseech your Majesty that you will be ciously pleased not to insist upon their Distributing and Reading your Majesty's said Declaration And Your Petitioners as in Duty bound shall ever Pray Will. Cant. Will. Asaph Fr Ely Jo. Cicestr Tho. Bathon Wellen. Tho. Peterburgen Jonath Bristol His Majesties Answer was to this effect I Have heard of this before but did not believe it I did not expect this from the Church of England especially from some of you If I change my Mind you shall hear from me if not I expect my Command shall be obeyed The PETITION of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal for the Calling of a Free Parliament Together with his Majesty's Gracious Answer to their Lordships To the KING 's most Excellent Majesty The Humble Petition of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal whose Names are subscribed May it please your Majesty WE your Majesty's most loyal Subjects in a deep sense of the Miseries of a War now breaking forth in the Bowels of this your Kingdom and of the Danger to which your Majesty's Sacred Person is thereby like to be exposed and also of the Distractions of your People by reason of their present Grievances do think our selves bound in Conscience of the duty we owe to God and our holy Religion to your Majesty and our Country most humbly offer to your Majesty That in our Opinion the only visible Way to preserve your Majesty and this your Kingdom would be the Calling of a Parliament Regular and Free in all its Circumstances We therefore do most earnestly beseech your Majesty That you would be graciously pleased with all speed to call such a Parliament wherein we shall be most ready to promote such Counsels and Resolutions of Peace and Settlement in Church and State as may conduce to your Majesty's Honour and Safety and to the quieting the Minds of your People We do likewise humbly beseech your Majesty in the mean time to use such means for the preventing the Effusion of Christian Blood as to your Majesty shall seem most meet And your Petitioners shall ever pray c. W. Cant. Grafton Ormond Dorset Clare Clarendon Burlington Anglesey Rochester Newport Nom. Ebor. W. Asaph Fran. Ely Tho. Roffen Tho. Petriburg Tho. Oxon. Paget Chandois Osulston Presented by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Arch-Bishop of York Elect the Bishop of Ely and the Bishop of Rochester the 17th of November 1688. His Majesty's most Gracious Answer My LORDS What You ask of Me I most passionately desire And I promise You upon the Faith of a King That I will have a Parliament and such an One as You ask for as soon as ever the Prince of Orange has quitted this Realm For How is it possible a Parliament should be Free in all its Circumstances as You Petition for whil'st an Enemy is in the Kingdom and can make a Return of near an Hundred Voices The Lords Petition with the King's Answer may be printed Novemb. 29. 1688. The P. O.'s Letter to the English Army Gentlemen and Friends WE have given you so full and so true an Account of Our Intentions in this Expedition in Our Declaration that as We can add nothing to it so We are sure you can desire nothing more of us We are come to preserve your Religion and to restore and establish your Liberties and Properties and therefore We cannot suffer Our selves to doubt but that all true English men will come and concur with Us in Our desire to secure these Nations from POPERY and SLAVERY You must all plainly see that you are only made use of as Instruments to enslave the Nation and ruin the Protestant Religion and when that is done you may judge what ye your selves ought to expect both from the cashiering of all the Protestant and English Officers and Soldiers in Ireland and by the Irish Soldiers being brought over to be put in your places
So that Conquest may make Way for a Government but it cannot constitute it Secondly There is a Supreme Power in every Community essential to it and inseparable from it by which if it be not limited immediately by God it can form it self into any kind of Government And in some extraordinary Occasions when the Safety and Peace of the Publick necessarily require it can supply the Defects reform the Abuses and re-establish the true Fundamentals of the Government by Purging Refining and bringing Things back to their first Original Which Power may be called The Supreme Power Real Thirdly When the Community has made choice of some Form of Government and subjected themselves to it having invested some Person or Persons with the Supreme Power The Power in those Persons may be called The Supream Power Personal Fourthly If this Form be a mix'd Government of Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy and for the easie Execution of the Laws the Executive Power be lodg'd in a single Person He has a Supream Power Personal quoad hoc Fifthly The Supreme Power Personal of England is in Kings Lords and Commons and so it was in Effect agreed to by King Charles the First in his Answer to the nineteen Popositions and resolved by the Convention of the Lords and Commons in the year 1660. And note That the Acts of that Convention tho' never confirmed by Parliament have been taken for Law and particularly by the Lord Chief Justice Hales Sixthly The Supreme Power Personal of England fails three Ways 1. 'T is dissolved For two Essential Parts fail 1. a King 2. a House of Commons which cannot be called according to Constitution the King being gone and the Freedom of Election being destroyed by the Kings Incroachments 2. The King has forfeited his Power several Ways Subjection to the Bishop of Rome is the Subjection against which our Laws cry loudest And even Barclay that Monarchical Politician acknowledges That if a King alienate his Kingdom or subject it to another he forfeits it And Grotius asserts That if a King really attempt to deliver up or subject his Kingdom he may be therein resisted And that if the King have part of the Supreme Power and the People or Senate the other part the King invading that part which is not his a just Force may be opposed and he may lose his Part of the Empire Grotius de Bello c. Cap. 72. But that the King has subjected the Kingdom to the Pope needs no Proof That he has usurp'd an absolute Power superieur to all Laws made the Peoples Share in the Legislative Power impertinent and useless and thereby invaded their just Rights none can deny 'T were in vain to multiply Instances of his Forfeitures And if we consider the Power exercis'd by him of late it will most evidently appear to all who understand the English Constitution that it admits of no such King nor any such Power 3. The King has deserted 1. By incapacitating himself by a Religion inconsistent with the Fundamentals of our Government 2. By forsaking the Power the Constitution allow'd him and usurping a Foreign one So that tho the Person remained the King was gone long ago 3. By Personal Withdrawing Seventhly The Supreme Power Real remains in the Community and they may act by their Original Power And tho every Particular Person is notwithstanding such Dissolution Forfeiture or Desertion subject to the Laws which were made by the Supreme Power Personal when in Being yet the Communities Power is not bound by them but is paramount all Laws made by the Supreme Power Personal And has a full Right to take such Measures for Settling the Government as they shall think most sure and effectual for the lasting Security and Peace of the Nation For we must note that it was the Community of England which first gave Being to both King and Parliament and to all the other Parts of our Constitution Eighthly The most Renowned Politician observes That those Kingdoms and Republicks subsist longest that are often renewed or brought back to their first Beginnings which is an Observation of Self-evident Truth and implies That the Supreme Power Real has a Right to renew or bring back And the most-ingenious Lawson observes in his Politica That the Community of England in the late Times had the greatest Advantage that they or their Ancestors had had for many Ages for this purpose tho God hid it from their Eyes But the wonderful Concurrence of such a series of Providences as we now see and admire gives ground to hope That the Veil is removed and the Nation will now see the Things that concern their Peace Ninthly The Acts done and executed by the Supreme Power Personal when in Being have so modell'd the Parts and Persons of the Community that the Original Constitution is the best justest and the most desirable The Royal Family affords a Person that both Heaven and Earth point out for King There are Lords whose Nobility is not affected by the Dissolution of the Government and are the subject Matter of a House of Lords And there are Places which by Custom or Charter have Right to choose Representatives of the Commons Tenthly There are inextricable Difficulties in all other Methods For 1. There is no Demise of the King neither Civil nor Natural 2. There is consequently no Descent 3. The Community only has a Right to take Advantage of the King's Forfeiture or Desertion 4. Whatever other Power may be imagin'd in the two Houses as Houses of Parliament it cannot justify it self to the Reason of any who understand the Bottom of our Constitution 5. By this Method all Popish Successors may be excluded and the Government secured in case all the Protestants of the Family die without Issue And this by the very Constitution of England And the Question can never arise about the Force or the Lawfulness of a Bill of Exclusion 6. The Convention will not be oblig'd to take Oaths c. Eleventhly If these things be granted and the Community be at Liberty to act as above it will certainly be most advisable not only for the Security and Welfare of the Nation but if rightly understood for the Interest of their Royal Highnesses to limit the Crown as follows To the Prince of Orange during his Life yet with all possible Honour and Respect to the Princess whose Interests and Inclinations are inseparably the same with his Remainder to the Princess of Orange and the Heirs of her Body Remainder to the Princess of Denmark and the Heirs of her Body Remainder to the Heirs of the Body of the Prince of Orange Remainder as an Act of Parliament shall appoint This will have these Conveniences among others 1. Husband and Wife are but one Person in Law and her Husbands Honour is hers 2. It puts the present Kingly Power into the best Hand in the World which without Flattery is agreed on by all Men. 3. It asserts the above said Power in the
Community 4. It will be some Acknowledgment to the Prince for what he has done for the Nation And it is worthy Observation that before the Theocracy of the Jews ceased the manner of the Divine Designation of their Judges was by God's giving the People some Deliverance by the hand of the Person to whose Government they ought to submit and this even in that time of extraordinary Revelations Thus Othniel Gideon Jephthah Sampson and others were invested by Heaven with the Supreme Authority And though Joshua had an immediate Command from God to succeed Moses and an Anointing to that purpose by the laying on of Moses's Hands Yet the Foundation of the People's Submission to him was laid in Jordan And I challenge the best Historians to give an Instance since that Theocracy ceased of a Designation of any Person to any Government more visibly Divine than that which we now admire If the Hand of Providence miraculously and timely disposing Natural Things in every Circumstance to the best advantage should have any influence upon Mens Minds most certainly we ought not here to be insensible If the Voice of the People be the Voice of God it never spoke louder If a Nation of various Opinions Interests and Factions from a turbulent and fluctuating State falls into a serene and quiet Calm and Mens Minds are strangely united on a sudden it shews from whence they are influenced In a word if the Hand of God is to be seen in Human Affairs and his Voice to be heard upon Earth we cannot any where since the ceasing of Miracles find a clearer and more remarkable Instance than is to be observ'd in the present Revolution If one examines the Posture of Foreign Affairs making way for the Prince's Expedition by some sudden Events and Occurrences which no Human Wisdom or Power could have brought about if one observes that Divine Influence which has directed all his Counsels and crown'd his Undertakings notwithstanding such innumerable Dangers and Difficulties with constant Honour and Success If one considers how happily and wonderfully both Persons and Things are changed in a little time and without Blood it looks like so many marks of God's Favour by which he thinks fit to point him out to us in this extraordinary Conjuncture I will trouble you but with one Consideration more which is That the two things most necessary in this Affair are Unanimity and Dispatch For without both these your Counsels will have little Effect In most things 't is good to be long in resolving but in some 't is fatal not to conclude immediately And presence of Mind is as great a Vertue as Rashness is a Vice For the turns of Fortune are sometimes so quick that if Advantage be not taken in the critical hour 't is for ever lost But I hope your Lordships and all those Gentlemen who compose this August Assembly will proceed with so much Zeal and Harmony that the Result of your present Consultations may be a lasting and grateful Monument to Posterity of your Integrity Courage and Conduct The Late Honourable Convention proved a Legal Parliament I. THE necessity of a Parliament agreed by the Lords and Commons Voting that the Throne is Vacant for there being a Vacancy there follows an immediate necessity of setling the Government especially the Writs being destroyed and the Great Seal carried away put a period to all publick Justice and then there must be a supply by such means as the necessity requires or a failure of Government II. Consider the Antecedents to the calling the Convention that is about three hundred of the Commons which is a majority of the fullest House that can be made above sixty Lords being a greater number than any part divided amounted to at this great Meeting the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common Council of the City of London by application to His then Highness the Prince of Orange desired him to accept of the Administration of Publick Affairs Military and Civil which he was pleased to do to the great satisfaction of all good People and after that His Highness was desired to Issue forth his Circular Letters to the Lords and the like to the Coroners and in their absence to the Clerks of the Peace to Elect Knights Citizens and Burgesses this was more than was done in fifty nine for the calling a Parliament in April 1660. for there the Summons was not real but fictitious i. e. in the names of the Keepers of the Liberties of England a meer Notion set up as a Form there being no such Persons but a meer Ens rationis impossible really to exist so that here was much more done than in 1659 and all really done which was possible to be invented as the Affairs then stood Besides King Charles the 2d. had not abdicated the Kingdom but was willing to return and was at Breda whither they might have sent for Writs and in the mean time have kept their form of Keepers of the Liberties c. But in the present case there was no King in being nor any style or form of Government neither real or notional left so that in all these respects more was done before and at the calling of this Great Convention than for calling that Parliament for so I must call it yet that Parliament made several Acts in all thirty seven as appears by Keebles Statutes and several of them not confirmed I shall instance but in one but it is one which there was occasion to use in every County of England I mean the Act for Confirming and Restoring Ministers being the 17th of that Sessions all the Judges allowed of this as an Act of Parliament tho never confirmed which is a stronger case than that in question for there was only fictitious Summons here a real one III. That without the Consent of any Body of the People this at the Request of a Majority of the Lords more than half the number of the Commons duly chosen in King Ch. the 2d. time besides the great Body of the City of London being at least esteem'd a 5th part of the Kingdom yet after the King's Return he was so well satisfied with the calling of that Parliament that it was Enacted by the King Lords and Commons Assembled in Parliament that the Lords and Commons then Sitting at Westmiuster in the present Parliament were the two Houses of Parliament notwithstanding any want of the Kings Writs or Writ of Summons or any defect whatsoever and as if the King had been present at the beginning of the Parliament this I take to be a full Judgment in full Parliament of the case in question and much stronger than the present case is and this Parliament continued till the 29th of December next following and made in all thirty seven Acts as abovementioned The 13 Caroli 2. chap. 7. a full Parliament called by the Kings Writ recites the other of 12 Caroli 2. and that after his Majesties return they were continued till the 29th of December
and then dissolved and that several Acts passed this is the plain Judgment of another Parliament 1. Because it says they were continued which shews they had a real being capable of being continued for a Confirmation of a void Grant has no effect and Confirmation shews a Grant only voidable so the continuance there shewed it at most but voidable and when the King came and confirm'd it all was good 2. The dissolving it then shews they had a being for as ex nihilo nihil fit so super nihil nil operatur as out of nothing nothing can be made so upon nothing nothing can operate Again the King Lords and Commons make the great Corporation or Body of the Kingdom and the Commons are legally taken for the Free-holders Inst 4. p. 2. Now the Lords and Commons having Proclaimed the King the defect of this great Corporation is cured and all the Essential parts of this great Body Politique united and made compleat as plainly as when the Mayor of a Corporation dies and another is chosen the Corporation is again perfect and to say that which perfects the great Body Politique should in the same instant destroy it I mean the Parliament is to make contradictions true simul semel the perfection and destruction of this great Body at one instant and by the same Act. Then if necessity of Affairs was a forcible Argument in 1660 a time of great peace not only in England but throughout Europe and almost in all the World certainly 't is of a greater force now when England is scarce delivered from Popery and Slavery when Ireland has a mighty Army of Papists and that Kingdom in hazard of final destruction if not speedily prevented and when France has destroyed most of the Protestants there and threatens the ruine of the Low-Countries from whence God has sent the wonderful Assistance of our Gracious and therefore most Glorious King and England cannot promise safety from that Foreign Power when forty days delay which is the least can be for a new Parliament and considering we can never hope to have one more freely chosen because first it was so free from Court-influence or likelihood of all design that the Letters of Summons issued by him whom the great God in infinite Mercy raised to save us to the hazard of his Life and this done to protect the Protestant Religion and at a time when the people were all concerned for one Common interest of Religion and Liberty it would be vain when we have the best King and Queen the World affords a full house of Lords the most solemnly chosen Commons that ever were in the remembrance of any Man Living to spend Money and lose time I had almost said to despise Providence and take great pains to destroy our selves If any object Acts of Parliament mentioning Writs and Summons c. I answer the Prededent in 1660 is after all those Acts. In private cases as much as has been done in point of necessity a Bishop Provincial dies and sede vacant a Clerk is presented to a Benefice the Presentation to the Dean and Chapter is good in this case of Necessity and if in a Vacancy by the Death of a Bishop a Presentation shall be good to the Dean and Chapter rather than a prejudice should happen by the Church lying void Surely a fortiori Vacancy of the Throne may be supplied without the formality of a Writ and the great Convention turn'd to a Real Parliament A Summons in all points is of the same real force as a Writ for a Summons and a Writ differ no more than in name the thing is the same in all Substantial parts the Writ is Recorded in Chancery so are His Highnesses Letters the proper Officer Endorses the Return so he does here for the Coroner in defect of the Sheriff is the proper Officer the People Choose by Virtue of the Letters c. quae re concordant parum differunt they agree in Reality and then what difference is there between the one and the other Object A Writ must be in Actions at Common Law else all Pleading after will not make it good but Judgment given may be Reversed by a Writ of Error Answ The case differs first because Actions between party and party are Adversary Actions but Summons to Parliament are not so but are Mediums only to have â—n Election 2. In Actions at Law the Defendant may plead to the Writ but there is no plea to a Writ for electing Members to serve in Parliament and for this I have Littleton's Argument there never was such a Plea therefore none lies Object That they have not taken the Test Answ They may take the Test yet and then all which they do will be good for the Test being the distinguishing Mark of a Protestant from a Papist when that is taken the end of the Law is performed Object That the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy ought to be taken and that the new ones are not legal Answ The Convention being the Supream Power have abolish'd the old Oaths and have made new ones and as to the making new Oaths the like was done in Alfreds time when they chose him King vide Mirror of Justice Chap. 1. for the Heptarchy being turn'd to a Monarchy the precedent Oaths of the seven Kings could not be the same King Alfred swore Many Precedents may be cited where Laws have been made in Parliament without the King 's Writ to summon them which for brevity's sake I forbear to mention For a farewel the Objections quarrel at our Happiness fight against our Safety and aim at that which may indanger Destruction The Present Convention a Parliament I. THat the formality of the Kings Writ of Summons is not so essential to an English Parliament but that the Peers of the Realm and the Commons by their Representatives duly Elected may legally act as the great Council and representative Body of the Nation though not summoned by the King especially when the circumstances of the time are such that such Summons cannot be had will I hope appear by these following Observations First The Saxon Government was transplanted hither out of Germany where the meeting of the Saxons in such Assemblies was at certain fixed times viz. at the New and Full Moon But after their Transmigration hither Religion changing other things changed with it and the times for their publick Assemblies in conformity to the great Solemnities celebrated by Christians came to be changed to the Feasts of Easter Pentecost and the Nativity The lower we come down in Story the seldomer we find these General Assemblies to have been held and sometimes even very anciently when upon extraordinary occasions they met out of course a Precept an Edict or Sanction is mentioned to have Issued from the King But the Times and the very place of their ordinary Meeting having been certain and determined in the very first and eldest times that we meet with any mention of
Regnis atque populi innumerabiles in Guerrâ illâ mortem mortis periculum sustinuerunt bona quoque catalla inaestimabilia thesauros innumerabiles pro sustentatione hujus guerrae Communes Regni hujus indefesse effuderunt Et quod graviùs dolendum est jam in diebus vestris tanta onera iis imposita pro guerris vestris sustinendis supportaverunt quod ad tantam pauperiem incredibilem deducti sunt quod nec reditus suos pro suis tenementis solvere possunt nec Regi subvenire nec vitae necessaria sibi ipsis ministrare depauperatur Regia potestas Dominorum Regni magnatum infelicitas adducitur atque totius populi debilitas Nam Rex depauperari nequit qui divitem habet populum nec dives esse potest qui pauperes habet communes Et mala haec omnia redundant non solum Regi sed omnibus singulis Dominis Proceribus Regni unicuique in suo gradu Et haec omnia eveniunt per iniquos ministros Regis qui malè gubernaverunt Regem Regnum usque in praesens Et nisi manus citiùs apponamus adjutrices remedii fulcimentum adhibeamus Regnum Angliae dolorosè attenuabitur tempore quo minus opinamur Sed unum aliud de nuncio nostro superest nobis ex parte populi vestri vobis intimare Habent enim EX ANTIQUO STATUTO de facto non longe retroactis temporibus experienter quod dolendum est habito si Rex EX MALIGNO CONSILIO QUOCUNQUE vel INEPTA CONTUMACIA aut CONTEMPTU seu PROTERVA VOLUNTATE SINGULARI aut QUOVIS MODO IRREGULARI se alienaverit à populo suo nec voluerit per jura Regni Statuta ac laudabiles Ordinationes cum salubri consilio Dominorum Procerum Regni gubernari regulari sed capitose in suis insanis consiliis propriam voluntatem suam singularem proterve exercere extunc licitum est iis cum communi assensu consensu Populi Regni ipsum REGEM DE REGALI SOLIO ABROGARE propinquiorem aliquem de stirpe Regiâ loco ejus in Regni solio sublimare H. Knighton Collect. 2681. Wherefore taking wholsome Advice they sent by common Assent of the whole Parliament the Lord Thomas de Woodstock Duke of Glocester and Thomas de Arundell Bishop of Ely to the King to Eltham to salute him on behalf of the Lords and Commons of his Parliament who express'd their Desires to the King to this effect Sir The Lords and all the Commons of your Parliament have themselves commended to your most excellent Majesty desiring the Success of your invincible Honour against the Power of your Enemies and a most firm Bond of Peace and Love in your Heart towards your Subjects for your good God-wards and the good of your Soul and to the unspeakable Comfort of all your People whom you govern On whose behalf we intimate these things to you That it appears to us by an antient Statute and by laudable and approved Vsage which cannot be deny'd that our King can call together the Peers of the Realm and the Commons once a year to his Parliament as to the supream Court of the whole Kingdom in which all Right and Justice ought to shine forth without any doubt or stain as the Sun at Noon-day where Poor and Rich may find an infallible Refuge to enjoy the Refreshments of Tranquillity and Peace and for repelling of Injuries where also Errors in Government are to be reformed and the State and Government of King and Kingdom treated upon by sage Advice and the destroying and repelling of both intestine and foreign Enemies to the King and Kingdom with most Convenience and Honour may be debated upon and provided for as also in what manner the Charges incumbent upon the King and Kingdom may be born with most ease to the Commonalty They conceive likewise that since they bear the incumbent Charges it concerns them to inspect how and by whom their Goods and Chattels are expended They say also that it appears to them by an antient Statute that if the King absent himself from his Parliament voluntarily not by reason of Sickness or for any other necessary cause but through an inordinate Will shall wantonly absent himself by the space of forty days as not regarding the Vexation of his People and their great Expences it shall then be lawful to all and singular of them to return to their own Homes without the King's leave And you have now been longer absent and have refused to come to them for what cause they know not Then said the King I now plainly see that my People and the Commons design to oppose me with Force and are about to make an Insurrection against me And if I be so infested I think the best course I can take will be to _____ my Cousin the King of France and ask his Advice and pray in aid of him against those that way-lay me and rather to submit my self to him than be foil'd by my own Subjects To which they reply'd That Counsel is not for your good but will inevitably tend to your ruin for the King of France is your capital Enemy and the greatest Adversary that your Kingdom has and if he should set his foot within your Kingdom he would rather endeavour to prey upon you and invade your Realm and to depose you from your Royal Dignity than afford you any Assistance if which God forbid you should stand in need of his help Call to mind therefore how your Grand-father King Edward III and your Father Prince Edward for him fought indefatigably in Sweat and Sorrow all their days and went through innumerable Hardships of Cold and Heat to acquire the Kingdom of France which by hereditary Right appertain'd to Them and does now to You by Succession after them Remember likewise how innumerable Lords and Commons of both Realms and Kings and Gentlemen of other Kingdoms and People innumerable perished or hazarded perishing in that War and that the Commons of this Realm pour'd out Goods of inestimable value and innumerable Sums of Money for the carrying on of that same War and which is more to be lamented they have now in your days undergone such heavy Taxes towards the maintaining of your Wars that they are reduced to such incredible Poverty that they cannot so much as pay their Rents for their Farms nor aid the King nor afford themselves Necessaries and the King himself is impoverish'd and the Lords become uneasy and all the People faint for a King cannot become poor that has a rich People nor can he be rich whose People are poor And all these Mischiefs redound not to the King only but also to all and singular the Peers of the Realm in proportion And all these Mischiefs happen by means of the King 's Evil Ministers who have hitherto misgovern'd both the King and Kingdom and if some course be not taken the Kingdom of England will
be miserably diminish'd sooner than we are aware But there remains yet another part of our Message which we have to impart to you on the behalf of your People They find in an antient Statute and it has been done in fact not long ago That if the King through any Evil Counsel or foolish Contumacy or out of Scorn or some singular petulant Will of his own or by any other irregular Means shall alienate himself from his People and shall refuse to be govern'd and guided by the Laws of the Realm and the Statutes and laudable Ordinances thereof together with the wholsom Advice of the Lords and great Men of his Realm but persisting head-strong in his own hare-brain'd Counsels shall petulantly prosecute his own singular humour That then it shall be lawful for them with the common assent and consent of the People of the Realm to depose that same King from his Regal Throne and to set up some other of the Royal Blood in his room H. Knight Coll. 2681. No Man can imagine that the Lords and Commons in Parliament would have sent the King such a Message and have quoted to him an old Statute for deposing Kings that would not govern according to Law if the People of England had then apprehended that an Obedience without reserve was due to the King or if there had not been such a Statute in being And though the Record of that Excellent Law be lost as the Records of almost all our Antient Laws are yet is the Testimony of so credible an Historian who lived when these things were transacted sufficient to inform us that such a Law was then known and in being and consequently that the Terms of English Allegiance according to the Constitution of our Government are different from what some Modern Authors would persuade us they are This Difference betwixt the said King and his Parliament ended amicably betwixt them in the punishment of many Evil Counsellors by whom the King had been influenced to commit many Irregularities in Government But the Discontents of the People grew higher by his After-management of Affairs and ended in the Deposition of that King and setting up of another who was not the next Heir in Lineal Succession The Articles against King Richard the Second may be read at large in H. Knighton Collect. 2746 2747 c. and are yet extant upon Record An Abridgment of them is in Cotton's Records pag. 386 387 388. out of whom I observe these few there being in all Thirty three The First was His wasting and bestowing the Lands of the Crown upon unworthy Persons and overcharging the Commons with Exactions And that whereas certain Lords Spiritual and Temporal were assign'd in Parliament to intend the Government of the Kingdom the King by a Conventicle of his own Accomplices endeavoured to impeach them of High-Treason Another was For that the King by undue means procured divers Justices to speak against the Law to the destruction of the Duke of Glocester and the Earls of Arundel and Warwick at Shrewsbury Another For that the King against his own Promise and Pardon at a solemn Procession apprehended the Duke of Glocester and sent him to Calice there to be choaked and murthered beheading the Earl of Arundel and banishing the Earl of Warwick and the Lord Cobham Another For that the King's Retinue and a Rout gathered by him out of Cheshire committed divers Murders Rapes and other Felonies and refused to pay for their Victuals Another For that the Crown of England being freed from the Pope and all other Foreign Power the King notwithstanding procured the Pope's Excommunication on such as should break the Ordinances of the last Parliament in derogation of the Crown Statutes and Laws of the Realm Another That he made Men Sheriffs who were not named to him by the Great Officers the Justices and others of his Council and who were unfit contrary to the Laws of the Realm and in manifest breach of his Oath Another For that he did not repay to his Subjects the Debts that he had borrowed of them Another For that the King refused to execute the Laws saying That the Laws were in his Mouth and Breast and that himself alone could make and alter the Laws Another For causing Sheriffs to continue in Office above a Year contrary to the tenor of a Statute-Law thereby incurring notorious Perjury Another For that the said King procured Knights of the Shires to be returned to serve his own Will Another For that many Justices for their good Counsel given to the King were with evil Countenance and Threats rewarded Another For that the King passing into Ireland had carried with him without the Consent of the Estates of the Realm the Treasure Reliques and other Jewels of the Realm which were used safely to be kept in the King 's own Coffers from all hazard And for that the said King cancelled and razed sundry Records Another For that the said King appear'd by his Letters to the Pope to Foreign Princes and to his Subjects so variable so dissembling and so unfaithful and inconstant that no Man could trust him that knew him insomuch that he was a Scandal both to himself and the Kingdom Another That the King would commonly say amongst the Nobles that all Subjects Lives Lands and Goods were in his hands without any forfeiture which is altogether contrary to the Laws and Vsages of the Realm Another For that he suffered his Subjects to be condemned by Martial-Law contrary to his Oath and the Laws of the Realm Another For that whereas the Subjects of England are sufficiently bound to the King by their Allegiance yet the said King compell'd them to take new Oaths These Articles with some others not altogether of so general a concern being considered and the King himself confessing his Defects the same seemed sufficient to the whole Estates for the King's Deposition and he was depos'd accordingly The Substance and Drift of all is That our Kings were antiently liable to and might lawfully be deposed for Oppression and Tyranny for Insufficiency to govern c. in and by the great Council of the Nation without any breach of the old Oath of Fealty because to say nothing of the nature of our Constitution express and positive Laws warranted such Proceedings And therefore the Frame of our Government being the same still and the Terms of our Allegiance being the same now that they were then without any new Obligations superinduced by the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy a King of England may legally at this day for sufficient cause be deposed by the Lords and Commons assembled in a Great Council of the Kingdom without any breach of the present Oaths of Supremacy or Allegiance Quod erat demonstrandum MANTISSA WHen Stephen was King of England whom the People had chosen rather than submit to Mawd tho the Great Men of the Realm had sworn Fealty to her in her Father's life-time Henry Duke of Anjou Son of the said Mawd afterwards King Henry the Second invaded the Kingdom An. Dom. 1153 which was towards the latter-end of King Stephen's Reign and Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury endeavoured to mediate a Peace betwixt them speaking frequently with the King in private and sending many Messages to the Duke and Henry Bishop of Winchester took pains likewise to make them Friends Factum est autem ut mense Novembris in fine mensis EX PRAECEPTO REGIS ET DUCIS Collect. pag. 1374 1375. convenirent apud Wintoniam Praesules Principes Regni ut ipsi jam initae paci praeberent assensum unanimiter juramenti Sacramento confirmarent i.e. It came to pass that in the Month of November towards the latter end of the Month at the summons of the King and of the Duke the Prelats and Great Men of the Kingdom were assembled at Winchester that they also might assent to the Peace that was concluded and unanimously swear to observe it In that Parliament the Duke was declared King Stephen's adopted Son and Heir of the Kingdom and the King to retain the Government during his Life I observe only upon this Authority That there being a Controversy betwixt the King and the Duke which could no otherwise be determined and settled but in a Parliament the Summons of this Parliament were issued in the Names of both Parties concerned Quisquis habet aures ad audiendum audiat FINIS
for it being terrified by the greatness of the danger would have compounded so far as to have taken away the Penal Laws against Papists and so have set them upon a Level with other English Subjects provided the Test might have been continued and the Government secured from falling into the hands of that Faction all such offers were despised and rejected with scorn Nor would any thing content the Bigotry and Arbitrary humour of those who were then in the Saddle less than the total enslaving of the Nation and the Re-establishment of that Idolatrous Religion from which our Ancestors had freed themselves with so much Bravery and Generosity in the beginning of the last Century In this deplorable Condition His then Highness the Prince of Orange found these Kingdoms when he came to relieve us from the greatest Oppressions He heard the Voice of the People that earnestly invited him over to their Rescue and taking it as undoubtedly it was for the Voice of God complied and God hath made us All happy with the desired success Had the late King James stuck firmly to the Interests of his People He would thereby have easily secured his own and if they could have found He had had what he assured both Houses of Parliament King's Speech to both Houses of Parliament May 30. 1685. in a Speech he made to them A true English heart as Jealous of the Honour of the Nation as they themselves could be he might have carried by God's Blessing and their Assistance as he then said the Reputation of it yet higher in the World than ever it had been in the time of any of his Ancestors He wanted not some about him at the first especially that would gladly have given him faithful Counsel Those that were able to advise him well and were real Friends to Him as they were true to their Religion and to the Interest of their Countrey and A Wise Man says my incomparable Author Memoirs of Philip de Comines lib. 3. c. 5. p. 159. in a Prince's Retinue is a great Treasure and Security to his Master if one has the Liberty to speak truth and the other the Discretion to believe him But unhappy Prince He was resolvedly bent by the force of his own Superstition the Power and Influence of the Priests and Jesuits that continually attended on him and the Directions from France upon the total Destruction of our Reformed Religion that Pestilent Northern Heresy our Liberties and our Properties and was upon the point of effecting that Tremendous Design but God in his Wise Providence with Infinite Mercy and Compassion to this almost Ruined Land and People saw it meet to give check to that Imperial Carreer with a hitherto shalt thou come and no further HE REMOVETH KINGS AND SETTETH UP KINGS In this Volume you have a full Account of our late happy Revolution with almost all the steps and measures that were taken in it and a justification of our present Settlement 'T was God's doing and it ought ever to be marvellous in our eyes We have now a King and Queen professing the same Faith with our selves who as He came over to preserve our Dearest Interests the Protestant Religion and to restore to Vs our invaded Laws and Liberties found the Nation generally disposed to receive him as the Mighty Deliverer under God of this Church and State The hand of Heaven conducted him with safety up to London and all the Kingdom called him Blessed and in a sence of Joy and Gratitude to Him and His Royal Consort The whole Body of the Nation by their Representatives in Parliament have recognized and acknowledged Their present Majesties to be their Lawful and Rightful Sovereign Liege Lord and Lady And how could we do less than own them for our King and Queen who by such an amazing turn have redeemed from Slavery both our Souls and Bodies if we pretend to any value for our Holy Religion or any English Love of Liberty We have a King of an Extraordinary Personal Valour and Conduct that hath very often already ventured his Life and still resolves to despise all difficulties and hazards himself that His People may reap the fruit of them in their own Peace and Prosperity and that the Protestant Religion may be established to us and our Children to future Generations The Queen is as Supream in Her Vertue as in Her Dignity and hath shewed a most Eminent Resolution as well as a most Prudent Care in all the Administrations of the Government when the Absence of the King hath obliged Her to take the Exercise of the Regal Power upon Her So that the Nation may now hope to enjoy a lasting Felicity from the Royal Protection of both Their Majesties whose constant endeavours we are assured from themselves will be imployed to procure and support the Interest and Honour of it and the Benefit Safety and Ease of their People they throughly understanding the Truth of Mons Gourville's Observation who had been long enough here in England Memoirs of what past in Christendom from the War begun 1672. to the Peace concluded 1679. p. 33 34. to know the Humour of our Court and People and Parliaments to conclude Qu'un Roy d'Angleterre qui veut estre l'homme de son peuple est le plus Grand Roy du monde mais s'il veut estre quelque chose d'avantage par Dieu il n'est plus rien i. e. That a King of England who will be the MAN of his People is the greatest King in World but if he will be something more he is nothing at all I may venture therefore to Prophesy that this King and Queen will take the same care to continue as they have already done to make themselves the DARLING of their People and no Good English Man can wish for more but that this King and Queen may long Reign and that the Tripple Alliance of their Sacred Majesties their Parliaments and their People may never be dissolved Little needs be said concerning the usefulness of such Collections as these THAT formerly published having received sufficient Approbation from Persons of Learning and Knowledg The benefit of them is the same with what redounds from a true History not of Battels and Sieges Births Marriages and Deaths of Princes which are temporary and momentary things but of the Legal Government of a Nation struggling with Arbitrary Power and Illegal Proceedings so far forth as it was invaded within the time mentioned in the Title A CATALOGUE OF THE TRACTS Contained in This Second Volume 1. THE Earl of Clarendon's Speech about disbanding the Army September 13. 1660. Fol. 1 2. The State of England both at home and abroad in order to the Designs of France considered 6 3. Of the Fundamental Laws or Politick Constitution of this Kingdom 22 4. London's Flames revived Or an Account of several Informations exhibited to a Committee appointed by Parliament Sept. 25. 1666. to inquire into the burning of London
from those Contentions whilest every one pretended to all the Marks which are to attend upon the true Church except only that which is inseparable from it Charirity to one another My Lords and Gentlemen This Disquisition hath cost the King many a Sigh many a sad Hour when he hath considered the almost irreparable Reproach the Protestant Religion hath undergone from the Divisions and Distractions which have been so notorious within this Kingdom What pains he hath taken to compose them after several Discourses with learned and pious Men of different Perswasions you will shortly see by a Declaration He will publish upon that Occasion by which you will see His great Indulgence to those who can have any Protection from Conscience to differ with their Brethren And I hope God will so bless the Candor of His Majesty in the Condescentions he makes that the Church as well as the State will return to that Unity and Unanimity which will make both King and People as happy as they can hope to be in this World My Lords and Gentlemen I shall conclude with the Kings hearty thanks to you not only for what you have done towards Him which hath been very signal but for what you have done towards each other for the excellent correspondence you have maintained for the very seasonable Deference and Condescention you have had for each other which will restore Parliaments to the Veneration they ought to have And since His Majesty knows that you all desire to please him you have given him ample Evidence that you do so He hath appointed me to give you a sure Receipt to attain that good End it is a Receipt of His own prescribing and therefore is not like to fail Be but pleased your selves and perswade others to be so contrive all the ways imaginable for your own Happiness and you will make Him the best pleased and the most happy Prince in the World THE State of ENGLAND Both at HOME and ABROAD In Order to The Designs of France CONSIDERED To the READER THIS Discourse being imaginarily Scened and yet really performed out of the Treasure of a very great Minister of State 's Capacity it was thought fit to be Published now and not before because that Respect ought to be payed to the Secret of his Majesty's Affairs so as nothing should anticipate the King 's own Labours to give the People Satisfaction in his due time touching the tender Care that He is graciously pleased to take of all his Subjects in point of Honour Safety Freedom Union and Commerce which nothing could more advance then the Conclusion of the Treaty newly made betwixt England and the States of the United Provinces which without Flattery may be demonstrated to Men of Understanding to aim at nothing but the Good of His Subjects in general exempt from all manner of private Interest whatsoever Blessed be God then that it is so happily concluded and that we have a King whom nothing can ever alienate from the true Interest of his Realms nor no corrupt Counsellour let him be thought to be never so Powerful or Crafty in order to his own Advantages prevent the Wisdom and Integrity of such a Prince from prevailing above the Artifices and Frauds of those who would perswade the Nation were they competent Masters of their Art enough so to do that those Counsellors who are not interested can be less prudent or successful then such as did make it their Business to appropriate all to themselves and nothing to their Master The French King is much commended for his Parts and Activity but let us see him out-do the King of England in this particular of the Treaty both in Courage and Conduct and then I shall be apt to attribute his Grandeur as much to natural Abilities as extraordinary Fortune but not before THE State of England c. THE Adventure which happened unto me lately is of so extraordinary a nature and contains so many important Discoveries in relation to the publick Good in its Progress that I should prove defective towards my Countrey if I did not candidly publish all the Passages both touching the Occasion and Effects of what followed from this Accident Know then that a Peer of the Realm of England and one whose Merit Quality and the Place which he holds in the Administration of the Affairs of the Kingdom are remarkable did invite sundry of his Lordship's best Friends to a magnificent Feast and amongst the rest he had the kindness not to omit me out of the number where the excellence of the Chear which he made to his Guests after a most noble manner put the whole Company into such a refined humour of conversing together that the Entertainment was but one intire pleasing Debate how to express our compleat enjoying of each other I was not wanting with the uttermost of Vigour and Solace to uphold the Genious of this Conference But as the freest speakers do commonly come by the worst in Discourse and are the soonest exposed to enterfiering lashes I found my self to be attacqued in so many places at once with the swiftness of other Mens Reasons and Wits who held the opposite Arguments that although I were something heated yet there remained unto me presence of mind enough and success of Intervalls to get insensibly out of the Press whilst the Disorder and Confusion lasted which is usual at such Meetings into another room I retired then pursuing the Opportunity into a fair Gallery which surprised my Eyes with the rich Ornaments wherewith it was furnished but not without trouble neither and a Curiosity beyond the Opticks of the Place which increased there so as I was diverted from any farther Consideration of the Furniture because the Place seemed to lie too near the Enemy to dwell any longer upon those Objects Wherefore I went into another Chamber hard by which instantly filled me with new Apprehensions by the means of several large Looking-Glasses hanging on the Walls which shewed me my own proper Figure at length on every side and from thence imprinted in my wounded Imagination as many Adversaries as there were angular Reflections out of each Mirrour that appeared to pursue me so furiously that I ran on violently with my head forwards in order to some Escape to the door of another Chamber adjoyning thereunto which opened with such Resistance when I thrust against it as if it had been forced with a Petard And thus falling in the Attempt I was so stunned that it was a good while after before I could come to my self again But at last having partly recovered my spirits I was surprised with a fresh astonishment as much amazed me as the former had done that I repeated for when I began to open my eyes half way finding that till then they had been altogether unuseful to me I attributed the Disorder to want of Sight often feeling in regard of the Darkness of the Room to try whether they were still in my head or not
have the least good Opinion of the Sincerity of their Faith and Dealing That which you have alledged touching the Support which the Royal House of England may particularly hope for from the Amity of France is both a delicate and a dangerous Stone to stir The Glory and the Safety of our King doth only consist in the Love of his People and a streight Union betwixt His Majesty and his present Parliament since He hath no other sound Interest to rely upon but that of the Kingdom having need of no other Arms or Assistance The hearty affections of His Subjects and His own Royal Vertues will be as so many Cittadels erected to maintain His Authority and any other project is contrary both to His Genious and His admirable Prudence For all those who shall dare to inspire any other thoughts into His Majesty will infallibly undergo the weight of His Displeasure as Enemies to His Fame and Quiet But at the Bottom of all what help can He rationally expect from France should He come to need it which God defend after their unworthy abandoning of the King His Father in His great Distress and of the King which now is likewise when the Wheel of Fortune ran against them even to the Exstirpation of the Royal Line had not He by whom Kings reign wonderfully restored them to the Throne of their Ancestors It was that shameful Treaty which the French ratified with those Usurpers then that sacrificed Charles the First to the Ambition of the Tyrant Oliver Cromwel who had snatched the Scepter from the right Owners and Proprietors thereof Nay to such a Degree was the Inhospitability of France grown at that time though His Father were thus execrably Murthered before the Eyes of the French our King 's own Cousin-german refused Him a Retreat that might be secure for His own Person Therefore 't is fit that the English should be disabused once for all by being better informed since France is so far from being assisting or useful unto us upon this Conjuncture that in truth they do seek only to increase our Divisions and Troubles For 't is both their Interest and Maxim so to do which Conduct hath been exactly and hereditarily observed in their Counsels for many Ages together and newly in the last Civil War here since all the Baits which they do present unto us are but so many Apples of Discord which the French Emissaries cast up and down among us purposely to embroil us with our Neighbours or else with one another Next let us consider at present whether we shall find our Accompt better with Spain 'T is evident that solid Reason of State doth totally incline us to leave that other way and you cannot but all acknowledge this to be our true Fundamental Maxim whereby we may keep the Balance in aequilibrio and that our Safety doth most consist in such an aequilibrium why then should we swerve from thence out of vain hopes or quit the Body for the Shadow The Interest of Commerce no way invites us to take part with France and this Truth is so notorious to all the people of England that there is no Eloquence able to perswade them contrary to their own Experience therein The Cause is just and favourable A young * The King of Spain Pupil unworthily oppressed a Peace so solemnly and piously established as lightly violated by a Process of Cavils and Legerdemain by a Proceeding thereupon full of Surprisals and Violence as well as Pretensions unjustly revived after an Authentick †Vide The Buckler of State and Justice Art 4. Renunciation are so many voices which speak to the Root of our Consciences to call us to that which we owe to Justice Pitty good Neighbourhood the Publick Cause of Christendom and our selves For in this matter is concerned no less than the Case of Royal Successions which France will needs have submitted to the Customs of ordinary Citizens and the Conservation of that Bulwark which is common to all these parts of Europe against this Torrent which threatens the whole Vicinity with a great Inundation and the assuring the Tranquility of the Christian Republick against an unquiet Nation that will never desist from disturbing of it until their Insolence shall be abated The Foundation then being so solid because we shall in this Opposition have to treat with a Nation that makes profession of Honour and Generosity which hath never yet been accused to be guilty of having violated any Publick Treaty and that would rather ‖ The remarkable Integrity of Spain hazzard the loss of their Monarchy than their Reputation the Advantage is both secure and considerable whereas on the account of France we shall appear but as little Accessories and the French will carry us on as the First Motion only according to the rapidness of their Progress by applying us meerly in the course of their Game to their own Ends and thus shall we become the Ministers of their Ambition and be made use of like a pair of Stairs on which they do mean to tread in order to their obtaining the Universal Monarchy In fine their Interests if that we are still predestinated to be thus grosly deluded must be the Rule of ours and our future Conduct too and Operations But in taking part with Spain we shall be the Arbitrators of Peace and War and enabled to give the whole weight unto the Resolutions of each Party Then will France consider us with terrour and the apprehension of what our Arms may do and Spain by the addition of our Succours If we do desire Conquests we cannot hope for more lawful ones nor easier Victories than to re-unite by this means our ancient Dominion in France which have formerly been dismembred from the Crown of England But if we shall limit our Designs to the sole establishment of a Peace we can find the Accompt both of Glory and Safety likewise therein since it appears by Authentick Letters of Monsieur de Lionn's writing that France is resolved to be content with Reason as soon as ever they do see England fixed to joyn with Spain and the States of the United Provinces So that 't is in our choice whether to make an advantagious War or procure an honest Peace at the first appearance of our preparations in Arms. Whereas on the contrary 't is evident by the Interception of the aforesaid Dispatches that they will despise all manner of Offices and Mediations that are not Armed but rather pursue vigorously their Course whither Fortune shall drive it on so long as they do meet with no powerful Obstacles in the way Therefore because you seem to believe that Spain is reduced to so low a Condition that our Relief would be altogether unuseful to them and serve for nothing but to bring down the Vengeance of France exasperated upon us for God's sake cure your self of this Pannick fear as soon as you can 'T is France endeavours to erect a formidable Power if
History likewise doth shew us how that all our Alliances with the house of Burgundy have still been glorious and useful and all those with France unfortunate and prejudicial 'T is ever more dangerous to go out of the beaten Road to travel through By-lanes unknown and dark untried Paths You 'l easily agree with me that the Union of the United Provinces with France is the thing of all others which we ought the most to apprehend as fatal to our Crown and therefore by consequence nothing can be more safe for England than to disunite them Heaven furnishes us now with an occasion of doing that which we shall never be able to recover again should it be neglected and if we do suffer it to slip away we shall bring that Republick into a necessity of tying this fatal Knot with France stronglier than ever it was fastned before This Union therefore above all others must be the Object of our Care as it hath of late demonstratively been the cause of our Misfortunes I conclude then upon solid Foundations without hesitating That in the first place we must necessarily take part in this War either with Spain or France and next that we must not engage blind-fold without taking right Measures with those who have the same Interest that England hath in the Case thirdly that we must knit our Party firmly together and get all the Advantages we can in this Treaty with Spain as well as all the Security possible with other States without yet exacting from Spain things which are intolerable unto them whom the loss of the Low Countries for fear of being reduced by the Exorbitancy of our Demands may plunge into a necessity of according to whatever France shall require This Discourse being ended I observed by their Countenances that the two Persons who spake first applauded this Opinion and that the third man was much shaken They had some farther speech together but so softly that I cannot well collect the sense of it after which all the Company embraced and gave one another their hand with a reciprocal promise of secrecy as well as an Union in the same Design And thus they separated each a several way with evidence of great satisfaction and friendship And as soon as ever they were gone I slipped back insensibly again into the former obscurity near the Bed without being seen by any of the Domesticks And thus whilst these particulars were fresh in memory I did set them down in Paper and all that I could remember of their Discouse only to satisfie my own Curiosity and the Curiousness of my Friends OF THE FUNDAMENTAL LAWS OR Politick Constitution OF THIS KINGDOM FUndamental Laws are not or at least need not be any written Agreement like Meer-stones between King and People the King himself being a part not party in those Laws and the Commonwealth not being like a Corporation treated by Charter but treating it self But the Fundamental Law or Laws is a settling of the Laws of Nature and Common Equity by common consent in such a form of Polity and Government as that they may be administred amongst us with honour and safety For the first of which therefore we are governed by a King and for the second by a Parliament to oversee and take order that that honourable trust that is put into the hands of the King for the Dignity of the Kingdom be rightly executed and not abused to the alteration of the Politick Constitution taken up and approved or to the destruction of that for whose preservation it was ordered and intended A principal part of which honour is that Royal Assent he is to give for the Enacting of such good Laws as the People shall choose for they are first to consult their own safety and welfare and then be who is to be intrusted with it is to give an honourable Confirmation to it and so to put an Impress of Majesty and Royal Authority upon it Fundamental Laws then are not things of Capitulation between King and People as if they were Foreigners and Strangers on to another nor ought they or any other Laws so to be for then the King should govern for himself not for his People but they are things of Constitution treating such a relation and giving such an Existence and being by an external Polity to King and Subjects as Head and Members which Constitution in the very being of it is a Law held forth with more evidence and written in the very heart of the Republick far firmlier then can be by Pen and Paper and in which sense we owe our Allegiance to the King as Head not only by power but influence and so part of the Constitution not as a party capitulating for a Prerogative against or contrary to it which whosoever seeks to set up or side with do break their Allegiance and rebel against the State going about to deprive the King of his juridical and lawful Authority conferred upon him by the Constitution of this State under the pretence of investing him with an illegal and unconstitutive Power whereupon may follow this grand Inconvenience The withdrawment of his Peoples Allegiance which as a Body connexed with the Head by the Constitution of this Kingdom is owing to him his Person in relation to the Body as the enlivening and quickâ—ing Head thereof being sacred and taken notice of by the Laws in that capacity and under that notion is made inviolate And if it be conceived that Fundamental Laws must needs be only extant in writing this is the next way to bring all to confusion for then by the same Rule the King bids the Parliament produce those Laws that fundamentally give them their being priviledge and power Which by the way is not like the Power of inferiour Courts that are Springs of the Parliament dealing between Party and Party but is answerable to their trust this Court being it self Fundamental and Paramount comprehending Law and Fquity and being intrusted by the whole for the whole is not therefore to be circumscribed by any other Laws which have their being from it not it from them but only by that Law which at first gave its being to wit Salus Populi By the same Rule I say the Parliament may also intreat the King to produce those Laws that Fundamentally give him his being power and honour Both which must therefore be determined not by Laws for they themselves are Laws yea the most supreme and fundamental Law giving Laws to Laws themselves but by the received Constitution or Polity which they themselves are and the end of their Constitution is the Law or Rule of their Power to wit An honourable and safe Regiment of the Common-wealth which Two whosoever goeth about to divide the one of them from the other breaks the fundamental constitutive Law or Laws and Polity of this Kingdom that Ordinance of Man which we are to submit unto nor can or ought any Statute or written Law whatsoever which is of latter Edition and
inferiour Condition being but an Off-spring of this Root be interpreted or brought in Plea against this primary and radical Constitution without Guilt of the highest Treason and destructive Enmity to the Publick-weal and Polity because by the very Constitution of this Kingdom all Laws or interpretation of Laws tending to Confusion or Dissolution are ipso facto void In this case we may allude and say That the Covenant which was 400 Years before the Law an after-Act cannot disanul it Ob. It may be objected That this Discourse seems to make our Government to be founded in Equity not in Law or upon that common rule of Salus Populi which is alike common to all Nations as well as any And so what Difference Ans The Fundamental Laws of England are nothing but the Common Laws of Equity and Nature reduced into a particular way of Policy which Policy is the ground of our Title to them and interest in them For though it is true that Nature hath invested all Nations in an equal right to the Laws of Nature and Equity by a common Bounty without respect of Persons yet the several Models of external Government and Policy renders them more or less capable of this their common Right For though they have an equal Right in Nature to all the Laws of Nature and Equity yet having fundamentally subjected themselves by their Politick Constitutions unto a Regal Servitude by Barbarism or the like they have thereby much disabled and disvested themselves of that common Benefit But on the contrary where the outward Constitution or Polity of a Republick is purposely framed for the consirming and better conserving this common Right of Nature and Equity as in ours there is not only a common Right but also a particular and lawful Power joyned with this Right for its Maintenance and Supportation For whereas other People are without all supreme Power either of making Laws or raising Monies both these Bodies of Supremacy being in the arbitrary hands only of the Sovereign Magistrate amongst many Nations these with us are in the hands of the supreme Government not Governour or Court of Judicature to wit the King and Parliament here the People like Free-men give Money to the King he doth not take it and offers Laws to be enacted doth not receive them so Now in such a constituted Kingdom where the very Constitution its self is the fundamental Law of its own Preservation as is this mixt Regiment of ours consisting of King and Parliament as Head and Body comprehending Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy there the fundamental Laws are like fundamental Truths in these two Properties First they are comprehended in a very little room to wit Honour and Safety and Secondly they have their influence into all other inferiour Laws which are to be subjected to them and correspondent with them as lawful Children and natural Branches Ob. But in Process of time there are many written Laws which seem at least to contradict this fundamental Constitution and are not they binding notwithstanding it Ans The Constitution of this Kingdom which gave its being and which is the radical and fundamental Law thereof ought therefore to command in chief for that it never yields up its Authority to those inferiour Laws which have their being from it nor ought they which spring from it tend to the Destruction of it but on the contrary it is to derive its radical Virtue and Influence into all succeeding Laws and they like Branches are to make the root flourish from whence they spring with exhibiting the lively and fructifying Virtue thereof according to the Nature and Seasons of succeeding times things incident in after-ages not being able to be foreseen and particularly provided for at the beginning saving in the fundamental Law of Salus Populi politickly established nor can any Laws growing out of that root bear any other Fruit then such as the nature thereof dictates for for a particular branch to ruine the whole Foundation by a seeming sense contrary to it or differing from it is very absurd for then how can it be said Thou bearest not the root but the root thee Laws must always relish of and drink in the Constitution or Polity where they are made and therefore with us the Laws wherein the King is nominated and so seems to put an absolute Authority into his hands must never so be construed for that were with a breath to blow down all the Building at once but the King is there comprehended and meant under a two-sold Notion First as trusted being the Head with that Power the Law confer'd upon him for a Legal and not an Absolute Purpose tending to an honourable Preservation not an unnatural Dissolution Secondly as meaning him juridically not abstractly or personally for so only the Law takes notice of the King as a juridical Person for till the Legislative Power be absolutely in the King so that Laws come down from him to his People and go not up from them to him they must never be so interpreted for as they have a juridical being and beginning to wit in Parliament so must they have a suitable Execution and Administration to wit by the Courts and legal Ministers under the Kings Authority which according to the Constitution of this Kingdom he can no more suspend for the good of his People than the Courts can theirs or if he do to the publick hazard then have the Courts this Advantage that for publick Preservation they may and must provide upon that Principle The King can do no Wrong neither in witholding Justice nor Protection from his People So that then Salus Populi being so principally respected and provided for according to the nature of our Constitution and Polity and so being Lex legum or the Rule of all Laws branching thence then if any Law do by Variation of Times Violence of Tyranny or Misprision of Interpreters vary there-from it is a Bastard and not a Son and is by the lawful Parents either to be reduced or cast out as gendring unto Bondage and ruine of the Inheritance by attempting to erect an absolute and arbitrary Government Nor can this equitable Exposition of particular Statutes taken from the Scope of the politick Constitution be denyed without overthrow of just and legal Monarchy which ever tends to publick Good and Preservation and the setting up of an unjust and illegal Tyranny ruling if not without Law yet by abused Laws turning them as conquered Ordnance upon the People The very Scripture it self must borrow from its Scope and Principles for Explanation of particular Places else it will be abused and as it is through that Default unto Heresies See we not how falsly Satan quoted true Scripture to Christ when he tempted him only by urging the Letter without the Equity or true Intention and Meaning We are to know and do things Verum vere justum juste else we neither judge with righteous Judgment nor obey with just Obedience Ob. But is not the
Parliament guilty of exercising an arbitrary Power if their Proceedings be not regulated by written Laws but by Salus Populi Ans For the Parliament to be bound up by written Laws is both destructive and absurd First it is destructive it being the Fundamental Court and Law or the very Salus Populi of England and ordained as to make Laws and see them executed so to supply their Deficiency according to the present Exigency of things for publick Preservation by the Prerogative of Salus Populi which is universally in them and but particularly in particular Laws and Statutes which cannot provide against all future Exigents which the Law of Parliaments doth and therefore are not they to be limits to this And it would yet be further destructive by cutting the Parliament short of half its Power at once for it being a Court both of Law and Equity as appears by the Power of making Laws which is nothing but Equity reduced by common Consent into Polity when ever it is circumscribed by written Laws which only is the Property of inferiour Courts it ceaseth to be supreme and divests it self of that inherent and uncircumscribed Power which Salus Populi comprehends Secondly as it is destructive so also it is absurd for the Legislative Power which gives Laws is not to receive Laws saving from the nature and end of its own Constitution which as they give it a being so they endow it with Laws of Preservation both of it self and the whole which it represents I would not herein be mis-understood as if the Parliament when as it only doth the Office of inferiour Courts judging between Party and Party were not limitted by written Laws there I grant it is because therein it only deals between meum and tuum which particular written Laws can and ought to determine so that its superlative and uncircumscribed Power I intend only as relating to the Universe and the Affairs thereof wherein it is to walk by its fundamental Principles not by particular Precepts or Statutes which are made by the Parliament between King and People not between People and Parliament they are ordained to be Rules of Government to the King agreeing with the Liberty and Property of the People and Rules of Obedience to the People without detainment of their Freedom by the Exercise of an illegal usurped and unconsented Power whereunto Kings especially in hereditary Monarchies are very prone which cannot be suspected by a Parliament which is representatively the Publick intrusted for it and which is like to partake and share with the Publick being but so many private Men put into Authority pro tempore by common Consent for common Good Nor is the Parliament hereby guilty of an arbitrary Government or is it destructive to the Petition of Right when as in providing for Publick-weal it observes not the letter of the Law First because as aforesaid that Law was not made between Parliament and People but by the People in Parliament between the King and them as appears by the whole tenour of it both in the complaining and praying parts which wholly relate to the King Secondly because of the common Consent that in the representative Body the Parliament is given thereunto wherein England in her Polity imitates Nature in her Instincts who is wont to violate particular Principles for publick Preservation as when light things descend and heavy ascend to prevent a Vacuum And Thirdly because of the equitable Power which is inherent in a Parliament and for publick Good is to be acted above and against any particular Statute or all of them And Fourthly because the end of making that Law to wit the publick Preservation is fulfilled in the breaking of it which is lawful in a Parliament that is chosen by the whole for the whole and are themselves also of the Body though not in a King for therein the Law saith Better a mischief than an inconvenience But it may be objected Though it be not arbitrary for the Parliament to go against written Law yet is it not so when they go against the Kings Consent which the Law even the fundamental Law supposeth in Parliamentary Proceedings This hath been answered That the King is juridically and according to the intention of the Law in his Courts so that what the Parliament consults for the publick Good That by Oath and the Duty of his Office and Nature of this Polity he is to consent unto and in case he do deny it yet in the Construction of the fundamental Law and Constitutions of this Kingdom he is conceived to grant it supposing the Head not be so unnatural to the Body that hath chosen it for good and not for evil But it will be answered Where is the Kings Negative Voice if the Parliament may proceed without his Consent I answer That there is no known nor written Law that gives him any and things of that nature are willingly believed till they be abused or with too much Violence claimed That his Majesty hath fundamentally a Right of Consent to the Enacting of Laws is true which as aforesaid is part of that honourable Trust constituted in him And that this Royal Assent is an Act of Honour and not of Absolute and Negative Power or Prerogative appears by these following Reasons First by his Oath at the Coronation mentioned in one of the Parliaments Declarations where he doth or should swear to confirm and grant all such good Laws as his People shall choose to be observed not hath chosen for First The word concedis in that Oath were then unnecessary the Laws formerly Enacted being already granted by foregoing Kings and so they need no more Concession or Confirmation else we must run upon this Shelf that all our Laws die with the old King and receive their being anew by the new Kings Consent Secondly hereby the first and second Clause in that Interrogatory viz. Concedis justas leges permittas protegendas are confounded and do but idem repetere Thirdly Quas Vulgus elegerit implies only the Act of the People in a disjunctive sense from the Act or Consent of the King but Laws already made have more than Quas Vulgus elegerit they have also the Royal Consent too so that that Phrase cannot mean them wherein the Act or Consent of the King is already involved Secondly by the Practise of requiring the Royal Assent even unto those very Acts of Subsidies which are granted to himself and for his own use which it is supposed he will accept of and yet Honoris gratia is his Royal Assent craved and contributed thereunto Thirdly by the Kings not sitting in Parliament to debate and consult Laws noâ— are they at all offered him by the Parliament to consider of but to consent to which yet are transmitted from one House to another as well to consult as consent to shewing thereby he hath no part in the consultory part of them for that it belongs only to the People in Parliament to discern and
consult their own good but he comes only at the time of Enacting bringing his Royal Authority with him as it were to set the Seal thereof to the Indenture already prepared by the People for the King is Head of the Parliament in regard of his Authority not in regard of his Reason or Judgment as if it were to be opposed to the Reason or Judgment of both Houses which is the Reason both of King and Kingdom and therefore do they as consult so also interpret Laws without him supposing him to be a Person replenished with Honour and Royal Authority not skilled in Laws nor to receive Information either of Law or Councel in Parliamentary Affairs from any saving from that supreme Court and highest Councel of the King and Kingdom which admits no counterpoise being intrusted both as the wisest Counsel and justest Judicature Fourthly either the choise of the People in Parliament is to be the Ground and Rule of the Kings Assent or nothing but his Pleasure and so all Bills tho' never so necessary for publick Good and Preservation and after never so much pains and consultation of both Houses may be rejected and so they made meer Cyphers and we brought to that pass as neither to have no Laws or such only as come immediately from the King who oft is a man of Pleasure and little seen in publick Affairs to be able to judge and so the Kingdoms great Councel must be subordinated either to his meer Will and then what Difference between a free Monarchy and an absolute saving that the one rules without Councel and the other against it or at the best but to a Cabinet Councel consisting commonly of Men of private Interests but certainly of no publick Trust Ob. But if the King must consent to such Laws as the Parliament shall chuse eo nomine they may then propound unreasonable things to him as to consent to his own Deposing or to the lessening his own Revenue c. Ans So that the issue is whether it be fitter to trust the Wisdom and Integrity of our Parliament or the Will and Pleasure of the King in this case of so great and publick Concernment In a word the King being made the Fountain of Justice and Protection to his People by the fundamental Laws or Constitution of this Kingdom he is therefore to give life to such Acts and Things as tend thereunto which Acts depend not upon his Pleasure but though they are to receive their greater Vigour from him yet are they not to be suspended at pleasure by him for that which at first was intended by the Kingdom for an honourable way of Subsistence and Administration must not be wrested contrrry to the nature of this Polity which is a free and mist Monarchy and not absolute to its Destruction and Confusion so that in case the King in his Person should decline his Duty the King in his Courts is bound to perform it where his Authority properly resides for if he refuse that Honour which the Republick by its fundamental Constitution hath conferred upon him and will not put forth the Acts of it for the end it was given him viz. for the Justice and Safety of his People this hinders not but that they who have as fundamentally reserved a Power of being and well-being in their own hands by the Concurrence of Parliamentary Authority to the Royal Dignity may thereby provide for their own Subsistence wherein is acted the Kings juridical Authority though his personal pleasure be withheld for his legal and juridical Power is included and supposed in the very being and consequently in the Acts of Courts of Justice whose being he may as well suspend as their Power of Acting for that without this is but a Cypher and therefore neither their being nor their acting so depend upon him as not to be able to act and execute common Justice and Protection without him in case he deny to act with them and yet both so depend upon him as that he is bound both in Duty and Honour by the Constitution of this Polity to act in them and they for him so that according to that Axiom in Law The King can do no wrong because his juridical Power and Authority is always to controle his personal Miscarriages London's Flames Revivd OR AN ACCOUNT OF SEVERAL INFORMATIONS Exhibited to a Committee appointed by PARLIAMENT September the 25th 1666. To Enquire into the BURNING of LONDON WITH Several other Informations concerning other Fires in Southwark Fetter-Lane and elsewhere UPon the Second of September 1666. the Fire began in London at one Farriner 's House a Baker in Pudding-Lane between the Hours of One and Two in the Morning and continued burning until the Sixth of September following consuming as by the Surveyors appears in Print Three hundred seventy three Acres within the Walls of the City of London and Sixty three Acres and Three Roods without the Walls There remains Seventy five Acres and Three Roods yet standing within the Walls unburnt Eighty nine Parish Churches besides Chappels burnt Eleven Parishes within the Walls yet standing Houses burnt Thirteen thousand and two hundred Per Jonas Moore Ralph Gatrix Surveyors UPon the 18th Day of September 1666. the Parliament came together And upon the 25th of the same Month the House of Commons appointed a Committee to enquire into the Causes of the late Fire before whom the following Informations were given in and proved before the Committee as by their Report will more clearly appear bearing date the 22th of January 1666. and upon the 8th of February following the Parliament was Prorogued before they came to give their Judgment thereupon Die Martis 25 Septembris 1666. 18 Car. 2. Resolved c. THat a Committee be appointed to enquire into the Causes of the late Fire and that it be referred to Sir Charles Harbord Mr. Sandys Col. Birch Sir Robert Brook Sir Thomas Littleton Mr. Prin Mr. Jones Sir Solomon Swale Sir Thomas Tomlins Mr. Seymour Mr. Finch Lord Herbert Sir John Heath Mr. Milward Sir Richard Ford Mr. Robert Milward Sir William Lowther Sir Richard Vatley Sir Rowland Beckley Sir Thomas Allen Mr. Whorwood Mr. Coventry Serj. Maynard Sir John Talbot Mr. Morley Mr. Garraway Sir Francis Goodrick Col. Strangeways Sir Edward Massey Sir Edmond Walpool Sir Robert Atkins Sir Thomas Gower Mr. Trevor Sir Thomas Clifford Sir Henry Caesar Sir John Monson Sir John Charleton Lord Ancram Mr. Pepis Sir Richard Everard Mr. Crouch Mr. Merrel Sir William Hickman Sir Richard Brown Mr. Maynard And they are to meet to Morrow at Two of the Clock in the After-noon in the Speaker's Chamber and to send for Persons Papers and Records William Goldsbrough Cler. Dom. Com. October 9. 1666. Ordered that these Members following be added to the Committee appointed to Enquire into the Causes of the late Fire viz. Sir John Pelham Mr. Hugh Buscowen Mr. Giles Hungerford Sir William Lewis Sir Gilbert Gerrard Sir John Brampstone Mr. Milward Mr. Buscowen
found this following Paper which immediately either by himself or a Relation of his was delivered to Sir William Morrice one of his Majesties Principal Secretaries of State The Contents of the Paper are as follows A Warning to Protestants I Who have been a Papist from my Infancy till of late and in Zeal for their horrid Principles had too great a share in the Firing of the City and did intend to do further Mischief to the Protestants of which I am now and ever shall be a Member do upon Abhorrence of that Villany and Religion that hath moved me to it declare to all Protestants the Approach of their sudden Ruine that it may be prevented if it be not too late When I together with other Papists both French Irish and English fired the City others were imployed to Massacre the Protestants we thinking thereby to destroy the Heads of your Religion but the Massacre was disappointed by the Fear of him who was the chief Agent in this Villany And the Fire not having done all its Work they have often endeavoured to fire the remaining part They intend likewise to land the French upon you to whose Assistance they all intend to come and for that purpose are stored with Arms and have so far deceived the King that they have the Command of most part of the Army and the Sea-Ports The French intend to land at Dover that Garison being most Papists And the Papists in England have express Command from Rome to hasten their Business before the next Parliament and to dispatch Therefore as you love your Lives and Fortunes prevent your Ruine by disarming all the Papists in England especially C. L. from the Tower and the L. D. and all his Adherents and Souldiers from Dover and by disarming all Papists I have such an Abhorrence that I would willingly undergo any Punishment for it and declare my self openly were I not assured that I could do you more good in concealing my Name for the present Delay not from following these Directions as you love your Lives and be not deceived by any Pretences whatsoever An Impartial Account of some Informations taken before several Justices of the Peace concerning the several Fires happening of late in and near the City of London ABout the latter end of June and in July one Joseph Harrison came several times to the Greyhound-Inn in Holborn pretending to enquire for Letters for himself and about the beginning of July comes into the said Inn and meeting Mr. Atkins the Master of the said Inn He the said Harrison asked him for a Can of Beer whereupon Mr. Atkins ordered his Man to draw two Cans drinking one himself and giving the other to Harrison After which the said Harrison took Mr. Atkins by the Hand and lead him out of his own Yard into Holborn and by the Rails in the Street the said Harrison advised the said Atkins to put off his House and dispose of his Goods as soon as he could for within Three Weeks or a Month there would be great and dreadful Fires in and about London Mr. Atkins asked him How he knew so The said Harrison replied If you will not believe me you may chose and so left him One Monday July the 25th Mr. Atkins his Wife hearing of the Fire at the George-Inn in Southwark went to her Mother at the Talbot-Inn in Southwark the back-part of which said Inn is adjoyning to the George-Inn and was likewise on Fire and being there she espied the aforesaid Joseph Harrison in the Yard and remembring the aforesaid Advice to her Husband desired some Persons that were next her to lay hold on him which being done he was conveyed to a Foot-Company that stood in Arms near the said Inn judging that the nearest place to secure him After which Sir John Smith one of the Sheriffs of London was acquainted with the whole matter Upon which he with the L. C. went to the said Company and in the hearing of several gave Charge to the Captain of the said Company to keep him safe until they had time to examine him After the Fire was put out some went to enquire after the Prisoner and the Captain told them The L. C. had dicharged him The next Day being Tuesday a Person was informed that the said Harrison taught School in Thread-Needle Street and that he boasted of his Deliverance and said That the L. C. was pleased to honour him so far as to take him in his Barge with him to White-hall and bad him but be patient a while and he should have Satisfaction from the Persons that had troubled him But hearing where to find him Endeavours were used to retake him and accordingly was accomplished on Wednesday July 27. and had before the Worshipful Sir John Frederick who sent him to Bishopsgate and ordered him to be brought before the Lord Mayor and Court of Aldermen the next day to be examined Before whom were these following things proved against him upon Oath 1. THat he hath had frequent Correspondency with Jesuits and Papists 2. That he hath spoken to several of his Acquaintance to go with him to Popist Meetings declaring that he knew of many 3. That he hath been perswaded to turn Mendicant Fryer and hath been offered a Stipend to turn to the Romish Religion 4. That he knew there would be divers great and dreadful Fires in and about London within a Month. 5. That he advised Friends to rid their Hauds of all their Concerns in and about London for there would be a great Consumption of houses there 6. That when he was in the Custody of the Foot-Company aforesaid Mr. Atkins aforesaid affirming to swear the former Article he threatned him if he did it should cost him the best House he had 7. That he said there were forty thousand French Papists lately come over to his Knowledge besides many that were amongst us already 8. The Lord Mayor asking him Who perswaded him to turn Catholick He answered The King's Under-Barber Phillips After which he told the Court That when he was apprehended for these things my L. C. discharged him and took him with him in his Barge to White-hall He further told the Court That he was some time an Assistant to Mr. Lovejoy Schoolmaster at Canterbury and that he had Letters Testimonial of his good Behaviour from the Dean of Canterbury Upon which my Lord Mayor remembring that he had seen him with Mr. Lovejoy and said that Mr. Lovejoy told him That he was an idle Rogue And so he was committed to Newgate On Saturday the 30th of July it was further deposed upon Oath by Thomas Roe before Sir John Frederick as follows The Information of Thomas Roe of Bernard-Inn Gent. taken the 3th of July 1670. by Sir John Frederick Alderman one of His Majesties Justices of Peace in the City of London upon Oath as followeth THomas Roe saith that he hath for at least twelve or thirteen Years last past been acquainted with one Joseph Harrison who was
any one time with above the Number of ten Persons upon the Pain of incurring a Penalty not exceeding the Sum of 100 l. in Money and Three Months Imprisonment without Bail or Mainprize for every Offence which Offence to be prosecuted at the Court of Kings-bench or at the Assizes or general Quarter-Sessions within six Months after the Offence committed and proved by two or more credible Witnesses Here you observe the Parliament who set themselves directly to obviate all the Inconveniences which might arise to the Government from tumultuous petitioning will not allow that great Numbers should joyn in Petitions for alteration of the Laws because it is possible ill Men should abuse such Liberty unless the matter of the Petition be conâ—â—â—ted to in such a manner as the Act directs but in all other Cases they leave the Subjects to their undoubted Liberty as well knowing that from thence there could arise no possible Inconvenience but on the contrary that to bar the People of that humble way of making their Wants known might force them upon worse ways of doing it And therefore I must tell you that you do my Lord Chancellor great Injustice if you think his Speech tends to deter Men from all manner of petitioning No that wise and eloquent Lord who receives every day so many Petitions will I suppose be content the King should receive some too It never yet was thought * It is the Right of all People that apprehend themselves aggrieved to approach his Majesty by Petition Mr. Finch's Argument in the Trial of the Seven Bishops f. 105. The Subjects have a Right to Petition the King in all their Grievances so say all our Books of Law and so says the Statute 13 Car. 2. Sergeant Levinz in the same Trial fol. 121. It was one Article against the Earl of Strafford That he Issued out a Proclamation and Warrant of Restraint to inhibit the Kings Subjects to come to the Fountain their Sovereign to deliver their Complaints of their Wrongs and Oppressions Rushw in his Trial 721. seditious or tumultuous in any Government for the Subjects in an humble manner to beg That he who has the only Power to do it would redress their Grievances 'T is the way by which we apply our selves to the King of Heaven who knows all our Wants and yet expects from us that we should daily express them to him in humble Petitions And the Wisdom of the Church which has appointed Liturgies and Forms of Common-Prayer seems to instruct us that God is pleased when huge Numbers joyn in the same Petition Why should not then suppliant Subjects with like Humility and in like manner address themselves to the God on Earth Especially since Kings cannot know our Desires or our Grievances till we our selves inform them what they are I remember some wicked Councellors of Darius did once obtain a Law to be made that none should Petition any one but the King for thirty Days but there never yet was found so absurd a States-man as to advise a Law that Subjects should not supplicate their Prince 'T is probable it would be well for some Favourites who are near a King if such a Right could be taken from the People for then all their false Suggestions and Informations might pass undiscovered but 't is impossible that a King should long be safe in such a Condition I will suppose a malicious States-man intending to raise a Jealousie in the Mind of the Sovereign should inform him in dangerous times that he was not beloved by his People and that he was not to trust them How could the Subjects in such a Case recover the Prince's good Opinion in the Absence of a Legal Representative but by humble and affectionate Addresses Or suppose some good Protestant Prince should be so unfortunate as to have some Councellors near him who are conceal'd and others whose Crimes make them fear Parliaments it is easie to suppose that the one sort will be filling his Ears with Stories that a great part of his Kingdom are inclined to Popery and the other sort that the best of his Subjects are quite out of Love with Parliaments as factious and seditious Assemblies Into what unfortunate Circumstances would such a Prince be apt to fall if his People were percluded from Addressing themselves and opening their Desires to him I might go on to trouble you with infinite Instances of this Nature but there is no want of any in so plain a case 'T is the Doctrine of our Church that the only Arms of Subjects are Prayers Petitions Supplications and Tears and they are no Friends either to the King or Church Hâ—b 220. Wrenhams Case Vet. Magn. Chart. Exil Hugi. De Spencer 51. who would disarm us of these My Lord Chief Justice Hobbart tell us That it is lawful for any Subject to petition to the King for Redress in an humble and modest manner for says he Access to the Sovereign must not be shut up in case of the Subjects Distresses It was one of the Crimes for which the Spencers were banished by Parliament that they hindred the King from receiving and answering Petitions from great Men and others And as it is our unquestionable Right Be the Right of the Subject never so clear manifest and acknowledged by all yet if his own be detained from him by the King he hath no other Writ or Account to recover but a mere Petition Supplicare Celsitudini c. A Learned Judge's Argument about Impositions Printed 1641. p. 26. so in all Ages the Usage has been by Petition to inform our King of our Grievances In the Reign of King Ed. 2. and Ed. 3. Petitions were frequent for Redress of publick Grievances and for Parliaments especially out of Ireland though that is a conquer'd Nation as may be seen in the close Rolls of the Reigns of those two Kings One Instance I will give you for your Satisfaction but I will tire you with no more for that would be endless 'T is Claus 10. Ed. 2. M. 28. Claus 10. E. 2. M. 28. intus Pro communitate Hiberniae Intus pro Communitate Hiberniae Rex Dilect fideliter suis Justa Cancellar Thesaur suis Hib. salutem ex parte populi nostri terrae praedict per Petitionem suam coram nobis Concilio nostro exhibitum nobis est cum instantia supplicare quod cum c. In the 5th year of King Richard the II. the whole Body of the Realm petition'd Cookes Jurisdiction of Courts p. 79. Burarts History of the Reformation Pag. 231. Procl Dat. 7. Feb. 11. Jac. that the most wise and able men within the Realm might be chosen Chancellors King Henry the 8. told his Subjects then in Arms against him in York-shire that they ought not to have rebell'd but to have applied themselves to him by Petition King James by a Proclamation publisht in the 12th year of his Reign begins thus The Complaints lately exhibited to us
and future Times To which I could not but Reply That I begged their Pardon if I differed from them in Opinion and did believe that how honestly soever the House of Commons might intend in that matter yet that the point of Succession was so Sacred a thing and of so high a Nature that it was not subjected to their Cognizance That Monarchy was of Divine Right That Princes succeeded by Nature and Generation only and not by Authority Admission or Approbation of the People and consequently that neither the Merit or Demerit of their Persons nor the different influences from thence upon the People were to be respected or had in consideration but the Common-wealth ought to obey and Submit to the next Heir without any further Inquisition and if he proved a Worthy Vertuous and Just Prince it was a great Happiness if Unjust Barbarous and Tyrannical there was no other Remedy but Prayer Patience and an intire Submission to so difficult a Dispensation of Gods Providence I had no sooner ended my Discourse but one of the Gentlemen that was the most serious in the Company seeing me a Young Man gravely Replied That he could not but be extreamly concerned to hear that such pernicious Notions against all lawful Government had been taught in the World That he believed they were in me purely the Effects of an University-Education and that it had been my Misfortune to have had a very high Church-man for my Tutor who had endeavoured as it was their constant Practice to all Young Gentlemen under their Care to debauch me with such Principles as would enslave my mind to their Hierarchy and the Monarchical part of the Government without any Regard at all to the Aristocratical and Popular and that fat Parsonages Prebendships Deanaries and Episcopal Sees were the certain and constant Rewards of such Services That the Place we were in was a little too Publick for Discourses of this Nature but if I would accept of a Bottle of Wine at the next Tavern he would undertake to give me juster measures adding it was pity so hopeful a Gentleman should be tainted with bad Principles My Friend coming in at the same Time proved to be one of their particular Acquaintance and both he and I readily complied with so generous a motion We had no sooner drank a Glass round but the Old Gentleman was pleased to renew his Discourse and said it was undoubtedly true that the inclination of Mankind to live in Company from whence come Towns Cities and Common-wealths did proceed of Nature and consequently of God the Author of Nature So likewise Government and the Jurisdiction of Magistrates in general which does necessarily flow from the living together in Society is also of Nature and ordained by God for the common Good of Mankind but that the particular Species and Forms of this or that Government in this or that manner To have many few or one Governour or that they should have this or that Authority more or less for a longer or a shorter time or whether ordinarily by Succession or by Election All these things he said are Ordained and Diversified by the particular positive Laws of every Country and are not Establish'd either by Law Natural or Divine but left by God unto every Nation and Country to pitch upon what Form of Government they shall think most proper to promote the common good of the whole and best adapted to the Natures Constitutions and other Circumstances of the People which accordingly for the same Reasons may be altered or amended in any of its parts by the mutual Consent of the Governours and Governed whenever they shall see reasonable cause so to do all which appears plainly both from the diversity of Governments extant in the World and by the same Nations living sometimes under one sort of Government and sometimes under another So we see God himself permitted his peculiar People the Jews to live under divers Forms of Government as First under Patriarchs then under Captains then under Judges then under High-Priests next under Kings and then under Captains and High-Priests again until they were conquered by the Romans who themselves also first lived under Kings and then Consuls whose Authority they afterwards limitted by a Senate by adding Tribunes of the People and in extraordinary Emergencies of the Commonwealth they were governed by Dictators and last of all by Emperors So that it 's plain no Magistrate has his particular Government or an Interest of Succession in it by any Institution of Nature but only by the particular Constitution of the Commonwealth within it self And as the kinds of Government are different so also are the measures of Power and Authority in the same kind in different Countries I shall begin said he with that of the Roman Empire which though it be the first in Dignity among Christian Princes yet it is so restrained and limited by the particular Laws of the Empire that he can do much less in his State than other Kings in theirs He can neither make War nor exact any Contribution of Men or Money but by the Consent of all the States of the German Diet And as for his Children and Relations they have no Interest or Pretence to succeed but only by Election if they shall be thought worthy Nay the chiefest Article the Emperour swears to keep at his Admission to that Honour is That he shall never endeavour to make the Dignity of the Empire Hereditary to his Family In Spain and in France the Priviledges of Kings are much more eminent both in Power and Succession their Authority is more absolute every Order of theirs having the Validity of a Law and their next of Bloud does ordinarily inherit though in a different manner In Spain the next Heir cannot succeed but by the Approbation of the Nobility Bishops and States of the Realm In France the Women are not admitted to succeed let them be never so lineally descended In England our Kings are much more limited and confined in their Power than either of the two former for here no Law can be made but by Consent and Authority of Parliament and as to the Point of Succession the next of kin is admitted unless in extraordinary Cases and when important Reason of State require an Alteration And then the Parliaments of England according to the ancient Laws and Statutes of the Realm have frequently directed and appointed the Succession of the Crown in other manner than in course it would have gone of which I shall give you some Examples in Order But first let us look abroad and see how things have been carried as to this Point in other Countries Amongst the Jews the Law of Succession did ordinarily hold and accordingly Rehoboam the Lawful Son and Heir of Solomon after his Fathers Decease went to Sichem to be crowned and admitted by the People and the whole Body of the People of Israel being there gathered together did before they would admit him their lawful
King make unto him certain propositions for taking away some heavy Taxes that had been imposed on them by his Father Solomon which he refusing to gratifie them in and following the Advice of Young Men Ten of the twelve Tribes immediately chose Jeroboam a Servant of Rehoboham's a meer Stanger and of mean Parentage and made him their King and God approved thereof as the Scriptures in express Words do testifie For when Rehoboam had raised an Army of One hundred and fourscore thousand Men intending by force of Arms to have justified his Claim God appeared unto Semaiah and commanded him to go to Rehoboam and to the House of Jadah and Benjamin saying Return every man to his house for this thing is of me saith the Lord. So that since God did permit and allow this in his own Commonwealth which was to be the Pattern for all others no doubt he will approve the same in other Kingdoms whenever his Service and Glory or the Happiness of the Weal-publick shall require it The next instance I shall give you shall be in Spain where Don Alonso de la Cerda having been admitted Prince of Spain in his Father's Life-time according to the Custom of that Realm married Blanoha Daughter of Lewis the First King of France and had by her two Sons Named Alonso and Hernando de la Cerda but their Father who was only Prince dying before Alonso the Ninth then King he recommended them to the Realm as lawful Heirs apparent to the Crown But Don Sancho their Fathers Younger Brother who was a great Warrier and Sirnamed El Bravo was admitted Prince and they put by in their Grandfathers Life-time by his and the States Consent and this was done at a Parliament held at Sagovia in the Year 1276. And in the Year 1284 Alonso the Ninth being dead Don Sancho was aknowledg'd King and the Two Princes Imprisoned but at the Mediation of Philip the Third King of France their Unkle they were set free and Endowed with considerable Revenues in Land and from them do descend the Dukes De Medina Celi at this Day and the present King of Spain that is in Possession descendeth from Don Sancho In France Lewis the Fourth had Two Sons Lothairin who succeeded him and Charles whom he made Duke of Lorrain Lothairin dying left an only Son named Lewis who dying without Issue after he had reigned Two Years the Crown was to have descended on his Unkle Charles Duke of Lorrain But the States of France did exclude him and chose Hugo Capetus Earl of Paris for their King and in an Oration made by their Embassadour to Charles of Lorrain did give an Account of their Reasons for so doing as it is related by Belforest a French Historian in these very words Every Man knoweth Lord Charles that the Sucession of the Crown and Kingdom of France according to the ordinary Rights and Laws of the same belongeth unto you and not unto Hugh Capet now our King But yet the same Laws which do give unto you such Right of Succession do judge you also unworthy of the same for that you have not endeavoured hitherto to frame your Life according to the Prescript of those Laws nor according to the Use and Custom of the Kingdom of France but rather have allied your self with the Germans our old Enemies and have accustomed your self to their vile and base Manners Wherefore since you have abandoned and forsaken the ancient Virtue Amity and Sweetness of your Countrey your Countrey has also abandoned and forsaken you for we have chosen Hugh Capet for our King and have put you by and this without any Scruple in our Consciences at all esteeming it for better and more just to live under Hugh Capet the possessor of the Crown with enjoying the ancient use of our Laws Customs Privileges and Liberties than under you the next Heir by Blood in Oppressions strange Customs and Cruelty For as they who are to make a Voyage in a Ship on a dangerous Sea do not so much respect whether the Pilot claims Title to the Ship or no but rather whether he be skilful valiant and like to bring them in safety to their ways end even so our principal care is to have a good Prince to lead and guide us happily in this way of Civil and Politick Life which is the end for which Princes are appointed And with this Message ended his Succession and Life he dying not long after in Prison And now I shall come home and give you an Instance or two in England since the Conquest and so conclude William Rufus second Son of William the Conqueror by the assistance of Lanfrank Archbishop of Canterbury who had a great opinion of his Virtue and Probity was admitted King by the consent of the Realm his elder Brother Robert Duke of Normandy being then in the War at Jerusalem William dying his younger Brother Henry by his ingenuity and fair carriage and by the assistance of Henry Earl of Warwick who had greatest interest in the Nobility and Maurice Bishop of London a leading-man amongst the Clergy obtained also the Crown And Robert Duke of Normandy was a second time excluded And though this King Henry could pretend no other Title to the Crown than the Election and Admission of the Realm yet he defended it so well and God prosper'd him with success that when his elder Brother Robert came to claim the Kingdom by force of Arms he beat him in a pitch'd-Battel took him Prisoner and so he died miserable in Bonds King Henry had one only Daughter named Maud or Matilda who was married to the Emperor and he dying without Issue she was afterwards married to Geofry Plantagenet Earl of Anjou in France by whom she had a Son named Henry whom his Grandfather declared Heir-apparent to the Crown in his Life-time yet after his Death Henry was excluded and Stephen Earl of Bulloine Son of Adela Daughter of William the Conqueror was by the States thought more fit to Govern than Prince Henry who was then but a Child And this was done by the perswasion of Henry Bishop of Winchester and at the solicitation of the Abbot of Glastenbury and others who thought they might do the same lawfully and with a good Conscience for the publick Good of the Realm But the Event did not prove so well as they intended for this occasioned great Factions and Divisions in the Kingdom for the quieting of which there was a Parliament held at Wallingford which passed a Law That Stephen should be King only during his Life and that Prince Henry and his Off-spring should succeed him and by the same Law debarred William Son of King Stephen from inheriting the Crown and only made him Earl of Norfolk Thus did the Parliament dispose of the Crown in those days which was in the year 1153 which sufficiently proves what I have asserted The sum of all I have said amounts to this That Government in general is by the Law of
out of the Hands of the Possessor than purely those of his own Conscience which is worthy Mr. Considerer's highest Consideration I shall only take notice of one Objection more and then conclude fearing I have too much trespass'd on your Patience already It 's very hard says he that a man should lose his Inheritance because he is of this or that Perswasion in Matters of Religion And truly Gentlemen were the Case only so I should be intirely of his mind But alass Popery whatever Mr. Considerer is pleas'd to insinuate in not an harmless innocent Perswasion of a Number of Men differing from others in matters relating to Christian Religion but is really and truly a different Religion from Christianity it self Nor is the Inheritance he there mentions an Inheritance only of Black-Acre and White Acre without any Office annexed which requires him to be par Officio But the Government and Protection of several Nations the Making War and Peace for them the Preservation of their Religion the Disposal of Publick Places and Revenues the Execution of all Laws together with many other things of the greatest Importance are in this Case claimed by the Word Inheritance which if you consider and at the same time reflect upon the Enslaving and Bloody Tenents of the Church of Rome more particularly the Hellish and Damnable Conspiracy those of that Communion are now carrying on against our Lives our Religion and our Government I am confident you will think it as proper for a Wolf to be a Shepherd as it is for a Papist to be the Defender of our Faith c. The Old Gentleman had no sooner ended his Discourse but I returned him my hearty Thanks for the Trouble he had been pleased to give himself on this Occasion and I could not but acknowledge he had given me great Satisfaction in that Affair what it will give thee Charles I know not I am sure I parted from him very Melancholy for having been a Fool so long Adieu I am thy Affectionate I. D. A Collection of Speeches IN THE House of Commons In the Year 1680. The Lord L. Speech My Lords MAny have been the Designs of the Papists to subvert this poor Nation from the Protestant Religion to that of the See of Rome and that by all the undermining Policies possibly could be invented during the Recess of Parliament even to the casting the Odium of their most Damnable Designs on the Innocency of his Majesties most Loyal Subjects We have already had a taste of their Plottings in Ireland and find how many unaccountable Irish Papists dally arrive which we have now under Consideration My Lord Dunbarton a great Romanist has Petitioned for his stay here alledging several Reasons therein which in my Opinion make all for his speedy Departure for I can never think his Majesty and this Kingdom sufficiently secure till we are rid of those Irish Cattel and all others besides for I durst be bold to say that whatsoever they may pretend there is not one of them but have a destructive Tenet only they want Power not Will to put it in force I would not have so much as a Popish Man nor a Popish Woman to remain here nor so much as a Popish Dog or a Popish Bitch no not so much as a Popish Cat that should pur or mew about the King We are in a Labyrinth of Evils and must carefully endeavour to get out of them and the greatest danger of all amongst us are our conniving Protestants who notwithstanding the many Evidences of the Plot have been industrious to revile the Kings Witnesses and such an one is R L'E who now disappears being one of the greatest Villains upon the Earth a Rogue beyond my Skill to delineate has been the Bugbear to the Protestant Religion and traduced the King and Kingdoms Evidences by his notorious scribling Writings and hath endeavoured as much as in him lay to eclipse the Glory of the English Nation he is a dangerous rank Papist proved by good and substantial Evidence for which since he has walked under another disguise he deserves of all Men to be hanged and I believe I shall live to see that to be his State He has scandalized several of the Nobility and detracted from the Rights of his Majesty's great Council the Parliament and is now fled from Justice by which he confesses the Charge against him and that shows him to be guilty My humble Motion is that this House Address to his Majesty to put him out of the Commission of Peace and all other Publick Employments for ever Speeches in the Honourable House of Commons Mr. Speaker IN the Front of Magna Charta it is said Nulli negabimus nulli differimus Justitiam we will defer or deny Justice to no Man to this the King is Sworn and with this the Judges are intrusted by their Oaths I admire what they can say for themselves if they have not read this Law they are not fit to sit upon the Bench and if they have I had almost said they deserve to lose their Heads Mr. Speaker The State of the poor Nation is to be deplored that in almost all ages the Judges who ought to be Preservers of the Laws have endeavoured to destroy them and that to please a Court-Faction they have by Treachery attempted to break the Bonds asunder of Magna Charta the great Treasury of our Peace it was no sooner passed but a Chief Justice in that day perswades the King he was not bound by it because he was under Age when it was passed But this sort of Insolence the next Parliament resented to the ruine of the pernicious Chief Justice In the time of Richard the Second an unthinking dissolute Prince there were Judges that did insinuate into the King that the Parliament were only his Creatures and depended on his Will and not on the Fundamental Constitutions of the Land which Treacherous Advice proved the Ruine of the King and for which all those evil Instruments were brought to Justice In his late Majesties Time his Misfortunes were occasioned chiesly by the Corruptions of the Long Robe his Judges by an Extrajudicial Opinion give the King Power to raise Money upon an extraordinary Occasion without Parliament and made the King Judge of such Occasions Charity prompts me to think they thought this a Service to the King but the sad Consequences of it may convince all Mankind that every illegal Act weakens the Royal Interest and to endeavour to introduce Absolute Dominion in these Realms is the worst of Treasons because whilst it bears the Face of Friendship to the King and Designs to be for his Service it never fails of the contrary effect The two great Pillars of the Government are Parliaments and Juries it is this gives us the Title of Free-born English-men for my Notion of Free-English-men is this that they are ruled by Laws of their own making and tried by Men of the same Condition with themselves The Two great
and undoubted Priviledges of the People have been lately invaded by the Judges that now sit in Westminster-hall they have Espoused Proclamation against Law they have discountenanced and opposed several legal Acts that tended to the sitting of this Honourable House they have grasped the Legislative Power into their own Hands as in that Instance of Printing the Parliament was considering that matter but they in the interim made their private Opinion to be Law to supersede the Judgment of this House They have discharged Grand Juries on purpose to quel their Presentments and shelter great Criminals from Justice and when Juries have presented their Opinion for the sitting of this Parliament they have in disdain thrown them at their Feet and told them they would be no Messengets to carry such Petitions and yet in a few days after have encouraged all that would spit their Venom against the Government they have served an Ignorant and Arbitrary Faction and been the Messengers of Abhorrences to the King Mr. Speaker What we have now to do is to load them with shame who have bid defiance to the Law they are guilty of Crimes against Nature against the King against their Knowledge and against Posterity The whole frame of Nature doth loudly and daily petition to God their Creator and Kings like God may be addressed to in like manner by Petition not Command They likewise knew it was lawful to petition Ignorance can be no Plea and their Knowledge aggravates their Crimes The Children unborn are bound to curse such Proceedings for 't was not petitioning but Parliaments they abhorr'd The Atheist pleads against a God not that he disbelieves a Deity but would have it so Tresilian and Belknap were Judges too their Learning gave them Honour but their Villanies made their Exit by a Rope The end of my Motion therefore is That we may address warmly to our Prince against them let us settle a Committee to enquire into their Crimes and not fail of doing Justice upon them that have perverted it let us purge the Fountain and the Streams will issue pure November the 17th being appointed for consideration of His Majesty's Message the Order being read it was moved by a worthy Member THAT as long as Popery hangs over us we could do nothing and we ought to represent our condition to the King and then when we had secured our Religion and Property we should be ready to do any thing that might make the King happy and great A Second I am sorry that Tangier that is a Supply is moved for at so unseasonable a time I confess Tangier is of great moment but we have now in hands that which is of greater moment than ten Tangiers put together The consideration of that before we are secure in our Religion at home is as when an Enemy was landed we should afterwards go to fortifie the Coasts of Kent And being told us by His Majesty we should secure our selves against Popery by all ways but meddling with the Succession and should rest there we are prevented of what is our preservation And the providing for Tangier now will be the weakening of our Security When Tangier was put into the hands of the English first there was an Article that there should continue a Popish Church and the Religion that belonged to it to continue their Lives but not to be replenish'd with new And if it be enquir'd into I believe it will be found the number of them is not yet decreased It is not long since there was a Popish Governour there many Papists and Souldiers gone thither lately from Ireland It is not a little Sum that will do what is needful there and if it should be a considerable one that should be given for it it may be made use of to raise an Army there so that we run into a great Inconveniency by providing for it I think we ought to consider well of it before we do And yet I am not for sullenly saying we will raise no Money but for clearly stating the Case by an Address to the King A Third I am only to acquaint you That Tangier is not to be maintained without your Support A Fourth All things are to be considered comparatively and if it be made an Argument against the Duke's Bill that is at the Head of an Army in Scotland and that in Ireland there are ten Papists to one Protestant his great interest in the Fleet and being Admiral and Tangier being a Seminary of Papists then sure you have a special Argument to take Tangier into your Consideration and Money may be for that Service But then this Parliament do not ask Petitions of Grace but of Right And will you part with your Money without any Security You have often done so and what are you the better for it I long for the time when we may give Money to make the King great but if things must go on as they do I am for a plain Bargain to know what we shall have for our Money For my part I only desire our Security but if we should give Money I suppose you will take care what hands we put it in and there ought to be a Trust Let us Address His Majesty A Fifth We are told Tangier is of Importance it is a Nursery of Papists And we are likewise told The Irish sent thither a part of the Irish Army and they take the Oath that is no Security Was not the Lord Bellassis Governour of Tangier and Hull and the Pensioners Captain all at a time and took the Oaths those Souldiers for ought I know may be brought hither and the asking for a Supply for it at this time is very unreasonable because Parliaments have been put off two or three years and whilst there are people that dare make a difference between the King and this House we shall never be safe Let us represent our Condition as boldly as may stand with good manners It is not to be endured to see the Duke preferred before the King as he was as if Arguments of his Greatness and Power were Arguments strong enough to hinder the Bill He hath violated the Law and we needed not to have gone this way to work if we could have had Justice against him but he is too great for that let us Address His Majesty A Smith If Tangier be wholly under the Duke's Care and Protection and such a Seminary for Papists as hath been represented I think no motion to have a Supply for it is unseasonable and am against it order the bringing in the state of it A Seventh I spoke the fence of the City formerly and do so now again and in the name of the greatest part of the Commonalty of the City of London and we do declare That we are ready to give Money half we have nay all and be content to set up again and get new Estates if we can but be secured The burning of London justly laid upon the Papists and
Gentleman answered Mr. Speaker I wonder that Noble Lord should thus interrupt me for I have not positively affirmed any thing at all of the Duke though I have said nothing but what in my Judgment I thought might be truth and I shall not change my mind for his being displeased at it but however I am very well satisfied to say no more but only that I remember that Honourable Person by the Bar told us he would not speak to the prudential part against the Bill and truly Sir I think he has kept his Word very exactly and that whereas another Member before him objected That it was possible the Duke might turn Protestant I would only answer that I do not think it possible that any Person that has been bred up in the Protestant Religion and hath been weak enough for so I must call it to turn Papist should ever after in that respect be wise enough to turn Protestant and therefore Sir upon the whole matter my humble Motion is That the Bill may pass Debates in the House of Commons Jan. 7. 1680. upon His Majesties Message The First Speech by an Honourable Gentleman HIS Majesties relies not only on the Dictates of his own Judgment but is confirmed by the Judgment of the House of Lords but many of them have gained their Honour by Interest rather than Merit His Majesty hath given no Answer to several of your Addresses when you say nothing can secure you but this Bill that he should propose other means but if we have not the Bill we are deprived of the means to preserve His Majesties Life Person and Government I never knew that Tangier was more considerable than all the Three Kingdoms Is it time to be silent or not Why is all this stir for a Man that desires the Throne before His Majesty is dead He is in all the Plot either at one end or other who took evidence of London Fire Arbitrary Power was at the end and no Religion like Popery to set up That I will pay the Duty and Allegiance of an English-man to an English Prince But Popery and Arbitrary Power must be rooted out Can you hope for any Good while this Man is Heir an Apostate from his Religion his Government is the most dangerous Our Ministers of State give us little hopes from Whitehall I hope they will be Named First set a Brand on all them that framed the Answer and all them that shall lend Money by way of Anticipation desire him to take Advice of His Parliament rather then private Men or to let us go home and attend His Service when he shall again call for us The Second Speech by another Person of Hour I am afraid we are lost we have done our Parts shewed our selves good Subjects but some stand between the King and us to promote the Duke of York's Interest Those that advised the King not to pass the Bill deserve to be Branded The Third Speech by an Honourable Gentleman We have made the modestest Request that ever People did in such a time of Danger we have neither passed a Bill nor obtained a kind Answer our Trust must be in our Votes When the King bid us look into the Plot like well-meaning Countrey-Gentlemen we looked into the Tower we should have looked into Whitehall There the Plot is hatched cherished and brought up It would be well if all against the Bill were put out of Councel and all of this House were put out of Commission that were for it I had rather the Moors had Tangier the French King Flanders than the Pope had Eugland The Fourth Speech by a Person of Honour I think the Debate is upon a Message from the King and the most especial part is about the Bill I concur with that Noble Person rather than with all the rest But begin with the first his Majesty hath suffered us twice to address upon the Bill yet the Lords have not admitted one Conference I believe every man came unwillingly into this Bill have any that were against it proposed any thing for our Security if they will let them stand up and I will sit down I have advised with Men that know the Laws Religion and Government they say if you will preserve this Government this Law this Bill must pass We have received no expedient from the Lords the State of the Nation lies at their Door they sit to hear Causes they mind you of Mr. Seymour but say nothing of the Bills In Richard the Second his Time some Lords were said to be Lords in the King's Pocket but had no shoulders to support him It 's plain our evil comes from evil Ministers There are some that will have a Prince of one Religion on the Throne to rule the People of another a Popish Prince and a Protestant Kingdom will any Ministers of parts unless they have an indifferency of Religion think this consistent I dedicate my Allegiance to the King they to another Person so the Kingdom must be destroy'd either this limited Monarchy must stand or come to Blood on the other side Water-Monarchy is absolutely supported by little men of no Fortune and he that takes mean and low men to make Ministers of sets up for Popery and Arbitrary Government The King hath Counsels born if you have a Popish Prince and a Protestant Parliament will the King ever concur with them in matters of Religion and Property are not your Estates sprinkled with Abbey-Lands If he asks Money will you trust him must Foreigners comply with a Prince that in effect hath no People We must be overcome with France and Popery or the Body will get a new Head or the Head a new Body The Fifth Speech by a Person of Honour The House was unwilling at first to enter into a Debate about Expedients and I am not prepared to propound them any thing you have heard proposed by the King in Print if you had them they will do you no harm One day you say the King had been a good Prince if he had good Company and good Councils no great Complement to the King he offers you any thing but the Bill I humbly make my motion to try it The Sixth Speech by an Honourable Gentleman I think it becomes that Gentleman very well to be of the Opinion he is though no man else in this House I wish the D. was of that Opinion his Father desired him The Lords rejected the Bill but I am afraid the King solicited or else they would not it 's some mens interest to be for the D. but while they are at Court we shall never have it Foreign Persons have given Influence at Court the French Ministers access to Court inclines me to believe some body is paid for it The Court is a Nurcery of Vice they transmit them into the Countrey and none but such men are imployed The Seventh Speech by an Honourable Gentleman The Question now before you is Whether any other means be effectual
Chief Justice Scrogs raised many Scruples and on pretence that they were not all in Court tho' twenty of the Jury had subscrib'd the Petition sent for them saying he would dispatch them presently The Jury being come and their Names called over they renewed their Desire that the Court would present their Petition But the Chief Justice ask'd if they had any Bills they Answered They had but the Clerks were drawing them into Form Upon which the Chief Justice said They would not make two Works of one Business and the Petition being Read he said This was no Article of their Charge nor was there any Act of Parliament that required the Court to deliver the Grand Jury's Petitions That there was a Proclamation about them And that it was not reasonable the Court should be obliged to run on their Errands And he thought it much that they should come with a Petition to alter the Kings Mind declared in the News Books The Jury said They did it not to Impose on the Court but as other Juries had done with all Submission they desired it But the Court refused bidding the Cryer return them their Petition And Mr. Justice Jones told them They had medled with Matters of State not given them in Charge but presented no Bills of the Matters given in Charge They answered as before They had many before them that would be ready in due time Notwithstanding which the said Justice Jones told them They were Discharged from further Service But Philip Ward the Clerk that attended the said Jury cryed out No No they have many Bills before them for which the Court understanding as it seems to this Committe a secret Reason which the Clerk did not reproved him Asking if he or they were to give the Rule there The Cryer then told the Court They would not receive their Petition the Chief Justice bid him let it alone so it was left there and the Jury return'd to the Court-House and there found several Constables with Presentments of Papists and other Offenders as the Jury had directed them on the 21st before but could not now receive the said Presentments being discharged Whereby much business was obstructed tho' none of the said Informants ever knew the said Jury discharged before the last day of the Term which was not till Four days after And it further appeareth to the Committee by the Evidences of Samuel Astrey Jasper Waterhouse and Philip Ward Clerks that have long served in the said Court That they were much surprised at the said discharging of the Jury in that it was never done in their Memory before and the rather because the said Waterhouse as Secondary constantly enters on that Grand Jury's Paper that the last day of the Term is given them to return their Verdict on as the last day but one is given to the other Two Grand Juries of that County which Entry is as followeth Trinit Middlesex Ossulston Hundred 32. Car. 2. Juratores habent diem ad Veredictum suum reddendum usque diem Mercurii proxime post tres Septimanas sancte Trinitatis Being the last day of the Term and so in all the other Terms the last day is given which makes it appear to this Committee That they were not in truth Discharged for not having their Presentments ready since the Court had given them a longer day but only to obstruct their further Proceedings And it appeareth by the Evidence aforesaid to this Committee that the four Judges of that Court were present at the Discharging of the said Jury and it did not appear that any of them did Dissent therein upon Consideration whereof the Committee came to this Resolution Resolved That it is the Opinion of this Committee That the Discharging of the Grand Jury of the Hundred of Ossulston in the County of Middlesex by the Court of Kings-Bench in Trinity-Term last before the last day of the Term and before they had finisht their Presentments was Illegal Arbitrary and an High Misdemeanour This Committee proceeded also to inquire into a Rule of the Court of Kings-Bench lately made against the publishing a Book called The weekly Pacquet of Advice from Rome or The History of Popery and Samuel Astrey Gent. examined thereupon inform'd this Committee that the Author of the said Book Henry Carr had been informed against for the same and had pleaded to the Information But before it was Tryed a Rule was made on a Motion as he supposeth against the said book All the Judges of that Court as he remembers being present and none dissenting The Copy of which Rule he gave into this Committee and is as followeth Dies Mercurij proxime post tres Septimanas sancte Trinitatis Anno 32 Car. 2. Regis Ordinatum est quod liber intitulat The Weekly Pacquet of Advice from Rome or The History of Popery non ulterius Imprimatur vel publicetur per aliquam Personam quamcunque Per Cur. And this Committe admiring that Protestant Judges should take offence against a Book whose chief design was to expose the Cheats and Foppery of Popery enquired further into it and found by the Evidence of Jane Curtis that the said Book had been Licens'd for several Months that her Husband paid for the Copy and enter'd it in the Hall-Book of the Company But for all this she could not prevail by these Reasons with the Lord Chief Justice Scroggs to permit it any longer who said 'T was a Scandalous Libel and against the King's Proclamation and he would ruine her if ever she printed it any more And soon after she was served with the said Rule as the Author and other Printers were and by the Author's Evidence it appears That he was taken and brought before the said Chief Justice by his Warrant above a year since and upon his owning he writ part of that Book the Chief Justice called him Rogue and other ill names saying he would fill all the Goals in England with such Rogues and pile them up as men do Faggots and so committed him to prison refusing sufficient Bayl and saying he would Goal him to put him to charges and his Lordship observed his word punctually therein forcing him to his Habeas Corpus and then taking the same Bayl he refused before upon which this Committee came to this Resolution Resolved That it is the opinion of the Committee that the Rule made by the Court of Kings-Bench in Trinity Term last against printing a Book called The Weekly Pacquet of Advice from Rome is Illegal and Arbitrary And the Committee proceeded further and upon Information that a very great latitude had been taken of late by the Judges in imposing Fines on the persons found Guilty before them caused a Transcript of all the Fines imposed by the Kings-Bench since Easter Term in the 28th of His Majesty's Reign to be brought before them from the said Court by Samuel Astrey Gent. by perusal of which it appear'd to this Committee That the quality of the Offence and
words pointing at the Dead said That he was no Schismatical Petitioning Rebel and that by his instigations the Grand-Jury of Bristol made a Presentment of their detestation against Petitioning for the sitting of the Parliament that he said Mr. Thompson had told him that he was Governour to Mr. Narbor when he was beyond Sea and said That he had been very often and above one hundred times at Mass in the great Church at Paris and usually gave half a Crown to get a Place to hear a certain Doctor of that Church and that he was like to be brought over to that Religion and that when he went beyond Sea did not know but that he might be of that Religion before his return That he is very Censorious and Frequently casts evil Aspersions against several Divines at Bristol of great Note viz. Mr. Chetwind Mr. Standfast Mr. Crosman Mr. Palmer and others saying That such as went to their Lectures were the Brats of the Devil The 9th That Mr. Thompson in his preaching inveighed bitterly against Subscribing Petitions for Sitting of this Parliament saying That it was the Seed of Rebellion and like to Forty one and that the Devil set them on work and the Devil would pay them their Wages saying That before he would set his hand to such Petitions he would cut it off yea and cut them off The 10th saith That about two years since being in the Chancel of St. Thomas's Church in Bristol where Queen Elizabeth's Effigies is Mr. Thompson pointing his Finger to it said That she was the worst of Women and a most lewd and infamous Woman Upon which this Informant replied He never heard any speak ill of her thereupon Mr. Thompson said She was no better than a Church-Robber and that Henry the 8th begun it and that she finish'd it The 11th Rowe saith That in the year 1678 he waited on the Mayor to Church and that Mr. Thomson who was there railed at Henry the Eighth saying He did more hurt in Robbing the Abby Lands than he did good by the Reformation That after Dinner Mr. Thompson comes to this Informant and claps his Hands on his Shoulders saying Hah Boy had Queen Elizabeth been living you needed not to have been Sword-bearer of Bristol The said Rowe asked him why He replied She loved such a lusty Rogue so well as he was and he would have been very fit for her Drudgery at White-hall The 12th saith That he heard a great noise of a Sermon to be preached by Mr. Thompson on the 30th of January 1679 to the second part of the same Tune And that he was present at the same Sermon in which Mr. Thompson said There was a great noise of a Popish Plot but says he Here is nothing in it but a Presbyterian Plot for here they are going about to Petition for the sitting of the Parliament but the end of it will be to bring the Kings Head to the block as they have done his Father The 13th saith That in January last or thereabouts there was a Petition going about for the sitting of this Parliament When Mr. Thompson in Redâ—liff Church in his Sermon said It was a Seditious and Rebellious Petition and rather than he would sign it his Hand should be cut off The 14th saith The Eighth day of April he going to pay Mr. Thompson his Dues speaking concerning the Meeters in private Mr. Thompson said He would hall them out and fill the Gaols with them and hoped to see their Houses afire about their Ears in a short time and this he the said Thompson doubled again and again The 15th saith That about December 1679 Mr. Thompson came to visit his Mother being sick and discoursing of Religion The said Thompson said If he were as well satisfied of other things as he was of Justification Auricular Confession Penance Extream Unction and Crisme in Baptism he would not have been so long separated from the Catholick Church And further affirmed That the Church of Rome was the True Catholick Church He further endeavoured to prove Extream Unction and Auricular Confession as well as he could out of the Epistles Further he hath heard him say The King was a Person of mean and soft Temper and could be led easily to any thing but yet a Solomon in vices but that the Duke of York was a Prince of a brave Spirit would be faithful to his Friends and that it was our own Faults that he was a Roman Catholick in that we forc'd him to fly into France where he imbraced that Religion About the same time he the said Thompson said the Church would be Militant but greatly commended the Decency of Solemnizing the Mass in France and that it was performed with much more Reverence and Devotion than any other Religion doth use He further heard him say in a Sermon about the time of Petitioning he would rather cut off his hand than Sign it and had many bad Expressions of it that it was the Seed of Rebellion and like 40 and 41 And further the said Mr. Thompson at one Sandford's Shop door in Bristol speaking of Bedlow said That he was not to be believ'd because Bedlow had said he meaning Mr. Thompson was at St. Omers where Mr. Thompson said he was not and that Bedlow was of a bad Life and in many Plots and not to be credited in any thing he said And that in another Discourse he commended the Romish Clergy for their single Life and is himself so and did at the same time Vilify and Rail at the English Clergy for Marrying saying It was better for a Clergy-Man to be Guelt than to Marry and that the Calvinists in France were Letcherous Fellows and could scarce be two years a Priest without a Wife About the time and after the Election of Sir John Knight to this Parliament Mr. Thompson said he was not fit to be believ'd and as bad as any Fanatick He further said in the Pulpit at St. Thomas's that after Excommunication by the Bishop without Absolution from the Spiritual Court such a one was surely Damned and he would pawn his Soul for the Truth of it Mr. Thompson after the Evidence given by every particular Person Face to Face was asked to every one If he had any Questions to ask before they called another Who answer'd He should not say any thing at present When the Witnesses before mentioned were all Examined Mr. Thompson being desir'd to make his Defence and declare whether he were Guilty of the Matters laid to his charge did for the greatest part confess words spoken to that effect and in other things endeavoured to turn the words with more favour towards himself but the Witnesses being of great Credit and many more being ready to have made good the same things the Committee look'd upon the business to be of a high Nature and therefore ordered the matter to be reported specially leaving it to the Wisdom of the House The Resolution of the House of Commons upon the
said Report Resolved Nemine contradicente THat Richard Thompson Clerk hath publickly defamed his Sacred Majesty preached Sedition vilified the Reformation promoted Popery by asserting Popish Principles decrying the Popish Plot and turning the same upon the Protestants and endeavoured to subvert the Liberty and Property of the Subject and the Rights and Privileges of Parliament and that he is a Scandal and Reproach to his Function And that the said Richard Thompson be impeached upon the said Report and Resolution of the House And a Committee is appointed to prepare the said Impeachment and to receive further Instructions against him and to send for Persons Papers and Records Articles of Impeachment of Sir William Scroggs Chief Justice of the Court of King ' s-Bench by the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled in their own Name and in the Name of all the Commons of England of High-Treason and other great Crimes and Misdemeanors I. THat he the said Sir William Scroggs then being Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench hath traiterously and wickedly endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws and the Establisht Religion and Government of this Kingdom of England and instead thereof to introduce Popery and an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government against Law which he has declared by divers Traiterous and Wicked Words Opinions Judgments Practices and Actions II. That he the said Sir William Scroggs in Trinity Term last being then Chief Justice of the said Court and having taken an Oath duly to Administer Justice according to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm in pursuance of his said Traiterous Purposes did together with the rest of the said Justices of the same Court several days before the end of the said Term in an Arbitrary manner discharge the Grand Jury which then served for the Hundred of Oswaldston in the County of Middlesex before they had made their Presentments or had found several Bills of Indictment which were then before them whereof the said Sir William Scroggs was then fully informed and that the same would be tendered to the Court upon the last day of the said Term which day then was and by the known Course of the said Court hath always heretofore been given unto the said Jury for the delivering in of their Bills and Presentments by which sudden and illegal Discharge of the said Jury the Course of Justice was stopt maliciously and designedly the Presentments of many Papists and other Offenders were obstructed and in particular a Bill of Indictment against James Duke of York for absenting himself from Church which was then before them was prevented from being proceeded upon III. That whereas one Henry Carr had for some time before Publish'd every week a certain Book Intituled The weekly Packet of advice from Rome Or the History of Popery wherein the Superstitions and Cheats of the Church of Rome were from time to time exposed he the said Sir William Scroggs then Chief Justice of the Court of King's Bench together with the other Judges of the said Court before any Legal Conviction of the said Carr of any Crime did in the same Trinity Term in a most Illegal and Arbitrary manner make and cause to be entred a certain Rule of that Court against the Printing of the said Book in Haec Verba Dies Mercurii proxime post tres Septimanas Sanctae Trinitatis Anno 32 Car. II. Regis ORdinatum est quod Liber intitulat ' The weekly Packet of Advice from Rome Or The History of Popery Non ulterius imprimatur vel publicetur per aliquam personam quamcunque Per Cur ' And did cause the said Carr and divers Printers and other Persons to be served with the same which said Rule and other Proceedings were most apparently contrary to all Justice in Condemning not only what had been written without hearing the Parties but also all that might for the future be written on that Subject A manifest countenancing of Popery and discouragement of Protestants an open Invasion upon the Right of the Subject and an encroaching and assuming to themselves a Legislative Power and Authority IV. That he the said Sir William Scroggs since he was made Chief Justice of the King 's Bench hath together with the other Judges of the said Court most notoriously departed from all Rules of Justice and Equality in the Imposition of Fines upon Persons convicted of Misdemeanours in the said Court and particularly in the Term of Easter last past did openly declare in the said Court in the Case of one Jessop who was convicted of Publishing False News and was then to be sined That he would have regard to Persons and their Principles in imposing of Fines and would set a Fine of 500 l. on one Person for the same Offence for the which he would not Fine another 100 l. And according to his said Unjust and Arbitrary Declaration he the said Sir Will. Scroggs together with the said other Justices did then impose a Fine of 100 l. upon the said Jessop although the said Jessop had before that time proved one Hewit to be convicted as Author of the said false News and afterwards in the same Term did fine the said Hewit upon his said Conviction only five Marks Nor hath the said Sir Will. Scroggs together with the other Judges of the said Court had any regard to the Nature of the Offences or the Ability of the Persons in the imposing of Fines but have been manifestly partial and favourable to Papists and Persons affected to and promoting the Popish Interest in this time of imminent Danger from them And at the same time have most severely and grievously oppressed his Majesty's Protestant Subjects as will appear upon view of the several Records of Fines set in the said Court By which arbitrary unjust and partial Proceedings many of his Majesty's Liege People have been ruined and Popery countenanced under colour of Justice and all the Mischiefs and Excesses of the Court of Star-Chamber by Act of Parliament suppressed have been again in direct opposition to the said Law introduced V. That he the said Sir Will. Scroggs for the further accomplishing of his said traiterous and wicked Purposes and designing to subject the Persons as well as the Estates of his Majesty's Liege People to his lawless Will and Pleasure hath frequently refused to accept of Bail though the same were sufficient and legally tendered unto him by many Persons accused before him only of such Crimes for which by Law Bail ought to have been taken and divers of the said Persons being only accused of Offences against himself declaring at the same time That he refused Bail and committed them to Gaol only to put them to Charges and using such furious Threats as were to the terrour of his Majesty's Subjects and such scandalous Expressions as were a dishonour to the Government and to the Dignity of his Office And particularly That he the said Sir Will. Scroggs did in the Year 1679 commit and detain in Prison in such
although we do not in the least question your Faithfulness to the true Interest of this Nation nor your Prudence in the Management thereof yet esteeming it greatly our Duty in this unhappy Juncture wherein our Religion Lives Liberties Properties and all that is dear unto us are in such iminent danger to signifie our pressing Dangers unto You. And accordingly we do request That in the next Parliament wherein we have chose You to Sit and Act That You will with the greatest Integrity and most undaunted Resolution joyn with and assist the other Worthy Representatives and Patriots of this Nation in the searching into and preventing the Horrid and Hellish Villâ—nies Plots and Designs of that wicked and restless sort of People the Papists both in this and the Neighbouring Kingdoms And making some honourable Provision for the Discovery thereof In securing to us the Enjoyment of the True Protestant Religion and the well established Government of this Kingdom In Promoting the happy and long prayed for Union among all His Majesties Protestant Subjects In Repealing the 35th of Elizabeth the Corporation-Act and all other Acts which upon experience have proved injurious to the true Protestant Interest In Asserting the Peoples unquestionable Rights of Petitioning In removing our just Fears by reason of the great Forces in this Kingdom under the Name of Guards which the Law hath no knowledge of In preventing the Misery Ruine and utter Destruction which unavoidably must come upon this and the neighbouring Nations if James Duke of York or any other Papist shall ascend the Royal Throne of this Kingdom And lastly in securing to us our Legal Right of Annual Parliaments which under God will unquestionably prove the highest security of all that is good and desirable to us and our Posterity after us Always assuring our selves that you will not in any wise consent unto any Money-Supply until we are effectually secured against Popery and Arbitrary Power And particularly we desire you to give the most hearty Thanks of this County to that Noble Peer the Earl of Essex and by him to the rest of those Noble and Renowned Peers who were pleased lately and so seasonably to offer their Petition and Advice to His Majesty In the pursuance of all which Needful Worthy and Excellent Ends we shall as in duty bound stand by you with our Lives and Fortunes A Letter of Thanks from the Grand-Jury of the County of Worcester to the Knights of this Shire Dated Jan. 12. 1680. Honoured Sirs WE the Grand-Jury of the County of Worcester at the General Quarter Sessions of the Peace held for the said County the 11th day of Jan. in the 32d year of the King's Majesties Reign do hereby in the behalf of our selves and the County for which we serve return you our most hearty Thanks for your constant and unwearied Attendance upon the Service of His Majesty and your Country in this present Parliament in a Time of such iminent danger And especially of your concurrence in those Methods that have been taken for the Security of His Majesties Sacred Person the Protestant Religion and the Properties of His Majesties Subjects against the Hellish Plots of the Papists and their Adherents And we do humbly request your continuance therein and shall ever pray for the preservation of the Person of our most Gracious Sovereign and that God will direct and unite his Councils and upon all occasions testifie that we are Honoured Sirs Your very Humble Obliged and Thankful Servants This was signed by all the said Grand-Jury and directed to the Honourable Colonel Samuel Sandys and Thomas Foley Esquires Members of this present Parliament A Letter from the Ancient and Loyal Borough of North-Allerton in Yorkshire Dated Jan. 14. 1680. to their Burgesses in Parliament Honoured Sirs THe unexpected and sudden News of this Day 's Post preventing us from sending those due Acknowledgments which the greatness of your Services for Publick Good have merited from us we have no better way now left us to express our Gratitude and the highest Resentments of your Actions before and in your last Sessions of Parliament than to manifest our Approbation thereof by an Assurance that if a Dissolution of this present Parliament happen since you have evidenced so sufficiently your Affections to His Majesties Royal Person and Endeavours for the preserving the Protestant Religion our Laws and Liberties we are now resolved if you are pleas'd to continue with us to continue you as our Representatives And do therefore beg your Acceptance thereof and farther that you will continue your Station during this Prorogation faithfully assuring you that none of us desire to give or occasion you the Expence or Trouble of a Journey in order to your Election if such happen being so sensible of the too great expence you have been at already in so carefully discharging the Trust and Confidence reposed in you by Gentlemen Your Obliged and Faithful Friends and Servants Signed by the Burgesses and Electors of North-Allerton and directed to Sir Gilbert Gerrard and Sir Henry Calverly Burgesses for the Borough of North-Allerton in Yorkshire The same day the Grand-Jury of Reading Presented the following Paper to the Mayor of that Town Berkshire ss The Petition of the Grand-Jury of the Borough of Reading at the Sessions holden at the said Borough Jan. 14. 1680. To the Right Worshipful the Mayor and Aldermen of the Town and Borough of Reading The Humble Petition of the Grand-Jury of the said Town in behalf of themselves and others the Inhabitants of the same Sheweth THat your Petitioners are deeply sensible of the Great and Iminent Dangers and Mischiefs that threaten Us as well as the whole Nation by the implacable Malice and Endeavour of our Enemies to introduce Popery and Arbitrary Government to Subvert the Protestant Religion and our well-establisht Laws and to deprive us of our undoubted Rights and Liberties We therefore humbly entreat you that you would take it into your consideration that no Person whatsoever may be imployed encouraged or empowered to act in any wise in this Corporation that hath been Voted and Deemed in Parliament a Betrayer of the Rights of the People of England And your Petitioners shall Pray c. Soon after the Amazing Dissolution happened and His Majesty having then Declared his pleasure to Summon and Hold the next Parliament not at Westminster which in all Ages has been generally the usual place of Convening those Assemblies as being most conveniently situate near the Metropolis of the Kingdom where all Persons may be much better accommodated than elsewhere but at the City of Oxford several Noble Lords thought it their Duty humbly to Represent the Inconveniencies which in their apprehensions would attend such chargeable Removal and submissively to offer their Advice to His Majesty to alter that Resolution in the following Petition which being presented to His Majesty by that Noble Peer of approved Loyalty and Prudence the Right Honourable the Earl of Essex His Lordship
presented them upon their being elected Knights for the County at Lewis March the 3d. Gentlemen HAd we not heard well of Your Fidelity in discharging former Publick Trusts we had not this day called You to the same Imploy for they that betray or neglect our service once shall never receive our Trust again And though we have no intention to limit or circumscribe the Power we have laid in You yet we must desire and with that earnestness as becometh those that beg for no less than the life of their King Government Religion Laws Liberties and Properties yea the very Lives and beings of all the Protestants in the World That You would please as our Representatives to have an especial regard to these particulars following 1. That you would effectually secure His Majesty's Royal Life and the Lives of all His Majesty's Protestant Subjects by a firm and Legal Association 2. That You would repeat the Endeavours of the Two former Worthy Parliaments in barring the Door against all Popish Successors to the Crown and in particular against James Duke of York and Arbitrary Government 3. That You would be incessant in Your Endeavours for uniting His Majesty's Protestant Subjects 4. That You would further search into the bottom of those Damnable and Hellish Plots of the Papists that have been laid against His Majesty's Life the Protestant Religion and Government and to bring those Horrid Criminals to Justice 5. That You would not forget those Execrable Villains that by receiving Pension betrayed our Trusts and our Liberties in the late Long Parliament but do such Exemplary Justice on them that all others for the future may fear and do no more so wickedly And in doing these Great things and all others that You shall judge necessary for the Peace Safety and Prosperity of the Nation we shall not only stand by you as Thankful Acknowledgers of Your Service but reckon it our Duty if any hazard threaten you to defend You as Worthy Patriots with our Lives and Fortunes The Cheshire Address To the Honourable Henry Booth Esq and Sir Robert Cotton Kt. and Bar. being chosen Knights for that County March the 7th Immediately after their Election the Right Honourable the Lord Colchester and the Lord Brandon presented then a Paper containing the Sentiments and Desires of the Gentry and Free-holders in these words WE the Gentry and Free-holders of the County Palatine of Chester who have by a free and unanimous Consent Re-elected You to be our Representatives in Parliament do thankfully acknowledge Your joynt Integrity and concurrence with the Worthy and Eminent Members of the Last who in so Signal and never to be forgotten a manner of Petitioning promoted the Union Support and Growth of the True Protestant Religion Established by Law And the only Expedient we think to perpetuate these to our Posterity is to adhere to what the late Parliament designed relating to the Duke of York and all Popish Successors to provide for the Defence and Safety of His Majesty's Person vigorously to pursue the Discovery of the horrid Popish Plot and to punish all Sham-plotters whom we esteem the worst of Villains without which His Majesty can neither be easie nor secure These with those great and Excellent things then under their Considerations make us confident of Your Sincerity and Proceedings which that they may be successful is our prayer and will be the support of all those who wish the happiness of His Majesty and these distressed Kingdoms We likewise desire the Votes may continue to be Printed that till the effects of your endeavours on which depends the happiness both of Church and State are accomplished we may be truly acquainted with your proceedings The Northamptonshire Address March the 8th To John Parkhurst and Miles Fleetwood Esquires then elected Knights for that County Gentlemen THat we are extreamly satisfied of Your faithful and honest discharge of the great Trust reposed in You by this County of Northampton in the last Parliament is most evident by our Hearty Thanks we now return You and by our Unanimous Electing of You again to serve for us in the next Parliament to be holden at Oxford Gentlemen We find by Experience you so well judge of the sense of our Countrey that we need not tender You our Thoughts in many Particulars Only as the Preservation of His Majesty's Sacred Person the Protestant Religion and our Properties are of the greatest Concern and most dear unto us So more especially we recommend them unto you desiring You to use Your utmost Endeavours 1. That there may be a more full and perfect Discovery of that most Hellish Popish Plot and all other Sham-Plots 2. That we may be secured against a Popish Successor 3. That there may be found means of Uniting His Majesty's Protestant Subjects against the Common Enemy Gentlemen In pursuance of these good Ends and such others as You shall think conducing to the happiness of the King and Kingdom We shall stand by You with our Lives and Fortunes The Address of the Town of Taunton March 11th To Edmund Prideaux and John Trenchard Esquires Worthy Sirs WE do most Heartily acknowledge Your great Wisdom Courage and Faithfulness in the Discharge of the Trust by Us Reposed in You as Members of the late Dissolved Parliament whose Worthy Endeavours for the Happiness of the King and Kingdom exceedingly Rejoyced the hearts of True English and Protestant Spirits and will make them Famous to Posterity And now Sirs having a full assurance of Your Perseverance in the same good Works we have persumed again to make Choice of You as Our Representatives in the Ensuing Parliament desiring Your Acceptance of that great Trust And begging You as that wherein the Glory of God the Interest of the Protestant Religion the Safety and Welfare of the King and Kingdom is highly concerned to Prosecute as shall be Guided by the Wisdom of that Honourable House these following Particulars viz. 1. That some effectual course may be taken for the Safety of His Majesty's Sacred Person and Government which have been and still are in extreme danger by the abominable Plots and Atempts of Papists 2. That further Search be made into the Horrid Popish Plot and the Plotters and Abettors thereof brought to condign Punishment 3. That You will joyn with the rest of that Honourable House whereof You are now Chosen to be Members in repeating the Endeavours of the Two last Worthy Parliaments to bar all Papists and especially James Duke of York from the exercise of the Royal Authority of this Kingdom 4. That You will with all diligence endeavour the Uniting of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects and the Repealing those severe Laws that are obstructive thereof 5. That all good Endeavours be used for the securing of our Religion and Property and the just Rights and Priviledges of the Subject 6. That some Law may be made for the preventing of the Excesses and Exorbitances in the Elections of Members of Parliament and of undue
Returns And that some effectual Provision may be made for the meeting of frequent Parliaments and for their sitting to redress Grievances and to make such wholsome Laws as shall be necessary for the welfare of this Nation 7. That some effectual course be taken to give a check to Prophaneness and Debauchery which threaten Ruine or at least exceeding great Prejudice to the Kingdom In prosecuting of all which worthy Acts we shall endeavour your Defence with our Lives and Fortunes The Humble Address of the Young Men of the Borough of Taunton To Edmund Prideaux and John Trenchard Esquires who were Unanimously chosen by the Inhabitants to be Representatives of the said Borough to serve in this Parliament which is to Sit at Oxford March 21 1680 1. SIRS THough we are not immediately Concern'd in the Electing Members to Serve in Parliament yet being deeply sensible that we shall bear an equal share with others in the same Common Danger and Universal Slavery which Hell and Rome have been and still are with joint and unwearied Endeavours attempting to involve these Protestant Nations in we cannot without charging our selves with unparallell'd Ingratitude omit the returning you our hearty Thanks for that good and eminent Service you did both us and the Nation in the late Dissolved Parliament That you did with such inflamed Zeal with such undaunted Courage and Resolution endeavour the Security of our Religion Liberty and Property against that cursed Popish Faction who were the Invaders of them particularly we deem our selves infinitely obliged for the great Care you manifested in the preservation of His Majesty's Sacred Person in your strenuous prosecution of the Horrid and Damnable Popish Plot and in that your Attempts were so Brisk and Vigorous from the preventing of an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Power which we cannot but Unanimously abhor Liberty and Property being an Inheritance which as Englishmen we are born unto And above all we commend your Courage and Prudence in prosecuting that happy Expedient of Excluding a Popish Successor from Inheriting the Imperial Crown of this Realm without which we judge it utterly impossible that the Protestant Religion can be secured to us or that our necks can be long free from that Romish Yoke which neither we nor our Fathers were able to bear And now sith it hath pleased our Gracious King to Issue forth His Royal Proclamation signifying His pleasure to meet His People again in Parliament We cannot but Address our selves to you the Representatives of this Borough Humbly Requesting That you would according to the Trust Reposed in you Vigorously prosecute those Counsels that have a Tendency to an happy Settlement of Affairs both in Church and State particularly our Unanimous Request to you is 1. That forasmuch as the late Horrid and Hellish Plot hath according to the Votes of the preceeding Parliaments received Life and Countenance from James Duke of York you would expedite a Bill for the utter Incapacitating him ever to sway the Scepter of these Kingdoms and that the Bill of Association may be annexed whereby all His Majesty's Subjects may be enabled to oppose him or any of his Accomplices in case he should attempt to possess himself of the same 2. To take such Measures as your Wisdom shall agree upon for the Uniting of the Protestant Interest in these Nations 3. That the Artillery and Militia of the Nation be setled in the Hands of Men of known Integrity Courage and Conduct and that all Papists and Popishly affected Persons now in places of Publick Trust be Discharged which if effected may be ameans to prevent those great Fears and Jealousies which are apt otherwise to be nourished amongst us 4. That you proceed to the Tryal of the Popish Lords together with all other Criminal Offenders and go on sifting to the bottom that Execrable Plot which hath been and we must fear still is carried on to take away His Majesty's Life whom God long preserve to root out the Fundamental Laws of this Realm as also to introduce Popery into the Church and Tyranny into the State 5. That you take Cognizance of the Illegal and Arbitrary Proceedings of Courts as well Ecclesiastical as Civil as you have begun that so the Laws may not be wrested against the Protestant Dissenters nor stretched in favour of Popish Recusants As also to consider the unpresidented Finings and Imprisonings whereby many of His Majesty's truly Loyal Subjects have been grievously oppressed 6. That you would speedily think of some good Expedient for the Regulating of Elections as also for Removing of those Oaths and Tests which have proved no small hinderance to divers Worthy Protestants from being Useful Instruments in Serving their King and Country in Church and State These things worthy Sirs we humbly offer to your Considerations not as Directors but Remembrancers out of a Principle of Loyal Zeal for his Majesty's Security and our Countries Tranquility And assure your selves in the Prosecution of these truly Noble Designs we will defend you with our Lives and Fortunes accounting our dearest Blood a Tribute due to the Safety of our King and Country when called for in their Defence The Address of the Ancient Town of Winchelsea a Branch of the Cinque-Ports To their Barons Sir Steven Lenord and Creswel Draper Esquire elected in their absence March 4. and ordered by the Mayor and Jurates to be presented to them the said Mr. Draper serving for them in the last Parliament Mr. Draper YOu may assure your self That we are very highly satisfied with your unwearied Pains as also of your honest Discharge of the great Trust we reposed in you in the last Parliament by our hearty Thanks we now return you and by our Unanimous Electing you again to serve for us in the next Parliament to be holden at Oxford And Gentlemen as for you both WE know you are so sensible of our Condition that we need not tender you our Thoughts in many particulars only the Preservation of his Sacred Majesty's Person our Religion and Properties which are of the greatest Concern and most dear unto us And especially in order thereunto we commend unto you and desire you to use your utmost Endeavours 1. That there may be a full and perfect Discovery of that most Hellish and Damnable Popish Plot in England and Ireland and all other Sham-Plots which have been wickedly Contriving and Acting for many years past 2. That effectual Means be used for Uniting all his Majesty's Protestant Subjects against the common Enemy both at home and abroad 3. That all effectual Means and Ways may be provided to secure us against a Popish Successor and particularly against James Duke of York 4. That you will endeavour as far as in you lies That a Law may be made for putting our Free-Lands and Houses under a Voluntary Register that thereby this Kingdom may be a just and honourable Fund whereby Moneys may be taken up upon all urgent Occasions and so prevent the great Ruines we now
lie under for want thereof 5. That you will use your utmost Endeavours to put a Brand upon those abominable Monsters which were the Pensioners in the late Long Parliament that thereby the Generations to come may be deterr'd from Attempting the like unheard of Villainy 6. That you will vigorously and carefully represent to the rest of your Fellow Members the present Condition of the Royal Navy as also of the Stores Castles and Forts which are under God the Bulwarks of England and that such effectual Ways and Means may be found out and prosecuted for the better Securing and Improving the Navy as also That none may be employed therein but such Persons who are of known Integrity and Loyalty both to the King and Nation and that all Debauch'd and Unskilful Persons now employ'd may be removed and Men fearing God loving Truth and hating Covetousness may be put into their Places that so our present Fears may be abated and thereby the dreadful growing Power of France may be timely check'd Gentlemen In the pursuance of these good Ends and such other as you shall think conducing to the Happiness of the King and Kingdom we shall stand by you with our Lives and Fortunes There were many more Addresses of like Nature and Purport made from divers other Parts of the Realm true Copies of which are not yet come to our hands But indeed the Re-election of so many of the former Members is it self a general Address and loudly speaks it The Voice of the People which we trust will be ratified by the Voice of Heaven No Popish Successor no French Slavery THE SPEECH Of the Honourable Henry Booth Esq Spoken in Chester March 2. 1680 1. at his being Elected one of the Knights of the Shire for that County to serve in the Parliament Summon'd to meet at Oxford the Twenty first of the said Month. Gentlemen and Countrymen I Must acknowledge that God hath been good unto me from my Cradle to this moment and of all his Providences to me there is none for which I have greater reason to bless his Holy Name than that he hath enabled me to govern my self and actions so as to gain your good opinion and kindness and I cannot but own I have your favour accompanied with all the obliging Circumstances imaginable for the first time that you were pleased to command my Service was in the Eighteen Years Parliament upon the death of Sir Foulk Lucy who had served you faithfully in that Parliament and though I was raw and unacquainted with those affairs and without any Tryal of my Integrity you ventured all you had in my hands at a time when England was in danger to be lost for want of a Vote For that Parliament chiefly consisted of such as sold their Country for private advantage and would have sold their King too if they could have made a better market I served you some time in that parliament at last it was Dissolved and a new one called and then as if you had approved of what I did you thought fit to imploy me again in that Service though you laid him aside who had been my Collegue that Parliament continued not long but was Dissolved and a new one called and then again a third time you thought me fit to represent you in Parliament though as you had done before you set him aside whom you had sent along with me and Chose a new one in his room but why you did me so Singular an honour as to continue me in your Service two Parliaments together and did not the like to the other Gentlemen it is not for me to give the reasons of it those are best known to your selves This is now the fourth time that I have waited on you on the like occasion and it is not a lessening of your former kindness that you have not changed my former Partner but rather a Confirmation of it because that the first time you have continued him is when he appears to be of my opinion and that which still adds weight to your kindness is that notwithstanding all this stir this bustle this unnecessary Charge and expence all the Stories by which I have been traduced you have not been prevailed upon to withdraw or diminish your favour Gentlemen I humbly beg your Patience to speak a few words in answer to what they say of me lest by Silence I may seem to cry Amen to their reports and Stories the first thing they reported was that I would not stand again but would decline your Service but withall they give no reason for it only it is so because they said it but what reason there is to contradict them now who said so the last time and how true it was you well remember So that this being the Second time that they have told you the self same falshoods I hope for the future that others will believe them as little as you have done It was reported that I was kill'd without giving any reasons or circumstances and that to this also they expected an implicit belief I wish they are not for an implicit faith in all things It was truly an excellent Artifice to threap you out of your Votes yet had I been kill'd had it been for your Service I should have thought my self well bestowed and rather meet than avoid the occasion of my Death They tell you also that I 〈◊〉 very obnoxious to the King but they do not tell you that I am restored to â—ny former Station of my Commission of the Peace without seeking or desiring it it cannot be imagined that his Majesty would be so Gracious to a man of whom he hath an ill opinion and it is a reflection to his Majesty to think he will do a thing of that Nature out of any regard whatsoever but when a thing carries its weight and reasons with it so that by this you may discern how all their reports are grounded being rather the effects of their desires than that the thing is truly so It seems the Gentlemen are much displeased that this County have frequently commanded those of my Family to serve them in Parliament they call it an entailing upon the Family but they are not pleased to vouchsafe the reasons why the Son may not be imployed as well as the Father in case he proves as fit for it but the truth is they would govern you and are angry that you will be your own chusers yet whether in this they design to serve you or their own ends I submit to your Judgment but as to my own particular they think the County highly that I have served you in several Parliaments Alas Gentlemen I know I am much inferiour in Parts and Learning to a great many but in saithfulness to your interest I will submit to no man but if you would observe it they would impose that upon you which they would not have done to themselves If they have a Servant who hath served them faithfully they
would not take a new one in his room because they have entertained him several years but you must change your Members as oft as you have new Parliaments though they serve you well and you ought to hate them because they would have it so for they give no better reasons for it but whether they seek your good or their private regard I leave to you to determine A Reverend Gentleman at Northwich was pleased to tell you that you must not chuse the same Members again for if you did the King and parliament would not agree I wonder how long he hath been one of the King's Cabinet Council that he can tell so well before if we may believe the greatest Ministers they say otherwise and that the King out of his gracious disposition to his people will deny himself in that which is most dear rather than break with his people so that either he or they are out and I am not convinced that he is infallible and am apt to believe that he is in the wrong since I have observed that they are for the most part mistaken who take upon them to judge of matters when they are at so great a distance from White-Hall though it may be remembred that this Gentleman hath an affair at London that requires his presence much oftner than he is pleased to afford it and but that great wits are unhappy in short memories that Gentleman could not have forgot that if the Parliament had continued one of his Cloth had been severely reproved for medling with matters not belonging to his Function I mean Mr. Thompson of Bristol and I hear there is so great a number of the last House chosen and like to be chosen that his fault will be remembred which by the way Gentlemen is the Judgment of you in your choice of me you doing that which the rest of the Nation hath done and where any change is it is only to reject those that were Pensioners or else vehemently suspected to be Mercenaries But I could wish it were not the opinion of too many that the way to recommend themselves as true Sons of the Church is to Preach seldom and meddle with State affairs more I hear some have taken offence because at Northwich I did commend the last House of Commons truly Gentlemen I only gave it as my Opinion and till the contrary doth appear I must believe that for Riches Integrity Learning Experience and all things that are expedient for members of that House England never had a better and why the parliament was Dissolved I know not for they who advised it have neither dared to own it nor the reasons for it There is one thing I could not but take notice of in the opposition that hath been made against me If you will observe they are the persons that were most inveterate one against another in the dispute between Sir Philip Egerton and my Cousin Cholmondley but to oppose me they are united as one man If their new-made Friendship be sincere and they have this way to do it I am very glad I have been the occasion of their reconciliation but if in this matter alone they are cemented then it doth discover upon what Principles they act and they are to be blamed and not the Gentlemen who were set up to oppose me for I believe them both to be very worthy men one of them is my Neighbour and I will do him what Service I can and for the other he shall find me a Gentleman if he hath occasion to use me Gentlemen I have as well as I can repeated the particular charges against meâ— I had but a short time to recollect my self there remains yet a general Charge which I desire to speak to and truly it is an heavy charge a charge not to be born if I were guilty of it They say I am an evil man as to the King and Church I wish my accusers had either so much power or will to serve the King or Church as I have and because I do not know my self to be guilty as to either of them I hold my self obliged to say something in my Vindication I know not where I ever gave my Vote to impair the King's Prerogative for this is my Principle and ever hath been my Opinion that the King's Prerogative when rightly used is for the good and Benefit of the People and the Liberties and Properties of the People are for the support of the Crown and King's Prerogative when they are not abused but this blessed Harmony may sometimes be disordered either by the influence of some ill Counsel about the King who to obtain their own ends do not care to ruin their King and Master or else from the restless Spirits of some ambitious men of broken fortunes who hope to repair them out of other mens Estates But It seems that I and the House of Commons are much to blame because by one of our Votes we forbid the People to lend Money upon the Revenue by way of anticipation I never knew it was a Crime to pass a Vote the Law had justified for the Law will maintain every part of that Vote and therefore I need say no more of it and besides this is not a place to argue it in As for my part I 'll do my best to preserve the King's Prerogative and the way to do it is neither to add nor to diminish for to make a King absolute is not to support but pull down his prerogative for the King holds his Prerogative by the Law and if that be destroy'd the Title is to be disputed by the Sword and he that hath the sharpest will prove to have the best right As to the Church I am for it as it is now Established under Episcopacy but I would have them to be such as St. Paul to Tim. in his first Book and 3 chap. describes and when they live accordingly I have as great a reverence for them as any man but when they live otherwise they prove to be and a ruin of the Church and ought to be abhorr'd of all true Christians And for Ceremonies I take them not to be necessary to Salvation but for decency and order sake and I conceive this Ceremony is so much the more necessary as it tends to the more effectual uniting of protestants and to preserve Peace and concord in the Church I am of opinion the Church is in danger and I 'll do my best to support it and as the case stands we must either bring in Protestants or Papists I am for bringing in Protestants and that is my Crime but you are pleased to judge me to be in the right Now I will no longer doubt of my opinion I am sure he that is against bringing in Protestants is for bringing in Papists and whether it be more profitable to support the Church by uniting of those who differ in Ceremonies or those who differ in Fundamentals I think is very plain
Is he a wise man who if his house be falling by reason of too much weight upon the roof will lay more upon it rather than propt it up and take off some of the weight So they who take the Church to consist of Ceremonies must pardon me that I am not of their opinion since the word of God warrants no such thing and my reason tells me that they are too much interested in the cause to be fit judges for with them he is accounted a good Son of the Church who keeps a great stir about Ceremonies though he live never so ill a life and perhaps is drunk when he performs his Devotion but if a man seem to be indifferent as to Ceremonies and make them no more than indeed they be yet in Practice Conforms more than he that makes a great noise about them though he live never so godly a life and as near as he can to the rule of God's word yet he is a Fanatick and an enemy to the Church but God Almighty tells us he will have mercy and not Sacrifice Gentlemen They who accuse me for an enemy to the King and Church have left you out of the story but I hope I shall not forget you but remember on whose errand I am sent and as I have hitherto stuck to your interest I hope nothing will draw me aside from it and if I know my own heart I am perswaded that neither rewards threats hopes nor fears will prevail upon me I desire nothing but to promote God's glory and the interest of the King and people and if it shall please God to let me see the Protestant Religion and Government established I shall think I have lived long enough and I shall be willing at that instant to resign my breath Gentlemen I thought good to say this to you and I thank you for your patience and hope I shall so behave my self in your Service that I shall make it appear I am sensible of the honour you have done me I humbly thank you all An Account of the Proceedings at the Sessions for the City of Westminster against Thomas Whitfield Scrivener John Smallbones Woodmonger and William Laud Painter for Tearing a Petition prepared to be presented to the King's Majesty for the Sitting of the Parliament With an Account of the said Petition presented on the 13th instant and His Majesty's Gracious Answer IT being the undoubted Right of the Subjects of England Vide the Resolutions of the Law Cook Jurisdict of Courts 79. Hobart 220. Vel. Magna Chart. Exl. Spencer 51. Vide the Proclamations of K. Charles I. and warranted by the Law of the Land and the general Practice of all former Times in an humble manner to apply themselves to His Majesty in the Absence of Parliaments by Petition for the Redress of their Grievances and for the obtaining such things as they apprehend necessary or beneficial to the safety and well being of the Nation And it being their Duty to which they are bound by the expres words of the Oath of Allegiance * I do Swear from my Heart That I will hear Faith and true Allegiance to His Majesty His Heirs and Successors and Him and Them will Defend to the uttermost of my power against all Conspiracies and Attempts whatsoever which shall be made against His or Their Persons Their Crown and Dignity And will do my best endeavour to disclose and make known unto His Majesty His Heirs and Successors all Treasons and Trayterous Conspiracies which I shall know or hear of to be against him or any of them to represent to Him any danger which they apprehend Threatning His Royal Person or His Government divers Persons in and about the City of Westminster considering the too apparent and unspeakable Danger His Majesty and His Kingdoms are in from the Hellish Plots and Villainous Conspiracies of the Bloody Papists and their Adherents and conceiving no sufficient or at least so fit Remedy could be provided against it but by the Parliament by whom alone several Persons accused of these accursed Designs can be brought to Tryal did prepare and sign a Petition humbly representing to His Majesty the imminent danger His Royal Person the Protestant Religion and the Government of this Nation were in from that most damnable and hellish Popish Plot branched forth into several the most Horrid Villainies For which several of the principal Conspirators stand impeached by Parliament and thereby humbly praying that the Parliament might Sit upon the 26th of January to try the Offenders and to Redress the important Crievances no otherways to be redressed of which Thomas Whitfield John Smallbenes and William Laud Inhabitants in Westminster taking notice upon the 20th day of December last they sent to Mr. William Horsley who had signed and promoted the Petition and in whose custody it was to bring or send it to them for that they desired to sign it And thereupon Mr. Horsley attended them and producing the Petition in which many Persons had joyned he delivered it at their request to be by them read and signed but Mr. Whitfield immediately tore it in pieces and threw it towards the Fire and Smallbones catching it up said That he would not take 10 s. for the Names and then they declared that they sent for it for that very purpose and owned themselves all concerned in the design Upon Mr. Horsley's complaint hereof to a Justice of the Peace a Warrant was granted against them and they being taken thereupon after examination of the matter were bound to appear and answer it at the next quarter Sessions of the Peace for the City of Westminster and upon Friday the 9th of January instant the Sessions being holden and there being present several Justices of the Peace that are eminent Lawyers the matter was brought before them and the Grand Jury Indicted the said Whitfield Smallbones and Laud as followeth viz. The City Borough and Town of Westminster in the County of Middlesex THe Jurors for our Soveraign Lord the King upon their Oath do present that whereas the Subjects and Liege People of the Kings and Queens of this Realm of England by the Laws and Customs of the Realm have used and been accustomed to represent their Publick Grievances by Petition or by any other submissive way And that the 20th day of December in the one and Thirtieth Year of the Reign of our Soveraign Lord Charles the Second by the Grace of God of England Scotland France and Ireland King Defender of the Faith c. at the Parish of St. Martin's in the Fields within the Liberty of the Dean and Chapter of the Collegiate Church of St. Peter of the City Borough and Town of Westminster in the County of Middlesex a Petition written in paper was prepared and Subscribed with the hands of divers the said King's Subjects and Liege People to the Jury unknown and to our said Soveraign Lord King Charles the Second Directed and to our said Soveraign Lord
the People 2. There is a mutual compact tacit or express between a Prince and his Subjects and that if he perform not his duty they are discharg'd from theirs 3. That if lawful Governors become Tyrants or govern otherwise than by the Laws of God and Man they ought to do they forfeit the Right they had unto their Government Lex Rex Buchanan de Jure Regni Vindiciae contra tyrannos Bellarmine de Conciliis de Pontifice Milton Goodwin Baxter H. C. 4. The Sovereignty of England is in the three Estates viz. King Lords and Commons The King has but a co-ordinate Power and may be over-ruled by the other two Lex Rex Hunton of a limited and mix'd Monarchy Baxter H. C. Polit. Catech. 5. Birthright and proximity of Blood give no title to Rule or Government and it is Lawful to preclude the next Heir from his Right of Succession to the Crown Lex Rex Hunt's Postscript Doleman History of Succession Julian the Apostate Mene Tekel 6. It is Lawful for Subjects without the Consent and against the Command of the Supreme Magistrate to enter into Leagues Covenants and Associations for defence of themselves and their Religion Solemn League and Covenant Late Association 7. Self-preservation is the Fundamental Law of Nature and supersedes the Obligation of all others whenever they stand in competition with it Hobbs de Cive Leviathan 8. The Doctrine of the Gospel concerning patient suffering of Injuries is not inconsistent with violent resisting of the higher Powers in case of Persecution for Religion Lex Rex Julian Apostat Apolog. Relat. 9. There lies no Obligation upon Christians to Passive Obedience when the Prince Commands any thing against the Laws of our Country And the Primitive Christians chose rather to die than resist because Christianity was not yet settled by the Laws of the Empire Julian Apostate 10. Possession and strength give a right to Govern and Success in a Cause or Enterprize proclaims it to be Lawful and Just to pursue it is to comply with the Will of God because it is to follow the Conduct of his Providence Hobbs Owen's Sermon before the Regicides Jan. 31. 1648. Baxter Jenkin's Petition Octob. 1651. 11. In the state of Nature there is no difference between good and evil right and wrong the state of Nature is a state of War in which every Man hath a right to all things 12. The Foundation of Civil Authority is this natural right which is not given but left to the Supreme Magistrate upon Men's entring into Societies and not only a Foreign Invader but a Domestick Rebel puts himself again into a state of nature to be proceeded against not as a Subject but an Enemy And consequently acquires by his Rebellion the same right over the Life of his Prince as the Prince for the most heinous Crimes has over the Life of his own Subjects 13. Every Man after his entring into a Society retains a right of defending himself against Force and cannot transfer that right to the Common-wealth when he consents to that Union whereby a Common-wealth is made and in case a great many Men together have already resisted the Common-wealth for which every one of them expecteth Death they have liberty then to joyn together to assist and defend one another Their bearing of Arms subsequent to the first breach of their Duty though it be to maintain what they have done is no new unjust act and if it be only to defend their Persons is not unjust at all 14. An Oath superadds no obligation to pact and a pact obliges no further than it is credited And consequently if a Prince gives any Indication that he does not believe the Promises of Fealty and Allegiance made by any of his Subjects they are thereby freed from their subjection and notwithstanding their Pacts and Oaths may lawfully rebel against and destroy their Sovereign Hobbs de Cive Leviathan 15. If a People that by Oath and Duty are oblig'd to a Sovereign shall sinfully dispossess him and contrary to their Covenants chuse and covenant with another they may be obliged by their latter Covenant notwithstanding their former Baxter H. C. 16. All Oaths are unlawful and contrary to the Word of God Quakers 17. An Oath obliges not in the sense of the Imposer but the Takers Sheriffs Case 18. Dominion is founded in Grace 19. The Powers of this World are Usurpations upon the Prerogative of Jesus Christ and it is the Duty of God's People to destroy them in order to the setting Christ upon his Throne Fifth-Monarchy Men. 20. The Presbyterian Government is the Scepter of Christ's Kingdom to which Kings as well as others are bound to submit and the King's Supremacy in Ecclesiastical Affairs asserted by the Church of England is injurious to Christ the sole King and Head of his Church Altare Damascenum Apolog. relat Hist Indulgen Cartwright Travers 21. It is not lawful for Superiors to impose any thing in the Worship of God that is not antecedently necessary 22. The duty of not offending a weak Brother is inconsistent with all human Authority of making Laws concerning indifferent things Protestant Reconciler 23. Wicked Kings and Tyrants ought to be put to Death and if the Judges and inferior Magistrates will not do their office the Power of the Sword devolves to the People if the major part of the People refuse to exercise this Power then the Ministers may Excommunicate such a King after which it is lawful for any of the Subjects to kill him as the People did Athaliah and Jehu Jezabel Buchanan Knox. Goodman Gilby Jesuits 24. After the sealing of the Scripture-Canon the People of God in all ages are to expect new Revelations for a rule of their Actions * Quakers and other Enthusiasts and it is lawful for a private Man having an inward motion from God to kill a Tyrant †Goodman 25. The example of Phineas is to us instead of a Command for what God has commanded or approved in one Age must needs oblige in all Goodman Knox. Naphtali 26. King Charles the First was lawfully put to Death and his Murtherers were the blessed Instruments of God's Glory in their Generation Milton Goodwin Owen 27. King Charles the First made War upon his Parliament and in such a case the King may not only be resisted but he ceaseth to be King Baxter We decree judge and declare all and every of these Propositions to be False Seditious and Impious and most of them to be also Heretical and Blasphemous infamous to Christian Religion and destructive of all Government in Church and State We farther decree that the Books which contain the foresaid Propositions and impious Doctrines are fitted to deprave good Manners corrupt the Minds of unwary Men stir up Seditions and Tumults overthrow States and Kingdoms and lead to Rebellion murther of Princes and Atheism it self And therefore we interdict all Members of the University from the reading the said Books under the Penalties
next morning the draught being so much changed and interlined that many even of the most engaged in the Debate did not sufficiently understand it and though they took notes knew not precisely how it stood And this was indeed the Earls case in particular and the cause why in Voting he did forbear either to approve or disapprove His part in the debate was that in the entry of it he said that he thought as few Oaths should be required as could be and these as short and clear as possible That it was his humble opinion that a very small alteration in these Acts which had been used these twenty years might serve for it was manifest and he attested the whole Parliament upon it That the Oath of Allegiance and Declaration had effectually debarred all Fanaticks from getting into places of trust all that time It was true some Papists had swallowed the Oath of Allegiance and therefore a word or two only of addition to guard against them was all he judged necessary And there after where in the close of the Act The Kings Sons and Brothers were intended to be dispensed with from taking the Test he opposed the exception and said it was our happiness that King and People were of one Religion and that they were so by Law That he hoped the Parliament would do nothing to loose what was fast nor open a gap for the Royal Family to differ in Religion their example was of great consequence one of them was as a thousand and would draw the more followers if once it appeared to the people that it were honourable and a priviledge to be of another Religion And therefore he wished if any exception were it might be particular for his Royal Highness but his Highness himself opposing this the Earl concluded with his fear that if this exception did pass it would do more hurt to the Protestant Religion than all the rest of that Act and many other Acts could do good Whilst these Acts about Religion were in agitation his Highness told the Earl one day in private to beware of himself for the Earl of Errol and others were to give in a Bill to the Parliament to get him made liable to some debts they pretended to be Cautioners in for his Father and that those that were most forward in His Majesties service must be had a care of The Earl â—aid he knew there was no ground for any such Bill and he hoped neither the Earl of Errol nor any other should have any advantage of him upon any head relating to His Majesties service His Highness told others likewise he had given the Earl good advice But shortly after the above-mentioned debates there were two Bills given into the meeting of the Articles against the Earl one by the Earl of Errol the other by His Majesties Advocate who alledged he did it by command for otherwise he acknowledged it was without his line The Earl of Errol's claim was that the Earl of Argyle might be declared liable to relieve him and others of a debt wherein they alledged they stood bound as Cautioners for the late Marquess of Argyle the Earl's Father To which the Earl answered that he had not got his Fathers whole Estate but only a part of it and that expressly burdened with all the debts he was liable to pay whereof this pretended debt was none and that the Marquess of Huntly who at that time was owing to the Marquess of Argyle 35000 l. Sterl had got 4000 l. Sterl of yearly Rent out of the Marquess of Argyle's forfaulture without the burden of any debt so that both by Law and Equity the Earl could not be liable the Marquess of Huntly and not he having got that which should bear this relief and which should indeed have payed the far greatest part of the Marquess of Argyle's debt the same having been undertaken for Huntly by Argyle either as Cautioner for Huntly or to raise money to pay his debt Besides that the Earl of Errol can never make it appear that he or his Predecessors were bound for the Marquess of Argyle in the third part of the sums he acclaims yet some were much inclined to believe Errol on his bare assertion His Majesties Advocates claim was to take from the Earl his heritable Offices of Sheriff c. especially that of Justice-General of Argyle-Shire the isles and other places which last is nevertheless only a part of the general Justitiary of all Scotland granted to his Predecessors some hundred of years ago for honourable and onerous causes and constantly enjoyed by them until expressly surrendered in his late Majesties hands for a new Grant of the above-mentioned Justitiary of Argyle c. And this new Grant was also confirmed by many Acts of Parliament and particularly by His Majesties Royal Father of Blessed Memory in the Parliament holden by him Anno 1633. As likewise by His Majesty that now is whom God long preserve his new Gift and Charter after several Debates before him in Anno 1663. and 1672. Which new Gifts and Charters were again ratified by a special instruction from His Majesty in the Parliament 1672. So that albeit several late Gifts of Regality granted to the Marquess of Athol Marquess of Queensberry and others may be questioned because granted since the Acts of Parliament discharging all such Gifts in time coming yet the Earl of Argyl's rights are good as being both of a far different nature and granted long before the said Acts of Parliament and in effect the Earl his rights are rather confirmed by these prohibitive Acts because both anterior to and excepted from them as appears by the Act Salvo Jure 1633. Wherein the Earls rights are particularly and fully excepted in the body of the printed Act. When these things appeared so plain as not to be answered It was alledged that upon the forfaulture of the late Marquess of Argyl his Estate was annexed to the Crown and so could not be gifted to the Earl by His Majesty wherein they soon discovered a design to forfault him if any pretence could be found But the Act of Forfaulture being read and containing no such thing but on the contrary a clear power left to His Majesty to dispose of the whole and the Earl telling them plainly that these that were most active to have his Father forfaulted were very far from desiring his Estate to be annexed to the Crown seeing it was in expectation of Gifts out of it they were so diligent that pretence of the annexation was past from but yet the design was no wise given over for there was a proposition made and a Vote carried in the Articles that a Committee should be appointed with Parliamentary power to meet in the intervals of Parliament to determine all controversies could be moved against any of the Earls rights Which was a very extraordinary device and plainly carried by extraordinary influences Upon this the Earl applyed to the Parliament where this Vote was to be
those vast Lands Jurisdictions and Superiorities justly forfaulted to His Majesty by the Crimes of your deceased Father preferring your Family to those who had served His Majesty against it in the late Rebellion but also pardoned and remitted to you the Crimes of Leasing-making and misconstruing His Majesties and his Parliaments proceedings against the very Laws above-written whereof you were found guilty and condemned to die therefore by the High Court of Parliament the 25th of August 1662. and raised you to the Title and Dignity of an Earl and being a Member of all His Majesties Judicatures Notwithstanding of all these and many other favours you the said Archibald Earl of Argyle being put by the Lords of His Majesties Privy-Council to take the Test appointed by the Act of the last Parliament to be taken by all persons in publick Trust you instead of taking the said Test and swearing the same in the plain genuine sense and meaning of the words without any equivocation mental reservation or evasion whatsoever you did declare against and defame the said Act and having to the end you might corrupt others by your pernicious sense drawn the same in a Libel of which Libel you dispersed and gave abroad Copies whereby ill impressions were given of the King and Parliaments proceedings at a time especially when His Majesties Subjects were expecting what submission should be given to the said Test and being desired the next day to take the same as one of the Commissioners of His Majesties Treasury you did give into the Lords of His Majesties Privy-Council and owned twice in plain judgment before them the said defamatory Libel against the said Test and Act of Parliament declaring That you had considered the said Test and was desirous to give obedience as far as you could whereby you clearly insinuated that you was not able to give full obedience In the second Article of which Libel you declare That you were confident the Parliament never intended to impose contradictory Oaths thereby to abuse the people with a belief that the Parliament had been so impious as really and actually to have imposed contradictory Oaths and so ridiculous as to have made an Act of Parliament which should be most deliberate of all humane actions quite contrary to their own intentions after which you subsumed contrary to the nature of all Oaths and to the Acts of Parliament above cited that every man must explain it for himself and take it in his own sense by which not only that excellent Law and the Oath therein specified which is intended to be a Fence to the Government both of Church and State but all other Oaths and Laws shall be rendered altogether useless to the Government If every man take the Oaths imposed by Law in his own sense then the Oath imposed is to no purpose for the Legislator cannot be sure that the Oath imposed by him will bind the takers according to the design and intent for which he appointed it and the Legislative Power is taken from the Imposers and settled in the taker of the Oath and so he is allowed to be the Legislator which is not only an open and violent depraving of His Majesties Laws and Acts of Parliament but is likewise a settling of the Legislative Power on private Subjects who are to take such Oaths In the third Article of that Paper you declare That you take the Test in so far only as it is consistent with it self and the Protestant Religion by which you maliciously intimate to the people That the said Oath is inconsistent with it self and with the Protestant Religion which is not only a down right depraving of the said Act of Parliament but is likewise a misconstruing of His Majesties and the Parliaments proceedings and misrepresenting them to the people in the highest degree and in the tenderest points they can be concerned and implying that the King and Parliament have done things inconsistent with the Protestant Religion for securing of which that Test was particularly intended In the Fourth Article you do expresly declare that you mean not by taking the said Test to bind up your self from wishing and endeavouring any alteration in a lawful way that you shall think fit for advancing of Church and State whereby also it was designed by the said Act of Parliament and Oath That no man should make any alteration in the Government of Church and State as it is now established and that it is the Duty of all good Subjects in humble and quiet manner to obey the present Government Yet you not only declare your self but by your example you invite others to think themselves loosed from that Obligation and that it is free for them to make any alteration in either as they shall think fit concluding your whole Paper with these words And this I understand as a part of my Oath which is a treasonable invasion upon the Royal Legislative Power as if it were lawful for you to make to your self an Act of Parliament since he who can make any part of an Act may make the whole the Power and Authority in both being the same Of the which Crimes above mentioned you the said Archibald Earl of Argyle are Actor Art and Part which being found by the Assize you ought to be punished with the pains of Death fortâ—ulture and escheat of Lands and Goods to the terror of others to commit the like hereafter An Abstract of the several Acts of Parliament upon which the Indictment against the Earl of Argyle was grounded Concerning raisers of Rumours betwixt the King and his people Chap. 20.1 Statutes of King Robert 1. IT is defended and forbidden That no man be a Conspirator or Inventer of Narrations or Rumours by the which occasion of discord may arise betwixt the King and his people And if any such man shall be found and attainted thereof incontinent be shall be taken and put in Prison and there shall be surely keeped up ay and while the King declare his will anent him Act 43. of Par. 2. King James 1. March 11. 1424. Leasing-makers forfault Life and Goods ITem It is ordained by the King and whole Parliament that all Leasingmakers and tellers of them which may engender discord betwixt the King and his people wherever they may be gotten shall be challenged by them that power has and ryne Lâ—â—e and Goods to the King Act 83. Par. 6. James 5. Dec. 10. 1540. Of Leasing-makers ITem Touching the Article of Leasing-makers to the Kings Grace of his Barons great men and Leiges and for punishment to be put to them therefore the Kings Grace with advice of his three Estates ratifies and approves the Acts and Statutes made thereupon before and ordains the same to be put in execution in all points and also Statutes and ordains That if any manner of person makes any evil Information of his Highness to his Barons and Leiges that they shall be punished in such manner and by the same punishment as
to have introduced some Innovation there anent His Majesties firm will and mind always being as it is yet That the Honour Authority and Dignity of his said three Estates shall stand and continue in their own Integrity according to the ancient and laudable custom bygone without any alteration or diminution Therefore it is statuted and ordained by our said Soveraign Lord and his said three Estates in this present Parliament That none of his Leiges or Subjects presume or take upon hand to impugn the Dignity and Authority of the said three Estates or to seek or procure the innovation or diminution of the Power and Authority of the same three Estates or any of them in time coming under the pain of Treason The Earl of Argyle 's first Petition for Advocates or Council to be allowed him To his Royal Highness His Majesties High Commissioner and to the Right Honourable the Lords of His Majesties Privy-Council The Humble Petition of Archibald Earl of Argyle SHEWETH THat your Petitioner being Criminally Indicted before the Lords Commissioners of Justitiary at the instance of His Majesties Advocate for Crimes of an high Nature And whereas in this Case no Advocate will readily plead for the Petitioner unless they have your Royal Highness's and Lordships Special License and Warrant to that effect which is usual in the like Cases It is therefore humbly desired that Your Royal Highness and Lordships would give special Order and Warrant to Sir George Lockhart his ordinary Advocate to consult and plead for him in the foresaid Criminal Process without incurring any hazard upon that account and your Petitioner shall ever pray Edinburgh Novemb. 22. 1681. The Councils Answer to the Earl of Argyl's first Petition about his having Advocates allowed him HIS Royal Highness his Majesties High Commissioner and Lords of Privy-Council do refuse the desire of the above-written Bill but allows any Lawyers the Petitioners shall employ to consult and plead for him in the Process of Treason and other Crimes to be pursued against him at the instance of His Majesties Advocate Extr. By me Will. Paterson The Earl of Argyl's second Petition for Council to be allowed him To His Royal Highness His Majesties High Commissioner and to the Right Honourable the Lords of His Majesties Privy-Council The humble Petition of Archibald Earl of Argyle SHEWETH THat your Petitioner having given in a former Petition humbly representing That he being Criminally Indicted before the Lords Commissioners of Justitiary at the instance of His Majesties Advocate for Crimes of an high Nature And therefore desiring that Your Royal Highness and Lordships would give special Warrant to Sir George Lockbart to consult and plead for him Whereupon your Royal Highness and Lordships did allow the Petitioner to make use of such Advocates as he should think fit to call Accordingly your Petitioner having desired Sir George Lockhart to consult and plead for him he hath as yet refused your Petitioner And by the 11. Patliament of King James the VI. Cap. 38. As it is the undeniable priviledge of all Subjects accused for any Crimes to have liberty to provide themselves of Advocates to defend their Lives Honour and Lands against whatsoever accusation so the same Priviledge is not only by Parliament 11. King James the VI. Cap. 90. Farther asserted and confirmed but also it is declared That in case the Advocates refuse the Judges are to compel them least the party accused should be prejudged And this being an affair of great importance to your Petitioner and Sir George Lockhart having been not only still his ordinary Advocate but also by his constant converse with him is best known to your Petitioners Principles and of whose eminent abilities and fidelity your Petitioner as many others have hath had special proof all along in his Concerns and hath such singular confidence in him that he is most necessary to your Petitioner at this occasion May it therefore please Your Royal Highness and Lordships to interpose your Authority by giving a special Order and Warrant to the said Sir George Lockhart to consult and and plead for him in the said Criminal Process conform to the tenor of the said Acts of Parliament and constant known practice in the like Cases which was never refused to any Subject of the meanest quality even to the greatest Criminals And your Royal Highness's and Lordships Answer is humbly craved Edinburgh Novemb. 24. 1681. The Councils Answer to the Earl of Argyle 's second Petition HIS Royal Highness His Majesties High Commissioner and Lords of Privy Council having considered the foresaid Petition do adhere to their former Order allowing Advocates to appear for the Petitioner in the Process foresaid Extr. By me Will. Paterson The Earl of Argyle 's Letter of Attorney constituting Alexander Dunbar his Procurator for requiring Sir George Lockhart to plead for him WE Archibald Earl of Argyle do hereby substitute constitute and ordain Alexander Dunbar our Servitor to be our Procurator to pass and require Sir George Lockhart Advicate to consult and plead for us in the Criminal Process intended against us at the instance of His Majestics Advocate and to compear with us before the Lords Commissioners of Justitiary upon the 12th of December next conform to an Act of Council dated the 22d of Novemb. instant allowing any Lawyers that we should employ to consult and plead for us in the said Process and to another Act of Council of the 24th of Novemb. instant relative to the former and conform to the Acts of Parliament In witness whereof we have Subscribed these presents at Edinburgh-Castle Nov. 26. 1681. before these Witnesses Duncan Camphell Servitor to James Glen Stationer in Edinburgh and John Thom Merchant in the said Burgh ARGYLE Witnesses Duncan Camphell John Thom Witnesses An Instrument whereby the Earl of Argyle required Sir George Lockhart to appear and plead for him Apud Edenburgum vigesimo sexto die Mensis Novembris Anno Domini millesimosex centesimo octuagesimo primo Anno Regni Car. 2. Regis trigesimo tertio THE which day in presence of me Notar publick and Witnesses under subscribed compeared personally Alexander Dunbar Servitor to a Noble Earl Archibald Earl of Argyle as Procurator and in name of the said Earl conform to a Procuration subscribed by the said Earl at the Castle of Edinburgh upon the twenty first day of November 1681. making and constituting the said Alexander Dunbar his Procurator to the effect under-written and past to the personal presence of Sir George Lockhart Advocate in his own Lodging in Edinburgh having and holding in his hands an Act of His Majesties Privy Council of the date the 22d of November 1681. instant proceeding upon a Petition given in by the said Earl of Argyle to the said Lords shewing That he being Criminally Indicted before the Lords Commissioners of Justitiary at the instance of His Majesties Advocate for Crimes of an high Nature and whereas in that Case no Advocates would readily plead for the said
before his being required or appearing to take the Oath there were spread abroad such Scruples and Objections by some of the Orthodox Clergy and others so that the Earl can never in any sense be construed in his Explication wherein he took the Oath to have done it animo infamandi and to declaim against the Government for the Scruples and Objections that were spread abroad by others were a fair and rational occasion why the Earl in any sense or explication which he offered might have said that he was confident the Parliament never intended to impose contradictory Oaths and this is so far from importing the insinuation and inferenâ— made by the Libel that thereby the Parliament were so impious as to impose contradictory Oaths as on the contrary considering the circumstances fore-mentioned that there were papers spread abroad insinuating That there were inconsistencies and contradictions contained therein the said expression was an high Vindication of the Honour and Justice of the Parliament against the Calumnies and Mis-representations which were cast upon it and was also a just Rise for the Pannel for the clearing and exonoration of his own Conscience in the various senses and apprehensions which he found were going abroad as to the said Test humbly to offer his sense in which he was clear and satisfied to take the Oath 7. To the Libel in so far as it is founded upon the Act of Parliament viz. Act 130. Par. 8. James 6. declaring That none should presume to impugn the Dignity or Authority of the three Estates of Parliament or procure any Invasion or diminution thereof under the pain of Treason as also in so far as it is pretended in the Libel That the Pannel by offering the sense and explication libelled has assumed the Legislative power which is incommunicable and has made a Law or a part of a Law It is answered The Libel is most groundless and irrelevant and against which the Act of Parliament is opponed which is so plain and evident upon the reading thereof that it neither is nor can be subject to the least cavillation And the plain meaning whereof is nothing else but to impugn the Authority of Parliaments as if the King and Parliament had not a Legislative Power or were not the highest Representative of the Kingdom or that any of the three Estates were not essentially requisite to constitute the Parliament And besides there is nothing more certain than that the occasion of the said Act its being made was in relation to the Bishops and Clergy and there is nothing in the pretended Explanation that can be wrested to import the least Contravention of the said Act or to be an impugning of the three Estates of Parliament or a seeking any innovation therein And it is admired with what shadow of Reason it can be pretended that the Pannel has assumed a Legislative power or made a part of a Law seeing all that is contained in the alledged Explication libelled is only a Declaration of the Earls sense in which he was satisfied to take the Oath and so respected none but himself and for the clearing of his own Conscience which justly indeed the Word of God calls a Law to himself without any incroaching upon the Legislative power And where was it ever debated but that a man in the taking of an Oath if as to his apprehensions he thought any thing in it deserved to be cleared might declare the same or that his exhibiting at the time of the taking of the Oath his sense and explication wherein he did take it was ever reputed or pretended to be the assuming of a Legislative power it being the universal practice of all Nations to allow this liberty and which sense may be either rejected or accepted as the Legislator shall think fit importing no more but a parties private sense for the exoneration of his own Conscience And as to that Member of the Libel founded upon Act 19. Par. 3. Queen Mary it contains nothing but a Declaration of the pain of Perjury and there is nothing in the Explication libelled which can in the least be inferred as a Contravention of the said Act in respect if it should be proved That the Pannel at the time of the taking of the Oath did take it in the words of the said Explication as his sense of the Oath it is clear that the sense being declared at the time of taking the Oath and allowed as the sense wherein it was taken the Pannel can only be understood to have taken it in that sense And although publick Authority may consider whether the sense given by the Pannel does satisfie the Law or not yet that can import no more though it was found not to satisfie but to hold the Pannel as a Refuser of the Oath but it is absolutely impossible to infer the Crimes of perjury upon it being as is pretended by the Libel the â—annel did only take it with the Declaration of the Sense and Explication Libelled 8. As the Explication libelled does not at all import all or any of the Crimes contained in the said Libel so by the common principles of all Law where a person does emit words for the clearing and exoneration of his own Conscience altho there were any ambiguity or unclearness or involvedness in the tenor or import of the expressions or words yet they are ever to be interpreted Interpretatione benigna favorabili according to the general Principles of Law and Reason And it never was nor can be refused to any person to interpret and put a congruous sense upon his own words especially the Pannel being a person of eminent Quality and who hath given great demonstration and undeniable evidences of his fixt and unalterable Loyalty to His Majesties Interest and Service and at the time of emitting the said Explication was invested and intrusted in publick Capacities And it is a just and rational interpretation and caution which Sanderson that judicious and eminent Casuist gives Praelect 2. That dicta facta principum parentum rectorum are ever to be looked upon as benignae Interpretationis and that Dubia sunt interpretanda in meliorem partem And there is nothing in the Explication libelled which without detortion and violence and in the true sense and design of the Pannel is not capable of this benign Interpretation and construction especially respect being had to the Circumstances wherein it was emitted and given after a great many Objections Scruples and alledged Inconsistencies were owned vented and spread abroad which was a rise to the Earl for using the expressions contained in the pretended Declaration libelled 10. These words whereby it is pretended the Pannel declares he was ready to give obedience as far as he could first do not in the least import That the Parliament had imposed any Oath which was in it self unlawful but only the Pannels scrupulosity and unclearness in matter of Conscience And it is hoped it cannot be a Crime because all men cannot
any thing a greater reproach on the Parliament or a greater ground of mislike to the people And whereas it is pretended That all Laws and Subsumptions should be clear and these are only inferences It is answered That there are some things which the Law can only forbid in general and there are many inferences which are as strong and natural and reproach as soon or sooner than the plainest defamations in the world do for what is openly said of reproach to the King does not wound him so much as many seditious insinuations have done in this Age and the last So that whatever was the Earls design albeit it is always conceived to be unkind to the Act against which himself debated in Parliament yet certainly the Law in such cases is only to consider what effect this may have amongst the people and therefore the Acts of Parliament that were to guard against the misconstruing of His Majesties Government do not only speak of what was designed but where a disliking may be caused and so judgeth ab effectu And consequentially to the same emergent reason it makes all things tending to the raising of dislike to be punishable by the Act 60. Parl. 6. Q. Mary and the 9. Act Parl. 20. James VI. So that the Law designed to deter all men by these indefinite and comprehensive expressions And both in this and all the Laws of Leasing-making the Judges are to consider what falls under these general and comprehensive words Nor could the Law be more special here since the makers of Reproach and Slander are so various that they could not be bound up or exprest in any Law But as it evidently appears that no man can hear the words exprest if he believe this paper but he must think the Parliament has made a very ridiculous Oath inconsistent with it self and the Protestant Religion the words allowing no other sense and having that natural tendency even as if a man would say I love such a man only in so far as he is an honest man he behooved certainly to conclude that the man was not every way honest So if your Lordships will take measures by other Parliaments or your Predecessors ye will clearly see That they thought less than this a defaming of the Government and misconstruing His Majesties proceedings For in Balmerino's Case the Justices find an humble Supplication made to the King himself to fall under these Acts now cited Albeit as that was a Supplication so it contained the greatest expressions of Loyalty and offers of Life and Fortune that could be exprest yet because it insinuates darkly That the King in the precedeing Parliament had not favoured the Protestant Religion and they were sorry he should have taken Notes with his own hands of what they said which seems to be most innocent yet he was found guilty upon those same very Acts And the Parliament 1661. found his Lordship himself guilty of Leasing-making tho he had only written a Letter to a private Friend which requires no great care nor observation but this paper which was to be a part of his own Oath does because after he had spoken of the Parliament in the first part of this Letter he thereafter added That the King would know their Tricks which words might be much more applicable to the private persons therein designed than that the words now insisted on can be capable of any such Interpretation And if either Interpretations upon pretext of exonering of Conscience or otherwise be allowed a man may easily defame as much as he pleases And have we not seen the King most defamed by Covenants entered into upon pretence to make him great and glorious by Remonstrances made to take away his Brother and best Friend upon pretence of preserving the Protestant Religion and his Sacred person And did not all who rebelled against him in the last Age declare That they thought themselves bound in duty to obey him but still as far as that could consist with their respect to the Protestant Religion and the Laws and Liberties which made all the rest ineffectual And whereas it is pretended That by these words I take the same in as far as it is consistent with it self and the Protestant Religion nothing more is meant but that he takes it as a true Protestant His Majesties Advocate appeals to your Lordships and all the Hearers if upon hearing this expression they should take it in this sense and not rather think that there is an inconsistency For if that were possible to be the sense what need he say at all As far as it is consistent with it self Nor had the other part As far as it is consistent with the Protestant Religion been necessary for it is either consistent with the Protestant Religion or otherwise they were Enemies to the Protestant Religion that made it Nor are any Lawyers or others in danger by pleading or writing for these are very different from and may be very easily pleaded without defaming a Law and an Oath when they go to take it But if any Lawyer should say in pleading or writing That the Test was inconsistent or which is all one that it were not to be taken by any man but so far as it was consistent with it self and the Protestant Religion no doubt this would be a crime even in pleading tho pleading has a greater allowance than deliberate swearing has And as there is nothing wherein there is not some inconveniency so the inconveniency of defaming the Government is much greater than that of any private mans hazard who needs not err except he please Whereas it is pretended That before the Earl gave in this Explication there were other Explications spread abroad and Answers read to them in Council and that the Council it self gave an Explication It is answered That if this paper be Leasing-making or misconstruing His Majesties proceedings and Treasonable as is contended then a thousand of the like offences cannot excuse it And when the King accused Noblemen Ministers and others in the year 1661. for going on in the Rebellions of that Age first with the Covenanters and then with the Usurpers it was found no Defence That the Nation was over-grown with those Crimes and that they were thought to be duties in those days Yea this were to invite men to offend in multitudes And albeit sometimes these who follow the examples of multitudes may thereby pretend this as an excuse to many yet this was never a formal defence against Guilt nor was ever the chief of the Offenders favourable on that Head And it is to be presumed That the Earl of Argyle would rather be followed by others than that he would follow any example But His Majesties Advocate does absolutely decline to debate a point that may defame a constant and standing Act of Parliament by leaving upon record a memory of its being opposed Nor were this Relevant except it could be said the Council had allowed such Explications which reflected
upon the King and the Government For the writing an answer is no allowance but a condemning Nor can the Council allow any more than they can remit And tho it may justly be denied that the Council heard even the Earls own Explanation yet the hearing or allowing him to sit is no Relevant Plea because they might very justly have taken a time to consider how far it was fit to accuse upon that Head And it is both just and fit for the Council to take time and by express Act of Parliament the negligence of the King Officers does not bind them For if this were allowed Leading men in the Council might commit what Crimes they pleased in the Council which certainly the King may quarrel many years after And tho all the Council had allowed him that day any one Officer of State might have quarrelled it the next day As to the Opinion of Bellarmine Sanderson and others it is ever contended that the principles of the Covenant agree very well with those of the Jesuites and both do still allow Equivocations and Evasions But no solid Orthodox Divine ever allowed That a man who was to swear without any Evasion should swear so as he is bound to nothing as it is contended the Earl is not for the Reasons represented And as they still recommend That when men are not clear they might abstain as the Earl might have done in this case so they still conclude That men should tell in clear terms what the sense is by which they are to be bound to the State Whereas the Earl here tells only in the general and in most ambigious terms That he takes it as far as he can obey and as far as it is consistent with the Protestant Religion and that he takes it in his own sense and that he is not bound by it from making alterations but as far as he thinks it for the advantage of Church or State which sense is a thousand times more doubtful than the Test and is in effect nothing but what the taker pleases himself As to the Treason founded on His Majesties Advocate founds it first upon the Fundamental and Common Laws of this and all Nations whereby it is Treason for any man to make any alteration he shall think for the advantage of Church or State which he hopes is a principle cannot be denied in the general And whereas it is pretended That this cannot be understood of mean alterations and of alterations to be made in a lawful way It is answered That as the thing it self is Treason so this Treason is not taken off by any of these qualifications because he declares he will wish and endeavour any alteration he thinks fit and any alteration comprehends all alterations that he thinks fit Nam propositio indefinita aequipollet universali And the word any is general in its own nature and is in plain terms a reserving to himself to make alterations both great and small And the restriction is not all alterations that the King shall think fit or are consistent with the Laws and Acts of Parliament but he is still to be Judge of this and his Loyalty is to be the Standard Nor did the Covenanters in the last Age nor do these who are daily executed decline that they are bound to obey the King simply but only that they are bound to obey him no otherwise than as far as his Commands are consistent with the Law of God of Nature and of this Kingdom and with the Covenant And their Treason lies in this And when it is asked them Who shall be judge in this they still make themselves Judges And the reason of all Treason being that the Government is not secure it is desired to be known what way the Government can be secured after this paper since the Earl is still Judge how far he is obliged and what is his Loyalty And if this had been sufficient the Covenant had been a very excellent paper for they are there bound to endeavour in their several stations to defend the Kings person but when the King challenged them how they came to make War against him their great Refuge was That they were themselves still Judges as to that And for illustrating this power the Lords of Justitiary are desired to consider Quid Juris if the Earl or any man else should have reserved to himself in this Oath a liberty to rise in Arms or to oppose the lineal Succession tho he had added In a lawful manner for the thing being in it self unlawful this is but sham and Protestatio contraria facto And if these be unlawful notwithstanding of such additions so much more must this general reservation of making any alterations likewise be unlawful notwithstanding of these additions For he that reserves the general power of making any alteration does a fortiori reserve power to make any alteration tho never so fundamental For all particulars are included in the General and whatever may be said against the particulars may much more strongly be said against the general 2. The 130. Act Par. 8. James VI is expressly founded on because nothing can be a greater diminution of the power of the Parliament than to introduce a way or means whereby all their Acts and Oaths shall be made insignificant and ineffectual as this paper does make them for the Reasons represented Nor are any of the Estates of Parliament secure at this rate but that they who reserved a general power to make all alterations may under that â—eneral come to alter any of them 3. What can be a greater impugning of the Dignity and Authority of Parliaments than to say That the Parliament has made Acts for the security of the Kingdom which are in themselves ridiculous inconsistent with themselves and the Protestant Religion And as to what is answered against invading the Kings Prerogative and the Legislative power in Parliaments in adding a part to an Oath or Act is not relevantly inferred since the sense of these words And this I understand as a part of my Oath is not to be understood as if any thing were to be added to the Law but â—â—ly to the Oath and to be an interpretation of the Oath It is replied That after this no man needs to add a Caution to the Oath in Parliament But when he comes to take the Oath do the Parliament what they please he will add his own part Nor can this part be looked upon as a sense for if this were the sense before this paper he needed not understand it as a part of it for it wanted not that part And in general as every man may add his own part so the King can be secure of no part But your Lordships of Justitiary are desired to consider how dangerous it would be in this Kingdom and how ill it would sound in any other Kingdom That men should be allowed to reserve to themselves liberty to make any alteration they thought fit in Church or
and others who offered to obey because it is the defaming the Law as ridiculous and inconsistent with that Protestant Religion and Leasing-making betwixt the King the Nobility and the people the misconstruing and misrepresenting as hath been formerly urged that puts the Earl in a worse condition And all those arguments might be as well urged for any who had uncontrovertedly contravened these Acts as for the Pannel Whereas it is pretended That the King emitted a Proclamation to satisfie Dissenters it is answered That the Proclamation was designed for none who had been Members of Parliament and so should have known the sense but it was designed for meer ignorants not for such as had defamed the Law which is still here charged upon the Pannel As to the Article of Treason it is conceived That it is unanswerably founded upon the Common Law discharging all men to make alteration of the Government as to which there needs no express Statute that being the very essence of Government and needing no Laws Like as it falls positively under all the Laws that discharge the assuming the Royal or Legislative power for to alter the Government is inseparably united to the Crown Like as the Subsumption is as clear the express words not bearing That the Earl reserves to himself a power to propose to His Majesty any alterations or to concur to serve His Majesty in making alterations but owning in most general and arbitrary terms to wish and endeavour any alteration he should think fit for the advantage of Church or State and not determining any thing that could bind him otherwise than according to his own pleasure for the word lawful is still subjected to himself and has subjoyned to it as he should think fit which governs the whole proposition and in that sense and as the words are here set down the greatest Rebel in Scotland will subscribe that Explanation for there is no man but will restrict himself to a lawful obedience provided he be Judge of the lawfulness And seeing all Oaths proposed for the security of Government require a certain depending upon the Legislator and not upon the Taker it is impossible that that end could be attained by any qualification how special soever which is made to depend absolutely upon the Taker and not upon the Legislator And we have often seen how little security there is in those specious words the very Covenant it self having not only the very words above-repeated but attesting all the world to be witnesses to their Loyalty and Sincerity And as to the former instances viz. Rising in Arms or opposing the lawful Successor there is no Covenanter in Scotland but will say he will do neither but in a lawful way and in his station and in a way consistent with his Loyalty for a man were mad to say otherwise but yet when they come to explain this they will only do it as they think fit and will be Judges themselves and then will tell us That defensive Arms are lawful and that no Popish Successor should succeed nor no Successor unless he subscribe the Covenant And whereas it is pretended That no clause in the Test does exclude a man from making alterations it is answered That the alterations which the Test allows are none at all but in subordination to Authority And as to the two points above mentioned it excludes all alterations as to these points And as to the making fundamental alterations this reservation allows to make any alteration and consequently fundamental alterations to preclude which Libertinism this excellent Law was invented Whereas it is pretended That the Pannel designs not to add any thing as a part of the Law but as a part of his Oath it is duplied Since the Oath is a part of the Law whoever adds to the Oath adds to the Law Whereas it is pretended That the Crime of Perjury cannot be inferred here because all Divines allow That the Taker of an Oath is still allowed to declare in what sense he takes the Oath and that this is clear from Sanderson p. 175. It is triplied That where there are two dubious senses Lawyers and Divines allow That the taker should clear himself which of the two he should take which is very just because to which soever of the two he determines himself the Legislator in that case is sure of him But here it is not pretended That there are two senses nor does the Pannel declare in which of the two he takes it or in what clear sence at all he takes it which is indeed liquido Jurare But here the Pannel neither condescends what particular clause of the Test is unclear nor after he has condescended upon the Articles does he condescend upon the sense but in general mysterious words where he can neither be followed or found out he only takes it in so far as it is consistent with it self and the Protestant Religion reserving the squaring all by his own Loyalty as he did in the beginning declare That he took it in his own sense by which general sense neither is the Government secure of any thing it does enjoyn nor could he be punished if he transgressed Nor can it be doubted but Perjury may be inferred by any equivocal or evading sense inter Jurandum as well as by breaking an oath afterwards which is very clear from Sanderson p. 138. The words whereof are alterum perjurii genus est inter Jurandum detorquere verba and which is farther clear by the 28. page but above all from the principles of Reason and the necessity of Commerce and Government For if men may adhibit such glosses even whilst they swear as may make the Oath useless what way will either Government or Commerce be maintained And he deceives as much that deceives in swearing salvis verbis as he who after he has sworn does break the Oath Nay and more too because the breaking may come from forgetfulness or other accidents but the evading by general Clauses which bind no man does from the first instance originally make all Oaths useless and dangerous and that this interpretation eludes the Oath absolutely is very clear from what hath been formerly debated For it may be argued That the Earl broke the Oath in so far as the first day he swears the Oath which bears to be without any evasion and must be so notwithstanding of whatever he could say And the next day he gives in this evasion which is a down-right violation of that Oath and inconsistent with it Nor was this Oath forced but voluntarily emitted to keep his own places And it was the greater Crime that it was done in the Council because that was to make it the more publick and consequently the more to misrepresent the Government After this debate which according to the custom of the Court was verbatim dictate by the Advocates of either side and written by the Clerk and so took up much time and the Court having sate at least twelve
Religion swears nothing 5thly That he that declares himself not tied up by the Test from endeavouring in a lawful way such alterations as he thinks to the advantage of Church and State consistent with Religion and Loyalty declares himself and all others loosed from the Government and all duty to it and free to make any and all alterations that be pleases And 6thly That he that takes the Test with an explanation and holds it to be a part of his Oath invades the Legislative Power and makes Acts of Parliament Upon which rare and excellent Propositions I dare say The Earl is content according to the best Judgment that you and all unbiassed Men can make either of their Truth or of my ingenuity in excerping them to be adjudged Guilty or not Guilty without the least fear or apprehension of the issue And in the third and last place I shall only intreat you to try how the Advocate 's reasoning will proceed in other Cases and what brave work may be wrought by so useful a Tool Suppose then a Man refuse the Test simply or falls into any other kind of Non-conformity either Civil or Ecclesiastick or pays not the King's Custom or other dues or lastly understands an Act otherwise than the Advocate thinks he should Is not his Indictment already formed and his Process as good as made viz. That he regards not the Law That he thinks it is unjustly or foolishly Enacted That he will only obey as far as he can and as he pleases and thereby renders all Laws useless and so reproaches the King and Parliament and impugns their Authority and assumes to himself the Legislative Power and therefore is guilty of Leasing-making Depraving His Majesty's Laws and of Treason of which crimes above-mentioned or one or other of them he is Actor Art and Part Which being found by an Assize he ought to be punished with the pains of Death Forfaulture and Escheat of Lands and Goods to the terror of others to do or commit the like hereafter And if there be found a convenient Judge the poor Man is undoubtedly lost But Sir having drawn this Parallel rather to retrieve the Earl's Case than to make it a precedent which I hope it shall never be and chusing rather to leave the Advocate than follow him in his follies I forbear to urge it further These things considered must it not appear strange beyond expression how the Earl's Explanation such as it is did fall under such enormous and grievous misconstructions For setting aside the Councils allowance and approbation which comes to be considered under the next Head suppose the Earl or any other person called before the Council and there required to take the Test had in all due humility said either that he could not at all take it or at least not without an Explanation because the Test did contain such things as not noly he but many other and those the best of the Loyal and Orthodox Clergy did apprehend to be Contradictions and Inconsistencies And thereupon had proponed one or two such as the Papers above set down do plainly enough hold out and the Bishop in his Explanation rather evades than answers would it not be hard beyond all the measures of Equity and Charity to look upon this as a designed Reflection far more a malicious and wicked Slander and the blackest Treason We see the Act of Parliament doth not absolutely injoin the taking of the Test but only proposeth it to such as are intrusted in the Government with the ordinary certification either of losing or holding their Trusts at their option We know also that in Cases of this nature it is far more suitable both to our Christian Liberty and the respect we owe to a Christian Magistrate to give a reason of our conscientious non-compliance with meekness and fear than by a mute compearance to fall under the censure of a stubborn obstinacy And Iustly It is certain and may safely be affirmed without the least reproach that Parliaments are not infallible as witness the frequent changes and abrogations of their own Acts and their altering of Oaths imposed by themselves and even of this Oath after it was presented which the Earl was not for altering so much as it was done as I told you before How then can it be that the Earl appearing before a Christian Council and there declaring in terms at the worst a little obscure because too tender and modest his Scruples at an Oath presented to him either to be freely taken or refused should fall under any Censure If the Earl had in this occasion said he could not take the Test unless liberty were given him first to explain himself as to some Contradictions and Inconsistencies which he conceived to be in it tho he had said far more than is contained in his contraverted Explanation yet he had said nothing but what Christian Liberty hath often freely allowed and Christian Charity would readily construe for an honest expression of a commendable tenderness without any imputation of reproach against either King or Parliament How much more then is his part clear and innocent when albeit so many thought the Contradictions to be undeniable yet such was his well-tempered respect both to God and Man to his own Conscience and His Majesty's Authority that before and not after the taking of this Oath to clear himself in the midst of the many Exceptions and Scruples raised of all ambiguitles in swearing he first applies himself for a satisfying Explanation to the Parliament the prime Imposers their true intentions and genuine meaning and then gathering it very rationally from the Oath 's consistency with it self and with the Protestant Religion the Parliament's aim and scope and so asserting the King and Parliament's truth and honour he places the relief and quiet of his own Conscience in his taking the Test with this Explanation and in declaring its congruity with his Oath and duty of Allegiance The third Head of the Earl's additional Defences is the further clearing and improving of his grounds of Exculpation above adduced and repelled Which were first that before the Earl did offer his Explanation to the Council a great many Papers were spread abroad by some of the Orthodox Clergy charging the Test with Contradictions and Inconsistencies 2dly That there was a Paper penned by a Reverend Bishop and presented and read in Council and by them allowed to be printed which did contain the same and far more important things than any can be found in the Earl's Explanation And consequently far more obnoxious to all His Majesty's Advocate 's Accusations 3dly That the Explanation upon which he was indicted was publickly by himself declared in Council and by the Council allowed so that the Oath was administrat to him and he received to sit in Council and vote by his Highness and the rest of the Members with and under this express qualification But to all urged for the Earl's Exculpation the Advocate makes
Praerogativas Ejusdem Et quod non intendo per hujusmodi juramentum vel juramenta quovis modo me obligare qui minus libere loqui consulere aut consentire valeam in omnibus singulis Reformationem Religionis Christianae Gubernationem Ecclesiae Anglicanae Praerogativam Coronae ejusdem Reipublicae vel commoditatem earundem quoquo modo concernentibus ea ubique exequi reformare quae mihi in Ecclesia Anglicana reformanda videbuntur Et secundum hanc interpretationem intellectum hunc non aliter nequa alia modo dictum juramentum me praestiturum protestor profiteor That is to say In the name of God Amen Before you c. It neither is nor shall be my will or meaning by this kind of Oath or Oaths and however the words of themselves shall seem to sound or signify to bind up my self by vertue hereof to say do or endeavour any thing which shall really be or appear to be against the Law of God or against our most Illustrious King of England or against his Laws and Prerogatives And that I mean not by this my Oath or Oaths any ways to bind up my self from speaking consulting and consenting freely in all and every thing in any sort concerning the Reformation of the Christian Religion the Government of the Church of England and the Prerogative of the Crown of the Commonwealth thereof or their advantage and from executing and reforming such things as I shall think need to be reformed in the Church of England And according to this Explanation and sense and not otherwise nor in any other manner do I protest and profess that I am to take and perform this Oath Nor did that excellent Person says Mr. Fuller smother this privately in a corner but publickly interposed it three several times once in the Charter-house before authentick Witnesses again upon his bended knees before the high Altar in view and hearing of many People and Bishops beholding him when he was consecrated and the third time when he received the Pall in the same place Now would it not be very strange if the like liberty should not be allowed to the Earl under His Majesty in reference to the Test which Henry the VIIIth a Prince that stood as much on his Prerogative as ever any did vouchsafe to this Thomas Cranmer who as another Historian observes acted fairly and above-board But there wanted then the high and excellent Designs of the great Ministers the rare fidelity of Councellors sound Religion and tender piety of Bishops solid Law and Learning of Advocates incorruptible Integrity of Judges and upright honesty of Assizers that now we have to get Archbishop Cranmer accused and condemned for Leasing-making depraving Laws Perjury and Treason to which Accusation his Explanation was certainly no less obnoxious than the Earl's But I hasten to the fourth and last Head of the Earl's Additional Defences viz. The removing certain groundless Pretences alledged by the Advocate for aggravating the Earl's Offence As 1. That the Earl being a Peer and Member of Parliament should have known the sense of the Parliament and that neither the Scruples of the Clergy nor the Council's Proclamation designed for meer Ignorants could any way excuse the Earl for offering such an Explanation But first the Advocate might have remembred that in another Passage he taxes the Earl as having debated in Parliament against the Test whereby it is easie to gather that the Earl having been in the matter of the Test a dissenter this quality doth rather justify than aggravate the Earl's Scrupling 2dly If the Proclamation was designed for the meer Ignorants of the Clergy as the Advocate calls them who knew nothing of what had past in Parliament an Explanation was far more necessary for the Earl who knows so little of what the Advocate alledges to have past in Parliament viz. That the Confession of Faith was not to be sworn to as a part of the Test that of necessity as I think he must know the contrary Inasmuch as first this is obvious from the express tenor of the Test which binds to own and profess the true Protestant Religion contained in the Confession of Faith and to believe the same to be agreeable to the Word of God as also to adhere thereto and never to consent to any change contrary to or inconsistent with the said Protestant Religion and Confession of Faith Which to common sense appears as plain and evident as can be contrived or desired But 2dly It is very well known that it was expresly endeavoured and carried in Parliament that the Confession of Faith should be a part of the Test and Oath For the Confession of Faith being designed to be sworn to by an Act for securing the Protestant Religion which you have heard was prepared in the Articles but afterwards thrown out when this Act for the Test was brought into the Parliament some days after by the Bishop of Edinburgh and others the Confession was designedly left out of it But it being again debated that the bare naming of the Protestant Religion without condescending on a Standard for it was not sufficient the Confession of Faith was of new added And after the affirmative Clause for owning it and adhering to it was insert upon a new motion the negative never to consent to any alteration contrary to or inconsistent with the said Protestant Religion and Confession of Faith was also subjoined But not without a new debate and opposition made against the words And Confession of Faith by the Bishop of Edinburgh until at length he also yielded All which it is hoped was done for some purpose And if at that time any had doubted of the thing he had certainly been judged most ridiculous For it was by that addition concluded by all That the Confession was to be sworn And further it appears plainly by the Bishop of Edinburgh his Vindication that when he wrote it he believed the Confession was to be sworn to for he takes pains to justify it though calumniously enough alledging That it was hastily compiled in the short space of four days by some Barons and Ministers in the infancy of our Reformation Where by the by you see that he makes no reckoning of what the Act of Parliament to which the Test refers expresly bears viz. That that second Ratification 1567. which we only have recorded was no less then seven years after this Confession was first exhibited and approven Anno 1560. But moreover he tells us That the Doctors of Aberdeen who refused the Covenant were yet willing not only to subscribe but to swear this Confession of Faith Which again to answer the Bishops Critick of Four days was more than 70. years after it was universally received It 's true that when the Bishop finds himself straitned how to answer Objections he is forced to make use of the new Gloss I shall not call it of Orleans whereby the Protestant Religion is made to be
the Earl's Restitution was no less than He and his Family might well expect of His Majesty's Goodness and Justice It is true The Earl was again accused and condemned which may appear indeed strange to such as know not all particulars upon the same old Acts of Leasing-making and with as little ground if possible as now and was Pardoned by His Majesty for which he hath often and doth always acknowledg that he owes to His Majesty both his Life and Fortune But upon this occasion and being baited as he is he hopes His Majesty will not take it ill that he say That His Majesty's Mercy was in this case determined by Justice And for proof that His Majesty did then know him to be innocent Did not His Majesty then say It was impossible to take a Man's Life upon so small an account Though nevertheless it had been done if His Majesty had not interposed and pardoned him Did not the Chancellor Clarendon who was Patron to the most considerable of the Earl's pursuers hearing of his Condemnation Bless God he lived not in a Countrey where there were such Laws He should have said such Judges And I believe many more will say the same now Did it not plainly appear at that time that his principal pursuers were very bitter malicious and unjust to him For the Earl had not only served His Majesty in that troublesome and hazardous appearance in the Hills but he had been particularly useful to Earl Middletoun then His Majesty's Lieutenant General and had stood by him when these deserted him whom notwithstanding he took afterwards by the hand when he was His Majesty's Commissioner in the year 1661. and then designed new Interests and new Alliances whereof some did hold and some never held And then indeed it was that he and others thought it proper for them to destroy the Family of Argyle to make their own Fortunes But it pleased God and His Majesty to dispose otherwise Then it was that the Earl was so hotly pursued for his Life having at that time no Fortune all being in His Majesty's hands Then was the accusation of Treason likewise urged by the same persons and must have carried but it was not found necessary Leasing-making being sufficient to take his Life and as it falls out when any Game is started and the Hounds in chase all the little Curs run alongs So the Earl wanted not then many pursuers that are now scarce to be heard of And further some of the parties themselves confessed the particulars to the Earl afterwards who yet now return to act their former parts and that they had then laid down a resolution to intrap him per fas aut nefas but notwithstanding all this ill humour and violence all the ground they could get for a quarrel in two years time was one single Letter among many they intercepted the occasion and import whereof was as follows About a Twelvemonth after the death of the late Marquess of Argyle The Earl his Son being by the loss of his Estate and burden of his Debts brought into straits a Friend from Edenburgh wrote to him then at London to do what he could for himself at Court and the sooner the better for he needed neither expect Favour nor Justice from some in Scotland and if matters were delayed his Father 's whole Estate would be begg'd away in parcels His Friend likewise complained that the Earl did not write to inform his Friends in Scotland and on this he insisted several post-days which at last drew an answer from the Earl that he had been to wait upon His Majesty and had found him both just and kind to him and doubted not the effects of his Royal favour that he was sensible of his loss by delay yet must proceed discreetly and not press to give His Majesty trouble but must take His Majesty's method and wait his time That he judged much of what his Friend told him was true but he must have patience It was his misfortune that some took pains to make His Majesty believe that the Parliament was his Enemy and the Parliament to believe the King was his Enemy and by such informations he was like to be a sufferer but he hoped in God all should be well This blast must blow out and will blow over The King will see their tricks And upon this Letter specially those last words the Earl was accused of Leasing-making betwixt King and Parliament and that he expected changes and so had a great deal of the same stuff laid to his charge as now you have heard And if the now Register will produce the Eal's principal Letter and the Paper the Earl gave in to the Parliament these two would clear all the Case then and now as you may see Mutatis Mutandis being much the same and some of the same Tools used But to go on The Earl's words in that Letter being clear and plain viz. That he complained of others that reported Lies to the King and Parliament but did himself report none to either He acknowledged the Letter which could never have been proven to be his and as soon as he heard that it was intercepted did render himself to His Majesty before he was called for But which very much troubled him had not access Yet His Majesty was so gracious that instead of sending him Prisoner to Scotland with a Guard as was much pressed he allowed him to go down on a Verbal Bail And His Majesty was pleased to say That he saw nothing in the Earl's Letter against His Majesty or the Parliament but believed the Earl did design to reflect on the Earl of Middleton The Earl came to Edinburgh a fourthnight before the day appointed by His Majesty and thought to have had the liberty of the City till that day should come but was sent to the Castle the next day after his arrival Upon which he advertised His Majesty of his condition who would hardly believe they would take his Life till it was told plainly it was designed and if he died it lay at His Majesty's door upon which His Majesty was graciously pleased to send immediately an Order to the Earl of Middleton not to proceed to Execution against him Yet the Sentence of Death was pronounced and the Day of Execution remitted by the Parliament to the Earl of Middleton Which he accepted of albeit he had no particular instruction for it from His Majesty which before a year went about Earl Middleton found could not be justified by him and some of the Earl's chief accusers were declared by His Majesty to be themselves Leasing-makers And then the Earl by His Majesty's favour and goodness was restored to a part of his Predecessors Estate and Titles which he took as thankfully as if a new Estate and new and greater Honours had been conferred upon him And though His Majesty was pleased at the granting of these Titles to say He could help them when he pleased yet His Majesty knows
that the Earl never troubled him about any such matter nor solicited him now these Eighteen years for any Title Office or Imployment though he confesses he had of all sorts nor hath he been burthensom to His Majesty's Exchequer 500 l. yearly for four or five years that the Earl served in the Treasury being all that ever he touched of his Majesty's Money albeit few attended more and none so much that lived at his distance He was also twice at London to kiss His Majesty's hand but still on his own Charges Which things are not said to lessen His Majesty's bounty and goodness whereof the Earl still retains all just tender and dutiful impressions but to answer the Advocate and to teach others to hold their peace that cannot say so much His Life is known to have been True Honest and of a piece and all alongs he hath walked with that straightness that he can compare his Integrity with all that now attacque him By all which it is apparent That what the Advocate here pretends for an aggravation may wâ—ll be accounted a Second part of the Earl's Persecutions but cannot in the least impair either his Innocence or his Honour Seeing therefore the ground of the Earl's present accusation with all he either designed said oâ— did in this matter was only that when called nay required to take the Test and after leave first obtained from his Highness and Council he did in their presence before the giving of his Oath declare and propose to them the sense wherein he was willing to take it That this his sense neither contains nor insinuates the least slander reproach or reflection either upon the King the Parliament or any Person whatsomeever but on the contrair is in effect tenfold more agreeable to the words of the Test and meaning of the Parliament that framed it than the Explanation emitted by the Council and was also most certainly the first day by them accepted and when the next day challenged by him offered to be retracted and refused to be signed That the whole Indictment and more especially that part of it about the Treason is a meer Rapsody of the most irrational absurd and pernicious consequences that ever the Sun beheld not only forcing the Common rules of Speech Charity and Humanity but ranversing all the Topicks of Law Reason and Religion and threatning no less in the Earl's person than the ruine of every Man's Fortune Life and Honour That the Earl's Defences and grounds of Exculpation were most pregnant and unanswerable and either in themselves notour or offered to be instantly verified And lastly That the aggravations pretended against him do either directly make for him or most evidently discover the restless malice of some of his implacable enemies Shall our Gracious King who not only clearly understands Right and hates Oppression but also to all his other excellent qualities hath by his Gentleness and Clemency even towards his Enemies added that great Character of Goodness upon vain and false insinuations and unreasonable and violent stretches not only take away the Life of an innocent person but of one who himself and his Family be it said without disparagement have for a longer time and more faithfully and signally served His Majesty and the Crown than any person or Family of his degree and quality of all his Persecutors can pretend to Shall his numerous Family hopeful Children his Friends and Creditors all be destroyed Shall both former Services be forgot Innocence oppressed and all Rules of Justice and Laws of society and humanity for his sake overturned Shall not only the Earl be cut off and his noble and ancient Family extinguished but his Blood and Memory tainted with as black and horrible a stain as if he had conspired with Jacques Clement Ravillack The Gun-powder Miscreants The Bloody Irish Rebels and all the other most wicked and hainous Traytors of that Gang And all this for a meer imaginary Crime whereof it is most certain that no Man living hath or can have the least real conviction and upon such frivolous allegations as all men see to be at the top meer Moon-shine and at the bottom Villany unmixed After clearing these things the Earl it seems intended to have addressed himself to His Majesty's Advocate in particular and to have told him that he had begun very timeously in Parliament to fall first on his heritable jurisdictions and then upon his Estate and that now he was fallen upon his Life and Honour whereby it was easie to divine that more was intended from the beginning than the simple taking away of his Offices seeing that some of them on his refusing the Test were taken away by the Certification of the Act of Parliament and that those that were heritable he offered in Parliament to present and surrender to His Majesty on his knee if His Majesty after hearing him should think it fit only he was not willing to have them torn from him as hath been said and if that were all were designed as was at first given out the Advocate need not have set him on high as Naboth and accuse him as a Blasphemer of God and the King Then turning his Speech to the Lords of Justitiary he thought to have desired that they would yet seriously consider his words in their true sense and circumstances his own Explanation of his Explication and especially the foregoing matter of Fact to have been laid before them with his Defences and grounds of Exculpation as also to have told them That they could not but observe how that he was singled out amongst Thousands against whom much more then all he is charged with could be alledged and that they must of necessity acknowledg if they would speak out their own Conscience that what he had said was spoke in pure innocence and duty and only for the exoneration of himself as a Christian and one honoured to be of His Majesty's Privy Council where he was bound by his Oath to speak truth freely and not to throw the smallest reproach on either person or thing Adding That he was loath to say any thing that looks like a reflection upon His Majesty's Privy Council but if the Council can wrong one of their own number he thought he might demand If he had not met with hard measure For first he was pressed and persuaded to come to the Council then they receive his Explanation and take his Oath then they complain of him to His Majesty where he had no access to be heard and by their Letter under their hands affirm That they had been careful not to suffer any to take the Test with their own Explanations albeit they had allowed a thing very like it first to Earl Queensberry then to the Clergy And the President now Chancellour had permitted several Members of the College of Justice to premise when they swear the Test some one sense and some another and some nonsense as one saying he took it in sano sensu
of the Traytors it was comfortably hoped before thirty Months should have past over after the detection thereof some effectual Remedies might have been applied to prevent the further Attempts of the Papists upon us and better to have secured the Protestants in their Religion Lives and Properties But by sad experience we have found that notwithstanding the vigorous Endeavours of three of our Parliaments to provide proper and wholsome Laws to answer both ends Yet so prevalent has this Interest been under so potent a Head the D. of Y. as to stifle in the birth all those hopeful Parliament-Endeavours by those many surprizing and astonishing Prorogations and Dissolutions which they have procured whereby our Fears and Dangers have manifestly increased and their Spirits heightned and incouraged to renew and multiply fresh Plottings and Designs upon us But that our approaching Parliament may be more successful for our Relief before it be too late by being permitted to sit to Redress our Grievances and to perfect those Good Bills which have been prepared by the former Parliaments to this purpose these following Common-Law Maxims respecting King and Parliament and the Common and Statute-Laws themselves to prevent such unnatural Disappointments and Mischiefs providing for the fitting of Parliaments till Grievances be redress'd and publick Safety secured and provided for are tendered to consideration Some known Maxims taken out of the Law-Books 1. Respecting the King That the Kings of England can do nothing as Kings but what of right they ought to do That the King can do no wrong nor can he dye That the King's Prerogative and the Subjects Liberty are determined by Law That the King hath no Power but what the Law gives him That the King is so called from Ruling well Rex à bene Regendo viz. according to Law Because be is a King whilst be Rules well but a Tyrant when he Oppresses That Kings of England never appear more in their glory splendor and Majestick Sovereignty than in Parliaments That the Prerogative of the King cannot do wrong nor be a Warrant to do wrong to any Plowd Comment fol. 246. 2. Respecting the Parliament That Parliaments constitute and are laid in the Essence of the Government That a Parliament is that to the Common-Wealth which the Soul is to the Body which is only able 〈…〉 and understand the symptoms of all Diseafes which threaten the Body-politick That a Parliament is the Bulwark of our Liberty the boundary which keeps us from the Inundation of Tyrannical Power Arbitrary and unbounded Will-Government That Parliaments do make new and abrogate old Laws Reform Grievances in the Commonwealth settle the Succession grant Subsidies And in sum may be called the great Physician of the Kingdom From whence it appears and is self-evident if Parliaments are so absolutely necessary in this our Constitution That they must then have their certain stationary times of Session and continuance for providing Laws essentially necessary for the being as well as the well-being of the People and redressing all publick Grievances either by the want of Laws or of the undue Execution of them in being or otherwise And suitable hereunto are those Provisions made by the Wisdom of our Ancestors as recorded by them both in the Common and Statute-Law First Coke lib. 7. Rep. p. 12 13. What we find hereof in the Common-Law The Common-Law saith my Lord Coke is that which is founded in the immutable Law and light of Nature agreeable to the Law of God requiring Order Government Subjection and Protection c. Containing ancient Vsages warranted by Holy Scripture and because it is generally given to all it is therefore called Common Lib. 9. Preface And further saith That in the book called The Mirror of Justice appeareth the whole frame of the ancient Common-Laws of this Realm from the time of K. Arthur 5 6. till near the Conquest which treats also of the Officers as well as the diversity and dictinction of the Courts of Justice which are Officinae Legis and particularly of the High Court of Parliament by the name of Council-General or Parliament so called from Parler-la-ment speaking judicially his mind And amongst others gives us the following Law of King Alfred who reigned about 880. Le Roy Alfred Ordeigna pur usage perpetuel que a deux foits per lan ou plus sovene pur mistier in temps de peace so Assembler a Londres Mirror of Justice Ch. 1. Sect. 3. pur Parliamenter surle guidement del people de dieu corneâ—t gents soy garderent de pechers viverent in quiet receiverent droit per certain usages saints Judgments King Alfred ordaineth for a usage perpetual That twice a year or oftner if need be in time of peace they shall assemble themselves at London to treat in Parliament of the Government of the People of God how they should keep themselves from Offences should live in quiet and should receive right by certain Laws and holy Judgments And thus saith my Lord Coke you have a Statute of K. Alfred Lord Coke's Comment upon it as well concerning the holding of this Court of Parliament twice every year at the City of London as to manifest the threefold end of this great and honourable Assembly of Estates As First That the Subject might be kept from offending that is that Offences might be prevented both by good and provident Laws and by the due Execution thereof Secondly That men might live safely and in quiet Thirdly That all men might receive Justice by certain Laws and holy Judgments that is to the end that Justice might be the better administred that Questions and Defects in Laws might be by the High Court of Parliament planed reduced to certainty and adjudged And further tells us That this Court being the most Supream Court of this Realm is a part of the frame of the Common-Laws and in some cases doth proceed Legally according to the ordinary course of the Common-Law as it appeareth 39 E. 3. f. Coke Inst ch 29. fol. 5. To be short of this Court it is truly said Si vetestatem specter est antiquissima si dignitatem est honoratissima si jurisdictionem est capacissima If you regard Antiquity it is the most Ancient if Dignity the most Honourable if Jurisdiction the most Sovereign And where question hath been made whether this Court continued during the Heptarchy let the Records themselves make answer of which he gives divers Instances in the times of King Ine Offa Ethelbert After the Heptarchy King Edward Son of Alfred King Ethelston Edgar Ethelred Edmond Canutus All which he saith and many more are extant and publickly known proving by divers Arguments that there were Parliaments unto which the Knights and Burgesses were summoned both before in and after the Reign of the Conqueror till Hen. 3d's time and for your further satisfaction herein see 4 E. 3.25 49 Ed. 3.22 23. 11 H. 4.2 Littl. lib. 2. cap. 20. Whereby we may understand 1.
him and it can give none to destroy its self and those it protects but the contrary Bracton in his Comments pag. 487. tells us Bracton p. 487. That although the Common Law doth allow many Prerogatives to the King yet it doth not allow any that He shall wrong or hurt any by His Prerogative Therefore 't is well said by a late Worthy Author upon this point That what Power or Prerogative the Kings have in Them ought to be used according to the true and genuine intent of the Government that is for the Preservation and Interest of the People And not for the disappointing the Councils of a Parliament towards reforming Grievances and making provision for the future Execution of the Laws and whenever it is applied to frustrate those ends it is a Violation of Right and Infringement of the King's Coronation Oath who is obliged to Pass or Confirm those Laws His People shall cluse And tho he had such a Prerogative by Law yet it should not be so used especially in time of Eminent danger and distress The late King in His Advice to His Majesty that now is in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 239. Tells him That his Prerogative is best shewed and exercised in Remitting rather than exacting the Rigor of the Laws there being nothing worse than Legal Tyranny Nor would he have him entertain any Aversion or Dislike of Parliaments The Late King's advice to His Majesty which in their right Constitution with freedom and Honour will never Injure or Diminish His Greatness but will rather be as interchangings of Love Loyalty and Confidence between a Prince and His people It is true some Flatterers and Traytors have presumed in defiance to their Countries Rights to assert that such a boundless Prerogative belongs to Kings As did Chief Justice Trisilian c. in R. 2â—s time Advising him that he might Dissolve Parliaments at pleasure and that no Member should be called to Parliament nor any Act past in either House without His Approbation in the first place and that whoever advis'd otherwise were Traytors But this Advice you read was no less fatal to himself than pernicious to his Prince Bakers Chron. p. 147 148 and 159. King James in His Speech to the Parliament 1609. Gives them assurance That he never meant to Govern by any Law but the Law of the Land tho it be disputed among them as if he had an intention to alter the Law and Govern by the absolute power of a King but to put them out of doubt in that matter tells them That all Kings who are not Tyrants or Perjured will bound themselves within the limits of their Laws And they that persuade the contrary are Vipers and Pests both against them and the Commonwealth Wilson K. J. p. 46. The Conclusion 1. IF this be so That by so great Authority viz. so many Statutes in force The sundamental of the Common Law the Essentials of the Government it self Magna Charta The King's Coronation Oath so many Laws of God and Man The Parliament ought ro sit to Redress Grievances and provide for Common Safety especially in times of Common Danger And that this is eminently so who can doubt that will believe the King so many Parliaments The Cloud of Witnesses the Publick Judicatures their own sense and experience of the manifold Mischiefs which have been acted and the apparent Ruine and Confusion that impends the Nation by the restless Attempts of a bloody Interest if speedy Remedy is not applied Then let it be Queried Whether the People having thus the Knife at the Throat Cities and Habitations Fired and therein their Persons fried Invasions and Insurrections threatned to Destroy the King and Subjects Church and State and as so lately told us upon Mr. Fitz Harris's Commitment the present Design on Foot was to Depose and Kill the King and their only remedy hoped for under God to give them relief Relief thus from time time cut off viz. Their Parliaments who with so much care cost and pains are Elected sent up and Intrusted for their help turned off ré infecta and rendred so insiguificant by those frequent Prorogations and Dissolutions Are they not therefore justified in their important Cries in their many Humble Petitions to their King Fervent Addresses to their Members earnest Claims for this their Birth-right here Pleaded which the Laws of the Kingdom consonant to the Laws of God and Nature has given them 2. If so what then shall be said to those who advise to this high Violation of their Countries Rights to the infringing so many just Laws and exposing the Publick to those desperate hazards if not a total Ruine If King Alfred as Andrew Horne in his Mirror of Justice tells us hanged Darling Segnor Cadwine Cole and Forty Judges more for Judging contrary to Law and yet all those false Judgments were but in particular and private Cases What death do those Men deserve who offer this violence to the Law it self and all the Sacred Rights of their Country If the Lord Chief Justice Thorp in Ed. 3d's time for receiving the Bribery of One hundred pounds was adjudged to be Hanged as one that had made the King break his Oath to the People How much more guilty are they of making the King break His Coronation Oath that persuade him to Act against all the Laws for holding Parliaments and passing Laws therein which he is so solemnly sworn to do And if the Lord Chief Justice Tresilian was Hanged Drawn and Quartered for Advising the King to Act contrary to some Statutes only What do those deserve that advise the King to Act not only against some but against all these Ancient Laws and Statutes of the Realm And if Blake the King's Council but for assisting in the matter and drawing up Indictments by the King's Command contrary to Law tho it is likely he might Plead the King's Order for it yet if he was Hang'd Drawn and Quartered for that What Justice is due to them that assist in the Total Destruction of all the Laws of the Nation and as much in them lies their King and Country too And if Vsk the under-Sheriff whose Office is to Execute the Laws for but endeavouring to aid Tresilian Blake and their Accomplices against some of the Laws was also with Five more Hang'd Drawn and Quartered What punishment may they deserve that Aid and endeavour the Subversion of all the Laws of the Kingdom And if Empson and Dudley in Henry the Eighth's time tho two of the King 's Privy Council were Hanged for Procuring and Executing an Act of Parliament contrary to the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and to the great vexation of the People so that tho they had an Act of Parliament of their side yet that Act being against the known Laws of the Land were Hang'd as Traytors for putting that Statute in Execution Then what shall become of those who have no such Act to shelter themselves under and who
to offer them to Justice If packs of Thieves private Murderers secret Traitors or Conspirators and Suborners can get intelligence of all that is known of their Villanies all the parties concerned may consult together how to hide their crimes and prevent such further enquiries as can be made after them they may form Sham-Stories by agreement that may have appearance of Truth to mislead and delude the Jury in their Examination and avoid contradicting each other they may remove or conceal all such things as might occasion a fuller discovery of their Crimes or become circumstantial Evidences against any of their Associates if one or more of them be known or taken or is to be Indicted There hath been Confederates in high Crimes who have secured themselves from the Justice done upon some of their Companions by their confident appearance and denial of the Fact having been emboldened therein from their knowledg of all the grounds of suspition and all the Witnesses examined about them and the matter of their Testimonies 'T is too well known what helps of discovering the whole Popish Plot were lost through the want of keeping secret the King's Counsel therein before the matter was brought either to the Parliament or to any Grand Inquest and thereby they were disabled for the effectual execution of their Offices and could never search into the Bowels of that dangerous Treason in any County But our Law having placed this great trust of Enquiry in the prudence and faithfulness of the Grand Inquest was careful that they might not disable themselves for their own trust by the indiscretion or worser fault of any of their own number in revealing the King's Counsel or their own And as it was intended hereby to preserve unto them all reasonable helps for their bringing to light the hidden mischiefs that might disturb the common Peace so it was necessary to prevent the Flight of Criminals if the Evidence against one that is accused should be publickly known whether it should be sufficient for an Indictment of him and how far it extends to others his Confederates and Accomplices might easily have notice of their danger and take opportunity to escape from Justice Yet the reason will be still more manifest for keeping secret the Accusations and the Evidence by the Grand Inquest if it be well considered how useful and necessary it is for discovering Truth in the Examinations of Witnesses in many if not in most Cases that may come before them when if by this Privacy Witnesses may be examined in such manner and Order as prudence and occasion direct and no one of them be suffered to know who hath been examined before him nor what questions have been asked him nor what answers he hath given it may probably be found out whether a Witness hath been biassed in his Testimony by Malice or Revenge or the Fear or Favour of Men in Power or the Love or Hopes of Lucre and Gain in present or future or Promises of impunity for some enormous Crime The simplicity of Truth in a Witness may appear by the natural plainness easiness and directness of his Answers to whatsoever is propounded to him by the equality of his Temper and suitableness of his Answers to questions of several kinds and perhaps to some that may be asked for trial sake only of his uprightness in other matters And the Falseness Malice or ill Design of another may be justly suspected from his studiousness and difficulty in answering his Artifice and cunning in what he relates not agreeable to his way of breeding and parts his reserved indirect and evasive Replies to easie Questions his pretences of doubtfulness and want of remembring things of such short dates or such Notoriety that 't is not credible he could be ignorant or forgetful of them In this manner the Truth may be evidenced to the satisfaction of the Jurors Consciences by the very demeanor of the Witnesses in their private Examinations inasmuch as the greatest certainty doth often arise from the careful observation and comparing of such minute matters of which a distinct account is not possible to be given to a Court And for that Reason among others the Juries are made the only absolute Judges of their Evidence Yet further Their private Examination may discover truth out of some disagreement of the Witnesses when separately interrogated and every of the Grand Inquest ask them Questions for his own satisfaction about the matters which have come to his particular knowledge and this freely without Awe or Controul of Judges or distrust of his own Parts or fear to be checked for asking impertinent Questions Conspiracies against the Lives of the Innocent in a form of Justice have been frequently detected by such secret and separate Examination of Witnesses The Story of Susanna is famous that two of their Elders and Judges of great Credit and Authority testified in the open Assembly a malicious Invention against her with all the solemnity used in capital Cases and Sentences of Death passed upon her and was ready to be executed Note That the Testimony given in the Assembly without separating the witnesses and trying the Truth by Circumstances was esteemed no Examination or knowledge of the Truth had not wise Daniel cried out in her behalf Are ye such Fools O Israelites that without examination or knowledge of the Truth ye have condemned a Daughter of Israel Return said he again to judgment and put these two one far from another and I will examine them And being asked separately tho in publick the Testimony having been so given before concerning the place of the Fact then in question they had not agreed upon that Circumstance as they had upon their Story and so their falshood became manifest one saying the Adultery was committed under a Lentick Tree the other it was under a Pine Tree And upon that conviction of the false Witnesses the whole Assembly cried with a loud voice and praised God These false Witnesses were put to death as their Law required We have also a late Instance of the usefulness of private and separate Examinations in the Case of the Lord Howard against whom the Attorney-General prosecuted an Accusation of Treason the last Midsummer Term before the Grand Inquest for Middlesex Mrs. Fitz Herris and Teresa Peacock her Maid swore words of Treason against him positively and agreed in every point whilst they were together But by the prudence of the Inquest being put asunder and the Mistress asked how her Maid came to be admitted to the knowledge of such Matters she had an Evasion ready pretending her Maid to have craftily hearkened behind a Wainscot Door and so heard the Treason But the Maid not suspecting what her Mistress had said continued her first Story that she heard the Treason from the Lord Howard himself and was as much trusted by him as her Mistress By this Circumstance the Falsehood and Perjury which Mrs. Fitz Harris hath since acknowledged was discovered and the Snare
as a Quare impedit Quare incumbravit a Writ of Attaint of Debt Detinue of Ward Escheat Scire fac pur repealer patent c. Unto which every Man must answer But no Man can be brought to answer for Publick Crimes at the King's Suit otherwise than by Indictment of a Grand Jury The whole Course of doing Justice upon Criminals from the beginning of the Process unto the Execution of the Sentence is and ever was esteemed to be the Kingdoms concernment as is evidenced by the frequent Complaints made in Parliament that Capital Offenders were pardon'd to the Peoples damage and wrong In the 13 Rich. 2. it is said that the King hearing the grievous complaints of his Commons in Parliament of the outragious mischiefs which happened unto the Realm for that Treasons Murders and Rapes of Women be commonly done and committed and the more because Charters of Pardon had been easily granted in such Cases And thereupon it was enacted That no Pardon for such Crimes should be granted unless the same were particularly specified therein and if a Pardon were otherwise granted for the Death of a Man the Judges should notwithstanding enquire by a Grand Jury of the Neighbourhood concerning the Death of every such Person and if he were found to have been wilfully Murthered such Charter of Pardon to be disallowed and provisions were made by imposing grievous Fines upon every person according to his Degree and Quality or Imprisonment who should presume to sue to the King for any Pardons of the aforesaid Crimes and that such persons might be known to the whole Kingdom their Names were to be upon several Records The like had been done in many Statutes made by several Parliaments as in the 6 Ed. 1.9 the 2 Ed. 3.2 the 10 Ed. 3.2 and the 14 Ed. 3.15 where it was acknowledged by the King in Parliament That the Oath of the Crown had not been kept by reason of the Grant of Pardons contrary to the aforesaid Statutes and Enacted that any such Charter of Pardon from thenceforth granted against the Oath of his Crown and the said Statutes the same should be holden for none In the 27 Edw. 3.2 It is further provided for preventing the Peoples damage by such Pardons That from thenceforth in every Charter of Pardon of Felony which shall be granted at any mans suggestion the said suggestion and the name of him that maketh the suggestion shall be comprised in the same Charter and if after the same suggestion be found untrue the Charter shall be disallowed and holden for none And the Justices before whom such Charter shall be alledged shall enquire of the same suggestion and that as well of Charters granted before this time as of Charters which shall be granted in time to come and if they find them untrue then they shall disallow the Charter so alledged and shall moreover do as the Law demandeth Thus have Parliaments from time to time declared that the Offences against the Crown are against the publick welfare and that Kings are obliged by their Oath and Office to cause Justice to be done upon Traytors and Felons for the Kingdom 's sake according to the ancient Common-Law 9 Hen 3.29 declared by Magna Charta in these words Nulli negabimus nulli vendemus nulli differemeus Justitiam VVe will sell to no Man we will not deny or defer to any Man either Justice or Right And as the publick is concerned that the due and legal Methods be observed in the Prosecution of Offenders so likewise doth the security of every single Man in the Nation depend upon it No Man can assure himself he shall not be accused of the highest crimes Let a Man's Innocence and Prudence be what it will yet his most inoffensive VVords and Actions are liable to be misconstrued and he may by Subornation and Conspiracy have things laid to his charge of which he is no ways guilty VVho can speak or carry himself with that circumspection as not to have his harmless VVords or Actions wrested to another sense than he intended VVho can be secure from having a Paper put into his Pockets or laid in his House of which he shall know nothing till his Accusation History affords many Examples of the detestable Practices in this kind of wicked Court-Paraâ—tes among which one may suffice for Instance Polib lib. 5. out of Polibius an approved Author Hermes a powerful Favourite under Antiochus the younger but a Man noted to be a favourer of Lâ—ars was made use of against the innocent and brave Epigenes He had long watch'd to kill him for that he found him a Man of great Eloquence and Valour having also Favour and Authority with the King He had unjustly but unsuccessfully accused him of Treason by false glosses put upon his faithful Advice given to the King in open Council this not prevailing he by artifice got him put out of his Command and to retire from Court which done he laid a Plot against him with the help and Council of one of his Complices Alexis and writing Letters as if they had been sent from Molon who was then in open Rebellion against his Prince for fear amongst other Reasons of the Cruelty and Treachery of Hâ—â—mes and corrupted one of Alexis's Servants with great Promises who went to Epigenes to thrust the Letters secretly among his other Writings which when he had done Alexis came suddenly to Epigenes demanding of him if he had received any Letter from Molon and when he said he had none the other said he was confident he should â—nd some wherefore entring the House to search he found the Letters and taking this occasion slew him lest if the Fact had been duly examined the Conspiracy had been discovered These things happening thus the King thought that he was justly slain in this manner the worthy Epigenes ended his days But this great Man's designs did not rest here for within a while heightned with success he so arrogantly abused His Master's Authority as he grew dangerous to the King himself as well as to those about him insomuch as Antiochus was forced for that he hated and feared Hermes to take away his Life by Stratagem thereby to secure himself By these and a Thousand other ways the most unblemish'd Innocence may be brought into the greatest danger Since then every Man is thus easily subject to question and what is one Man's Case this day may be another Man 's to morrow it is undoubtedly every Man's concern to see as far as in him lies in every case that the accused Person may have the benefit of all such provisions as the Law hath made for the defence of Innocence and Reputation Now to this end there is nothing so necessary as the secret and separate examination of Witnesses for though perhaps as hath been already observed it may be no very difficult thing for several persons who are permitted to discourse with each other freely and to hear or be told what each
do no wrong But the greatest of all wrongs and that which hath been most destructive unto Thrones is by Fraud to circumvent and destroy the Innocent This is to turn a Legal King into a Nimrod a Hunter of Men This is not to act the part of a Father or a Shepherd who is ready to lay down his Life for his Sheep but such as the Psalmist complains of who eat up the People as if they eat Bread Jezebel did perhaps applaud her own Wit and think she had done a great Service to the King by finding out Men of Belial Judges and Witnesses to bring Naboth to be stoned but that unregarded Blood was a Canker or the Plague of Leprosie in his Throne and Family which could not be cured but by its overthrow and extinction But if the Attorney General cannot serve the King by abusing Juries and subverting the Innocent he can as little gain an advantage to himself by falsifying his Oath by the true meaning whereof he is to prosecute Justice Impartially and the Eternal Divine Law would annul any Oath or Promise that he should have taken to the contrary even though his Office had obliged him unto it The like Obligation lies upon Jurors not to suffer themselves to be deluded or persuaded that the Judges King's Council or any others can dispense with that Oath or any part of it which they have taken before God unto the whole Nation nor to think that they can swerve from the Rules set by the Law without a damnable breach of it The pwoer of relating or dissolving Conscientious Obligations acknowled in the Pope makes a great part of the Roman Superstition and that grand Impostor could never corrupt Kingdoms and Nations to their destruction and the Establishment of his Tyranny until he had brought them to believe he could dispense with Oaths taken by Kings unto their Subjects and by Subjects to their Kings nor impose so extravagant an Errour upon either until he had persuaded them he was in the place of God It is hard to say how the Judges or King's Council can have the same Power unless it be upon the same Title but we may be sure they may as well dispense with the whole Oath as any part of it and can have no pretence unto either unless they have the Keys of Heaven and Hell in their keeping It is in vain to say the King as any other man may remit the Oath taken unto and for himself He is not a party for himself but in the behalf of his People and cannot dispose of their Concernments without their Consent which is given only in Parliament The King's Council ought to remember they are in criminal Cases of Council unto every man in the Kingdom It is no ways referred unto the Direction of the Judges or unto them whether that secrecy enjoyned by Law be profitable unto the King or Kingdom They must take the Law as it is and render Obedience unto it until it be altered by the Power that made it To this end the Judges by Acts of Parliament viz. 18 Ed. 3. cap. 8. and 20 Ed. 3. cap. 1. are sworn to serve the People Ye shall serve our Lord the King and his People in the Office of Justice c. Ye shall deny to no man common Right by the King's Letters nor no other mans nor for no other cause and in default thereof in any point they are to forfeit their Bodies Lands and Goods This proves them to be the Peoples Servants as well as the Kings Further by the express words of the Commissions of Oyer and Terminer they are required to assist every man that suffers injury and make diligent inquisition after all manner of falshoods deceits offences and wrongs done to any man and thereupon to do Justice according to the Law so that in the whole proceedings in order unto Tryal and in the Tryals themselves the Thing principally intended which several persons are severally in their capacities obliged to pursue is the discovery of Truth The Withesses are to depose the Truth the whole Truth and Nothing but the Truth Thereupon the Council for the King are to prosecute The Grand Jury to present and the Petit Jury to try These are several Offices but all to the same End 'T is not the Prisoner but the Crime that is to be pursued This primarily the Offender but by consequence and therefore such Courses must be taken as may discover that and not such as may ensnare him When the Offence is found the impartial Letter of the Law gives the Doom and the Judges have no share in it but the pronouncing of it Till then the Judges are only to preside and take Care that every man else who is employed in this necessary Affair do his duty according to Law So that upon result of the whole transaction impartial Justice may be done either to the Acquittal or condemnation of the Prisoner Hereby it is manifest why the Judges are obliged by Oath To Serve the People as well as the King And by Commission To Serve every One that Suffers Injuries As they are to See that Right be done to the King and His injur'd Subjects in discovering of the Delinquent So they are to be of Council with the Prisoner whom the Law supposeth may be ignorant as well as innocent and therefore has provided that the Court shall be of Council for him and as well inform him of what Legal advantages the Law allows him as to resolve any point of Law when he shall propose it to them And it seems to be upon the presumption of this steady impartiality in the Judges thus obliged by all that is held Sacred before God and man to be unbyassed that the Prisoner hath no Council for if the Court faithfully perform their duty the Accused can have no wrong or hardship and therefore needs no Adviser Now suppose a man perfectly innocent and in some measure knowing in the Law should be accused of Treason or Felony If the Judges shall deny unto the Grand Jury the liberty of examining any Witnesses except in open Court where nothing shall be offered that may help to clear the Prisoner but every Thing aggravated that gives colour for the Accusation such Persons only produced as the King's Council or the Prosecutors shall think fit to call of whose Credit also the Jury must not inquire but shall be controll'd and brow-beaten in asking Questions of such unknown Witnesses for their own Satisfaction if they have any Tendency to discover the Infamy of these Witnesses or the Falshood of their Testimony How can Innocence secure any Man from being arraigned And if the Oath of the Judges should be as much forgotten in the further Proceedings upon the Trial where in Cases of Treason the Prisoner shall have all the King's Council commonly not the most unlearned prepared with studied Speeches and Arguments to make him black and odious and to Strain all his words and to alledge them
for Instances of his guilt If then all his private Papers and Notes to help his Memory in his Plea and Defence shall be taken from him by the Gaoler or the Court and given to his Prosecutors And all Advice and Assistance from Councils or Friends and his nearest Relations shall be denied him and none suffered by word or writing to inform him of the indifferency or honesty or the partiality or malice of the Pannels returned whom the Law allows him to challenge or refuse either peremptorily or for good Reasons offered should he be thus deprived of all the good provisions of the Law for his safety To what Frauds Perjuries and Subornations is not he and every man Exposed who may be accused What Deceits may there not be put upon Juries and what Probability is there of finding Security in Innocence What an admirable Execution would this be of their Commission To make diligent Inquisition after all manner of Falshoods Deceipts Wrongs and Frauds and thereupon to do Justice according to Law When at the same Time if so Managed a Method would be introduced of ruining and destroying any Man in the form of Justice Such practices would be the highest dishonour to the King imaginable whose name is used and so far Misrepresent the Kingly Office as to make that appear to have been Erected to vex and destroy the People which was intended and ordained to help and preserve them The Law so far abhors such proceedings that it intends that every Man should be strictly bound to be exactly just in their several Imployments relating to the Execution of Justice The Serjeant of the King's Council Sir George Jefferys among the rest who prosecute in the King's name and are consulted in the forming Bills of Indictment and advise about the Witnesses and their Testimonies against the Accused These if they would remember it when they are made Serjeants take an Oath Cokes 2d Institutes Pag. 214. as well and truly to serve the People whereof the party accused is one as the King himself and to minister the King's matters duely and truly after the course of the Law to their Cunning Not to use their Cunning and Craft to hide the Truth and destroy the accused if they can They are also obliged by the Statute of Westm 1. Cap. 29. To put no manner of Deceit or Collusion upon the King's Court nor secretly to consent to any such Tricks as may abuse or beguile the Court or the party be it in Causes Civil or Criminal And it is ordained that if any of them be convicted of such practices he shall be imprisoned for a year and never be heard to plead again in any Court and if the Mischievous consequence of their Treacheries be great they are Subject to further and greater punishments Our Antient Law Book called the Miror of Justice Cap. 2. Sect. 4. says That every Serjeant Pleader is chargeable by his Oath not to maintain or defend any Wrong or Falshood to his Knowledge but shall leave his Client when he shall perceive the wrong intended by him Also that he shall not move or proffer any false Testimony nor consent to any Lyes Deceits or Corruptions whatsoever in his pleadings As a further Security unto the People against all Attempts upon their Laws Exemplary Justice hath been done in several Ages upon such Judges and Justiciaries as through Corruption Submission unto unjust Commands or any other Sinister consideration have dared to swerve from them The punishments of these wicked Men remain upon Record as Monuments of their Infamy to be a Terror unto all that shall succeed them In the Reign of the Saxons the most notable Example was given by King Alfred who caus'd above forty Judges to be hanged in a Short Space for several wrongs done to the People as is related in the Mirror of Justice Some of them suffered for imposing on Juries and forcing them to give Verdicts according to their will And one as it seems had taken the Confidence to examine a Jury that he might find which of them would Submit to his Will and setting aside him who would not condemned a Man upon the Verdict of Eleven Since the Coming of the Normans our Parliaments have not been less severe against such Judges as have suffered the course of Justice to be perverted or the Rights and Liberties of the People to be invaded In the time of Edward the 1st Anno 1289. The Parliament finding That all the Judges except Two had swerv'd from their duty condemned them to several punishments according unto their Crimes Ex Chron. Anno 10. Ed. 1. ad finem As Banishment Perpetual Imprisonment or the loss of all their Estates c. Their Particular Offences are specified in a Speech made by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury in Parliament They had broken Magna Charta Incited the King against his People Violated the Laws under pretence of expounding them and impudently presumed to prefer their own Councils to the King before the Advices of Parliament as appears by the speech c. Hereunto annext The like was done in Ed. the 2d Time when Hugh De Spencer was charged for having prevailed with the King to break his Oath to the People in doing Things against the Law by his own Authority In Edward the 3d. Time Judge Thorpe was hang'd for having in the like manner brought the King to break his Oath Dan. History p. 260 261. And the happy Reign of that great King affords many Instances of the like nature amongst which the punishment of Sir Henry Green and Sir William Skipwith deserve to be observed and put into an Equal Rank with those of his brave and victorious Grand-father In Richard the Second's Time Eleven of the Judges See all the English Histories of Walsingham Fabian Speed c. in the 11 and 12 years of Richard II. forgetting the dreadful Punishments of their Predecessors subscrib'd malicious Indictments against Law and gave false Interpretations of our Ancient Laws to the King thereby to bring many of his most Eminent and worthiest Subjects to suffer as Traytors at his Will Subjected the Authority and very Being of Parliaments to his absolute pleasure And made him believe that all the Laws lay in his own breast Hereupon sentence of death passed upon them and tho upon their repentance and confessing they had been swayed by fear and threatnings from the King Two only were Executed all the others were for ever banished as unworthy to enjoy the benefit of that Law which they had so perfidiously and basely betrayed It were an Endless work to recite all the Examples of this kind that are found in our Histories and Records but that of Empson and Dudley must not be omitted They had craftily contriv'd to abolish Grand Juries and to draw the Lives and Estates of the People into question without Indictments by them and by surprise and other wicked practices they gained an Act of Parliament for their countenance Hereupon
desolationibus tam sanctae Eccles quam Reg. factis per hoc iniquum Concilium Domini Regis contra magnas Chartas tot toties multoties emptas redemptas concessas confirmatas per tot talia Juramenta Domini Regis nunc Dominorum Henrici Johannis ac per terribiles fulminationes Excommunicationis sententiae in transgressores communium libertatum Angliae quae in chartis praedictis continentur corroboratas cum spes praeconcepta de libertatibus illis observandis fideliter ab omnibus putaretur stabilis indubitata Rex conciliis malorum Ministrorum praeventus seductus easdem infringendo contravenire non formidavit credens deceptive pro numere absolvi à transgressione quod esset manifestum regni exterminium Aliud etiam nos omnes angit intrinsecus quod Justiciarii subtiliter ex malitia sua ac per diversa argumenta avaritiae intolerabilis superbiae Regem contra fideles suos multipliciter provocaverunt incitaverunt sanoque salubri consilio Ligeorum Angliae contrarium reddiderunt consilia sua vana impudenter praeponere affirmare non erubuerunt seu formidaverunt ac si plus habiles essent ad consulendam conservandam Rempublicam quam tota Universitas Regni in unum collecta Ita de illis possit vere dici viri qui turbaverunt terram concusserunt Regnum sub fuco gravitatis totum populum graviter oppresserunt praetextuque solummodo exponendi veteres Leges novas non dicam Leges sed malas consuetudines introduxerunt vomuerunt ita quod per ignorantiam nonnullorum ac per partialitatem aliorum qui vel per munera vel timorem aliquorum potentum innodati fuerunt nulla fuit stabilitas Legum nec alicui de populo Justitiam dignabantur exhibere opera eorum sunt opera nequitiae opus iniquitatis in manibus pedes eorum ad malum currunt festinant ac viam recti nescierunt Quid dicam non est judicium in gressibus suis Quam plurimi liberi homines terrae nostrae fideles Domini Regis quasi viles ultimae servi conditionis diversis Carceribus sine culpa commiserunt ibidem carcerandi quorum nonnulli in carcere fame maerore vinculorum pondere defecerunt extorquerunt pro Arbritrio insuper infinitam pecuniam ab eâ—â—dem pro redemptione sua crumenas aliorum ut suas impregnarent tam à divitibus quam pauperibus exhauserunt ratione quorum incurriverunt odium inexorabile formidabile imprecationes omnium quasi tale incommunicabile privilegium per Chartam detest abilem de non obstante obtinuerunt perquiviserunt ut à lege divina humanaque quasi ad libitum immunes essent Gravamen insuper solitum adhuc sive aliquo modo saevit omnia sunt venalia si non quasi furtiva proh dolor Quid non mortalia pectora cogit Auri sacra fames Ex ore meo contra vos O Impii tremebunda coeli decreta jam auditis Agnitio vultuum vestrorum accusat vos peccatum vestrum quasi Sodoma praedicavistis nec abscondistis vae animae vestrae vae qui condunt leges scribentes injustitiam scripserunt ut opprimerent in judicio pauperes vim facerent causae humilium populi ut essent viduae praeda eorum pupillos diriperent vae qui aedificant domum suam injusticia coenacula sua non in Judicio vae qui concupiverunt agros violenter tulerunt rapuerunt domos oppresserunt virum domum ejus imo virum Haereditatem suam vae Judices qui sicut Lupi vespere non relinquebant ossa in mane Justus Judex adducit Consiliarios in stultum finem Judices in stuporem mox alta voce justum Judicium terrae recipietis His auditis omnium aures tinniebant totaque Communitas ingemuerunt Vide Mat. West Anno 1289. p. 376 li. 13. dicentes heu nobis heu ubi est Angliae toties empta toties concessa toties scripta toties jurata Libertas Alii de Criminalibus sese à visibus populi subtrahentes in locis secretis cum amicis tacite latitaverunt Anno vero 1290. 18. Ed. 1. deprehensis omnibus Angliae Justiciariis de repetundis praeter Jo. Metingham Eliam de Bleckingham quos honoris ergo nominatos volui judicio Parliamenti vindicatum est in alios atque alios carcere exilio fortunarumque omnium dispendio in singulos mulcta gravissima amissione officii Spelmans Glossary p. 1. co 1. 416. alios protulerunt in medium unde merito fere omnes ab officiis depositi amoti unus à terra exulatus alii perpetuis prisonis incarcerati alii que gravibus pecuniarum solutionibus juste adjudicati fuerunt AFter that the King for the space of three Years and more had remained beyond Sea and returned out of Gascoign and France into England he was much vexed and disturbed by the continual clamour both of the Clergy and Laity desiring to be relieved against the Justices and other His Majesties Ministers of several oppressions and injuries done unto them contrary to the good Laws and Customs of the Realm whereupon King Edward by his Royal Letters to the several Sheriffs of England commanded that in all Counties Cities and Market Towns a Proclamation should be made that all who found themselves agrieved should repair to Westminster at the next Parliament and there shew their Grievances where as well the great as the less should receive fit Remedies and speedy Justice according as the King was obliged by the Bond of his Coronation Oath And now that great day was come that day of judging even the Justices and the other Ministers of the King's Council which by no Collusion or Reward no Argument or Art of Pleading they could elude or avoid The Clergy therefore and the People being gathered together and seated in the great Palace of Westminster the Archbishop of Canterbury a man of eminent Piety and as it were a Pillar of the holy Church and the Kingdom rising from his Seat and fetching a profound sigh spoke in this manner Let this Assembly know that we are called together concerning the great and weighty Affairs of the Kingdom too much alas of late disturbed and still out of Order unanimously faithfully and effectually with our Lord the King to treat and ordain Vide Fleta Cap. 17. p. 18 19. Authoritas Officium ordinarii Concilii Regis Ye have all heard the grievous complaints of the most intollerable injuries and oppressions of the daily desolations committed both on Church and State by this corrupt Council of our Lord the King contrary to our great Charters so many and so often purchased and redeemed granted and confirmed to us by the several Oaths of our Lord the King that now is and of our Lords King Henry and John and corroborated by the dreadful thundrings of the sentence of Excommunication against the
takes cognizance of no such matter and could not by Construction be brought under it such matters being thereby reserved to the Parliament as is declared in the Proviso which he desired might be read but was refused Several important points of Law did hereupon emerge upon which your Petitioner knowing his own weakness did desire that Council might be heard or they might be referr'd to be found Specially But all was over rul'd by the violence of the Lord Ch. Justice and your Petitioner so frequently interrupted that the whole method of his Defence was broken and he not suffered to say the tenth part of what he could have alledged in his defence So the Jury was hurried into a Verdict they did not understand Now forasmuch as no man that is oppressed in England can have Relief unless it be from your Majesty your Petitioner humbly prays that the Premises considered your Majesty would be pleas'd to admit him into your presence and if he doth not shew that 't is for your Majesties Interest and Honour to preserve him from the said Oppression he will not complain though he be left to be destroy'd The very Copy of a Paper delivered to the Sheriffs upon the Scaffold on Tower-Hill on Friday December 7. 1683. By Algernon Sidney Esq before his Execution there Men Brethren and Fathers Friends Countrymen and Strangers IT may be expected that I should now say some Great Matters unto you but the Rigour of the Season and the Infirmities of my Age encreased by a close Imprisonment of above Five Months doth not permit me Moreover we live in an Age that maketh Truth pass for Treason I dare not say any thing contrary unto it and the Ears of those that are about me will probably be found too tender to hear it My Tryal and Condemnation doth sufficiently evidence this West Rumsey and Keyling who were brought to prove the Plot said no more of me than that they knew me not and some others equally known unto me had used my Name and that of some others to give a little Reputation unto their Designs The Lord Howard is too infamous by his Life and the many Perjuries not to be denied or rather sworn by himself to deserve mention and being a single Witness would be of no value though he had been of unblemish'd Credit or had not seen and confessed that the Crimes committed by him would be pardoned only for committing more and even the Pardon promised could not be obtained till the Drudgery of Swearing was over This being laid aside the whole matter is reduc'd to the Papers said to be found in my Closet by the King's Officers without any other proof of their being written by me than what is taken from the suppositions upon the similitude of an Hand that is easily Counterfeited and which hath been lately declared in the Lady Car's Case to be no lawful Evidence in Criminal Causes But if I had been seen to write them the matter would not be much altered They plainly appear to relate unto a large Treatise written long since in answer to Filmer's Book which by all Intelligent Men is thought to be grounded upon wicked Principles equally pernicious unto Magistrates and People If he might publish unto the World his Opinion That all Men are born under a necessity derived from the Laws of God and Nature to submit unto an Absolute Kingly Government which could be restrained by no Law or Oath and that he that hath the power whether he came unto it by Creation Election Inheritance Usurpation or any other way had the Right and none must oppose his Will but the Persons and Estates of his Subjects must be indispensably subject unto it I know not why I might not have published my Opinion to the contrary without the breach of any Law I have yet known I might as freely as he publickly have declared my Thoughts and the Reasons upon which they were grounded and I perswaded to believe That God had left Nations unto the Liberty of setting up such Governments as best pleased themselves That Magistrates were set up for the good of Nations not Nations for the honour or glory of Magistrates That the Right and Power of Magistrates in every Country was that which the Laws of that Country made it to be That those Laws were to be observed and the Oaths taken by them having the force of a Contract between Magistrate and People could not be Violated without danger of dissolving the whole Fabrick That Usurpation could give no Right and the most dangerous of all Enemies unto Kings were they who raising their Power to an Exorbitant Height allowed unto Usurpers all the Rights belonging unto it That such Usurpations being seldom Compassed without the Slaughter of the Reigning Person or Family the worst of all Villanies was thereby rewarded with the most Glorious Privileges That if such Doctrines were received they would stir up Men to the Destruction of Princes with more Violence than all the Passions that have hitherto raged in the Hearts of the most Unruly That none could be safe if such a Reward were proposed unto any that could destroy them That few would be so gentle as to spare even the Best if by their destruction of a Wild Usurper could become God's Anointed and by the most execrable Wickedness invest himself with that Divine Character This is the Scope of the whole Treatise the Writer gives such Reasons as at present did occur unto him to prove it This seems to agree with the Doctrines of the most Reverenced Authors of all Times Nations and Religions The best and wisest Kings have ever acknowledged it The present King of France hath declared that Kings have that happy want of Power that they can do nothing contrary unto the Laws of their Country and grounds his Quarrel with the King of Spain Anno 1667 upon that Principle King James in his Speech to the Parliament Anno 1603 doth in the highest degree assert it The Scripture seems to declare it If nevertheless the Writer was mistaken he might have been refuted by Law Reason and Scripture and no man for such matters was ever otherwise punished than by being made to see his Errour and it hath not as I think been ever known that they had been referred to the Judgment of a Jury composed of Men utterly unable to comprehend them But there was little of this in my Case the extravagance of my Prosecutors goes higher The above-mentioned Treatise was never finished nor could be in many years and most probably would never have been So much as is of it was written long since never reviewed nor shewn unto any man and the fiftieth part of it was produced and not the tenth of that afford to be read That which was never known unto those who are said to have Conspired with me was said to be intended to stir up the People in Prosecution of the Designs of those Conspirators When nothing of particular Application unto
Good and Faithful Subjects to Us and our Royal Predecessors by hazarding and many of them actually losing their Lives and Fortunes in their Defence though of another Religion and the Maintenance of their Authority against the Violences and Treasons of the most violent Abettors of these Laws Do therefore with Advice and Consent of Our Privy Council by Our Soveraign Authority Prerogative Royal and Absolute Power aforesaid Suspend Stop and disable all Laws or Acts of Parliament Customs or Constitutions made or executed against any of our Roman Catholick Subjects in any time past to all intents and purposes making void all Prohibitions therein mentioned pains or penalties therein ordain'd to be Inflicted so that they shall in all things be as free in all Respects whatsoever not only to Exercise their Religion but to enjoy all Offices Benefices and others which We shall think fit to bestow upon them in all time coming Nevertheless it is our Will and Pleasure and we do hereby command all Catholicks at their highest Pains only to Exercise their Religious Worship in Houses or Chappels and that they presume not to Preach in the open Fields or to invade the Protestant Churches by force under the pains aforesaid to be inflicted upon the Offenders respectively nor shall they presume to make Publick Processions in the High-Streets of any of Our Royal Burghs under the Pains above mentioned And whereas the Obedience and Service of our good Subjects is due to Us by their Allegiance and Our Soveraignty and that no Law Custom or Constitution Difference in Religion or other Impediment whatsoever can exempt or discharge the Subjects from their Native Obligations and Duty to the Crown or hinder us from Protecting and Employing them according to their several Capacities and Our Royal Pleasure nor Restrain Us from Conferring Heretable Rights and Priviledges upon them or vacate or annul these Rights Heretable when they are made or conferred And likewise considering that some Oaths are capable of being wrested by men of sinistrous Intentions a practice in that Kingdom fatal to Religion as it was to Loyalty Do therefore with Advice and Consent aforesaid Cass Annul and Discharge all Oaths whatsoever by which any of Our Subjects are incapacitated or disabled from holding Places or Offices in our said Kingdom or enjoy their Hereditary Right and Priviledges discharging the same to be taken or given in any time coming without Our special Warrant and Consent under the pains due to the Contempt of Our Royal Commands and Authority And to this effect We do by Our Royal Authority aforesaid Stop Disable and Dispense with all Laws enjoyning the said Oaths Tests or any of them particularly the first Act of the first Session of the first Parliament of King Charles the Second the Eleventh Act of the foresaid Session of the foresaid Parliament the sixth Act of the third Parliament of the said King Charles the twenty first and twenty fifth Acts of that Parliament and the thirteenth Act of the first Session of * Our late Parliament in so far allanerly as concerns the taking the Oaths or Tests therein prescrib'd and all others as well not mentioned as mentioned and that in place of them all our good Subjects or such of them as We or our Privy Council shall require so to do shall take and swear the following Oath allanerly I A. B. do acknowledge testifie and declare that JAMES the Seventh by the Grace of God King of Scotland England France and Ireland Defender of the Faith c. is rightful King and Supream Governour of these Realms and over all persons therein and that it is unlawful for Subjects on any pretence or for any cause whatsoever to rise in Arms against Him or any Commissionated by Him and that I shall never so rise in Arms nor assist any who shall so do and that I shall never resist His Power or Authority nor ever oppose His Authority to His Person as I shall answer to God but shall to the utmost of my power Assist Defend and Maintain Him His Heirs and Lawful Successors in the Exercise of their Absolute Power and Authority against all Deadly So help me God And seeing many of Our good Subjects have before Our pleasure in these Matters was made publick incurred the Guilt appointed by the Acts of Parliament above-mentioned or others We by Our Authority and Absolute Power and Prerogative Royal above-mentioned of Our certain Knowledge and innate Mercy give Our ample and full Indemnity to all those of the Roman Catholick or Popish Religion for all things by them done contrary to Our Laws or Acts of Parliament made in any time past relating to their Religion the Worship and Exercise thereof or for being Papists Jesuits or Traffickers for hearing or saying of Mass concealing of Priests or Jesuits breeding their Children Catholicks at home or abroad or any other thing Rite or Doctrine said performed or maintained by them or any of them And likewise for holding or taking of Places Employments or Offices contrary to any Law or Constitution Advices given to Us or our Council Actions done or generally any thing perform'd or said against the known Laws of that Our Ancient Kingdom Excepting always from this Our Royal Indemnity all Murthers Assassinations Thefts and such like other Crimes which never used to be comprehended in Our General Acts of Indemnity And We command and require all Our Judges or others concerned to explain this in the most ample Sense and Meaning Acts of Indemnity at any time have contained Declaring this shall be as good to every one concerned as if they had Our Royal Pardon and Remission under Our Great Seal of that Kingdom And likewise indemnifying Our Protestant Subjects from all pains and penalties due for hearing or preaching in Houses providing there be no Treasonable Speeches uttered in the said Conventicles by them in which case the Law is only to take place against the Guilty and none other present providing also that they Reveal to any of Our Council the Guilt so committed As also excepting all Fines or Effects of Sentences already given And likewise Indemnifying fully and freely all Quakers for their Meetings and Worship in all time past preceeding the publication of these presents And we doubt not but Our Protestant Subjects will give their Assistance and Concourse hereunto on all Occasions in their Respective Capacities In consideration whereof and the ease those of Our Religion and others may have hereby and for the Encouragement of Our Protestant Bishops and the Regular Clergy and such as have hitherto lived orderly We think fit to declare that it never was Our Principle nor will We ever suffer Violence to be offered to any Man's Conscience nor will We use Force or Invincible Necessity against any Man on the account of his Perswasion nor the Protestant Religion but will protect Our Bishops and other Minsters in their Functions Rights and Properties and all Our Protestant Subjects in the free Exercise of their
the Reign of Our late Royal Brother King Charles the Second shall not at any time hereafter be required to be Taken Declared or Subscribed by any person or persons whatsoever who is or shall be Employed in any Office or Place of Trust either Civil or Military under Us or in Our Government And We do further Declare it to be Our Pleasure and Intention from time to time hereafter to Grant Our Royal Dispensations under Our Great Seal to all our Loving Subjects so to be Employed who shall not take the said Oaths or Subscribe or declare the said Tests or Declarations in the abovementioned Acts and every of them And to the end that all Our Loving Subjects may receive and enjoy the full Benefit and Advantage of Our Gracious Indulgence hereby intended and may be Acquitted and Discharged from all Pains Penalties Forfeitures and Disabilities by them or any of them incurred or forfeited or which they shall or may at any time hereafter be liable to for or by reason of their Non-conformity or the Exercise of their Religion and from all Suits Troubles or Disturbances for the same We do hereby give Our Free and Ample Pardon unto all Non-conformists Recusants and other Our Loving Subjects for all Crimes and Things by them commited or done contrary to the Penal Laws formerly made relating to Religion and the Profession or Exercise thereof Hereby Declaring That this Our Royal pardon and Indempnity shall be as Good and Effectual to all intents and purposes as if every individual person had been therein particularly named or had particular Pardons under Our Great Seal which We do likewise Declare shall from time to time be Granted unto any person or persons desiring the same Willing and Requiring Our Judges Justices and other Officers to take Notice of and Obey Our Royal Will and Pleasure herein before Declared And although the Freedom and Assurance We have hereby given in relation to Religion and Property might be sufficient to remove from the Minds of Our Loving Subjects all Fears and Jealousies in relation to either yet We have thought fit further to Declare That We will Maintain them in all their Properties and Possessions as well of Church and Abby-Lands as in any other their Lands and Properties whatsoever Given at our Court at Whitehall the Fourth Day of April 1687. In the Third Year of Our Reign By His Majesties Special Command A LETTER containing some Reflections on His Majesties Declaration for Liberty of Conscience Dated the Fourth of April 1687. SIR I. I Thank you for the Favour of sending me the late Declaration that His Majesty has granted for Liberty of Conscience I confess I longed for it with great Impatience and was surprised to find it so different from the Scotch Pattern for I imagined that it was to be set to the second part of the same tune nor can I see why the Penners of this have sunk so much in their stile for I suppose the same Men penned both I expected to have seen the Imperial Language of Absolute Power to which all the Subjects are to Obey without reserve and of the Cassing Annulling the stopping and disabling of Laws set forth in the Preamble and body of this Declaration whereas those dreadful words are not to be found here for instead of Repealing the Laws his Majesty pretends by this only to Suspend them and though in effect this amounts to a Repeal yet it must be confessed that the words are softer Now since the Absolute Power to which his Majesty pretends in Scotland is not founded on such poor things as Law for that would look as if it were the gift of the People but on the Divine Authority which is supposed to be delegated to his Majesty this may be as well claimed in England as it was in Scotland and the pretentions to Absolute Power is so great a thing that since his Majesty thought fit once to claim it he is little beholding to those that make him fall so much in his Language especially since both these Declarations have appeared in our Gazettes so that as we see what is done in Scotland we know from hence what is in some peoples hearts and what we may expect in England II. His Majesty tells his people that the perfect Injoyment of their Property has never been in any Case invaded by him since his coming to the Crown This is indeed matter of great Incouragement to all good Subjects for it lets them see that such Invasions as have been made on Property have been done without his Majesties knowledge so that no doubt the continuing to levy the Customes and the Additional Excise which had been granted only during the late King's Life before the Parliament could meet to renew the Grant was done without his Majesties knowledge the many Violences committed not only by Soldiers but Officers in all the parts of England which are severe Invasions on Property have been all without his Majesties knowledge and since the first Branch of Property is the Right that a man has to his Life the strange Essay of Mahometan Government that was shewed at Taunton and the no less strange proceedings of the present Lord Chancellour in his Circuit after the Rebellion which are very justly called his Campagne for it was an open Act of Hostility to all Law and for which and other Services of the like nature it is believed he has had the reward of the great Seal and the Executions of those who have left their Colours which being founded on no Law are no other than so many murders all these I say are as we are sure Invasions on Property but since the King tells us that no such Invasions have been made since he came to the Crown we must conclude that all these things have fallen out without his privity And if a standing Army in time of Peace has been ever lookt on by this Nation as an Attempt upon the whole Property of the Nation in gross one must conclude that even this is done without his Majesties knowledge III. His Majesty expresses his Charity for us in a kind wish that we were all Members of the Catholick Church in return to which we offer up daily our most earnest Prayers for him that he may become a Member of the truly Catholick Church for Wishes and Prayers do no hurt on no side but his Majesty adds that it has ever been his Opinion that Conscience ought not to be constrain'd nor people forced in matters of meer Religion We are very happy if this continues to be always his sense but we are sure in this he is no Obedient Member of that which he means by the Catholick Church for it has over and over again decreed the Extirpation of Hereticks It encourages Princes to it by the Offer of the pardon of their Sins it threatens them to it by denouncing to them not only the Judgments of God but that which is more sensible the loss of their Dominions
and it seems they intend to make us know that part of their Doctrine even before we come to feel it since tho' some of that Communion would take away the horror which the Fourth Council of the Lateran gives us in which these things were decreed by denying it to be a General Council and rejecting the Authority of those Canons yet the most learned of all the Apostates that has fallen to them from our Church has so lately given up this Plea and has so formally acknowledged the Authority of that Council and of its Canons that it seems they think they are bound to this piece of fair dealing of warning us before hand of our Danger It is true Bellarmin says The Church does not always execute the Power of Deposing Heretical Princes tho' she always retains it one Reason that he assigns is Because she is not at all times able to put it in Execution so the same reason may perhaps make it appear unadviseable to Extirpate Hereticks because that at present it cannot be done but the Right remains intire and is put in execution in such an unrelenting manner in all places where that Religion prevails that it has a very ill Grace to see any Member of that Church speak in this strain and when neither the Policy of France nor the Greatness of their Monarch nor yet the Interests of the Emperour joyned to the Gentleness of his own temper could withstand these Bloody Councils that are indeed parts of that Religion we can see no reason to induce us to believe that a Toleration of Religion is proposed with any other design but either to divide us or to lay us asleep till it is time to give the Alarm for destroying us IV. If all the Endeavours that have been used in the last four Reigns for bringing the Subjects of this Kingdom to an Unity in Religion have been ineffectual as His Majesty says we know to whom we owe both the first beginnings and the progress of the Divisions among our selves the gentleness of Queen Elizabeth's Government and the numbers of those that adhered to the Church of Rome made it scarce possible to put an end to that Party during her Reign which has been ever since restless and has had Credit enough at Court during the three last Reigns not only to support it self but to distract us and to divert us from apprehending the danger of being swallowed up by them by fomenting our own Differences and by setting on either a Toleration or a Persecution as it has happened to serve their Interests It is not so very long since that nothing was to be heard at Court but the supporting the Church of England and the Extirpating all the Nonconformists and it were easie to name the persons if it were decent that had this in their mouths but now all is turned round again the Church of England is in Disgrace and now the Encouragement of Trade the Quiet of the Nation and the Freedom of Conscience are again in Vogue that were such odious things but a few Years ago that the very mentioning them was enough to load any Man with Suspicions as backward in the King's Service while such Methods are used and the Government as if in an Ague divided between hot and cold fits no wonder if Laws so unsteadily executed have failed of their effect V. There is a good reserve here left for Severity when the proper Opportunity to set it on presents it self for his Majesty declares himself only against the forcing of men in matters of meer Religion so that whensoever Religion and Policy come to be so interwoven that meer Religion is not the Case and that publick Safety may be pretended then this Declaration is to be no more claimed so that the fastning any thing upon the Protestant Religion that is inconsistent with the publick Peace will be pretended to shew that they are not persecuted for meer Religion In France when it was resolved to extirpate the Protestants all the Discourses that were written on that Subject were full of the Wars occasioned by those of the Religion in the last Age tho' as these was the happy occasions of bringing the House of Bourbon to the Crown they had been ended above 80 Years ago and there had not been so much as the least Tumult raised by them these 50 Years past so that the French who have smarted under this Severity could not be charged with the least Infraction of the Law yet Stories of a hundred years old were raised up to inspire into the King those Apprehensions of them which have produced the terrible effects that are visible to all the World There is another Expression in this Declaration which lets us likewise see with what Caution the Offers of favour are now worded that so there may be an Occasion given when the time and Conjuncture shall be favourable to break through them all it is in these words So that they take especial Care that nothing be preached or taught amongst them which may any ways tend to alienate the hearts of our People from Us or Our Government This in it self is very reasonable and could admit of no Exception if we had not to do with a set of men who to our great Misfortune have so much Credit with His Majesty and who will be no sooner lodged in the Power to which they pretend then they will make every thing that is preached against Popery pass for that which may in some manner alienate the Subjects from the King VI. His Majesty makes no doubt of the Concurrence of his Two Houses of Parliament when he shall think it convenient for them to meet The hearts of Kings are unsearchable so that it is a little too presumptuous to look into his Majesties secret thoughts but according to the Judgments that we would make of other mens thoughts by their Actions one would be tempted to think that his Majesty made some doubt of it since his Affairs both at home and abroad could not go the worse if it appeared that there was a perfect understanding between him and His Parliament and that his people were supporting him with fresh Supplies and this House of Commons is so much at his Devotion that all the World saw how ready they were to grant every thing that he could desire of them till he began to lay off the Mask with relation to the Test and since that time the frequent Prorogations the Closetting and the pains that has been taken to gain Members by Promises made to some and the Disgraces of others would make one a little inclined to think that some doubt was made of their Concurrence But we must confess that the depth of his Majesties Judgment is such that we cannot fathom it and therefore we cannot guess what his Doubts or his Assurances are It is true the words that come after unriddle the Mistery a little which are when his Majesty shall think it convenient for them to
meet for the meaning of this seems plain that His Majesty is resolved that they shall never meet till he receives such Assurances in a new round of Closetting that he shall be put out of doubt concerning it VII I will not enter into the Dispute concerning Liberty of Conscience and the Reasons that may be offered for it to a Session of Parliament for there is scarce any one point that either with relation to Religion or Politicks affords a greater variety of matter for Reflection and I make no doubt to say that there is abundance of Reason to oblige Parliaments to review all the Penal Laws either with relation to Papists or to Dissenters but I will take the boldness to add one thing that the King 's Suspending of Laws strikes at the root of this whole Government and subverts it quite for if there is any thing certain with relation to English Government it is this that the Executive Power of the Law is entirely in the King and the Law to fortifie him in the Management of it has cloathed him with a vast Prerogative and made it unlawful on any pretence whatsoever to resist him whereas on the other hand the Legislative Power is not so entirely in the King but that the Lords and Commons have such a share in it that no Law can either be made repealed or which is all one suspended but by their consent so that the placing this Legislative Power singly in the King is a subversion of this whole Government since the Essence of all Governments consists in the Subjects of the Legislative Authority Acts of Violence or Injustice committed in the Executive part are such things that all Princes being subject to them the peace of mankind were very ill secured if it were not unlawful to resist upon any pretence taken from any ill Administrations in which as the Law may be doubtful so the Facts may be uncertain and at worst the publick Peace must always be more valued than any private Oppressions or Injuries whatsoever But the total Subversion of a Government being so contrary to the Trust that is given to the Prince who ought to execute it will put men upon uneasie and dangerous Inquiries which will turn little to the Advantage of those who are driving matters to such a doubtful and desperate Issue VIII If there is any thing in which the Exercise of the Legislative Power seems indispensable it is in those Oaths of Allegiance and Tests that are thought necessary to Qualifie men either to be admitted to enjoy the protection of the Law or to bear a share in the Government for in these the Security of the Government is chiefly concerned and therefore the total Extinction of these as it is not only a Suspension of of them but a plain repealing of them so it is a Subverting of the whole Foundation of our Government For the Regulation that King and Parliament had set both for the Subjects having the protection of the State by the Oath of Allegiance and for a share in the places of Trust by the Tests is now pluckt up by the roots when it is declared That these shall not at any time hereafter be required to be taken or subscribed by any persons whatsoever for it is plain that this is no Suspension of the Law but a formal repeal of it in as plain words as can be conceived IX His Majesty says that the Benefit of the Service of all his Subjects is by the Law of Nature inseparably annexed to and inherent in his Sacred Person It is somewhat strange that when so many Laws that we all know are suspended the Law of Nature which is so hard to be found out should be cited but the Penners of this Declaration had best let that Law lie forgotten among the rest and there is a scurvy Paragraph in it concerning self-Preservation that is capable of very unacceptable Glosses It is hard to tell what Section of the Law of Nature has markt either such a Form of Government or such a Family for it And if his Majesty renounces his Pretensions to our Allegiance as founded on the Laws of England and betakes himself to this Law of Nature he will perhaps find the Counsel was a little too rash but to make the most that can be the Law of Nations or Nature does indeed allow the Governours of all Societies a Power to serve themselves of every Member of it in the cases of Extream Danger but no Law of Nature that has been yet heard of will conclude that if by special Laws a sort of men have been disabled from all Imployments that a Prince who at his Coronation Swore to maintain those Laws may at his pleasure extinguish all these Disabilities X. At the end of the Declaration as in a Poscript His Majesty assures his Subjects that he will maintain them in their Properties as well in Church and Abbey Lands as other Lands but the chief of all their Properties being the share that they have by their Representatives in the Legislative Power this Declaration which breaks thro' that is no great Evidence that the rest will be maintained and to speak plainly when a Coronation Oath is so little remembred other Promises must have a proportioned degree of Credit given to them as for the Abbey Lands the keeping them from the Church is according to the Principles of that Religion Sacriledge and that is a mortal Sin and there can no Absolution be given to any who continue in it and so this Promise being an Obligation to maintain men in a mortal Sin is nul and void of it self Church-Lands are also according to the Doctrine of their Canonists so immediately God's Right that the the Pope himself is the only Administrator and Dispencer but is not the master of them he can indeed make a truck for God or let them so low that God shall be an easie Landlord but he cannot alter God's Property nor translate the Right that is in him to Sacrilegious Laymen and Hereticks XI One of the Effects of this Declaration will be the setting on foot a new run of Addresses over the Nation for there is nothing how impudent and base soever of which the abject flattery of a slavish Spirit is not capable It must be confest to the Reproach of the Age that all those strains of flattery among the Romans that Tacitus sets forth with so much just scorn are modest things compared to what this Nation has produced within these seven Years only if our Flattery has come short of the Refinedness of the Romans it has exceeded theirs as much in its loathed Fulsomeness The late King set out a Declaration in which he gave the most solemn Assurances possible of his adhering to the Church of England and to the Religion established by Law and of his Resolution to have frequent Parliaments upon which the whole Nation fell as it were into Raptures of Joy and Flattery but though he lived four
dangerous a Vertue to be commended If then for these and a thousand other Reasons there is cause to suspect sure your new Friends are not to dictate to you or advise you for instance the Addresses that fly abroad every Week and Murther us with another to the same the first Draughts are made by those who are not very proper to be Secretaries to the Protestant Religion and it is your Part only to write them out fairer again Strange that you who have been formerly so much against Set Forms should now be content the Priests should Indite for you The Nature of Thanks is an unavoidable Consequence of being Pleased or Obliged they grow in the Heart and from thence shew themselves either in Looks Speeches Writing or Action No Man was ever Thankful because he was bid to be so but because he had or thought he had some Reason for it If then there is cause in this Case to pay such extravagant Acknowledgments they will flow naturally without taking such pains to procure them and it is unkindly done to tire all the Post-Horses with Carrying Circular Letters to sollicit that which would be done without any Trouble or Constraint If it is really in it self such a Favour what needeth so much pressing Men to be Thankful and with such eager Circumstances that where Perswasions cannot delude Threatnings are employed to fright them into a Compliance Thanks must be voluntary not only unconstrained but unsolicited else they are either Trifles or Snares they either signifie nothing or a great deal more than is intended by those that give them If an inference should be made that whosoever thanketh the King for his Declaration is by that engaged to justifie it in point of Law it is a greater stride than I presume all those care to make who are perswaded to Address If it shall be supposod that all the Thankers will be Repealers of the TEST when ever a Parliament shall Meet Such an Expectation is better prevented before than disappointed afterwards and the surest way to avoid the lying under such a scandal is not to do any thing that may give a colour to the Mistake These Bespoken Thanks are little less improper than Love Letters that were solicited by the Lady to whom they are to be Directed So that besides the little ground there is to give them the manner of getting them doth extreamly lessen their Value It might be wished that you would have suppressed your impatience and have been content for the sake of Religion to enjoy it within your selves without the Liberty of a publick Exercise till a Parliament had allowed it but since that could not be and that the Artificers of some amongst you have made use of the Well-meant Zeal of the Generality to draw them into this Mistake I am so far from blaming you with that sharpness which perhaps the Matter in strictness would bear that I am ready to err on the side of the more gentle construction There is a great difference between enjoying quietly the advantages of an Act irregularly done by others and the going about to support it against the Laws in being The Law is so Sacred that no Trespass against it is to be Defended yet Frailties may in some measure be Excused when they cannot be justified The desire of enjoying a Liberty from which men have been so long restrained may be a Temptation that their Reason is not at all times able to resist If in such a case some Objections are leapt over indifferent men will be more inclined to lament the Occasion than to fall too hard upon the Fault whilst it is covered with the Apology of a good intention but where to rescue your selves from the severity of one Law you give a blow to all the Laws by which your Religion and Liberty are to be protected and instead of silently receiving the benefit of this Indulgence you set up for Advocates to support it you become voluntary Aggressors and look like Counsel retained by the Prerogative against your old Friend Magna Charta who hath done nothing to deserve her falling thus under your Displeasure If the case then should be that the Price expected from you for this Liberty is giving up your Right in the Laws sure you will think twice before you go any further in such a losing Bargain After giving Thanks for the breach of one Law you lose the Right of Complaining of the breach of all the rest you will not very well know how to defend your selves when you are pressed and having given up the Question when it was for your advantage you cannot recall it when it shall be to your Prejudice If you will set up at one time a Power to help you which at another time by Parity of Reason shall be made use of to destroy you you will neither be pitied nor relieved against a Mischief you draw upon your selves by being so unreasonably thankful It is like calling in Auxiliaries to help who are strong enough to subdue you In such a case your Complaints will come too late to be heard and your sufferings will raise Mirth instead of Compassion If you think for your excuse to expound your thanks so as to restrain them to this particular case others for their ends will extend them further and in these differing Interpretations that which is back'd by Authority will be the most likely to prevail especially when by the advantage you have given them they have in truth the better of the Argument and that the Inferences from your own Concessions are very strong and express against you This is so far from being a groundless Supposition that there was a late instance of it the last Session of Parliament in the House of Lords where the first Thanks though things of course were laterpreted to be the Approbation of the King 's whole Speech and a Restraint from the further Examination of any part of it though never so much disliked and it was with difficulty obtained not to be excluded from the Liberty of objecting to this mighty Prerogative of Dispensing meerly by this innocent and usual piece of good Manners by which no such thing could possibly be intended This sheweth that some bounds are to be put to your good Breeding and that the Constitution of England is too valuable a thing to be ventured upon a Complement Now that you have for some time enjoyed the benefit of the End it is time for you to look into the Danger of the Means The same Reason that made you desirous to get Liberty must make you solicite us to preserve it so that the next thought will naturally be not to engage your self beyond Retreat and to agree so far with the Principles of all Religions as not to rely upon a Death bed Repentance There are certain Periods of time which being once past make all cautions ineffectual and all Remedies desperate Our Understandings are apt to be hurried on by the first heats
pinches he is really concerned that Ireland is not altogether an independent Kingdom and in the Hands of its own Natives he longs till the Day when the English Yoak of Boudage shall be thrown off Of this he gives us broad Hints when he tells us That England is the only Nation in the World that impedes their Trade That a Man of English Interest will never Club with them as he phrases it or project any thing which may tend to their Advantage that will be the least Bar or Prejudice to the Trade of England Now why a Man of English Interest unless he will allow none of that Nation to be an able and just Minister to his Prince should be partial to ruine one Kingdom to avoid the least Inconveniency of the other contrary to the positive Commands of his King I cannot imagine For since it is the Governour 's Duty to Rule by Law and such Orders as he shall receive from His Majesty I know no Grounds for our Authors Arraigning the whole English Nation in saying That no one Man among them of what Perswasion soever will be true either to the Laws or his Majesty's positive Orders which shall seem repugnant to the smallest Conveniencies of England This is a glory reserved only as it seems for his Hero my Lord Tyrconnel The Imbargo upon the West India Trade and the Prohibition of Irish Cattel are the two Instances given It were to be wished indeed for the Good of that Kingdom that both were taken off and I question not but to see a Day wherein it shall seem proper to the King and an English Parliament to Repeal those Laws a Day wherein they will consider us as their own Flesh and Blood a Colony of their Kindred and Relations and take care of our Advantages with as little Grudging and Repining I am sure they have the same and no stronger Reason as Cornwal does at Yorkshire There are Instances in sevral Islands in the East-Indies as far distant as Ireland is from England that make up but one Kingdom and govern'd by the same Laws but the Wisdom of England will not judge it time fitting to do this till we of Ireland be one Mans Children either in Reality or Affection we wish the latter and have made many Steps and Advances towards it if the Natives will not meet us half way we cannot help it let the Event lie at their own Doors But after all I see not how those Instances have any manner of relation to the English Chief Governors in Ireland they were neither the Causes Contrivers nor Promoters of those Acts. The King and an English Parliament did it without consulting them if they had 't is forty to one my Lord of Ormond and the Council whose Stake is so great in Ireland would have hindred it as much as possible Our Author's Argument proves indeed That 't is detrimental to Ireland to be a subordinate Kingdom to England and 't is plain 't is that he drives at let him disguise it as much as he will but the conclusion he would prove cannot at all be deduced from it Shortly I expect he will speak plainer and in down right Terms propose That the two Kingdoms may be governed by different Kings Matters seem to grow ripe for such a dilloyal Proposition If these Acts and not the Subjection to an English King were the Grievances they would be so to the British there as well as to the Natives but though we wish them Repealed we do not repine in the mean time if the British who are the most considerable Trading part of that Nation and consequently feel the ill Effects of those Acts more sensibly can be contented why the Natives should not acquiesce in it unless it be for the forementioned Reasons I cannot see Our Author allows that there are different ways of obeying the King 't is a Point gained for us and proves there may be such a Partiality exercised in executing his Majesties Commands as may destroy the very Intent of them and yet taking the Matter strictly the King is obeyed but a good Minister will consider his Masters Intentions and not make use of a Word that may have a double Sence to the Ruine of a Kingdom nor of a Latitude of Power wherewith he is intrusted to the Destruction of the most considerable Party in it Far be it from us to think it was his Majesties Intentions to depopulate a flourishing Country to undo Multitudes of laborious thriving Families in it to diminish and destroy his own Revenue to put the Sword into Mad-mens Hands who are sworn Enemies to the British No! His Majesty who is willing that Liberty of Trade as well as Conscience should equally flourish in all parts of his Dominions that recommends himself to his Subjects by his Impartiality in distributing Offices of Trust and from that Practice raises his greatest Argument to move his People to Repeal the Penal Laws never intended that some general Commands of his should be perverted to the Destruction of that People his Intention is to protect His Majesty Great as he is cannot have two Consciences one calculated for the Latitude of England another for Ireland We ought therefore to conclude in respect to the King that his Commands have been ill understood and worse executed and this may be done as our Author confesses and the King undoubtedly obeyed but such an Obedience is no better than a Sacrifice of the best Subjects the King has in this Kingdom Our Author has given very good Reasons why the Natives may be well content with their present Governor but I cannot forbear laughing at those he has found out to satisfie the poor British with My Lord Tyrconnel's most Excellent Charitable English Lady His high sounding Name TALBOT in great Letters a Name that no less frightens the Poor English in Ireland then it once did the French a Name which because he is in possession of I will not dispute his Title to but I have been credibly informed that he has no relation to that most Noble Family of Shrewsbury though my Lord Tyrconnel presumes to bear the same Coat of Arms a Name in short which I hope in time Vox praetereae nihil A Second Reason is drawn from his Education We have heard and it has never yet been contradicted that my Lord Tyrconnel from his Youth upwards has constantly born Arms against the Brittish If our Author will assure us of the contrary I am apt to believe â—i Excellency will give him no thanks who lays the foundation of his Merit upon the Basis of his constant adherence to the Iâ—ish Party What use of Consolation can be drawn from this head by the Brittish is beyond my skill to conâ—preâ—â—nd A third Reason is drawn from his Stake in England the Author would do well to shew us in what Country this lies that we may know where to find Reprisals hereafter for since he offers this for our Security 't is fit
the Face to turn them again upon you after they have made all this Noise for Liberty And the Church of England you may be assured will not any more trouble you but when a Protestand Prince shall come will joyn in the Healing of all our Breaches by removing all things out of the way which have long hindred that blessed Work They cannot meet together in a Body to give you this Assurance how should they without the Kings Authority so to do but every particular Person that I have discoursed withal which are not a few and you your selves would do well to ask them when you meet them profess that they see an absolute Necessity of making an end of these Differences that have almost undone us and will no longer contend to bring all Men to one Vniformity but promote an Vniform Liberty Do not imagine I intend to give meer Words I meâ—n honestly such a regular Liberty as will be the Beauty and Honour not the Blot and Discredit of our Religion To such a Temper the Archbishop of Canterbury with several other Bishops of his Province and their Clergy have openly declared they are willing to come And the Bishops and Clergy of the Church of England have never been know to act deceitfully Our Religion will not at any time allow them to equivecate nor to give good VVords without a Meaning much less at such a time as this when our Religion is in great danger and we have nothing to trust unto but Gods Protection of sincere Persons Let Integrity and Vprightness preserve us is their constant Prayer They can hope for no Help from Heaven if they should prevaricate with Men. God they know would desert them if they should go about to delude their Brethren And they are not so void of common Sense as to adventure to incur his most high Displeasure when they have nothing to rely upon but his Favour In short Trust to those who own you for their Brethren as you do them for though they have been angry Brethren yet there is hope of Reconciliation between such near Relations But put no Confidence in those who not only utterly disown any such Relation to you but have ever treated you with an implacable Hatred as their most mortal Enemies unto whom it is impossible they should be reconciled Prov. 12.19 20. The Lips of Truth shall be established for ever but a lying tongue is but for a mâ—ment Lying Lips are an Abomination to the Lord but they that deal truly are his Delight Abby and other Church-Lands not yet assured to such Possessors as are Roman Catholicks Dedicated to the Nobility and Gentry of that Religion SInce it is universally agreed on that so great a Matter as the total Alienation of all the Abby-Lands c. in England can never be made legal and valid and such as will satisfie the reasonable Doubts and Scruples of a religious and conscientions Person except it be confirm'd by the Supreme Authority in this Church t is evident that the Protestants who assert the Church of England to be Autokephalos and such as allows of no Foreign Jurisdiction or Appeals having had these Lands confirmed to them by the King as Head of the Chuech the Convocation as the Church Representative and by the King and Parliament as the Supreme Legislative Power in this Realm have these Alienations made as valid to them as any Power on Earth can make them but the Members of the Church of Rome who maintain a Foreign and Supreme Jurisdiction either in a General Council or in the Bishop of Rome or both together cannot have these Alienations confirm'd to them without the Consent of one or both of these Superior Jurisdictions If therefore I shall make it appear that these Alienations in England were never confirm'd by either I do not see how any Roman Catholick in England can without Sacriledge retain them and his Religion together As to the first of these since there hath been no Council from the first Alienation of Abby-Lands in England to this Day that pretends to be general but that of Trent we need only look into that for the Satisfaction of such Roman Catholicke as esteem a General Council above the Bishop of Rome And I am sure that that Council is so far from confirming these Abby-Lands to the present Possessors that it expresly denounceth them accursed that detain them Sess 22. Decret de Ref. Cap. 11. Si quem c. If Covetousness the Root of all Evil shall so far possess any Person whatsoever whether of the Clergy or Laity though he be an Emperor or a King as that by Force Fear or Fraud or any Art or Colour whatsoever he presume to convert to his own Use and usurp the Jurisdiction Goods Estates Fruits Profits or Emoluments whatever of any Church or any Benefice Secular or Regular Hospital or Religious House or shall hinder that the Profits of the said Houses be not received by those to whom they do of right belong let him lie under an Anathema till the said Jurisdiction Goods Estates Rents and Prosits which he hath possessed and invaded or which have come to him any manner of way be restored to the Church and after that have Absolution from the Bishop of Rome So great a Terror did this strike into the English Papists that were Possessors of Church-Lands against whom this Anathema seems particularly directed that many of the zealous Papists began to think of Restitution and Sir William Peters notwithstanding his private Bull of Absolution from Pope Juâ—â—us the Fourth was so much startled at it as that the very next Year he endowed eight new Fellowships in Exeter-Colledge in Oxford Again the same Council Sess 25. Decret de Râ—f c. 2 â— Cupiens Sancta Synodus c. Decreeth and commandeth that all the Holy Ca 〈◊〉 and General Councils and Apostolick Sanctions in Favour of Ecclesiastical Persons and the Liberties of the Church and against those that violate them be exactly observed by eveâ—y 〈◊〉 and doth farther admonish the Emperor Kings Princes and all Persons of what Estate soever that they would observe the Rights of the Church as the Commands of God and defend them by their particular Patronage nor suffer them to be invaded by any Lords or Gâ—ntlemen whaâ—soever but severely punish all those who hinder the Liâ—â—wâ—â—ies Immâ—â—ities and Jurildictions of the Church and that they would imitate those excellent Princes who by their Authority and Bounty encreased the Revenues of the Church so far were they from suffering them to be invadâ—â— and in this let every one sedulously perform his part c. And now after so full and express Declaration of the Council of Trent I do not â—â—e how any of those Râ—man Catholicks who esteem a general Council to be the Supreme Authority in the Church and receive the Trent Council as such can any way excuse themselves in point of Conscience from these heavy Curses that are there denounc'd against all those
then first of all assure you very positively that their Highnesses have often declared as they did it more particularly to the Marquiss of Albeville His Majesties Envoy Extraordinary to the States that it is Their Opinion That no Christian ought to be persecuted for his conscience or be ill used because he differs from the publick and Established Religion And therefore They can consent that the Papists in England Scotland and Ireland be suffered to continue in their Religion with as much Liberty as is allowed them by the States in these Provinces in which it cannot be denied that they enjoy a full Liberty of conscience And as for the Dissenters Their Highnesses do not only consent but do heartily approve of their having an entire Liberty for the full exercise of their Religion without any trouble or hindrance so that none may be able to give them the least disturbance upon that account And their Highnesses are very ready in case his Majesty shall think fit to desire it to declare their willingness to concur in the setling and confirming this Liberty and as far as it lies in them they will protect and defend it and according to the Language of Treaties They will confirm it with their Guaranty of which you made mention in yours And if his Majesty shall think fit further to desire their concurrence in the repealing of the Penal Laws they are ready to give it provided always that those Laws remain still in their full vigour by which the Roman Catholicks are shut out of both Houses of Parliament and out of all publick Employments Ecclesiastical Civil and Military As likewise all those other Laws which confirm the Protestant Religion and which secures it against all the attempts of the Roman Catholicks But their Highnesses cannot agree to the repeal of the Test or of those other Penal Laws last mentioned that tend to the security of the Protestant Religion since the Roman Catholicks receive no other prejudice from these then the being excluded from Parliaments or from publick Employments And that by them the Protestant Religion is covered from all the Designs of the Roman Catholicks against it or against the publick safety and neither the Test nor these other Laws can be said to carry in them any severity against the Roman Catholicks upon account of their Consciences They are only provisions qualifying men to be Members of Parliament or to be capable of bearing Office by which they must declare before God and Men that they are for the Protestant Religion So that indeed all this amounts to no more than a securing the Protestant Religion from any prejudices that it may receive from the Roman Catholicks Their Highnesses have thought and do still think that more than this ought not to be ask'd or expected from them since by this means the Roman Catholicks and their posterity will be for ever secured from all trouble in their Persons or Estates or in the Exercise of their Religion and that the Roman Catholicks ought to be satisfied with this and not to disquiet the Kingdom because they cannot be admitted to sit in Parliament or to be in Employments or because those Laws in which the Security of the Protestant Religion does chiefly consist are not repealed by which they may be put in a condition to overturn it Their Highnesses do also believe that the Dissenters will be fully satisfied when they shall be for ever covered from all danger of being disturbed or punished for the free Exercise of their Religion upon any sort of pretence whatsoever Their Highnesses having declared themselves so positively in these matters it seems very plain to me that They are far from being any hindrance to the Freeing Dissenters from the Severity of Penal Laws since they are ready to use their utmost endeavours for the Establishing of it Nor do They at all press the denying to the Roman Catholicks the Exercise of their Religion provided it be managed modestly and without Pomp or Ostentation As for my own part I ever was and still am very much against all those who would persecute any Christian because he differs from the publick and established Religion And I hope by the Grace of God to continue still in the same mind for since that Light with which Religion illuminates our minds is according to my sense of things purely an effect of the Mercy of God to us we ought then as I think to render to God all possible Thanks for his Goodness to us and to have pity for those who are still shut up in Error even as God has pitied us and to put up most earnest prayers to God for bringing those into the way of Truth who stray from it and to use all gentle and friendly methods for reducing them to it But I confess I could never comprehend how any that profess themselves Christians and that may enjoy their Religion freely and without any disturbance can judge it lawful for them to go about to disturb the Quiet of any Kingdom or State or to overturn Constitutions that so they themselves may be admitted to Employments and that those Laws in which the Security and Quiet of the established Religion consists should be shaken It is plain that the Reformed Religion is by the Grace of God and by the Laws of the Land enacted both by King and Parliament the publick and established Religion both in England Scotland and Ireland and that it is provided by those Laws that none can be admitted either to a place in Parliament or to any publick Employment except those that do openly declare that they are of the Protestant Religion and not Roman Catholicks and it is also provided by those Laws that the Protestant Religion shall be in all time coming secured from the Designs of the Roman Catholicks against it In all which I do not see that these Laws contain any Severity either against the Persons or Estates of those who cannot take those Tests that are contrary to the Roman Catholick Religion all the inconveniences that can redound to them from thence is that their Persons their Estates and even the Exercise of their Religion being assured to them only they can have no share in the Government nor in Offices of Trust as long as their Consciences do not allow them to take these Tests and they are not suffered to do any thing that is to the prejudice of the Reformed Religion Since as I have already told you Their Highnesses are ready to concur with his Majesty for the Repeal of those Penal Laws by which Men are made liable to fines or other Punishments So I see there remains no difficulty concerning the Repealing the Penal Laws but only this that some would have the Roman Catholicks render'd capable of all publick Trusts and Employments and that by consequence all those should be repealed that have secured the Protestant Religion against the designs of the Roman Catholicks where others at the same time are not less
earnest to have those Laws maintained in their full and due vigour and think that the chief Security of the established Religion consists in the preserving of them Sacred and unshaken It is certain that there is no Kingdom Common-Wealth or any constituted Body or Assembly whatsoever in which there are not Laws made for the Safety thereof and that provide against all Attempts whatsoever that disturb their peace and that prescribe the Conditions and Qualities that they judge necessary for all that shall bear Employments in that Kingdom State or Corporation And no man can pretend that there is any Injury done him that he is not admitted to Imployments when he doth not satisfie the Conditions and Qualities required Nor can it be denied that there is a great difference to be observed in the conduct of those of the Reformed Religion and of the Roman Catholicks towards one another The Roman Catholicks not being satisfied to exclude the Reformed from all places of Profit or of Trust they do absolutely suppress the whole Exercise of that Religion and persecute all that profess it and this they do in all those places where it is safe and without danger to carry on that rigour And I am sorry that we have at this present so many deplorable Instances of this severity before our Eyes that is at the same time put in practice in so many different places I would therefore gladly see one single good reason to move a Protestant that fears God and that is concerned for his Religion to consent to the Repealing of those Laws that have been enacted by the Authority of King and Parliament which have no other tendency but to the security of the Reformed Religion and to the restraining of the Roman Catholicks from a capacity of overturning it these Laws inflict neither Fines nor Punishments and do only exclude the Roman Catholicks from a share in the Government who by being in Employments must needs study to encrease their party and to gain to it more Credit and Power which by what we see every day we must conclude will be extreamly dangerous to the Reformed Religion and must turn to its great prejudice Since in all places those that are in publick Employments do naturally Favour that Religion of which they are either more or less And who would go about to perswade me or any man else to endeavour to move Their Highnesses whom God hath honoured so far as to make them the Protectors of his Church to approve of or to consent to things so hurtful both to the Reformed Religion and to the publick Safety Nor can I Sir with your good leave in any way grant what you apprehend That no prejudice will thereby redound to the Reformed Religion I know it is commonly said that the number of the Roman Catholicks in England and Scotland is very inconsiderable and that they are possessed only of a very small number of the places of Trust Tho even as to this the case is quite different in Ireland Yet this you must of necessity grant me that if their numbers are small then it is not reasonable that the publick Peace should be disturbed on the account of so few persons especially when so great a favour may be offered to them such as the free Exercise of their Religion would be And if their numbers are greater then there is so much the more reason to be afraid of them I do indeed believe that Roman Catholicks as things at present stand will not be very desirous to be in publick Offices and Imployments nor that they will make any attempts upon the Reformed Religion both because this is contrary to Law and because of the great inconveniencies that this may bring at some other time both on their Persons and their Estates yet if the Restraints of the Law were once taken off you would see them brought into the Government and the chief Offices and Places of Trust would be put in their hands nor will it be easie to his Majesty to resist them in this how stedfast soever he may be for they will certainly press his hard in it and they will represent this to the King as a matter in which his Conscience will be concerned and when they are possessed of the publick Offices what will be left for the Protestants to do who will find no more the support of the Law and can expect little Encouragement from such Magistrates And on the other hand the advantages that the Roman Catholicks would find in being thus set loose from all restraints are so plain that it were a loss of time to go about the proving it I neither can nor will doubt of the sincerity of his Majesties intentions and that he has no other design before him in this matter but that all his Subjects may enjoy in all things the same Rights and Freedom But plain Reason as well as the Experience of all Ages the present as well as the past shews that it will be impossible for Roman Catholicks and Protestants when they are mixed together in places of Trust and publick Employments to live together peaceably or to maintain a good Correspondence together They will be certainly always jealous of one another For the Principles and the Maxims of both Religions are so opposite to one another that in my opinion I do not see how it will be in the power of any Prince or King whatsoever to keep down those Suspitions and Animosities which will be apt to arise upon all occasions As for that which you apprehend that the Dissenters shall not be delivered from the Penal Laws that are made against them unless at the same time the Test be likewise repealed This will be indeed a great unhappiness to them but the Roman Catholicks are only to blame for it who will rather be content that they and their Posterity should lie still under the weight of the Penal Laws and exposed to the hatred of the whole Nation than he still restrained from a capacity of attempting any thing against the Peace and the Security of the Protestant Religion And be deprived of that small advantage if it is at all to be reckoned one of having a share in the Government and publick Enjoyments since in all places of the World this has been always the priviledge of the Religion that is established by Laws and indeed these Attempts of the Roman Catholicks ought to be so much the more suspected and guarded against by Protestants in that they see that Roman Catholicks even when liable to that Severity of Penal Laws do yet endeavour to perswade his Majesty to make the Protestants whether they will or not dissolve the Security which they have for their Religion And to clear a way for bringing in the Roman Caâ—â—â—licks to the Government and to publick Employments In which case there would remain no relief for them but what were to be expected from a Roman Catholick Government Such then will be very unjust to
Their Highnesses who shall blame them for any inconveniency that may arise from thence since they have declared themselves so freely on this Subject and that so much to the advantage even of the Roman Catholicks And since the Settlements of matters sticks at this single point that Their Highnesses cannot be brought to consent to things that are so contrary to Laws already in being and that are so dangerous and so hurtful to the Protestant Religion as the admitting of Roman Catholicks to a share in the Government and to places of Trust and the repealing of those Laws that can have no other effect but the Securing of the Protestant Religion from all the Attempts of the Roman Catholicks against it would be You Write That the Roman Catholicks in these Provinces are not shut out from Employments and places of Trust But in this you are much mistaken For our Laws are express excluding them by name from all share in the Government and from all Employments either of the Policy or Justice of our Country It is true I do not know of any express Law that shuts them out of Military Employments that had indeed been hard since in the first Formation of our State they joyned with us in defending our publick Liberty and did us eminent service during the Wars therefore they were not shut out from those Military Employments for the publick sifety was no way endanger'd by this both because their numbers that served in our Troops were not great and because the States could easily prevent any Inconvenience that might arise out of that which could not have been done so easily if the Roman Catholicks had been admitted to a share in the Government and in the Policy or Justice of our State I am very certain of this of which I could give very good proofs that there is nothing which Their Highnesses desire so much as that his Majesty may reign happily and in an intire Confidence with his Subjects and that his Subjects being perswaded of his Majesties fatherly affection to them may be ready to make him all the returns of duty that are in their Power But their Highnesses are convinced in their Consciences that both the Protestant Religion and the safety of the Nation would be exposed to most certain Dangers if either the Tests or those other Penal Laws of which I have made frequent mention should be repealed Therefore they cannot consent to this nor concur with his Majesties Will for they believe they should have much to Answer for to God if the consideration of any present advantage should carry them to consent and concur in things which they believe would be not only dangerous but mischievous to the Protestant Religion Their Highnesses have ever paid a most profound duty to his Majesty which they will always continue to do for they consider themselves bound to it both by the Laws of God and of Nature But since the matter that is now in hand relates not to the making of new Laws but to the total Repealing of those already made both by King and Parliament they do not see how it can be expected of them that they should consent to such a Repeal to which they have so just an aversion as being a thing that is contrary to the Laws and Customs of all Christian States whether Protestants or Papists who receive none to a share in the Governments or to publick Employments but those who profess the publick and established Religion and that take care to secure it against all attempts whatsoever I do not think it necessary to demonstrate to you how much their Highnesses are devoted to his Majesty of which they have given such real Evidences as are beyond all verbal ones and they are resolved still to continue in the same Duty and Affection or rather to encrease it if that is possible I am SIR Yours c. Nov. 4. 1687. Reflexions on Monsieur Fagel's Letter SIR I Shall endeavour to Answer yours as fully and briefly as possible 1. You desire to know whether the Letter I sent you be truly Monsieur Fagel's or not 2. Whether their Highnesses gave him Commission to Write it 3. How far the Dissenters may rely on their Highnesses word 4. What effects it has on all sorts of People Sir Roman Catholicks may be pardoned if they endeavour to make that Letter pass for an Imposture it is their Interest so to do and they are seldom wanting to promote that let the methods be never so indirect which they are forced to make use of It does indeed spoil many hopeful Projects of theirs But how any Protestant among us can really doubt the truth of it is strange to me Some things carry their own evidence along with them I take this Letter to be one of that kind I do not desire you to believe me upon my bare affirmation that I know it to be genuine tho this be most true but shall offer my Reasons to convince you that it cannot be otherwise First The Letter is like its Author the matter is weighty the Reasoning solid the Stile grave full and clear like that of a Lawyer It has an Air all over which as well shews the Religion and Temper of its Writer as the Matter and Method of it do his Capacity and Judgment Now all these Qualities make up the Character of Monsieur Fagel Secondly There are the same grounds to believe this Letter to be M. Fagel's as there are to believe any thing you have not seen Viz. The constant Asseverations of Persons of undoubted Credit that come from Holland who all agree in it and assure us of it M. Fagel own'd it to several English Gentlemen and many both here and in Holland knew two Months ago that such a Letter was written a Forgery would before this time have been detected especially such a one as ruines the Designs of the Triumphing Party Thirdly It was written by M. Fagel in answer to Letters from Mr. Stewart sent by his Majesties special Orders and Mr. Stewart had both an English and Latin Copy sent him Therefore the English Copy is not called a Translation but it is a sort of Original For you are not to doubt but the matter was ordered so that her Royal Highness might peruse it as well as his Majesty In the next place you would know whether their Highnesses gave Order to Monsieur Fagel to write it I wish Sir you would take the pains to read the Letter over again and consider who this Monsieur Fagel is He is Pensionary of Holland and first Minister of State raised to that Dignity by the Prince's Favour he Answers Letters written to him which are ordered by his Majesty to be Communicated to their Highnesses In his Answer he gives an Account of their Highnesses Opinions about the Repeal of the Penal Laws and Test matters of a National Concern and of the greatest Importance Now you must have a strange Opinion of Monsieur Fagel if you think him capable
there that injustice in it which our Author does imagine For not being satisfied to remain disobedient and refractory to an Edict and Decree of the Arch-Duke Matthias and the Council of State who Anno 1578. had appointed that wheresoever there were a hundred Families of those professing the Reformed Religion that they should there be allowed a Church or Chappel for the exercise of their Worship they not only broke all their capitulations made with the Protestants thro oppressing them in various severe unjust method's and in denying them a decent and convenient place in which they might bury their dead but they were found to be still inclining to the Spanish Interest and ready to espouse it upon the first convenient opportunity And therefore the Protestants who were by much the majority partly to relieve themselves from the sufferings which were daily inflicted upon them contrary to stipulations and Articles and partly to prevent the mischiefs which would have ensued to the whole Country should that City have been betrayed again into the power and hands of the Spaniards assumed the Government to themselves and eased the other party of the Trust which they had so unwisely and unrighteously managed Nor can our Author deny but that since they took on them the Ruling Authority they have exercised it with all the moderation that can be expressed And have been so far from returning to the Roman Catholicks the like measures which themselves had met with that they have in no one thing given them cause to complain unless they should quarrel that they are kept out of capacity of doing the mischief their priests would otherway's be ready to excite them unto and which their Religion would countenance them in But it is now time that I should proceed to the fourth thing for which I promised to call our Anonymous Answerer to an account And were he not of a singular Forehead and of a peculiar complexion from all others he could not have had the impudence to endeavour to deceive the world into a belief that the Protestant Dissenters in England stand listed by their Highnesses into the same rank with the Papists and that they are hereafter to expect to be shut up into the same state and condition Certainly he must either have an Antipathy woven into his nature against all truth and sincerity or else thro having long accustomed himself to the misreporting of persons and to the giving false representations of things he must at last have acquired an incurable Habit otherwise it were impossible to prevaricate to that degree from truth in every thing he medleth with and which he undertaketh to say For Mijn Heer Fagel having declared that the reason why their Highnesses can not agree to the Repeal of the Test Laws is because they are of no other tendency than to secure the Reformed Religion from the designs of the Roman Catholicks and that they contain only conditions and provisions whereby men may be qualified to be Members of Parliament and to bear publick Offices Our Author hereupon tells us That the Nonconformists as well as the Roman Catholicks do apprehend that they receive a great deal of damage by those Laws and do account them extremely prejudicial to their Persons and Families And where as Monsieur Fagel had said that he would be glad to hear one good Reason whereby a Protestant fearing God and concerned for his Religion could be prevailed upon to consent to the Repealing of these Laws which have been enacted by the Authority of King and Parliament and that have no other tendency save the providing for the safety of the Reformed Religion and the hindring Roman Catholicks from being in a capacity to subvert it Our Author in way of reflection upon this tells us that it is not only a Childish demand but that it is to be hop'd that the pensionary will from hence be brought to acknowledg how trifling and weak all those Reasons are by which he would preclude the Nonconformists as well as the Roman Catholicks from publick Employments So that by these and many other passages equally false and disingenuous in our Author 's pretended Answer which for brevity's sake I forbear to mention it is apparent that he endeavours to perswade the world into a belief that the Dissenters are staed by their Highnesses in the same rank and condition with the Papists and are to expect to be treated in the same manner in case it please the Almighty God to bring Their Highnesses to the Throne One would wonder at this sudden and strange change in the opinion and conduct of the Papists towards the Nonconformists that they who were represented by them a while ago ' as unfit to live in His Majesties Dominions should now come to be accounted the Kings best and most Faithful Subjects and worthy to be advanced to the chief Trusts and Employ's 'T is but a few years since that all the Laws enacted against them were judged to be too few and gentle and therefore they had Laws executed upon them to which the Legislators had never made them obnoxious but now the Roman Catholicks are become so tender of their ease and safety that out of pure kindness unto them if any will be so foolish as to believe it they must have Laws abrogated which in the worst times and during the most illegal and barbarous procedures against them they were never affected with nor suffered the least prejudice by And whereas it was the only way for persons heretofore to make their Court at St. James's by declaiming against the Dissenters as Rebels and Traitors and by putting them into a salvage Dress to be run upon as beasts of prey it is now grown the only method of becoming gracious at Whitehall to proclaim their Loyalty and to cry them up for the only people in whom his Majesty with safety to his Person and Crown can repose a confidence But under all the Shapes which the Papists do assume they may be easily discovered to retain the same malice to the Reformed Religion and only to act those various and opposite parts in order the better to subvert it And the Dissenters being harassed and oppressed before and indulged and caressed now was upon the same motive of hatred unto it and in subserviency to its extirpation The method's are altered but the design is one and tho they have changed their Tools yet they remain constant in the pursuance of the same End While they of the Church of England were found compliant with the ways which the Factors for Rome thought serviceable thereunto they were not only the Favourites of the Court and of the whole Popish party but were gratified at least as was pretended with a rigorous execution of the Penal Laws upon Dissenters But there remaining several steps to be taken for the introduction of Popery and the extirpation of the Reformed Religion which they of the National Communion would not go along with them in they are forced to
from the publick and established Religion As to the first it is sufficiently known that according to the judgment of the Church of Rome we are Hereticks and that Heresie being Crimen laesae Majestatis Divinae we are therefore the worst of Traitors and liable to the Penalties of the greatest High Treason And thereupon we are not only declared to be infamous and sentenced to be deprived of all Honor and Dignity and to be incapable of all Offices and have our Estates confiscated and seised but we are condemned to be burnt and if that cannot conveniently be effected it is both made lawful and meritorious to extirpate us by War or Massacre as shall be best and most safe for the Church of Rome In order whereunto not only all Laws made for our Security are declared to be null and that no promises made unto us ought to be kept but all Princes that neglect to destory and extirpate us are proclaimed to be deposed And sutable hereunto has their carriage been for many ages to such as differ from them in Articles of Faith and will not joyn in their Superstitions and Idolatries In proof where of I neither need to insist upon the infinite Murders committed by the Inquisition the most Devilish Engine of Cruelty that ever the World was acquainted with nor to reflect so far backward as the Parisian and Irish Massacres or the infinite Slaughters perpetrated heretofore in France Germany and the Low Countreys c. seeing we have such fresh and doleful evidences of the mercy and gentleness of the Papal Church in the ungrateful inhumane perjurious and salvage persecutions executed so lately in France and Piedmont If it be the effect of Royal and Paternal affection in the King of England to his Subjects that all he endeavoureth is to treat them as becomes a common Father without making any distinction between one and another as our Author is pleased to call it in his Testimony concerning him what cruel Parents must many Princes of the Roman Communion be who act with that difference towards their people that while they cherish and embrace some they tear out the Bowels and suck the blood of others And if no Society destitute of such tender and Christian affections can merit the name of a Church we hence learn where to fasten the character of being the Mother of Harlots In that we not only know whose Doctrine it is that whom She cannot convert She ought to destroy but that we have observed her to have been in all Ages drunk with the Blood of Saints All the commendations our Author bestows upon the King of England are not only either so many accusations of His Majesties insincerity in the Papal Faith or infallible indications that both the King pardon the expression and his Minister are Hypocritical Dissemblers but they are stabbing and twinging Satyr's against Mother Church and the Holy Father and against his Brittanick Majesties dear Brother and Ally the French King Nor can we be guilty either of Crime or Indecency in the worst we can say of the Church of Rome and the Most Christian King seeing we have in equivalent Terms a President for it both from so good a Catholick and so wise a Minister of a great Monarch as our honourable Author is And tho I begin to grow weary of conversing with so impertinent a man yet I am bound to wait upon him a little longer and while the Reader can reap no advantage by any thing he says to see whether it be not possible to lay hold of an occasion from his Ignorance and Folly to communicate things that may be more solid and instructive The sixth thing therefore whereof I accused him and for which I promised to call him to an account is his egregious ignorance in relation to Government Laws Customs and matters of Fact Mijn Heer Fagel tells us that the Test Laws being enacted by King and Parliament for the Security of the Reformed Religion and the Roman Catholicks receiving no prejudice by them but being meerly restrained from getting into a condition to subvert it therefore Their Highnesses could not consent to their Repeal And he further adds that there is no Kingdom Common-wealth or any constituted Body and Society in which there are not Laws made for the safety thereof which not only provide against all attempts that may disturb their peace but which prescribe such conditions as they judge necessary for the discerning who are qualified to bear Employments To which he again subjoins that there is a great difference between the conduct of these of the Reformed Religion towards Roman Catholicks which is moderate and only to prevent their getting into a capacity to do hurt and that of those of the Roman Catholick Religion towards the Reformed who not being satisfied to exclude them from places of Trust do both suppress the whole Exercise of their Religion and severely persecute all that profess it And he finally adds that both Reason and the Experience of the present as well as past Ages do shew that it is impossible for Roman Catholicks and those of the Reformed Religion when joyned together in places of Trust and publick Employment to maintain a good Correspondence live in mutual peace and to discharge their Offices quietly and to the publick Good Now from these several passages which carry their own evidence along with them our Author takes occasion both to vent his foolish and ridiculous Politicks and to proclaim his ignorance in History and of the most obvious matters of Fact However we shall have the patience to hearken to what he hath been pleased to say and shall examine it piece by piece as we go along And the first thing he does is to acquaint us with a mighty Mystery of State and which none but so great a Minister could have been able to have revealed namely that tho the King and Parliament upon the first Revolution with respect to Religion and the introducing and setting up the Reformed Religion thought fit to make those Laws which they judged necessary for its preservation yet that it does not follow that his present Majesty and a Parliament would be of the same mind but that they might enact Laws of a differing Nature from the former and re-establish Religion into the same State in which it was before the Reformed Doctrine and Worship was set up We are much obliged to our Author for this discovery though I must add that this it is to trust a Fool with secrets for he will be sure to be blabbing For tho he subjoin that he will not say that matters would be pushed so far yet he hath already told us enough to make us understand both what his own hopes are and what is designed by the Papal party if they could compass a Parliament of a Complexion and Temper to their mind But there are two fatal things which lye in their way One is that neither progressing nor closeting bribing nor threatning can
prove effectual to give them the slenderest ground of confidence of their obtaining a Parliament of that mould and constitution And the second is that all the Members must take the Tests before they can be a Legal Parliament and then there is little probability that they who can make the Declaration required in these Laws will be inclinable to Repeal them especially at a season when their own safety as well as that of the Protestant Religion renders it so necessary to have them maintained Whatsoever any Body of men by what name soever they be called or within what walls soever they assemble shall attempt to do without first having taken the Tests is ipso facto null and void in Law and will serve to no Legal purpose but to make themselves obnoxious to the severest punishments which the Justice of a provoked and betrayed Nation can be able to inflict upon them So that we do not doubt what the King would do for the re-establishing Popery and banishing the Protestant Religion could he get a Parliament to his mind but our hope is that he will not and the better to prevent it we will endeavour to keep our Test Laws But to go on with our Author who with his accustomed ignorance but personating here the wisdom of a Solon or a Lycurgus takes upon him to instruct us that as nothing can be called the fundamental Law of a Kingdom or a Republick but what was enacted at the commencement of that State or Society before any alterations could fall out in it with reference to Religion so nothing deserves the name of such a Law save that which is to the advantage and benefit of all the Subjects It were not amiss here to enquire by what Authority our Author fastens on Mijn Heer Fagel this Term of Fundamental Law in reference to the Tests seeing he never used it in his Letter much less applyed it to such a purpose But falsifying is so natural to this Gentleman that he could not avoid it even when he might have been sensible that he would not escape the being challenged for it There is a Countrey in the world that is said to bear no poysonous animal nor had it need seeing if any number of the Natives be of the mould and frame that some are there are brutal and venemous Creatures enough in it tho there be neither Toad nor Serpent there But may not the Test Laws answer the end they were designed unto of being a Fence about Religion tho they be none of the Fundamental Laws of the Government It is not the name that alone gives value to a Law but the Sanction of the Legislative Authority and the usefulness of it to the publick good A Statute that was occasioned by a necessity arising in reference to the publick Safety ought as much to be stood by and upheld while that necessity continues as if it were an original Law and Coaeval with the Constitution And if it was the indispensable dependance of the Welfare and Safety of the Community upon such and such Provisions at first that gave them the Name of Fundamental Laws I am sure that under our present Circumstances we may call the Test Laws absolutely needful if we assume not the vanity to stile them Fundamental Besides I would fain know of our Author that if all Laws lye exposed to an easie Abrogation that are not coaeval with the Kingdom what will then become of the Magna Charta for Liberty of Conscience which his Majesty not only promiseth but undertakes to make irrepealable And withal may not some Laws be as necessary to the being and preservation of a State under the notion of Protestant as others are to its being and subsistence under the consideration of an embodied and formed Society Every Society is bound to use all necessary means to preserve it self and while it maketh no provisions in order thereunto that derive inconvenience upon others unless it be only to keep them from being able to do hurt it would be a wickedness as well as a folly to neglect them In a word as the making no Laws necessary for the Safety of a people under any knowledge of God they may be grown up into but what were coaeval with their first formation into a Kingdom or Republick were the weakning and undermining the Security of the Christian Religion in all parts of the world where it hath obtained to be embraced and setled so by the same reason that it is lawful to make provisions for the preservation of Christianity in a State professing the Gospel of Jesus Christ it is also lawful to make the like provisions for the Security of the Reformed Religion in these Kingdoms and Common-wealths which have judged it to be their duty to God and their Souls to receive and establish it And for our Author 's saying that no Law deserves to be called Fundamental save that which is to the benefit and advantage of all the Subjects it is wholly impertinent to the case for which it is alledged and does no way's attack or weaken what the Pensionary had said For as the Laws contended for to be maintained were never stiled Fundamental so many thousands may have benefit by a Law whom nevertheless all persons of sense and wisdom will account unfit to be advanced to publick Trusts As no man will judge it unreasonable to require that all who are held capable of publick employments should have some degree of wit and understanding so I think it is very reasonable that they should be qualified with so much honesty as to be well affected to the Government as it is by Law established And to speak properly it is not the Law that makes the Papists uncapable of Offices and Employments it only declares they shall not be admitted because they were incapable before and had made themselves unfit to be trusted partly through their dependance upon a forraign power that is at enmity with the State and seeks to subvert it and partly by reason of that principle which they are possessed with of its being their duty to destroy us whensoever they can And as it 's a great favour vouchsafed by the Government to suffer such to live under it as stand so ill affected to it and want only means to overthrow it so if the Roman Catholicks will not be content with the first without the latter it will be a great temptation upon the Kingdom to deprive them of the Priviledge they have because they would not be content with it unless they might obtain that which the Nation could not grant without being Felo de se and without abandoning the means both of our safety here and Happiness hereafter And whereas our Author takes the confidence to tell us That there are many States and Cities in Germany where without the giving occasion to any disturbance the Government is shared between Papists and Protestants and where both those of the Roman Catholick and Reformed Religion do
their disadvantage to say no worse All ways of Gentleness and Moderation towards them do only encourage their making the bolder claims and the proceeding further in their usurpations The giving them an inch provokes them to take an ell and they grow enraged because we will not tamely suffer it If they act as they do while the Chain hangs still about their necks what are we to expect if it should be wholly taken off they left loose to exert the malignity which their Religion inspires them with For not being contented to invade and usurp all sorts of Employments and places of Trust in defiance of the Test Laws they have assumed that confidence as to make those very Laws which were intentionally enacted and designed to keep Papists out of Office and Power the ground and occasion of incapacitating and shutting out Protestants And whereas none are by Law to be admitted into Employments without making the Declarations contained in the Tests none are now to be continued save they who shall both refuse to take them and withal promise to give their votes for the Election of such persons into Parliament as shall be willing to Abrogate and Repeal them Which is not only such a piece of Chicannery in it self but such an Assault upon the Legislative Authority that it is hard to speak of it without more than usual emotion of mind and the having ones indignation strangely excited and enflamed However all I shall allow my self at present to say shall be only to advise all sort of persons to take care what they do there being no Dispensing power lodged in the King in reference to Penal and much less in relation to the Test Laws Of this we have a clear and uncontrollable proof in the proceedings of the Parliament 1673. when the House of Commons voted the Declaration of the late King for Liberty of Conscience to be both a violation of the Laws of the Land and an altering of the Legislative power Which is the more remarkable in that it was not only done by the most obsequious Parliament that ever any King of England had and of which many of the Members were his hired and brib'd Pensioners but that they did thus adjudge both after the King had acquainted them by a solemn Speech at the opening of the Session that he was Resolved to adhere to his Declaration and had endeavoured to Hector them into a departure from their Vote by telling them in an Answer which he made to one of their Addresses that they had questioned a power in the Crown which had never been disputed in the Reign of any of his Predecessors and which belonged unto him as a prerogative inseparable from the Soveraignty Yet notwithstanding both all this and his applying himself in a Speech to the House of Lords to have engaged them to stand by him against the Commons he was necessitated upon the Commons insisting that there was never any such Dispensing power vested in the Crown nor claimed or exercised by any of his Predecessors and that the assuming it was a changing of the Constitution and an altering of the Legislative Authority and upon the Lords declining to stand by him and their advising him to give liberty by way of Bill to be passed into a Law I say he was necessitated to take his Declaration off from the File tear the Seal from it and to assure both Houses in a Speech he made to them March 8. that what he had done in taking upon him to Suspend the Penal Laws should not for the future be drawn either into consequence or Example In brief if the Papists will not so far consult their own interest and comply with our safety as to be contented with an ease from Penalties and an Indulgence to be ratified into a Law for the private exercise of their Religion it is the indispensable duty of all Protestants of what party or perswasion soever they be to unite together in withstanding their endeavours and attempts for obtaining more We have a laudable example in the carriage of all that pretended to Christianity when they were brought into a condition somewhat parallel with ours in one of the first Centuries For tho the Orthodox had been persecuted by the Arrians under Constantius and some of the Arrians harshly enough treated at least as they thought for a while under Constantine yet upon Julian's coming to the Throne both parties were so far from embracing his offers in order to revenge their wrongs upon one another that they resolved at that season if not wholly to silence their Disputes yet to forbear all those harsh Terms that had enflamed their heats and animosities To which I shall add but this one thing more and would beg of the Dissenters that they may seriously consider it namely that as the Donatists were the only party of Christians that made Addresses to Julian and received favours from him so they thereby became infamous and were often afterwards reproached with it Thus Sir I have studyed to do what you required of me and if it be my misfortune not to have acquitted my self answerably to your expectations yet the doing it as well as the being bound up to an Author that administers so little occasion for valuable thoughts would allow gives me the satisfaction of having approved my self SIR Your Obedient Servant Some Reflections on a Discourse called Good Advice to the Church of England c. SIR I Have at last procured a sight of the Book stiled Good Advice to the Church of England Roman Catholick and Protestant Dissenter and of the Three Letters from a Gentleman in the Countrey to his Friend in London which as they are written by one and the same person so he endeavours in all of them to make it appear to be the Duty Principles and Interest of the parties mentioned to Abolish the Penal Laws and Tests Now though I 'm daily in expectation of seeing such an Answer returned to those Papers as will both give the Author cause to wish he had been otherways imploy'd when he wrote them and make the Court-Faction asham'd of the Elogies they have heapt upon him for his service yet it may not be amiss in the mean time to shew in a very few Pages that 't is not any considerable strength in those Discourses which hath given them a Reputation but the Interest of some to have every thing accounted unanswerable that is published in favour of their Designs and the folly and weakness of others which makes them believe that to be nervous in whose success they imagine their case to be wrapt up and involved I think it is universally acknowledged and I 'm sure it can be demonstratively proved that they are written by a Quaker and this ought to render us jealous both of the motives influencing unto it and of the end to which they are designed to be subservient For first the affinity of several of the Religious Principles of that party with
some of the material Doctrines of the Roman Church may notwithstanding the Charity which we retain towards the Bulk of them make us justly apprehensive that one or more of their Leaders are intirely in the Interest of the Church of Rome For as the Popish Emissaries know how to put themselves into all shapes for the increasing and heightning divisions among Protestants and for the exposing as well as supplanting of our Religion so the design promoted in the foresaid Papers of destroying all the Legal Fences against Popery and of letting the Papists into the Legislative and whole Executive Power of the Government gives the World too much ground to suspect out of whose mint and forge writings of this stamp and mettle do proceed Secondly It should not a little contribute to augment our Jealousie that they who without being false to their Religious Tenets cannot joyn to assist Protestants in case the Papists should attempt to cut our Throats or endeavour to impose their Religion upon the Nation by Military force should of all men study to overthrow that Security which we have by the Test Laws whose whole tendency is onely to prevent the Papists from getting into a condition to extirpate our Religion and destroy us Is it not enough that they have rob'd the Kingdom of the Aid of so many as they have leavened with their Doctrine in case the King upon despairing to establish Popery by a Parliament should imploy his Janizaries to compel us to receive it and should set upon the converting Protestants in England in the way that the French Monarch hath converted the Huguenots but that over and above this they should be doing all they can to deprive us of all the Legal Security whereby we may be preserved from the Power of the Papists Surely 'twere not Charity and good Nature but stupidity and folly not to suspect the tendency of such a design when we find it pursued and carried on by a person that stiles himself a Quaker But then when besides this we find that 't is Mr. William Pen who is the Author of those Papers and the great Instrument in advancing this projection we have the more cause to suspect some sinistrous thing at the bottom of it For first he is under those Obligations to His Majesty which as they may put a biass upon his Understanding so they afford ground enough to Protestants to look upon him no otherways than as one Retained against them 'T was through his present Majesties Intercession with the late King that he obtained the Proprietorship of Pensilvania and from his Bounty that he had the Propriety of Three whole Counties bordering upon it superadded thereunto And as this cannot be but a strong Obligation upon so grateful a person as Mr. Pen why he should effectually serve the King and make his Will in a very great degree the measure of his actings so it ought to be an Inducement to others to be the more jealous of all he say's and not to surrender themselves too easily either to his Magisterial Dictates upon the one hand or to his smooth Flatteries upon the other He must have either laid a mighty merit upon the two Royal Brothers of both whose Religion we are at last convinced or he must have come under Obligations of doing them very considerable service in reference to that which they were most fond of compassing otherways we have little cause to think that he would have been singled out from all the rest of the Kingdom to be made the object of so special favour and of so eminent liberality For though there might be a debt owing to his Father Sir William Pen yet they must be extreamly weak who conceive there was no other motive to the forementioned Donation save Honour and Justice in the two Royal Brothers for having it discharged Seeing many of the noblest Families in England who had spent their Blood and wasted their Estates in fighting for the Crown while Sir William Pen was all along ingaged against it were not only left without all kind of Compensation for what they had eminently acted and as eminently suffered in behalf of the Monarchy but could never get to be reimbursed one farthing of the vast Sums which they had lent the late King and his Father upon the security of the Royal Faith Secondly Mr. Pen hath too far detected himself in these very Discourses not to give us ground to suspect what they are calculated for and whereunto they are subservient For besides his justifying the King's turning so many Gentlemen of the Church of England out of all Office and Imploy by saying they are not fit to be trusted who are out of the King's Interest he further tells us that the King being mortal it is not good sense that he should leave the power in those hands that to his face shew their aversion to the Friends of his Communion Letter first For as this implies no less than that they ought to have the whole Legal and Military Power of the three Kingdoms put into their hands that they may be in a condition to preclude the right Heir from Succession to the Crown or prescribe such Laws to her as they please in case they should think fit to admit her so a very small measure of Understanding will serve to instruct us what the Papists esteem to be an aversion to them and in what manner had they the power in their hands they think themselves obliged to treat us upon that account And as we have had occasion to know too much of his Majesties Temper and Design as well as to whose Guidance he hath implicitely resigned himself not to be sensible what he esteems his Interest so we need no other evidence what it amounts unto to be in it than the seeing so many displaced from all share in the administration whose Quality gives them a Right and their Abilities a fitness for the chiefest and most honourable Trusts and whom as the King by reason of their services to himself as well as the Crown cannot lay aside without the highest ingratitude so their known Loyalty to his person and zeal for the grandure of the Monarchy is such that nothing could take them off from concurring in his Councils and promoting his Designs but the conviction they are under of their tendency to the subversion of Religion and the altering of the Legal Government And as we have reason to suspect what the foresaid Papers are intended to promote both upon the account of the Author's being Quaker and because not onely of the many Obligations he is under to His Majesty but his being so intirely in his Interest as appears by his influence into Councils the great stroke he hath in all Affairs and from his being one of the King 's principal Confidents so upon looking into those Discourses we find several things obtruded on us for truth and proposed in order to wheedle and insnare us into an abrogation of the Laws
enacted for our security which to every ones knowledge are so palpably false that we have all the ground that may be both to question and suspect his sincerity and to conclude that his Masters do not purpose to confine themselves within the bounds that he is pleased to chalk out for them and which he undertakes they shall be contented with for their allotment For what can be remoter from Truth than that the Test Laws were designed as a preamble to the Bill of Exclusion as he phrases it Letter first and that they were contrived to exclude the Duke of York from the Crown as he expresseth it p. 15. of his Good Advice c. when it is most certain that as the Test in 73. was made long before there were or could be any thoughts of it and was enacted by a Parliament against whose Loyalty there can be no exception so there was a clause in the last Test Act by which it was provided that he should not be obliged to take it Again what can be more repugnant to experience than that the King onely desires ease for those of his Religion Good Adv. p. 44. and that the Papists desire no more than a Toleration and are willing upon those Terms to make a perpetual peace with the Church of England Good Advice p. 17. For do we not daily see Protestants turned out of all Places of Trust Authority and Command and Papists advanced into all Offices Military and Civil Could the King have been contented with a Non-execution of the Laws against those of his Communion and could they have been satisfied with such an Indulgence and have modestly improved it 'T is not improbable but that such a behaviour would have so far prevailed upon the ingenuity and good nature of the generality of Protestants that without needing to have been importuned they would have repealed all the Penal Laws against Roman Catholicks But the methods which have been pursued by his Majesty and them shews both that they aim at no less than the Domination and that we must be very willing to be deceived if we either credit Mr. Pen or suffer our selves to be influenced by him after his obtruding upon us for truths matters which our very senses inable us to refute It may justly make us question his sincerity and beget a suspition in all thinking people of the sinistrous design these Papers are adapted unto when we find him endeavouring to cajole the Nation to an abrogation of the Laws by which our Religion and Safety are secured by telling us That the King's word is enough for us to rely upon if they were gone Good Advice p. 49. and that he could easily pack a Parliament for Repealing them if he did not seek a more lasting and more agreeable security to his Friends Letter third p. 12. and that if they were abolished 't is below the Glory of our King to use ways so unlike the rest of his open and generous principles as to endeavour to get a Parliament afterwards returned that is not duly chosen Letter second p. 15. and that he is a Prince of that Honour Conscience and generoas nature as not by invading the Rights of the Church of England to become guilty of an injustice and irreligion he hath so often so solemnly and earnestly spoken against Letter second p. 11. He must needs take us to be strangely unacquainted with the whole Tenor of the King's Actings in England as well as in Scotland and Ireland and to be persons of very weak understandings and of an easie belief if he think we are to be imposed upon and decoy'd by such Topicks as these to absolish the Tests or that after what we have seen and felt contradictory to those Panegyricks and inconsistent with those beautiful and lofty Characters fastned upon his Majesty we should believe Mr. Pen to mean nothing but well and honestly towards the Protestant Interest in what he so earnestly solliciteth the Church of England and the Dissenters in the forementioned Papers to concurr and consent unto I do acknowledge that what he hath said about Liberty due to men in matters of meer Religion and by way of rebuke unto and reflection upon the Wisdom and Justice of those that either are or have been for persecution is very strong and convincing but I must withall add that it is all at this time very needless and impertinent For the Church of England is so sensible of the Iniquity as well as folly of that Method that there is no ground to suspect She will ever be guilty of it for the future They whom no Arguments could heretofore convert the Court whose Tools they were in that mischievous and Unchristian work and by whom they were instigated to all the severities which they are now blamed for by objecting it to them as their Reproach and Disgrace and by seeking to improve the resentments of those who had suffered by Penal Laws to become an united party with the Papists for their subversion hath brought them at once to be asham'd of what they did and to Resolutions of promoting all Christian Liberty for the time to come And should there be any peevish and ill-natur'd Ecclesiasticks who upon a turn of Affairs would be ready to reassume their former principles and pursue their wonted course we may be secure against all fear of their being successful in it not only by finding the Majority as well as the more learned both of the dignified and inferior Clergy unchangeably fixed and determined against it but by having the whole Nobility and Gentry and those Noble Princes whose right it will be next to ascend the Throne fully possessed with all the generous and Christian purposes we can desire of making provision for Liberty of Conscience by a Law Nor can I forbear to subjoyn how surprizing it ought to be to all Protestants that while Mr. Pen expresseth so much charity for the Papists he entertaineth so little for the Church of England He would perswade us that if the Penal and Test Laws were abrogated the Papists would be so far afterward from seeking to shake the Constitution of the Church of England or from breaking in upon the Liberty that is now vouchsafed unto Dissenters or from endeavouring to make their Religion National that they would not onely be contented with a bare Toleration but that upon their enjoyment of ease by Law they would turn good Countrymen and come in to the Interest of the Kingdom Letter first Whereas at the same time he would have us believe that all the Protestations of those in the Communion of the Church of England for exercising Moderation in time to come are but the Language of their fear that their promises are not to be trusted Good Advice p. 54. and that the Dissenters deserve to be begged for Fools should they be satisfied with any less assurance than the abolition of the Penal and Test Laws ibid. p. 55. 'T is enough not onely to excite
maintain them For as no Papist is prejudiced by them in his person or property so they are the most innocent and moderate security we can have for the preservation of our selves and of our Religion Nor could any thing justifie the Wisdom of the Nation in being without them so long but that we were not till then suspicious of the Religion of the Regnant Prince nor apprehensive before of the misfortune of having a Popish Successor And whereas Mr. Pen tells us that it were ridiculous to talk of giving liberty of Conscience and at the same time imagine that the Tests ought to be continued Good Adv. p. 59. We may not onely reply that Liberty of Conscience has no Relation to Mens being admitted unto Civil Trusts but that the same is practised in several States and Governments both Popish and Protestant and in Pensilvania it self where I suppose Liberty of Conscience is allowed For as we find freedom vouchsafed to Men in matters of Religion both in Holland and in diverse Protestant States in Germany without their being capable of Claiming a share in the Magistracy so though the Protestant Religion be tolerated in Collen yet it is with a preclusion of all of that Religion from Authority Whatsoever else Mr. Pen says upon this head is so despicably weak that as I neither judge it worthy to be taken notice of nor have Room to do it so I am confident that be his Religion what it will which by reason of his late Papers I have more Reason to suspect than ever he writes as much against his conscience and Judgment as against the Pattern and Example which he hath set us in Pensilvania I confess the Dissenters are under more temptations than other Protestants to wish for and to endeavour the Abrogation of the Penal Laws And as this makes them to be the more particularly applied unto by the Court for the promoting of it so it renders them the more liable to be influenced by Discourses of the nature and complexion that Mr. Pen's are of But I hope they will consider that the preservation of the Protestant Religion to themselves their posterity and the Kingdom is more valuable than a little temporal ease and which they onely hold by the precarious tenure of the King's word Surely they cannot be so infatuated as to think that the Papists love them or that they will trust them any longer than they have occasion to use them I would think that it should both make them blush to find themselves coupled with Roman Catholicks in Courts and Employments while their fellow Protestants are shut out and make them jealous that they are onely made use of for some mischievous and sinistrous end They can never hope to lay such a merit upon the Court as the Church of England hath done and her reward may forewarn them what they are to expect when they have done the job that is allotted for them His Majesties sincerity in giving liberty to Dissenting Protestants may be easily guessed at by his ordering 26 poor Scots Dissenters to be sent to the Barbadoes for slaves and this both since the Emitting of his First Proclamation for a Toleration and without the having any thing objected to them but what concerned their Consciences in matters of Religion The Terms upon which Phanaticks are to enjoy his Majesties favour and how long they are to expect the continuance of that mighty Grace we have declared by himself as they stand recorded in my Lord Melfort's Letter to the Presbyterian Ministers in Scotland Namely That he intends to continue their Liberty if he have suitable encouragement and concurrence from them in their Doctrine and Practice and if they concur with him in removing of the Penal Laws This is the Task that they are indulged and preferred for and 't is a wonder that they do not foresee that their destiny will be one and the same in case they have once done it as if they do it not This is the Fountain of all his Majesties friendship to them and the glorious assertion of its having been always his Principle that Conscience ought not to be constrained and that none ought to be persecuted for meer matters of Religion is at last dwindled into this that he will give them Liberty so long as they will concurr and cooperate with him in his introducing of Popery and till they have destroyed the Laws by which our own Religion is fenced about and defended Certainly it is high time to consider what this is which is exacted of them and what hazard they not onely expose the Nation and the Gospel unto but what guilt they derive upon themselves if they undertake and pursue it Nor can they promote the Repealing of the Penal Laws against Papists and the Test Statutes without running themselves under the guilt of Perjury and the making themselves chargeable before God with all the blood that was shed in the War between King Charles I. and the Parliament For as one of the Articles of the Solemn League and Covenant was to endeavour to extirpate Popery so the countenance and incouragement which that Prince gave to Papists was a main ingredient in the State of the Quarrel for which they drew their Swords against him and in the assertion whereof so many thousands lost their lives Can they now be willing to act in direct opposition to that Covenant which rather than renounce and disclaim the obligatory force of many of them have suffered so much or would they have the guilt of all the blood lye upon them which was shed in the former long and fatal War I 'm perswaded that many who are most forward to pursue the Abrogation of the Tests and Penal Laws against Papists never gave themselves leave to think what they are hurried unto Mr. Pen tells them he will beg them for Fools if they do it not Good Advice p. 54. and I dare take upon me to say that they are most Execrable Knaves and Villains if they do it Is it possible they should be so deprived of all understanding as not to perceive themselves meerly trick't upon and made use of for Tools to promote a Design which others have the wisdom and integrity not to be instrumental in when Jeffreys who a while ago said on the Bench Shew me a Fanatick and I will shew you a Knave and that 't was impossible to be a Fanatick and not to be a Rebel should now caress them as his Majesties best and most Loyal Subjects and tell them upon their being advanced to Offices That he is glad to find honest men come to be employed which was the Complement he lately bestowed upon Sir John Shorter 'T is likely they may be told that if they will fall in with the Papists for destroying the Church of England that they shall be secured from the Resentments of the next Heir by having the Monarchy made dissolvable into a Republick upon his Majesties death And this would seem to be
and lull those into a tameness of admitting his Return into his Dominions whom a jealousie of being afterwards persecuted for their Consciences might have awakened to withstand and dispute it And to give him his due he never judged himself longer bound to the observation of Promises and Oaths made to his People than until without hazard to his Person and Government he could violate and break them Accordingly he was no sooner seated in the Throne of his Ancestors and those whom he had been apprehensive of Resistance and Disturbance from put out of Capacity and Condition of attempting any thing against him but he thought himself discharged from every thing that the Royal Word and Faith of a Prince had been pledged and 〈◊〉 to stake for in that Declaration and from that day forward acted in direct opposition to all the Parts and Branches of it For having soon after his Return obtained a Parliament moulded and adapted both to his Arbitrary and Popish Ends he immediately set all his Instruments at work for the procuring of such Laws to be Enacted as might divide and weaken Protestants and thereby make us not onely the more easie Prey to the Papists but afford them an advantage through our Scuffles of undermining our Religion with the less notice and observation How such persons came to be chosen and to constitute the Majority of the House of Commons who by their Actings have made themselves Infamous and Execrable to all Ages were a matter too large to penetrate at present into the Reasons of but that which my Theme conducts me to observe is That as they sacrificed the Treasure of the Nation to the profuseness and prodigality of the Prince and our Rights and Liberties to his Ambition and Arbitrary Will so they both introduced and established those Things which have been a means of dividing us and by many severe and repeated Laws they subjected a great number of industrious English-men and true Protestants to Excommunications Imprisonments rigorous and multiplied Fines and all this for Matters onely relating to their Consciences and for their Obedience to God in the Ordinances of his Worship and House And notwithstanding the late King 's often pretended compassion to the Dissenters it will be hard to discern them unless in Effects which proceed from very different and opposite Principles The distance which he kept them from his Person and Favour the influencing these Members of both Houses that depended upon him to be the Authors and Promoters of Severities against them the enjoyning so often the Judges and Justices of Peace to execute the Laws upon them in their utmost rigour the instigating the Bishops and Ecclesiastical Courts if at any time they relented in their Prosecutions to pursue them with fresh Citations and Censures the arraigning them not onely upon the Statutes made intentionally against Dissenters but upon those that were originally and solely enacted against the Papists these and other Procedures of that Nature are the onely Proofs and Evidences which I can find of the late King's Bowels Pity and Tenderness to them And whereas the weak Church-men were imposed upon to believe that all the Severity against the Nonconformists was the Fruit of his Zeal for the Protestant Religion and for the security of the Worship and Discipline established by Law they might have easily discovered if Passion Prejudice Wealth and Honour had not blinded them that all this was calculated for Ends perfectly destructive to the Church and inconsistent with the Safety and Happiness of all Protestants For as his seeking oftner than once to have wriggled himself into a Power of superseding and dispensing with those Laws and suspending their Execution plainly shews that he never intended the support and preservation of the Church by them so his non-execution of the Laws against Papists his conniving at their encrease his perswading those nearest unto him to reconcile themselves to the See of Rome as he did among others the late D. of Monmouth his countenancing the Roman Catholicks in their open and intollerable Insolencies and his advancing them to the most gainful and Important Places and trusts sufficiently declare that he never had any love to Protestants or care of the Reformed Religion but that all his designs were of a contrary tendency and his fairest Pretences for the Protection and Grandure of the Church of England adapted to other ends Thus the Royal Brothers having obtained such Laws to be enacted whereby one Party of Protestants was armed with means of oppressing and persecuting all others neither the necessity of their Affairs at any time since nor the Application and Interposure of several Parliaments for removing the Grounds of our Differences and Animosities by an Indulgence to be past into a Law could prevail either upon his late Majesty or the present King to forgoe the Advantage they had gotten of keeping us in mutual Enmity and thereby of ministring to their projection of supplanting our Religion and re-establishing the Faith and Worship of the Church of Rome Hereupon the last King not onely refused to consent to such Bills as diverse late Parliaments had prepared for indulging Dissenters and for bringing them into an union of Counsels and Conjunction of Interest with those of the Church of England for resisting the Conspiracies of the Papists against our Legal Government and Established Religion but he rejected an Address for suspending the Execution of the Penal Laws against Dissenters which was offered and presented unto him by that very Parliament which had framed and enacted those cruel and hard Laws And as the Royal Brothers have made it their constant Business to cherish a Division and Rancour among Protestants and to provoke one Party to persecute and ruine another so nothing could more naturally fall in with the Design of Arbitrariness or be more subservient to the betraying the Nationâ—â— Papal Idolatry and Jurisdiction For several Penal Laws against a considerable Body of People do either expose them against whom they are enacted to be destroyed by the Prince with whom the executive Power of the Law is trusted and deposited or they prove a Temptation to such as are obnoxious of resigning themselves in such a manner to the Will and Pleasure of the Monarch for the obtaining his connivancy at their violation of the Laws as is unsafe and dangerous for the common Liberty and Good of the Kingdom For in case the Supreme Magistrate pursue an Interest distinct from and destructive to that of his People they who the Law hath made liable to be oppressed are brought under Inducements of becoming so many Parisans for abetting him in his Designs in hopes of being thereupon protected from the Penal Statutes the execution whereof is committed to him And as it is not agreeable to the Wisdom and Prudence which ought to be among Men nor to the Mercy and Compassion which should be among Christians for one party to surrender another into the Hands and Power of the Soveraign to be
impoverished and ruined by him at his pleasure especially when those whom they give up to be thus treated and entertained are at agreement with them in all the Essentials of Religion equally zealous as themselves for the Liberties of their Country and who for Sobriety in their Lives Industry in their Callings and Usefulness in the Common-Wealth are inferior to none of their Fellow-Subjects So it is obvious to any who give themselves leave to think that the King would long ere this have been stated in the Absoluteness that is aspired after and both Church and State reduced to lie at the discretion of the Monarch provided the Nonconformists for procuring his Favour in non-execution of the Laws had suffered themselves to be prevailed upon and drawn over to stand by and assist him in his Popish and Despotical Designs But that honest people though hated and maligned by their Brethren rather than be found aiding the King in his Usurpations over the Kingdom have chosen to undergoe the utmost Calamities they could be made subject unto either through the Execution of those Laws which had been made against them or through our Princes and their Ministers wrecking their Malice upon them in Arbitrary and Illegal Methods But what the Royal Brothers could not work the afflicted and persecuted Side unto they found the Art to engage the other Side in though not onely excepted from all Obnoxiousness to those Laws but strengthened and supported by them For as soon as the Court begun to despair of prevailing upon Dissenters to become their Tools and Instruments of enslaving the Nation and of exalting the Monarchy to a Despotical Absoluteness they applied to the Bigots of the Church of England whom by gratifying with a vigorous Execution of the Laws upon Dissenters they brought to abett applaud and justifie them in all those Counsels and Ways which have reduced us into that miserable condition wherein we not long since were The Clergy being advanced to Grandure and Opulency things which many of them are fonder of and lother to foregoe than Religion and the Rights of the Nation the Court made it their business to possess them with a Belief that unless the Fanaticks were suppressed and ruined they could not enjoy with Security their Dignities and Wealth Whereupon not onely the lesser Levites but the Superior Clergy having their Lesson and Cue given them from White-hall and St. James's fell upon pursuing the Nonconformists with Ecclesiastical Punishments and upon exciting and animating the Civil Officers against them And under pretence of preserving and defending the Church they gave themselves over to an implicit serving of the Court and became not onely Advocates but Instruments for the robbing of Corporations of their Charters for imposing Sheriffs upon the City of London who had not been legally elected and of fining and punishing Men arbitrarily for no Crime save the having asserted their own and the Nations Rights in modest and lawful ways Posterity will hardly believe that so many of the Prelatical Clergy and so great a number of Members of the Church of England should from an Enmity unto and pretended Jealousie of the Dissenters have become Tools under the late King for justifying the Dissolution of so many Parliaments the Invasion made upon their Priviledges the ridiculing and stifling of the Popish Plot the shamming of forged Conspiracies upon Protestants the condemning several to Death for High-Treason who could be rendred guilty by the Transgression of no known Law and finally for advancing a Gentleman to the Throne who had been engaged in a Conjuration against Religion and the Legal Government and whom three several Parliaments would have therefore Excluded from the Right of Succession And being seduced into an espousal of the Interests of the Court against Religion Parliaments and the Nation it is doleful to consider what Doctrines both from Pulpit and Press were thereupon brought forth and divulged Such as Monarchy's being a Government by Divine Right That it is in the Prince's Power to Rule as he pleaseth That it is a Grace and Condescention in the King to give an Account of what he does That for Parliaments to direct or regulate the Succession borders upon Treason and is an Offence against the Law of Nature And that the onely thing left to Subjects in case the King will Tyrannize over their Consciences Persons and Estates is tamely to suffer and as some of them did absurdly express it to exercise Passive Obedience So that by corrupting the Minds and Consciences of men with those pestilent and slavish Notions they betrayed the Nation both to the Mischiefs which have alrerdy overtaken us and to what further we were threatned with Nor did these Doctrines tend meerly to the fettering and enfeebling the Spirits of Men but they were a Temptation to the Royal Brothers to put in Execution what they had been so long contriving and travelling with and were a kind of reprimanding them for being ignorant of their own Right and Power and for not exerting it with that Vigour and Expedition which they might I do acknowledge that there were many both of the Sacred Order and of the Laick Communion of the Church of England who were far from being infected with those brutish Sentiments and Opinions and who were as zealous as any for having the Monarchy kept within its ancient limits Parliaments maintained in their wonted Reverence and Authority the Subjects preserved in the enjoyment of their immemorial Priviledges and who were far from sacrificing our Religion and Laws to Popery and Arbitrariness and from lulling us into a Tameness and Lethargy in case the Court should attempt the abolishing the established Doctrine and Worship and the subverting and changing the Civil Government But alass besides their being immediately branded with the Name of Trimmer and conformable Fanaticks and registred in the Kalender with those that stood precluded the King's Favour and merited his Animadversion their Modesty was soon drowned and silenced in the loud Noise of their clamorous Brethren and their retiredness from Conversation while the others frequented all places of Society and publick Concourse deprived the Nation of the benefit of their Example and the happiness of their Instructions Nor have I mentioned the Extravagancies of any of the Ecclesiasticks and Members of the Church of England with a design either of reproaching and upbraiding them or of provoking and exasperating the Dissenters to Resentments but onely to shew how fatal our Divisions have been unto us what excesses they have occasioned our being hurried and transported into and what mischievous Improvement our Enemies have made of them to the supplanting and almost subverting of all that is valuable unto us as we are English-men Christians and Protestants And as our Animosities through our Divisions gave the Courrt an advantage of suborning that Party which they pretended to befriend and uphold into a Ministration to all their Counsels and Projections against our Religion and Laws so by reason of the
while ago to see connived at in the exercise of their Worship in private Houses are allowed now to practise their Idolatry openly in our chief Towns and in the Metropolitan City of the Kingdom to usurp the publick Churches and Cathedrals Those Catholick Gentlemen whom heretofore it was matter of surprise to see countenanced with the private Favour of the Prince are now advanced to the supream Commands in the Army and the principal Trust in Civil Affairs The Recusant Lords whose enlargement out of the Tower we could not but look upon as an unpresidented Violation both of the Laws of the Land and of the Rights and Jurisdiction of Parliament being committed thither by the Authority of the House of Lords upon a Charge and Impeachment of High Treason by the Commons of England in Parliament assembled were now honoured to be Members of the Privy Council and exalted to be chief Ministers of State They whom the Statutes of the Realm make subject to the severest Penalties for Apostacy to Rome are not only protected from the edg of the Laws but maintained in Parochial Incumbencies and Headships of Colledges Our Orthodox Clergy are not only inhibited to preach against Popery but are illegally Reprimanded Silenced and Suspended for discharging that Duty which their Consciences Offices Oaths and the Laws of the Kingdom oblige them unto And such whom neither the Ecclesiastical nor Westminster Courts can arraign and proceed against we have a new Court of Inquisition erected for the adjudging and punishing of them So that it is not the Dissenters who are the only Persons to be struck at and ruined but the Conformists are to be treated after the same manner and to share in the common Lot whereunto all honest and sincere Protestants are destined and designed Even they who were the Darlings of Whitehall and St. Jameses and recompensed with Honours and Titles for betraying the Rights and Priviledges of Corporations persecuting Dissenters and heading Addresses wherein Parliaments were reproached the Course of Justice against Popish Offenders was slandered the illegal and arbitrary procedures of the Court applauded and justified and all that were zealous for our Laws and Liberties stigmatized with the names of Villains and Traitors are now themselves for but discouraging Popish Assemblies and attempting to put the Laws in execution against Priests who had publickly celebrated Mass not only check'd and rebuked but punished with Seisure and Imprisonment Nor are our Religion and Civil Liberties meerly supplanted and undermined by illegal Tricks glossed over with the Varnish of judicial Forms but they are assaulted and battered in the face of the Sun without so much as a palliation to give their procedures a plausible figure And the King being brought to a despair of managing the Parliament to his barefaced Purpose of Popery and Arbitrariness and of prevailing with them to establish Tyranny and Idolatry by Law notwithstanding their having been as industriously pack'd and chosen to answer such a Design as Art Bribery and Authority could reach and notwithstanding their having been obsequious in their first Session to an excess that has proved unsafe to themselves and the Nation he became resolved not to allow them to meet any more but to set up a-la-mode de France and to his personal Commands seconded with the Assent of his durante-beneplacito-Judges to be acknowledged and obeyed for Laws So that they who were formerly seduced into a good Opinion of him are not only undeceived but provoked to warm Resentments for having had their credulity and easiness of belief so grosly abused And as the converting so vast a number of well-meaning but wofully deluded People who had suffered themselves to be hoodwink'd and fatally hurried to betray their Religion Country and Posterity to the Ambition and Popish Bigottry of the Court was a design becoming the Compassion Mercy and Wisdom of God so the Method's and Means whereby they are come to be enlightned and proselyted are a signal vindication of the Sapience and Righteousness of God in all those tremendous steps of his Providence by which our Enemies have been emboldned to detect and discover themselves For though their continuing so long to have a good opinion of the present King and their abetting him so far in the undermining our Religion and invading our Liberties may seem to have proceeded not so much from their Ignorance as from their Obstinacy and Malice yet God who penetrates into the Hearts of Men may have discovered some degrees of sincerity in their Pretentions and Carriages though accompanied with a great deal of folly and unmanliness Nor are the Lords ways like to ours to give Persons over as unteachable and irreclaimable upon their withstanding every measure of Light and the resisting even those Means which were sufficient and proper for their Conviction but he will try them by new and extraordinary Methods and see whether Feeling and doleful Experience may not convert those upon whom Arguments and Moral Evidence could make no impressions And there being among those formerly misled and deluded Protestants many who retained a Love for their Country a Care for their Posterity and a Zeal for the Gospel and Reformed Religion even when their Actions imported the contrary and seem'd to betray them the singling and weeding out such from among the Court-Faction and Party is a compensation both for the defeatment of all endeavours for the prevention of the Evils that have overtaken us and for the Distresses and Calamities under which we do at present lie and groan And if there be joy in Heaven upon the conversion of a Sinner with what thankfulness to God and joy in themselves should they who have so many years wrestled against the encroachments of Popery and Arbitrariness and who have deeply suffered in their Names Persons and Estates upon that account welcome and embrace their once erring and misled but now enlightned reclaimed and converted Brethren And in stead of remembring or upbraiding them with the opposition and rancour which they expressed against our Persons Principles and Ways let there be no Language heard from us but what may declare the joy we have in our selves for their conversion and the entire trust and confidence which we put in them The first Duty incumbent therefore upon Dissenters towards those of the Church of England is to believe that notwithstanding there have been many of them so long Advocates and Partisans for the Court through ignorance of what was aimed at and intended they are nevertheless as really concerned as any others and as truly zealous for the preservation of the Protestant Religion and for maintaining the legal Rights and Liberties of the Subject and when occasion shall offer will approve themselves accordingly 'T is a ridiculous as well as a mischievous Fancy for one Party to confine all Religion only to themselves or to circumscribe all the ancient English Ardor for the common Rights of the Nation to such as are of their particular Fellowship and Perswasion
there being sincere Christians and true Englishmen among those of all Judgments and Societies of Protestants and among none more than those of the Communion of the Church of England It were the height of Wickedness as well as the most prodigious Folly to imagine that the Conformists have abandoned all Fidelity to God and cast off all care of themselves and their Country upon a mistaken Judgment of being Loyal and Obedient to the King The contrary is plain enough they knew as well as any that the giving to Caesar the Things that are Caesar's lay them under no Obligation of surrendring unto him the Things that are God's nor of sacrificing unto the Will of the Sovereign the Priviledges reserved unto the People by the Fundamental Rules of the Constitution and by the Statutes of the Realm And they understand as well as others that the Laws of the Land are the only measures of the Prince's Authority and of the Subjects Fealty and where they give him no Right to Command they lay them under no tye to Obey And though here and there a Dissenter has written against Popery with good Success yet they have been mostly Conformable Divines who have triumphed over it in elaborate Discourses and who have beaten the Romish Scriblers off the Stage Nor can it be thought that they who have so accurately related and vindicated the History and asserted and defended the Doctrine of the Reformation should either tamely relinquish or be wanting in all due and legal Ways to uphold and maintain it And though some few of the Nonconformists have with sufficient strength and applause used their Pens against Arbitrariness in detecting the Designs of the Royal Brothers yet they who have generally and with greatest Honour appeared for our Laws and Legal Government against the Invasions and Usurpations of the Court have been Theologues and Gentlemen of the Church of England Nor in case of further Attempts for altering the Constitution and enslaving the Nation will they shew themselves unworthy the having descended from Ancestors whose Motto in the high Places of the Field was nolumus Leges Angliae mutari They who have so often justified the Arms of the Vnited Netherlands against their Rightful Princes the Kings of Spain and so unanswerably vindicated their casting off Obedience to those Monarchs when they had invaded their Priviledges and attempted to establish the Inquisition over them cannot be ignorant what their own Right and Duty is in behalf of the Protestant Religion and English Liberties for the Security whereof we have not only so many Laws but the Coronation Oaths and Stipulations of our Kings And those Gentlemen of the Church of England who appeared so vigorously in three Parliaments for excluding the Duke of York from the Succession to the Crown by reason of a Jealousy of what through being a Papist he would attempt against our Religion and Priviledges in case he were suffered to ascend the Throne cannot be now to seek what becomes them towards him having seen and felt what before they only apprehended and feared For if the Law that entaileth the Succession upon the next of Kin and obligeth the Subjects to admit and receive him not only may but ought to be dispensed with in case the Heir thro' having imbib'd Principles which threaten the Safety and are inconsistent with the Happiness of the People hath made himself incapable to inherit we know by a short Ratiocination how far we stand bound to a Prince on the Throne who by Transgressing against the Laws of the Constitution hath abdicated himself from the Government and stands virtually Deposed For whosoever shall offer to Rule Arbitrarily does immediately cease to be King de jure seeing by the Fundamental Common and Statute Laws of the Realm we know none for Supream Magistrate and Governor but a limited Prince and one who stands circumscribed and bounded in his Power and Prerogative And should the Dissenters entertain a belief that the Conformists are less concerned and zealous than themselves for the Protestant Religion and Laws of the Kingdom they would not only Sin and offend against the Rules of Charity but against the Measures of Justice and daily Evidences from Matters of Fact For neither they nor we owe our Conversion to God and our practical Holiness to the Opinions about Discipline Forms of Worship and Ceremonies wherein we differ but the Doctrines of Faith and Christian Obedience wherein we agree 'T is not their being for a Liturgy a Surpliss or a Bishop that hath heretofore influenced them to subserve the Court in Designs tending to Absoluteness but they were seduced unto it upon Motives whereof they are now ashamed and the ridiculousness and folly of which they have at last discever'd Nor is the multitude of profligate and scandalous persons with which the Church of England is crowded any just impeachment of the Purity of her Doctrine in the Vitals and Essentials of Religion or of the Vertue and Piety of many of her Members For as it is her being the only Society established by Law that attracts those Vermin to her Bosom so it is her being restrained by Law from debarring them that keeps them there to her reproach and to the grief of many of her Ecclesiasticks Neither is it the fault of the Church of England that the Agents and Factors for Popery and Arbitrary Power have chosen to pass under the name of her Sons but it proceeds partly from their Malice as hoping by that means to disgrace her with all true English-men as well as with Dissenters and partly from their Craft in order thereby the better to conceal their Design and to shrowd themselves from the Censure and Punishment which had it not been for that Mask they would have been exposed unto and have undergone And I dare affirm that besides the Obligations from Religion which the Conformists are equally under with Dissenters for hindring the introduction of Popery there are several Inducements from interest which sway them to prevent its establishment wherein the Dissenters are but little concerned For though Popery would be alike afflictive to the Consciences of Protestants of all Persuasions yet they are Gentlemen and Ministers of the Church of England whole Livings Revenues and Estates have been threatned in case it had come to be established Nor would the most Loyal and obsequious Levites provided they resolve to continue Protestants be willing that their Personages and Incumbencies to which they have have no less Right by Law than the King hath to the Excise and Customs should be taken from them and bestowed upon Romish Priests by an Act of Despotical Power and of unlimited Prerogative And for the Gentlemen as I think few of them would hold themselves obliged to part with their purses to High-way-Padders though such should have a pattent from the King to rob whomsoever they met upon the Road so there will not be many inclined to suffer their Mannours and Abbey-Lands to which they have so
given to his Declaration and to what he hath since the Emission of it repeated both in his Speech to Mr. Penn and in his Letter to Mr. Alsop And to omit many other Instances of his kindness and Benignity to the Fanaticks whom he now so much hugs and caresseth it may not be amiss to remember them and all other Protestants of that barbarous and illegal Commission issued forth by the Council of Scotland while he as the late King 's High Commissioner had the Management of the Affairs of that Kingdom by which every Military Officer that had command over twelve Men was impower'd to impannel Juries Try Condemn and cause to be put to Death not only those who should be found to disclaim the King's Authority but such as should refuse to acknowledge the King 's new modelled Supremacy over that Church in the pursuance and Execution of which Commission some were Shot to Death others were Hang'd or Drowned and this not only during the Continuance of the Reign of his late Majesty but for above a Year and a half after the present King came to the Crown But what need is there of insisting upon such little Particulars wherein he was at all times ready to express his Malice to Protestants seeing we have not only Dr. Oates's Testimony and that of divers others but most Authentick Proofs from Mr. Coleman's Letters of his having been in a Conspiracy several Years for the Subversion of our Religion upon the meritorious and sanctified Motive of extirpating the Northern Heresie Of which beside all the Evidence that four Successive Parliaments arrived at I know several who since the Duke of York ascended the Throne have had it confirmed unto them by divers Foreign Papists that were less reserved or more ingenuous than many of that Communion use to be To question the Existence of that Plot and his present Majesties having been Accessary unto and in the Head of it argues a strange Effrontery and Impudence through casting an Aspersion of Weakness Folly and Injustice not only upon those Three Parliaments that seem'd to have retained some Zeal for English Liberties but by fastening the same Imputations upon the Long Parliament which had shewed it self at all times more Obsequious to the Will of the Court than was either for their own Honor or the Safety and Interest of the Kingdom and who had expressed a Veneration for the Royal Family that approached too much upon a degree of Idolatry Whosoever considers that Train of Counsels wherein the King was many Years engaged and whereof we felt the woful Effects in the Burning of London the frequent Prorogation and Dissolution of Parliaments the widening and exasperating Differences among Protestants the stirring up and provoking Civil Magistrates and Ecclesiastical Courts to persecute Dissenters and the maintaining Correspondencies with the Pope and Catholick Princes abroad to the dishonor of the Nation and danger of our Laws and Religion cannot avoid being apprehensive what we are now to look for at his Hands nor can be escape thinking that he esteems his Advancement to the Crown both a Reward from Heaven for what he hath done and plotted against these three Kingdoms and an Opportunity and Advantage administred to him for the Perfecting and Accomplishment of all those Designs with which he hath been so long Bigg and in Travel for the Destruction of our Religion the Subversion of our Laws and the Re-establishment of Popery in these Dominions The Conduct and Guidance under which His Majesty hath put himself and the fiery Temper of that Order to whose Government he hath resigned his Conscience may greatly add to our Fears and give us all the Jealousie and Dread that we are capable of being impressed with in reference to Matters to come that there is nothing which can be Fatal to our Religion or Persons that we may not expect the being called to conflict with and suffer For tho most of the Popish Ecclesiasticks especially the Regulars bear an inveterate Malice to Protestants and hold themselves under indispensible Obligations of eradicating whatsoever their Church stiles Heresie and have accordingly been always forward to stir up and provoke Rulers to the use and Application of Force for the Destruction of Protestants as a Company of perverse and obstinate Hereticks adjudged and condemned to the Stake and Gibbet by the infallible Chair yet of all Men in the Communion of the Romish Church and of their Religious Orders the Jesuits are they who do most hate us and whose Counsels have been most Sanguinary and always tending to influence those Monarchs whose Consciences they have had the guiding and conducting of to the utmost Cruelties and Barbarities towards us What our Brethren have had measured out to them in France through Father de la Chaise's Influence upon that King and through the bewitching Power and Domination he hath over him in the quality of his Confessor and as having the Direction of his Conscience may very well alarm and inform us what we ought to expect from His Majesty of Great Britain who hath surrendered his Conscience to the Guidance of Father Peters a Person of the same Order and of the like mischievous and bloody Disposition that the former is 'T is well observed by the Author of the Reasons against Repealing the Acts of Parliament concerning the Test that Cardinal Howard's being of such a meek and gentle Temper that is able to withstand the Malignity of his Religion and to preserve him from concurring in those mischievous Counsels which his Purple might seem to oblige him unto is the reason of his being shut out from Acquaintance with and Interest in the English Affairs transacted at Rome and that whatsoever his Majesty hath to do in that Court is managed by his Ambassador under the sole Direction of the Jesuits So that it is not without cause that the Jesuit of Liege in his intercepted and lately printed Letter tells a Brother of the Order what a wonderful Veneration the King hath for the Society and with what profound Submission he receives those Reverend Fathers and hearkens to whatsoever they represent Nor is His Majesty's being under the Influence of the Jesuits through having one of them for his Confessor and several of them for his Chief Counsellors and principal Confidents the only thing in this Matter that awakens our Fear in what we are to expect from his armed Power excited and stir'd up by that fiery Tribe but there is another Ground why we ought more especially to dread him and that is his being entred and enrolled into the Order and become a Member of the Society whereby he is brought into a greater Subjection and Dependence upon them and stands bound by Ties and Engagements of being obedient to the Commands of the General of the Jesuits and that not only in Spirituals but in whatsoever they shall pretend to be subservient to the Exaltation of the Church and for upholding the Glory of the Tripple Crown This
thro a sentence inflicted upon them by no legal Court of Judicature but by 5 or 6 mercenary persons supported by a tyrannous and arbitrary Commission his Majesty in his Proclamation for Toleration in Scotland bearing date Febr. 12. doth among many other Laws cass disable and dispense with the Law enjoining the Scots Test tho it was not only enacted by himself while he represented his Brother as his high Commissioner but hath been confirmed by him in Parliament since he came to the Crown Surely it is as easie to depart from a promise made in a Declaration as 't is to absolve and discharge himself from the obligation of a Law which he first concurred to the enacting of and gave the creating Fiat unto as the late King's Commissioner and hath since ratified in Parliament after he was come to the Throne As there is no more infidelity dishonor and injustice so there is less of absolute power and illegality in doing the one than the other Nor is it possible for a rational man to place a confidence in his Majesty's Royal word for the protection of our Religion and the Ch. of England mens enjoying their possessions seeing he hath not only departed from his Promise made to the Council immediately after his Brother's death but hath violated his Faith given to the Parliament of England at their first Session which we might have thought would have been the more sacred and binding by reason of the Grandeur State and Quality of the Assembly to which it was pledged If we consider how much Protestants suffered what number of them was burnt at the Stake as well as Murdered in Goals beside the vast Multitudes who to avoid the Rage and Power of their Enemies were forced to abandon their Country and seek for shelter in foreign Parts and what Endeavors of all kinds were used for the Extirpation of our Religion under Q. Mary we may gather and learn from thence what is to be dreaded from James II. who is the next Popish Prince to her that since the Reformation hath sat on the Throne of England For though there be many things that administer grounds of Hope that the Papists will not find it so easie a matter to bring us in shoals to the stake nor of that quick and easie dispatch to suppress the Protestant Religion and set up Popery at this time as they found it then yet every thing that occurs to our Thoughts or that can affect our Understandings serves not only to perswade us into a belief that they will set upon and endeavor it but to work us up to an Assurance that his Majesty would take it for a diminution of his Glory as well as reflection upon his Zeal for the Church of Rome not to attempt what a Woman had both the Courage to undertake and the Fortune to go through with And there is withal a Concurrence of so many things both abroad and at home at this Juncture which if laid in the ballance with the Motives to our hope of the Papists miscarrying may justly raise our Fears of their prospering to a very sad and uncomfortable height Whosoever shall compare these two Princes together will find that there was less danger to be apprehended from Mary and that not only upon the score of her Sex but by reason of a certain gentleness and goodness of Nature which all Historians of Judgment and Credit ascribe unto her than is to be expected from the present King in whom a Sourness of Temper Fierceness of Disposition and Pride joined with a peevishness of humor not to bear the having his will disputed or controlled are the principal Ingredients into his Constitution and which are all strangely heightned and enflamed by contracted distempers of Body and thro' furious Principles of Mind which he hath imbib'd from the Jesuits who of all Men carry the Obligations arising from the Doctrines of the Popish Religion to the most outragious and inhuman Excesses Nor can I forbear to add that whereas the Cruelty which that Princess was hurried into even to the making her Cities common Shambles and her Streets Theatres of Murder for Innocent Persons for which she became hated while she lived and her Memory is rendred infamous to all Generations that come after was wholly and entirely owing to her Religion which not only proclaims it lawful but a necessary duty of Christianity and an Act meriting a peculiar Crown of Glory in Heaven to destroy Hereticks 't is to be feared there will be found in the present King a spice of revenge against us as we are Englishmen as well as a measure heapt up and running over of furious Papal Zeal against us as we are Protestants Beside the Wrath he bears unto us for our departure from the Communion of the Romish Church and our Rebellion against the Triple Crown the War wherein many of the Kingdom were engag'd against his Father and the issue of it in the Execution of that Monarch is what he hath been heard to say That he hopes to revenge upon the Nation And all that the City of London underwent thro' that dreadful Conflagration 1666. of which he was the great Author and Promoter as well as the Rescuer and Protector of the Varlets that were apprehended in their spreading and carrying on the fire is but earnest in respect of what is design'd farther to be paid them for the having been the great Supporters of that War both by continu'd Recruits of Men and repeated Supplies of Treasure Tho' it was Qu. Marys misfortune and proved the misery of Protestants that she was under the Influence of Popish Bishops and of Religious of several Orders by whom she was whetted on and provoked to those Barbarities wherewith her Reign is stain'd and reproach'd yet she had no Jesuits about her to whom all the other Orders are but punies in the arts of wheedling and frighting Princes forward to Cruelty The Society being then but in its Infancy and the distance between its Institution which was in 1540. and the time of her coming to the Crown which was A. 1553. not affording season enough for their spreading so far abroad as they have since done nor for the perfecting themselves to that degree in the methods of Butchery and in the Topicks whereby to delude Monarchs to serve and promote their sanguinary Passions as they have in process of time attain'd unto Nor have the Protestants now any security for their Religion whereby it or themselves may be preserv'd from the attempts of his Majesty for the Extirpation of both but what our Predecessors in the same Faith had in the like kind tho' not to the same measure and degree when Qu. Mary arrived at the Throne For tho' our Religion was of late fenced about with more Laws and we had Royal Promises oftner repeated for the having it preserv'd and our selves protected in the Profession of it yet it is certain that it had not only receiv'd a legal Establishment under K.
administred by any of them shall ever tempt me to say they deserve it or cause me to ravel into their former and past carriages so as to fasten a blot or imputation upon the party or body of them whatsoever I may be forced to do as to particular persons among them For as to the generality I do believe them to be as honest industrious useful and vertuous a people tho many of them be none of the wisest nor of the greatest prospect as any party of men in the Kingdom and that wherein soever their carriage even abstracting from their differences with their Fellow Protestants in matters of Religion hath varied from that of other Subjects they have been in the Right and have acted most agreeably to the interest and safety of the Kingdom But it can be no reflection upon them to recall into their memories that the whole tenor of the King's actings towards them both when Duke of York and since he came to the Crown hath been such as might render it beyond dispute that they are so far from having any singular room in his favour that he bears them neither pity nor compassion but that they are the objects of his unchangeable indignation For not to mention how the Persecutions that were observed always to relent both upon his being at any distance from the late King and upon the abatement of his influence at any time into Counsels were constantly revived upon his return to Court and were carried on in degrees of severity proportionable to the figure he made at Whitehall and his Brothers disposedness and inclination to hearken to him surely their memories cannot be so weak and untenacious but they must remember how their sufferings were never greater nor the Laws executed with more severity upon them than since his Majesty came to ascend the Throne As it is not many years since he said publickly in Scotland that it were well if all that part of the Kingdom which is above half of the Nation where the Dissenters were known to be most numerous were turned into a hunting field so none were favoured and promoted either there or in England but such as were taken to be the most fierce and violent of all others against Fanaticks Nor were men preferred either in Church or State for their learning vertue or merit but for their passionate heats and brutal rigours to Dissenters And whereas the Papists from the very first day of his arrival at the Government had beside many other marks of his Grace this special Testimony of it of not having the penal Statutes to which they stood liable put in execution against them all the Laws to which the Dissenters were obnoxious were by his Majesty's Orders to the Judges Justices of the Peace and all other Officers Civil and Ecclesiastical most unmercifully executed Nor was there the least talk of lenity to Dissenters till the King found that he could not compass his Ends by the Church of England and prevail upon the Parliament for repealing the Tests and cancelling the other Laws in force against Papists which if they could have been wrought over unto the Fanaticks would not only have been left Pitiless and continued in the Hands of the furious Church men to exercise their Spleen upon but would have been surrendred as a Sacrifice to new Flames of Wrath if they of the Prelatical Communion had retained their wonted Animosity and thought it for their Interest to exert it either in the old or in fresh Methods But that Project not succeeding his Majesty is forced to shift Hands and to use the Pretence of extending Compassion to Dissenting Protestants that he may the more plausibly and with the less Hazard suspend and disable the Laws against Papists and make way for their Admission into all Offices Civil and Military which is the first Step and all that he is yet in a Condition to take for the Subversion of our Religion And all the celebrated Kindness to Fanaticks is only to use them as the Cat 's Paw for pulling the Chesunt out of the Fire to the Monkey and to make them stales under whose Shroud and Covert the Church of Rome may undermine and subvert all the legal Foundations of our Religion which to suffer themselves to be Instrumental in will not in the Issue turn to the Commendation of the Dissenters Wisdom or their Honesty Nor is there more Truth in the King 's declaring it to have been his constant Opinion that Conscience ought not to be constrained nor People forced in Matters of mere Religion than there is of Justice in that malicious Insiuuation in his Letter to Mr. Alsop against the Church of England That should he see cause to change his Religion he should never be of that Party of Protestants who think their only way to advance their Church is by undoing those Churches of Christians that differ from them in smaller Matters Forasmuch as he is in the mean time a Member of the most Persecuting and Bloody Society that ever was cloathed with the name of a Church and whose Cruelty towards Protestants he is careful not to Arraign by fastning his Offence at Severity upon Differences in smaller Matters which he knows that those between Rome and us are not nor so accounted of by any of the Papal Fellowship It were to be wished that the Dissenters would reflect and consider how when the late King had emitted a Declaration of Indulgence Anno 1672. upon pretended Motives of Tenderness and Compassion to his Protestant Subjects but in truth to keep all quiet at home when in Conjunction with France he was engaging in an unjust War against a Reformed State abroad and in order to steal a Liberty for the Papists to Practise their Idolatries without incurring a Suspition himself of being of the Romish Religion and in hope to wind up the Prerogative to a Paramount Power over the Law and how when the Parliament condemned the Illegality of it and would have the Declaration recalled all his Kindness to Dissenters not only immediately vanished but turned into that Rage and Fury that tho both that Parliament addressed for some Favor to be shew'd them and another voted it a Betraying of the Protestant Religion to continue the Execution of the Penal Laws upon them yet instead of their having any Mercy or Moderation exercised towards them they were thrown into a Furnace made seven times hotter than that wherein they had been scorched before And without pretending to be a Prophet I dare prognosticate and foretell that whensoever the present King hath compassed the Ends unto which this Declaration is designed to be subservient namely the placing the Papists both in the open Exercise of their Religion and in all publick Offices and Trusts and the getting a Power to be acknowledged vested in him over the Laws that then instead of the still Voice calmly whispered from Whitehall they will both hear and feel the Blasts of a mighty rushing Wind and
the many Laws and Rights which a Jurisdiction is challenged over and exerted in reference unto in the Papers stiled by the forementioned Names All confess a Royal Prerogative settled on the Crown and appertaining to the Royal Office nor can the Supreme Magistrate be executed and discharged to the Advantage and Safety of the Community without a Power affixed unto it of superceding the Execution of some Laws at certain Junctures nor without having an Authority over the Rights of particular Men in some incident cases but then the received Customs of the respective Nations and the universal Good Preservation and Safety of the People in general are the Measures by which this Prerogative in the Crown is to be regulated and beyond which to apply or exert it is an Usurpation and Tyranny in the Ruler All the Power belonging to the Kings and Queens of England and Scotland ariseth from an Agreement and Concession of the People wherein it is stipulated what Rights Liberties and Privileges they reserved unto themselves and what Authority and Jurisdiction they delegated and made over unto the Sovereign in order to his being in a Condition to protect and defend them and that they may the better live in Peace Freedom and Safety which are the Ends for which they have chosen Kings to be over them and for the compassing whereof they originally submitted unto and pitched upon such a Form of Civil Administration Nor are the Opinions of particular Men of what Rank or Order soever they be to be admitted as an Exposition of the Extent of this Prerogative seeing they through their Dependencies upon the King and their Obnoxiousness to be influenced by selfish and personal Ends may enlarge it beyond what is for the Benefit of the Community but the immemorial course of Administration with the Sense of the whole Society signified by their Representatives in Parliament upon emerging Occasions are to be taken for the Sense Paraphrase and Declaration of the Limits of this Royal and Prerogative Power and for any to determine the Bounds of it from the Testimonies of Mercenary Lawyers or Sycophant Clergy-men in Cases wherein the Parliament have by their Votes and Resolutions settled its Boundaries is a Crime that deserves the severest Animadversion and which it is to be hoped a true English Parliament will not let pass unpunished Now a Power arising from Royal Prerogative to suspend and disable a great number of Laws at once and they of such a Nature and Tendency as the great Security of the People consists in their being maintained and which the whole Community represented in Parliaments have often disallowed and made void Princes meddling with so as to interrupt their Execution and Course is so far from being a Right inherent in the Crown that the very pretending unto it is a changing of the Government and an overthrowing of the Constitution De Laudib Leg. Angl. c. 9. Fortescue says That Rex Angliae populum Gubernat non merâ potestate Regiâ sed politicâ quia populus iis legibus gubernatur quas ipse fert the King of England doth not so properly Govern by a Power that is Regal as by a Power that is Political in that he is bound to Rule by the Laws which the People themselves chuse and enact And both Bracton and Fleta tell us Bract. l. 2. c. 16. Flet. l. 2. c. 17. That Rex Angliae habet superiores viz. legem per quam factus est Rex ac Comites Barones qui debent ei fraenum ponere the King of England hath for Superiors both the Law by which he is constituted King and which is the measure of his Governing Power and the Parliament which is to restrain him if he do amiss And thereupon we have not only that other Saying of Bracton Lib. 3. cap. 9. That Nihil aliud potest Rex nisi id solum quod jure potest The King can do nothing but what he can do by Law But we have that Famous Passage in our Parliament Rolls Rot. Parl. 7. Hen. 4. Num. 59 Non est ulla Regis prerogativa quae ex justitia aequitate quicquam derogat That there is no Prerogative belongs to the King by which he can decline from acting according to Law and Justice So careful were our Ancestors both in England and Scotland to preserve their Laws from being invaded and superceded by their Kings that they have not only by divers Parliamentary Votes and Resolutions and by several Statutes declared all Dispensations by the King from Laws and enjoyned Oaths to be null and void and not admittable by the Judges or other Executors of Law and Justice but they have often Impeached Arraigned and Condemned those to one Penalty or another that have been found to have counselled and advised Kings to an Usurpation of Power over the Laws and to a Violation of established and enacted Rules It would draw this Discourse to a length beyond what is intended should I mention the several Laws against Papists as well as against Dissenters that are suspended stop'd disabled and dispensed with in the two fore-mentioned Royal Papers and it would be an extending it much more should I make the several Reflections that the matter is capable of and which a Person of a very ordinary Understanding cannot be greatly to seek for I shall therefore only take notice of two or three Efforts which occur there of this Royal Prerogative and Absolute Power which as they are very bold and ample Exertions of them for the first time so should the next Exercises of them be proportionable there will be nothing left us of the Protestant Religion or of English Liberties and we must be contented to be Papists and Slaves or else to stand adjudged to Tyburn and Smithfield One is the Suspending the Laws which enjoyn the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and the prohibiting that these Oaths be at any time hereafter required to be taken by which single Exercise of Royal Prerogative and Absolute Power the two Kingdoms are not only again subjected to a Foreign furisdiction the Miseries whereof they groaned under for several Ages but as the King is hereby deprived of the greatest Security he had from his Subjects both to himself and the Government so the Crown is rob'd of one of its chiefest Jewels namely an Authority over all the Subjects which was thought so essential to Sovereignty and Royal Dignity that it was annexed to the Imperial Crown of England and adjudged inherent in the Monarch before the Reformed Religion came to be received and established And it concerns their Royal Highnesses of Orange to whom the Right of succeeding to the Crown of Great Britain unquestionably belongs to consider whether his Majesty may not by the same Authority whereby he alienates and gives away so considerable and inherent a Branch of the Royal Jurisdiction transfer the Succession it self and dispose the Inheritance of the Crown to whom he pleaseth Nor will they
secured of an Asiatick Tameness in his Prelatical People by a Principle which they have lately imbib'd but neither learned from their Bibles nor the Statutes of the Land For the Clergy upon thinking that the Wind would always blow out of one quarter and being resolved to make that a Duty by their Learning which their Interest at that season made convenient have preached up the Doctrine of Passive Obedience to such a boundless height that they have done what in them lyes to give up themselves and all that had the Weakness to believe them fettered and bound for Sacrifices to Popish Rage and Despotical Tyranny But for my self and I hope the like of many others I thank God I am not tainted with that slavish and adulatory Doctrine as having always thought that the first Duty of every Member of a Body Politick is to the Community for whose Safety and Good Governors are instituted and that it is only to Rulers as they are found to answer the main Ends they are appointed for and to Act by the legal Rules that are Chalk'd out unto them Whether it be from my Dullness or that my Understanding is of a perverser make than other Mens I cannot tell but I could never yet be otherways minded than that the Rules of the Constitution and the Laws of the Republick or Kingdom are to be the Measures both of the Sovereign's Commands and of the Subjects Obedience and that as we are not to invade what by Concessions and Stipulations belongs unto the Ruler so we may not only Lawfully but we ought to defend what is reserved to our selves if it be invaded and broken in upon And as without such a Right in the Subjects all legal Governments and mix'd Monarchies were but empty Names and ridiculous things so wheresoever the Constitution of a Nation is such there the Prince who strives to subvert the Laws of the Society is the Traytor and Rebel and not the People who endeavor to preserve and defend them There is yet another Branch of the foresaid Oath that is of a much more unreasonable Strain than the former which is That they shall to the utmost of their Power assist defend and maintain him in the Exercise of this Absolute Power and Authority which being tack'd to our Obeying without reserve make us the greatest Slaves that eitheâ— are or ever were in the Universe Our Kings were heretofore bound to Govern according to Law and so is his present Majesty if a Coronation Oath and faith to Hereticks were not weaker than Sampson's cords proved to be but instead of that here is a new Oath imposed upon the Subjects by which they are bound to protect and defend the King in his ruling Arbitrarily It had been more than enough to have required only a calm submitting to the exercise of Absolute Power but to be enjoined to swear to assist and defend his Majesty and Successors in all things wherein they shall exert it is a plain destroying of all natural as well as civil Liberty and a robbing us of that freedom that belongs unto us both as we are men and as we are born under a free and legal Government For by this we become bound to drag our Brethren to the Stake to cut their Throats plunder their Houses imbrew our hands in the Blood of our Wives and Children if his Majesty please to make these the Instances wherein he will exert his Absolute Power and require us to assist him in the exercise of it As it was necessary to cancel all other Oaths and Tests as being directly inconsistent with this so the requiring the Scots to swear this Oath is the highest revenge he could take for their Solemn League and Covenant and for all other Oaths that lust after Arbitrariness and Popish Bigottry will pronounce to have been injurious to the Crown But no words are sufficient to express the mischiefs wrapt up in that new Oath or to declare the abhorrency that all who value the Rights and Liberties of Mankind ought to entertain for it nor to proclaim the Villany of those who shall by Addresses give thanks for the Proclamation There may a fourth thing be added whereby it will appear that his Majesty's assuming Absolute Power stands recorded in Capital Letters in his Declaration for liberty of Conscience For not being contented to omit the requiring the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and the Test Oaths to be taken nor being satisfied to suspend for a season the enjoining any to be demanded to take them he tells us that it is his Royal will and pleasure that the aforesaid Oaths shall not at any time hereafter be required to be taken which is a full and direct Repealing of the Laws in which they are Enacted It hath hitherto passed for an undoubted Maxim that eorum est tollere quorum est condere they can only abrogate Laws who have Power and Authority to make them and we have heretofore been made believe that the Legislative power was not in the King alone but that the two Houses of Parliament had at least a share in it whereas here by the disabling and suspending Laws for ever the whole Legislative Power is challenged to be vested in the King and at one dash the Government of England is Subverted and changed Tho it hath been much disputed whether the King had a liberty of refusing to Assent to Bills relating to the benefit of the Publick that had passed the two Houses and if there be any sense in those words of the Coronation Oath of his being bound to Govern according to the Laws quas vulgus Elegerit he had not yet none till now that his Majesty doth it had the impudence to affirm that he might abrogate Laws without the concurrence and assent of the Lords and Commons For to say that Oaths enjoined by Laws to be required to be taken shall not at any time hereafter be required to be taken is a plain Cancelling and Repealing of these Laws or nothing of this World ever was or is nor can the wisdom of the Nation in Parliament Assembled find words more emphatical to declare their Abrogation without saying so which at this time it was necessary to forbear for fear of allarming the Kingdon too far before his Majesty be sufficiently provided against it For admitting them to continue still in being and force tho the King may promise for the non execution of them during his own time which is even a pretty bold undertaking yet he cannot assure us that the Oaths shall not be required to be taken at any time hereafter unless he have provided for an eternal Line of Popish Successors which God will not be so unmerciful as to plague us with or have gotten a Lease of a longer Life than Methusalah's which is much more than the full Century of years wished him in a late Dedication by one that stiles himself an Irishman a thing he might have forborn telling us because the Size
emitted his Declaration for Liberty of Conscience there were Commissions of Reprisal prepared and ready to be granted to the English East-India Company against the Hollanders but which were suppressed upon the Court 's finding that they whom the suspending the Execution of so many Laws and the granting such Liberties Rights and Immunities to the Papists had disgusted and provoked were far more numerous and their resentments more to be apprehended than they were whose murmurings and discontents they had silenced and allay'd by the liberty that was granted Now as it will be at this juncture when the Protestant Interest is so low in the World and the Reformed Religion in so great danger of being Destroyed a most wicked as well as an imprudent Act to contribute help and aid to the Subjugating a People that are the chief Protectors of the Protestant Religion that are left and almost the only Asserters of the Rights and Liberties of Mankind so it may fill the Addressers with confusion and shame that they should have not only justified an Act of His Majesty's that is plainly designed to such a mischievous End but that they should by the Promises and Vows that they have made Him have emboldned His Majesty to continue his purposes and resolutions of a War against the Dutch Which as it must be funestous and fatal to the Protestant Cause in case he should prosper and succeed so howsoever it should issue yet the Addressers who have done what in them lyes to give encouragement unto it will be held betrayers of the Protestant Religion both abroad and at home and judged guilty of all the Blood of those of the same Faith with them that shall be shed in this Quarrel That Liberty ought to be allowed to men in matters of Religion is no Plea whereby the King 's giving it in an illegal and Arbitrary manner can be maintained and justified Since ever I was capable of exercising any distinct and coherent acts of Reason I have been always of that mind that none ought to be persecuted for their Consciences towards God in matters of Faith and Worship Nor is it one of those things that lye under the power of the Sovereign and Legislative Authority to grant or not to grant but it is a Right setled upon Mankind antecedent to all Civil Constitutions and Humane Laws having its foundation in the Law of Nature which no Prince or State can legitimately violate and Infringe The Magistrate as a Civil Officer can pretend or claim no Power over a People but what he either derives from the Divine Charter wherein God the Supreme Institutor of Magistracy has chalk'd out the Duty of Rulers in general or what the People upon the first and original Stipulation are supposed to have given him in order to the Protection Peace and Prosperity of the Society But as it does no where appear that God hath given any such Power to Governors seeing all the Revelations in the Scripture as well as all the Dictates of Nature speak a contrary Language so neither can the People upon their chusing such a one to be their Ruler be imagined to transfer and vest such a Power in him forasmuch as they cannot divest themselves of a Power no more than of a Right of believing things as they arrive with a Credibility to their several and respective Understandings As it is in no Man's Power to believe as he will but only as he sees cause so it is the most irrational Imagination in the World to think they should transfer a Right to him whom they have chosen to govern them of punishing them for what it is not in their power to help Nor can any thing be plainer than that God has reserved the Empire over Conscience to himself and that he hath circumscribed the Power of all Humane Governors to things of a civil and inferior Nature And had God convey'd a Right unto Magistrates of commanding Men to be of this or that Religion and that because they are so and will have others to be of their mind it would follow that the People may conform to whatsoever they require tho by all the Lights of Sense Reason and Revelation they are convinced of the Falshood of it Seeing whatsoever the Sovereign rightfully Commands the Subjects may lawfully obey But tho the persecuting People for Matters of mere Religion be repugnant to the Light of Nature inconsistent with the Fundamental Maxims of Reason directly contrary to the Temper and Genious as well as to the Rules of the Gospel and not only against the Safety and Interest of Civil Societies but of a Tendency to fill them with Confusion and to arm Subjects to the cutting of one anothers Throats yet Governors may both deny Liberty to those whose Principles oblige them to destroy those that are not of their mind and may in some measure Regulate the Liberty which they vouchsafe to others whose Opinions tho they do not think dangerous to the Peace of the Community yet through judging them Erroneous and False they conceive them dangerous to the Souls of Men. As there is a vast difference betwixt Tolerating a Religion and approving the Religion that is Tolerated so what a Government doth not approve but barely permits and suffers may be brought under Restrictions as to time place and number of those professing it that shall assemble in one Meeting which it were an Undecency to extend to those of the justified and established way Now whatsoever Restrictions or Regulations are enacted and ordained by the Legislative Authority in reference to Religions or Religious Assemblies they are not to be stop'd disabled or suspended but by the same Authority that enacted and ordained them The King says very truly That Conscience ought not to be constrained nor People forced in matters of mere Religion But it does not from thence follow unless by the Logick of Whitehall that without the concurrence of a Parliament he should suspend and dispense with the Laws and by a pretended Prerogative relieve any from what they are Obnoxious unto by the Statutes of the Realm His saying that the forcing People in matters of Religion spoils Trade depopulates Countries discourageth Strangers and answers not the End of bringing all to an Uniformity for which it is employ'd would do well in a Speech to the Houses of Parliament to perswade them to Repeal some certain Laws or might do well to determine his Majesty to assent to such Bills as a Parliament may prepare and offer for relieving Persons in matters of Conscience but does not serve for what it is alledged nor can it warrant his suspending the Laws by his single Authority And by the way I know when these very Arguments were not only despised by his Majesty and rediculed by those who took their Cue from Court and had Wit to do it as by the present Bishop of Oxford in a very ill-natur'd Book called Ecclesiastical Polity but when the daring to have mentioned them would
have provok'd the then Duke of York's Indignation and have exposed the Party that did it to Discountenance and Disgrace The Question is not what is convenient to be done in some measure and degree and in reference to those whose Religion does not oblige them to destroy all that differ from them when they have opportunity for it but the Point in debate is who hath the legal Power of doing it and of fixing its Bounds and Limits It was never pretended that the King ought to be shut out from a Share in Suspending and Repealing Laws but that the sole Right of doing it belongs to him is what cannot be allowed without changing the Constitution and placing the whole Legislative Authority in His Majesty And as it is an Usurpation in the King to challenge it and a Treachery in English Subjects to acknowledge it so the Inconveniences that this or that Party are in the mean time exposed unto through the Laws remaining in Force are rather to be endured than that a Power of giving Ease and Relief farther than by Connivance should be confessed to reside in any one in whom the Laws of the Community have not placed it 'T is better to undergo Hardships under the Execution of unjust Laws than be released from our Troubles by a Power Usurped over all Laws For by the one the Measures of Government as well as the Rights and Privileges of a Nation are destroy'd whereas by the other only a part of the People are Afflicted and unduly dealt with While we are govern'd by Laws tho several of them may be Injust and Inconvenient yet we are under a Security as to all other things which those Laws have not made liable but when we fall under an illimited Prerogative and Absolute Power we have no longer a Title unto or a hedge about any thing but all lies open to the Lust and Pleasure of him in whom we have owned that Power to be seated A Liberty is what Dissenters have a Right to Claim and which the Legislative Authority is bound by the Rules of Justice and Duty as well as by Principles of Wisdom and Discretion to grant And I am sorry that while they stood so fair to obtain it in a Legal and Parliamentary way any of them by acknowledging a Right in another to give it and that in a manner so Subversive of the Authority of Parliaments should have rendred themselves unworthy to receive it from them to whom the Power of Bestowing it does belong Not but that a Toleration will be always due to their Principles but I know not whether the particular Men of those Principles who have by their Addresses betray'd the Kingdom may not come to be judged to have forfeited all Share in it for their Crime committed against the Constitution and the whole Politick Society Nor is there any thing more Just and Equal than that they who surrender and give away the Rights both of Legislators and Subjects should lose all Grace and Favor from the former and all Portion among the latter And how much soever some Protestant Dissenters may please themselves with the Liberty that at present they enjoy in the virtue of the two Royal Papers yet this may serve to moderate them in their Transports of Gladness that they have no solid Security for the Continuance of it For should a Parliament null and make void the Declaration for Liberty and impeach the Judges for declaring a Power vested in the King to suspend so many Laws and for forbearing upon the King's Mandat to execute them the Freedom that the Dissenters possess would immediately vanish and have much the same Destiny that the Liberty had which was granted unto them by the Declaration of Indulgence Anno 1672. Or should the Parliament be willing to grant Ease and Indulgence to all Protestants by a Bill prepared for Repealing of all the Laws formerly made against them and should only be desirous to preserve in force the Laws relating to the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and the Statutes which enjoyn the Tests of whose Execution we never more wanted the Benefit in order to our Preservation from Popery and which an English Parliament cannot be supposed willing to part with at a time when our Lives Estates and Religion are so visibly threatned to be swallowed up and destroyed by the Papists In that case we may confidently believe that the King instead either of Assenting to such a Bill for separate Favor to Protestants or persevering in his Compassion and Kindness of continuing the Suspension of the Laws against Dissenters he would from an inveterate Enmity as well as from a new contracted Resentment be stirred up and enraged to the putting the Laws in Execution with greater Rigor and Severity than hath been seen or felt heretofore And all that the Addressers would then reap by the Declaration would be to undergo the furious Effects of Brutal Rage in their Persecutors and to be unpitied by the Kingdom and unlamented by their fellow Protestants Or should his Majesty in favor to his good Catholicks resolve against the Meeting of a Parliament or to Adjourn and Prorogue them whensoever he shall find that instead of confirming what he hath done they shall make null his Declaration vote his pretended Prerogative Illegal and Arbitrary and fall upon those Mercenary and Perjured Villains who have allowed him a Power transcendent to Law yet even upon that Supposal which is the best that can be made to support Mens hopes in the continuance of the present Liberty the Protestant Dissenters would have but slender Security all the Tenure they have for the Duration of their Freedom being only Precarious and depending merely upon the King's Word and Promise which there is small ground to rely upon Nor can He be true to them without being false to his Religion which not only gives Him leave to break his Faith with Hereticks but obligeth Him to it and to destroy them to boot and that both under the pain of Damnation and of forfeiting his Crown and losing his Dominions And how far the Promise and Royal Word of a Catholick Monarch is to be trusted unto and depended upon we have a modern Proof and Evidence in the Behavior of Louis de Grand towards his Reformed Subjects not only in Repealing the many Edicts made and confirmed by himself as well as his Ancestors for the free Exercise of their Religion but in the Methods he hath always observed namely to promise them protection in the profession of their Faith and practice of their Worship when he was most stedfastly resolved to subvert their Religion and was about making some fresh advance and taking some new step for its Extirpation Thus when he had firmly purposed not to suffer a Minister to continue a year in the Kingdom he at the same time published an Edict requiring Ministers to serve but three Years in one Place and not to return to the Church where they had first Officiated
till after the expiration of twenty Years In the same manner when he had resolved to Repeal the Edict of Nantes and had given injunction for the Draught by which it was to be done he at the same season gave the Protestants all assurances of Protection and of the said Edicts being kept Inviolable To which may be added that shameful and detestable Chicanery in passing his Sacred and Royal Word that no violence should be offered any for their Religion tho at that very moment the Dragoons were upon their March with orders of exercising all manner of Cruelties und Barbarities upon them So that his Majesty of Great Britain hath a Pattern lately sent him and that by the Illustrious Monarch whom he so much admires and whom he makes it his Ambition and Glory to imitate Nor are we without proofs already how insignificant the King's Promises are except to delude and what little confidence ought to be put in them The disabling and suspending the 13th Statute of his late Parliament in Scotland wherein the Test was Confirmed and his departing from all his Promises Registred in his Letter as well as from those contained in the Speech made by the Lord Commissioner pursuant to the Instructions which he had undoubtedly receiv'd together with his having forgotten and receded from all his Promises made to the Church of England both when Duke of York and since he came to the Crown are undeniable evidences that his Royal Word is no more Sacred nor Binding than that of some other Monarchs and that whosoever of the Protestants shall be so foolish as to rely upon it will find themselves as certainly disappointed and deceived as they of the Reformed Religion elsewhere have been And while they of the Established way find so small security by the Laws which the King is bound by his Coronation Oath to observe the Dissenters cannot expect very much from a naked Promise which as it hath not a solemn Oath to enforce it so 't is both Illegal in the making and contrary to the principles of his Religion to keep Nor is it unworthy of observation that he hath not only departed from his Promises made to the Church of England but that we are told in a late Popish Pamphlet Intituled A New Test of the Church of England's Loyalty Published as it self says by Authority that they were all conditional to wit by vertue of some Mental Reservation in his Majesty's Breast and that the Conformable Clergy having failed in performing the Conditions upon which they were made the King is absolved and discharged from all Obligation of observing them The Church of England says he must give his Majesty leave not to nourish a Snake in his Bosom but rather to withdraw his Royal Protection which was promised upon the account of her constant fidelity Which as it is a plain threatning of all the Legal Clergy and a denunciation of the unjust and hard measure they are to look for so it shakes the Foundation upon which all credit unto and reliance upon his Majesty's Word can be any ways placed For tho Threatnings may have tacit Reserves because the right of executing them resides in the Threatner yet Promises are incapable of all latent conditions because every Promise vests a Right in the Promisee and that in the virtue of the words in which it is made But it is the less to be wondred at if his Majesty fly to Equivocations and Mental Reserves being both under the conduct of that Order and a Member of the Society that first taught and practised this treacherous piece of Chicanery However it may inform the Dissenters that if they be not able to answer the End for which they are depended upon or be not willing in the manner and degree that is expected or if it be not for the Interest of the Catholick Cause to have them indulged in all these cases and many more the King may be pronounced acquitted and discharged from all the Promises he hath given them as having been merely stipulatory and conditional And as he will be sure then finem facere ferendae alienae personae to lay aside the disguise that he hath now put on so if they would reflect either upon his temper or upon his Religion they might now know haud gratuitam in tanta superbia comitatem that a person of his pride would not stoop to such Flattery as his Letter to Mr. Alsop expresseth but in order to some design But what need other proof of the fallaciousness of the two Royal Papers and that no Protestants can reasonably depend upon the Royal Word there laid to pledge for the continuation of their Liberty but to look into these too Papers themselves where we shall meet expressions that may both detract from our belief of his Majesty's sincerity and awaken us to a just jealousie that the Liberty and Toleration granted by them are intended to be of no long standing and duration For while he is pleased to tell us that the granting his Subjects the free use of their Religion for the time to come is an addition to the perfect Enjoyment of their Property which has never been invaded by His Majesty since his coming to the Crown He doth in effect say that His Fidelity Truth and Integrity in what he grants in reference to Religion is to be measured and judged by the Verity that is in what He rells us as to the never having Invaded our Property And that I may Borrow an Expression from Mr. Alsop and to no less Person than to the King himself namely That tho we pretend to no refined Intellectuals nor presume to Philosophise upon Mysteries of Government yet we make some pretence to the Sense of Feeling and whatever our Dullness be can discern between what is exacted of us according to Law and what we are rob'd of by an Exerclse of Arbitrary Power For not to insist upon the violent Seisure of Mens Goods by Officers as well as Soldiers in all parts of England which looks like an Invasion upon the Properties of the Subject nor to dwell upon his keeping an Army on foot in time of Peace against the Authority as well as without the Countenance of Law which our Ancestors would have stiled an Invasion upon the whole Property of the Kingdom I would fain know by what Name we are to call his Levying the Customs and the Additional Excise before they were granted unto him by the Parliament all the legal Establishment of them upon the Nation having been only during the late King's Life till the Settlement of them upon the Crown was again renewed by Statute It were also worth his Majesties telling us what Titles are due to the Suspending the Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge a Beneficio and the turning the President of Magdalen's in Oxford out of his Headship and the Suspending Dr. Fairfax from his Fellowship if there be not an Invasion upon our Property seeing every part of this is against all
the known Laws of the Kingdom and hath been done by no legal Court but by a Sett of Mercenary Villains armed with an Arbitrary Commission and who do as Arbitrarily exercise it And as the End unto which that Inquisition-Court was instituted was to rob us of our Rights and Privileges at the mere Pleasure of the King so the very Institution of it is an Invasion both upon all our Laws and upon the whole Property of the Nation and is one of the highest Exercises of Despotical Power that it is possible for the most Absolute and unlimited Monarch to exert Among all the Rights reserved unto the Subjects by the Rules of the Constitution and whereof they are secured by many repeated Laws and Statutes there are none that have been hitherto less disputed and in reference to which our Kings have been farther from claiming any Power and Authority than those of levying Money without the Grant as well as the Consent of Parliament and of Absolving and Discharging Debtors from paying their Creditors and of Acquitting them from being Sued and Imprisoned in case of Non-payment and yet in Defiance of all Law and to the Subverting the Rights of the People and the most essential Privilege and Jurisdiction of Parliaments and to a plain changing the ancient legal Constitution into an Absolute and Despotical Governing Power the King they say is assuming to himself an Authority both of imposing a Tax of 5 l. per Annum upon every Hackney Coach and of Releasing and Discharging all Debtors of whom their Creditors cannot claim and demand above 10 l. Sterling which as they will be signal Invasions upon Property and leading Cases for the raising Money in what other Instances he pleaseth by a Hampton-Court or a Whitehall Edict without standing in need of a Parliament or being obliged to a Dependance upon their Grant for all Taxes to be levied upon the Subjects as his Predecessoâ—s have heretofore been so they may serve fully to instruct us what little Security either the Dissenters have as to being long in the Possession of their present Liberty or Protestants in general of having a Freedom continued unto them of professing the Reformed Religion if we have nothing more to rely upon for preventing our being abridged and denied the Liberty of our Religion than we have had for preserving our Property from being Invaded and broken in upon We may subjoyn to the Clause already mentioned that other Expression which occurs in the foresaid Declaration viz. That as he freely gives them leave to meet and serve God after their own way and manner so they are to take special care that nothing be preached or taught amongst them which may any ways tend to alienate the Hearts of the People from his Majesty or his Government Which words as they import the Price at which the Dissenters are to purchase their Freedom whereof we shall discourse anon so they admirably serve to furnish the King with a Pretence of retrenching their Liberty whensoever he pleaseth nor are they inferted there for any other End but that upon a Plea of their having abused his Gracious Indulgence to the alienating the Hearts of his People from him they may be adjudged to have thereby deservedly forfeited both all the Benefits of it and of his Royal Favor Nor is it possible for a Protestant Minister to preach one Sermon which a Popish Critick or a Romish Bigot may not easily misconstrue and pervert to be an Alienation of the Peoples Hearts from the King's Person and Government And of which as we have heard many late Examples in France so it will be easie to draw them into President and to imitate them in England I might add the Observation of the ingenious Author of the Reflections on his Majesty's Proclamation for a Toleration in Scotland Namely that whereas the King gives all Assurance to his Scots Subjects that he will not use invincible Necessity against any Man on the account of his Perswasion he does thereby leave himself at a liberty of Dragooning Torturing Burning and doing the utmost Violences all these being vincible to a Person of an ardent love to God and of a lively Faith in Jesus Christ and which accordingly many Thousands have been triumphantly Victorious over Nor is it likely that this new and uncouth Phrase of not using an invinsible Necessity would have found room in a Paper of that nature if it had not been first to conceal some malicious and mischievous Design and then to justifie the Consistency of its Execution with what is promised in the Proclamation Moreover were there that Security intended by these two Royal Papers that Protestant Dissenters might safely rely upon or did the King act with that Sincerity which he would delude his People into a Belief of there would then be a greater Agreeableness than there is betwixt the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience in England and the Proclamation for a Toleration in Scotland The Principle his Majesty pretends to act from That Conscience ought not to be constrained and that none ought to be persecuted for mere matters of Religion would oblige him to act uniformly and with an equal extention of Favor to all his Subjects whose Principles are the same and against whom he hath no Exception but in matters merely Religious Whereas the Disparity of Grace Kindness and Freedom that is exercised in the Declaration from that which is exerted in the Proclamation plainly shews that the whole is but a Trick of State and done in Subserviency to an end which it is not yet seasonable to discover and avow For his circumscribing the Toleration in Scotland to such Presbyterians as he stiles Moderate is not only a taking it off from its true Bottom matters of mere Religion and a founding it upon an internal Quality of the mind that is not dissernable but it implies the reserving a Liberty to himself of withdrawing the Benefits of it from all Scots Dissenters through fastening upon them a contrary Character whensoever it shall be seasonable to revive Persecution And even as it is now exerted to these Moderate ones it is attended with Restrictions that his Indulgence in England is no ways clog'd with All that the Declaration requires from those that are indulged is That their Assemblies be peaceably openly and publickly held that all Persons be freely admitted to them that they signifie and make known to some Justice of the Peace what places they set apart for these uses and that nothing be preached or taught amongst them which may any ways tend to alionate the Hearts of the People from the King or his Government Whereas the Proclamation not only restrains the Meetings of the Scots Presbyterians to private Houses without allowing them either to build Meeting-Houses or to use Out-houses or Barns but it prohibits the hearing any Ministers save such as shall be willing to swear That they shall to the utmost of their power assist defend and maintain the King in the
commended or promised to stand by him For tho the Matter and Subject of the Arbitrary Act of him now upon the Throne be not as to every Branch of it so publickly Scandalous as some of the Arbitrary Proceedings of the late King were as relating to a Favor which Mankind hath a just Claim unto yet it is every way as Illegal being in reference to a Privilege which his Majesty hath no Authority to grant and bestow And were it not that there are many Dissenters who preserve themselves Innocent at this Juncture and upon whom the Temptation that is administred makes no Impression the World would have just ground to say that the Fanaticks are not governed by Principles but that the Measures they walk by are what conduceth to their private and personal Benefit or what lyes in a Tendency to their Loss and Prejudice And that it was not the late King's Usurping and exerting an Arbitrary and illegal Power that offended them but that they were not the Objects in whose Favor it was exercised 'T is also an Aggravation of their Folly as well as their Offence that they should revive a Practice which the Nation was grown asham'd of and whereof they who had been guilty begun to repent through having seen that all the former Declarations Assurances and Promises of the Royal Brothers which tempted to Applications of that kind were but so many Juggles peculiar to the late Breed of the Family for the deceiving of Mankind and that never one of them was performed and made good But the Transgression as well as the Imprudence of the present Addressers is yet the greater and they are the more Criminal and Inexcusable before God and Men in that they might have enjoyed all the Benefits of the King's Declaration without acknowledging the Justice of the Authority by which it was granted or making themselves the Scorn and Contempt of all that are truly Honest and Wise by their servile Adulations and their Gratulatory Scriblers unbecoming English-men and Protestants They had no more to do but to continue their Meetings as they had sometimes heretofore used to do without taking notice that the present Suspension of the Laws made their Assembling together more safe and freed them from Apprehensions of Fines and Imprisonments Nor could the King how much soever displeased with such a Conduct have at this time ventured upon the expressing Displeasure against them seeing as that would have been both to have proclaimed his Hypocrisie in saying That Conscience ought not to be constrained nor People forced in matters of mere Religion and a discovering the villainous Design in Subserviency to which the Declaration had been emitted so it were not possible for him after what he hath published to single out the Dissenters from amongst other Protestants and to fall upon all before Matters are more ripe for it might be a means of the Abortion of all his Popish Projections and of saving the whole Reformed Interest in Great Britain Neither would the Church of England-men have envied their Tranquility or have blamed their Carriage but would have been glad that their Brethren had been eased from Oppressions and themselves delivered from the grievous and dishonorable Task of prosecuting them which they had formerly been forced unto by Court-Injunctions and Commands And as they would have by a Conduct of this Nature had all the Freedom which they now enjoy without the Guilt and Reproach which they have derived upon themselves by Addressing so such a Carriage would have wonderfully recommended them to the Favor of a true English Parliament which tho it would see cause to condemn the King's Usurping a Power of Suspending the Laws and to make void his Declaration yet in gratitude to Dissenters for such a Behavior as well as in Pity and Compassion to them as English Protestants such a Parliament would not fail to do all it could to give them relief in a legal way Whereas if any thing Enflame and Exasperate the Nation to revive their Sufferings it will arise from a Resentment of the unworthy and treacherous Carriage of so many of them in this critical and dangerous Juncture But the Terms which through their Addressing they have owned the receiving their Liberty and Indulgence upon does in a peculiar manner enhance their Guilt against God and their Country and strangely adds to the Disgust and Anger which Lovers of Religion and the Laws of the Nation have conceived against them For it is not only upon the Acknowledgment of a Prerogative in the King over the Laws that they have received and now hold their Liberty but it is upon the Condition That nothing be preached or taught amongst them that may any ways tend to alienate the Hearts of the People from his Majesty's Person and Government He must be of an Understanding very near allied unto and approaching to that of an Irish-man who does not know what the Court-Sense of that Clause is and that his Majesty thereby intends that they are not to preach against Popery nor to set forth the Doctrines of the Romish Church in Terms that may prevent the Peoples being infected by them much less in Colours that may render them Hated and Abhorred To accuse the King's Religion of Idolatry or to affirm the Church of Rome to be the Apocalyptick Babylon and to represent the Articles of the Tridentine Faith as Faithful Ministers of Christ ought to do would be accounted an alienating the Hearts of their Hearers from the King and his Government which as they are in the foresaid Clauses required not to do so they have by their Addressing confessed the Justice of the Terms and have undertaken to hold their Liberty by that Tenor. And to give them their due they have been very Faithful hitherto in conforming to what the King Exacts and in observing what themselves have assented to the Equity of For notwithstanding all the Danger from Popery that the Nation is exposed unto and all the Hazard that the Souls of Men are in of being poysoned with Romish Principles yet instead of Preaching or Writing against any of the Doctrines of the Church of Rome they have agreed among themselves and with such of their Congregations as approve their Procedure not so much as to mention them but to leave the Province of defending our Religion and of detecting the Falshood of Papal Tenets to the Pastors and Gentlemen of the Church of England And being ask'd as I know some of them that have been why they do not preach against Antichrist and confute the Papal Dectrines they very gravely reply that by preaching Christ they preach against Anti-christ and that by Teaching the Gospel they refute Popery which is such a piece of fraudulent and guilful Subterfuge that I want words to express the knavery and criminalness of it What a reserve and change have I lived to see in England from what I beheld a few years ago It was but the other day that the Conformable Clergy
we were Sworn and stood bound to be hereby subverted and changed and that thereupon we are not only Absolved and Acquitted from the Allegiance and Fealty we were formerly under to his Majesty but are indispensably obliged by the Ties and Engagements that are upon us of maintaining and defending the Constitution and Government to apply our selves to the use of all Means and Endeavors against him as an Enemy of the People and a Subverter of the legal Government wherein all the Interest he had or could lawfully claim was an Official Trust and not an Absolute Power or a Despâ—tical Dominion the first whereof he hath deposed and abdicated himself from by challenging and usurping the latter And should any Scots Dissenter either in his entrance upon the Liberty granted by this Proclamation or in Addressing by way of Thankfulness for it take the least notice of this Freedoms flowing from the King which cannot be done without Recognising this Absolute Power in his Majesty as the Fountain of it he is to be look'd upon as the worst of Traitors and deserves to be proceeded against both for his Accession unto and justifying the Subversion of the Laws Liberties and Government of his Country and for betraying the Rights of all Free-born Men. For those few Reflections in the foregoing Sheets which this new Proclamation may not only seem to render useless and frustrate the end whereunto they were intended but may make the publishing any Animadversions upon that which the King by departing from does himself Censure and Condemn be esteemed both a failure in Ingenuity and Candor and a want of regard to those Measures of Justice which ought to be observed towards all Men and more especially towards Crowned Heads I shall only say that as the Proclamation arrived with me too late to hinder and prevent the Communication of them to the Publick so I have this farther to add in Justification of their being published that it will thereby appear that what his Majesty stiles Sinistruous Interpretations made of some Restrictions mentioned in his former are no other than the just natural genuine and obvious Constructions which they lye open unto and are capable of and which a Man cannot avoid fastning upon them without renouncing all Sense and Reason And while the King continues to disparage and asperse all sober and judicious Reflections upon that Royal Paper by charging upon them the unjust and reproachful Character of Sinistruous Interpretations it is necessary as well as equal that the whole matter should be plainly and impartially represented to the World and that the Dection be remitted and left to the understanding and unbyass'd part of Mankind who are the Calumniators and Slanderers they who accuse the Proclamation of importing such Principles Consequences and Tendencies or he and his Ministers who think they have avoided and answered the Imputations fastened upon it when they have loaded them with hard and uncivil Terms For tho he be pleased to assume to himself an Absolute Power which all are bound to obey without reserve and in the virtue of which he Suspends Stops and Disables what Laws he pleaseth yet I do not know but that his Intellectuals being of the Size of other Mens and that seeing neither his Sovereignty nor Catholicalness have vested in him an Inerrability why we may not enter our Plea and Demur to the Dictates of his Judgment tho we know not how to withstand the Efforts of his Power Nor shall I subjoyn any more save that whereas his Majesty declares so many Laws to be disabled to all Intents and Purposes he ought to have remembred that beside other Intents and Purposes that several of them may hereafter serve unto as the Papists may possibly come to have Experience there is one thing in reference to which he cannot even at present hinder and prevent their Usefulness and Efficacy and that is not only their raising and exciting all just Resentments in the minds of free-born and generous Men for his challenging a Power to Suspend and Cassate them but their remaining and continuing Monuments of his Infidelity to the Trust reposed in him of his departure from all Promises made at and since his entering upon the Government and of his Invading and Subverting all the Rules of the Constitution The Declaration of His Highness William Henry by the Grace of God Prince of Orange c. Of the Reasons inducing him to appear in Arms in the Kingdom of England for Preserving of the Protestant Religion and for Restoring the Laws and Liberties of England Scotland and Ireland IT is both certain and evident to all Men that the Publick Peace and Happiness of any State or Kingdom cannot be preserved where the Laws Liberties and Customs established by the Lawful Authority in it are openly Transgressed and Annulled More especially where the Alteration of Religion is endeavored and that a Religion which is contrary to Law is endeavored to be introduced Upon which those who are most immediately concerned in it are Indispensably bound to endeavor to preserve and maintain the established Laws Liberties and Customs and above all the Religion and Worship of God that is established among them And to take such an effectual Care that the Inhabitants of the said State or Kingdom may neither be deprived of their Religion nor of their Civil Rights Which is so much the more Necessary because the Greatness and Security both of Kings Royal Families and of all such as are in Authority as well as the Happiness of their Subjects and People depend in a most especial manner upon the exact Observation and Maintenance of these their Laws Liberties and Customs Upon these grounds it is that we cannot any longer forbear to Declare That to our great Regret we see that those Counsellors who have now the chief Credit with the King have overturned the Religion Laws and Liberties of those Realms and subjected them in all things relating to their Consciences Liberties and Properties to Arbitrary Government and that not only by Secret and Indirect ways but in an open and undisguised manner Those Evil Counsellors for the advancing and colouring this with some plausible Pretexts did invent and set on foot the King 's Dispensing Power by virtue of which they pretend that according to Law he can Suspend and Dispence with the Execution of the Laws that have been enacted by the Authority of the King and Parliament for the Security and Happiness of the Subject and so have rendered those Laws of no Effect Tho there is nothing more certain than that as no Laws can be made but by the joynt Concurrence of King and Parliament so likewise Laws so enacted which secure the Publick Peace and Safety of the Nation and the Lives and Liberties of every Subject in it cannot be Repealed or Suspended but by the same Authority For tho the King may pardon the Punishment that a Transgressor has incurred and to which he is condemned as in the cases of
their Lives Liberties Honors and Estates if they should go about to preserve themselves from this Oppression by Petitions Representations or other means authorised by Law Thus did they proceed with the Archbishop of Canterbury and the other Bishops who having offered a most Humble Petition to the King in Terms full of Respect and not exceeding the number limited by Law in which they set forth in short the Reasons for which they could not obey that Order which by the Instigation of those Evil Counsellors was sent them requiring them to appoint their Clergy to read in their Churches the Declaration for Liberty of Conscience were sent to Prison and afterwards brought to a Trial as if they had been guilty of some enormous Crime They were not only obliged to defend themselves in that pursuit but to appear before professed Papists who had not taken the Test and by consequence were Men whose Interest led them to condemn them and the Judges that gave their Opinion in their Favors were thereupon turned out And yet it cannot be pretended that any Kings how great soever their Power has been and how Arbitrary and Despotick soever they have been in the Exercise of it have ever reckoned it a Crime for their Subjects to come in all Submission and Respect and in a due Number not exceeding the Limits of the Law and represent to them the Reasons that made it impossible for them to obey their Orders Those Evil Counsellors have also treated a Peer of the Realm as a Criminal only because he said that the Subjects were not bound to obey the orders of a Popish Justice of Peace tho it is evident that they being by Law rendred incapable of all such Trust no regard is due to their orders This being the Security which the People have by the Law for their Lives Liberties Honors and Estates that they are not to be subjected to the Arbitrary Proceedings of Papists that are contrary to Law put into any Employments Civil or Military Both we our selves and our Dearest and most Entirely Beloved Consort the Princess have endeavored to signifie in Terms full of Respect to the King the just and deep Regret which all these Proceedings have given us and in Compliance with His Majesties Desires signified to us we declared both by word of Mouth to his Envoy and in Writing what our Thoughts were touching the Repealing of the Test and Penal Laws which we did in such a manner that we hoped we had proposed an Expedient by which the Peace of those Kingdoms and a happy Agreement among the Subjects of all Perswasions might have been settled but those Evil Counsellors have put such ill Constructions on these our good Intentions that they have endeavored to alienate the King more and more from us as if we had designed to disturb the Quiet and Happiness of the Kingdom The last and great Remedy for all those Evils is The calling of a Parliament for securing the Nation against the Evil Practises of those wicked Counsellors but this could not be yet compassed nor can it be easily brought about For those Men apprehending that a lawful Parliament being once assembled they would be brought to an account for all their open Violations of Law and for their Plots and Conspiracies against the Protestant Religion and the Lives and Liberties of the Subjects they have endeavored under the specious Pretence of Liberty of Conscience first to sow Divisions among Protestants between those of the Church of England and the Dissenters The design being laid to engage Protestants that are all equally concerned to preserve themselves from Popish Oppression into mutual Quarrellings that so by these some Advantages might be given to them to bring about their Designs and that both in the Election of the Members of Parliament and afterwards in the Parliament it self For they see well that if all Protestants could enter into a mutual good Understanding one with another and concur together in the Preserving of their Religion it would not be possible for them to compass their wicked ends They have also required all Persons in the several Counties of England that either were in any Imployment or were in any considerable Esteem to declare before-hand that they would concur in the Repeal of the Test and Penal Laws and that they would give their Voices in the Elections to Parliament only for such as would concur in it Such as would not thus pre-ingage themselves were turned out of all Imployments and others who entered into those Engagements were put in their places many of them being Papists And contrary to the Charters and Privileges of those Boroughs that have a Right to send Burgesses to Parliament they have ordered such Regulations to be made as they thought fit and necessary for assuring themselves of all the Members that are to be chosen by those Corporations and by this means they hope to avoid that Punishment which they have deserved tho it is apparent that all Acts made by Popish Magistrates are null and void of themselves so that no Parliament can be Lawful for which the Elections and Returns are made by Popish Sheriffs and Mayors of Towns and therefore as long as the Authority and Magistracy is in such Hands it is not possible to have any Lawful Parliament And tho according to the Constitution of the English Government and Immemorial Custom all Elections of Parliament-men ought to be made with an entire Liberty without any sort of Force or the requiring the Electors to chuse such Persons as shall be named to them and the Persons thus freely elected ought to give their Opinions freely upon all Matters that are brought before them having the good of the Nation ever before their Eyes and following in all things the Dictates of their Conscience yet now the People of England cannot expect a Remedy from a Free Parliament legally Called and Chosen But they may perhaps see one called in which all Elections will be carried by Fraud or Force and which will be composed of such Persons of whom those Evil Counsellors hold themselves well assured in which all things will be carried on according to their Direction and Interest without any regard to the Good or Happiness of the Nation Which may appear evidently from this that the same Persons tried the Members of the last Parliament to gain them to consent to the Repeal of the Test and Penal Laws and procured that Parliament to be dissolved when they found that they could not neither by Promises nor Threatnings prevail with the Members to comply with their wicked Designs But to Crown all there are great and violent Presumptions inducing us to believe that those Evil Counsellors in order to the carrying on of their ill Designs and to the gaining to themselves the more time for the effecting of them for the encouraging of their Complices and for the discouraging of all Good Subjects have published that the Queen hath brought forth a Son tho there have
Orange designs the King's safety and preservation and hope all things may be composed without more Blood-shed by the calling a Parliament God grant a happy End to these Troubles that the King's Reign may be prosperous and that I may shortly meet You in perfect peace and safety till when let me beg You to continue the same favourable Opinion that You have hitherto had of Your most Obedient Daughter and Servant ANNE A Memorial of the Protestants of the Church of England Presented to their Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Orange YOur Royal Highnesses cannot be ignorant that the Protestants of England who continue true to their Religion and the Government Established by Law have been many ways troubled and vexed by restless contrivances and designs of the Papists under pretence of the Royal Authority and things required of them unaccountable before God and Man Ecclesiastical Benefices and Preferments taken from them without any other Reason but the King's Pleasure that they have been summoned and sentenced by Ecclesiastical Commissioners contrary to Law deprived of their Birth-Right in the free Choice of their Magistrates and Representatives divers Corporations dissolved the Legal Security of our Religion and Liberty established and ratified by King and Parliament annull'd and overthrown by a pretended Dispensing Power new and unheard of Maxims have been preached as if Subjects had no Right but what depends on the King's Will and Pleasure The Militia put into the Hands of persons not qualified by Law and a Popish Mercenary Army maintained in the Kingdom in time of Peace absolutely contrary to Law The Execution of the Law against several high Crimes and Misdemeanours superseded and prohibited the Statutes against Correspondence with the Court of Rome Papal Jurisdiction and Popish Priests suspended that in Courts of Justice those Judges are displaced who dare acquit them whom the King would have Condemned as happened to Judg Powel and Holloway for acquitting the Seven Bishops Liberty of chusing Members of Parliament notwithstanding all the Care taken and Provision made by Law on that behalf wholly taken away by Quo Warranto's served against Corporations and the three known Questions All things carried on in open view for the Propagation and Growth of Popery for which the Courts of England and France have so long joyntly laboured with so much Application and Earnestness Endeavours used to perswade your Royal Highnesses to consent to Liberty of Conscience and abrogating the Penal Laws and Tests wherein they fell short of their aim That they most humbly implore the Protection of your Royal Highnesses as to the 〈◊〉 ending and incroachments made upon the Law for maintenance of the Protestant Religion our Civil and Fundamental Rights and Priviledg and that Your Royal Highness would be pleased to insist that the Free Parliament of England according to Law may be restored the Laws against Papists Priests Papal Jurisdiction c. put in Execution and the Suspending and Dispensing Power declared null and void the Rights and Priviledges of the City of London the free Choice of their Magistrates and the Liâ—â—â—ties as well of that as other Corporations restored and all things returned to their 〈◊〉 Channel c. Admiral Herbert 's Letter to all Commanders of Ships and Seamen in His Majesties Fleet. Gentlemen I Have little to add to what his Highness has express'd in general Terms besides laying before you the dangerous way you are at present in where Ruin or Infamy must inevitably attend you if you don't joyn with the Prince in the Common Cause for the Defence of your Religion and Liberties for should it please God for the sins of the English Nation to suffer your Arms to prevail to what can your Victory serve you but to enslave you deeper and overthrow the true Religion in which you have liv'd and your Fathers dy'd Of which I beg you as a Friend to consider the Consequences and to reflect on the Blot and Infamy it will bring on you not only now but in all After-Ages That by Your means the Protestant Religion was destroy'd and your Country depriv'd of its Ancient Liberties And if it pleases God to bless the Prince's Endeavours with success as I don't doubt but he will consider then what their Condition will be that oppose him in this so good a Design where the greatest Favour they can hope for is their being suffer'd to end their Days in Misery and Want detested and despised by all good Men. It is therefore and for many more Reasons too long to insert here that I as a true English-man and your Friend exhort you to joyn your Arms to the Prince for the Defence of the Common Cause the Protestant Religion and the Liberties of your Country It is what I am well assured the major and best part of the Army as well as the Nation will do so soon as convenience is offered Prevent them in so good an Action whilst it is in your power and may it appear That as the Kingdom hath always depended on the Navy for its Defence so you will yet go further by making it as much as in you lies the Protection of her Religion and Liberties and then you may assure your selves of all Marks of Favour and Honour suitable to the Merits of so great and glorious an Action After this I ought not to add so inconsiderable a thing as that it will for ever engage me to be in a most particular manner Your faithful Friend and humble Servant AR. HERBERT Aboard the Leyden in the Gooree Lord Delamear 's Speech THE occasion of this is to give you my Thoughts upon the present Conjuncture which concerns not only you but every Protestant and Free-born Man of England I am confident that wishes well to the Protestant Religion and his Country and I am perswaded that every Man of you thinks both in danger and now to lie at stake I am also perswaded that every Man of you will rejoyce to see Religion and Property settled if so then I am not mistaken in my Conjectures concerning you Can you ever hope for a better Occasion to root out POPERY and SLAVERY than by joining with the P. of O. whose Proposals contain and speak the Desires of every Man that loves his Religion and Liberty And in saying this I will invite you to nothing but what I will do my self and I will not desire any of you to go any further than I will move my self neither will I put you upon any Danger where I will not take share in it I propose this to you not as you are my Tenants but as my Friends and as you are Englishmen No Man can love Fighting for its own sake nor find any pleasure in danger And you may imagine I would be very glad to spend the rest of my days in peace I having had so great a share in Troubles but I see all lies at stake I am to chuse whether I will be a Slave and a Papist or a
for we assure our selves that no rational and unbyassed Person will judge it Rebellion to defend our Laws and Religion which all our Princes have sworn at their Coronations Which Oath how well it hath been observed of late we desire a Free Parliament may have the Consideration of We own it Rebellion to resist a King that governs by Law but he was always accounted a Tyrant that made his Will his Law and to resist such an one we justly esteem no Rebellion but a necessary Defence And in this Consideration we doubt not of all Honest Mens Assistance and humbly hope for and implore the great Gods Protection that turneth the Hearts of People as pleaseth him best it having been observed That People can never be of one Mind without his Inspiration which hath in all Ages confirmed that Observation Vox Populi est Vox Dei The present restoring of Charters and reversing the oppressing and unjust Judgment given on Magdalen Colledg Fellows is plain are but to still the People like Plums to Children by deceiving them for a while but if they shall by this Stratagem be fooled till this present Storm that threatens the Papists be past as soon as they shall be resetled the former Oppression will be put on with greater vigour But we hope in vain is the Net spread in the sight of the Birds For 1. the Papists old Rule is That Faith is not to be kept with Hereticks as they term Protestants tho the Popish Religion is the greatest Heresie And 2. Queen Mary's so ill observing her Promises to the Suffolk-men that help'd her to the Throne And above all 3. the Popes dispensing with the breach of Oaths Treaties or Promises at his pleasure when it makes for the service of Holy Church as they term it These we say are such convincing Reasons to hinder us from giving Credit to the aforesaid Mock-Shews of Redress that we think our selves bound in Conscience to rest on no Security that shall not be approved by a Freely Elected Parliament to whom under God we refer our Cause His Grace the Duke of Norfolk 's Speech to the Mayor of Norwich on the First of December in the Market-place of Norwich Mr. Mayor NOT doubting but you and the rest of your Body as well as the whole City and Country may be Alarmed by the great Concourse of Gentry with the numerous Appearance of their Friends and Servants as well as of your own Militia here this Morning I have thought this the most proper place as being the most publick one to give you an Account of our Intentions Out of the deep sense we had that in the present unhappy Juncture of Affairs nothing we could think of was possible to secure the Laws Liberties and Protestant Religion but a Free Parliament WE ARE HERE MET TO DECLARE That we will do our utmost to defend the same by declaring for such a Free Parliament And since His Majesty hath been pleased by the News we hear this day to order Writs for a Parliament to sit the Fifteenth of January next I can only add in the name of my Self and all these Gentlemen and others here met That we will ever be ready to support and defend the Laws Liberties and Protestant Religion And so GOD SAVE THE KING To this the Mayor Aldermen and the rest of the Corporation and a numerous Assembly did concur with his Grace and the rest of the Gentry His Grace at his lighting from his Horse perceiving great numbers of Common People gathering together called them to him and told them He desired they would not take any occasion to commit any Disorder or Outrage but go quietly to their Homes and acquainted them that the King had ordered a Free Parliament to be called The Speech of the Prince of Orange to some Principal Gentlemen of Somersetshire and Dorsetshire on their coming to joyn his Highness at Exeter the 15th of Nov. 1688. THO we know not all your Persons yet we have a Catalogue of your Names and remember the Character of your Worth and Interest in your Country You see we are come according to your Invitation and our Promise Our Duty to God obliges us to protect the Protestant Religion and our Love to Mankind your Liberties and Properties We expected you that dwelt so near the place of our Landing would have joyn'd us sooner not that it is now too late nor that we want your Military Assistance so much as your Countenance and Presence to justifie our declar'd Pretensions rather than accomplish our good and gracious Designs Tho we have brought both a good Fleet and a good Army to render these Kingdoms happy by rescuing all Protestants from Popery Slavery and Arbitrary Power by restoring them to their Rights and Properties established by Law and by promoting of Peace and Trade which is the Soul of Government and the very Life-Blood of a Nation yet we rely more on the goodness of God and the Justice of our Cause than on any Humane Force and Power whatever Yet since God is pleased we shall make use of Human Means and not expect Miracles for our Preservation and Happiness let us not neglect making use of this gracious Opportunity but with Prudence and Courage put in Execution our so honourable Purposes Therefore Gentlemen Friends and Fellow-Protestants we bid you and all your Followers most heartily Welcom to our Court and Camp Let the whole World now judg if our Pretensions are not Just Generous Sincere and above Price since we might have even a Bridge of Gold to return back But it is our Principle and Resolution rather to die in a good Cause than live in a bad One well knowing that Vertue and True Honour is its own Reward and the Happiness of Mankind Our Great and Only Design The true Copy of a Paper delivered by the Lord Devonshire to the Mayor of Darby where he quarter'd the one and twentieth of November 1688. WE the Nobility and Gentry of the Northern parts of England being deeply sensible of the Calamities that threaten these Kingdoms do think it our Duty as Christians and good Subjects to endeavour what in us lies the Healing of our present Distractions and preventing greater And as with grief we apprehend the said Consequences that may arise from the Landing of an Army in this Kingdom from Foreign parts So we cannot but deplore the Occasion given for it by so many Invasions made of late Years on our Religion and Laws And whereas we cannot think of any other Expedient to compose our Differences and prevent Effusion of Blood than that which procured a Settlement in these Kingdoms after the late Civil Wars the Meeting and Sitting of a Parliament freely and duly Chosen we think our selves obliged as far as in us lies to promote it And the rather because the Prince of Orange as appears by his Declaration is willing to submit his own Pretensions and all other Matters to their Determination We heartily Wish and
humbly Pray That His Majesty would Consent to this Expedient in order to a future Settlement And hope that such a Temperament may be thought of as that the Army now on Foot may not give any Interruption to the proceeding of a Parliament But if to the great Misfortune and Ruin of these Kingdoms it should prove otherwise we further declare That we will to our utmost defend the Protestant Religion the Laws of the Kingdom and the Rights and Liberties of the Subject A Letter from a Gentleman at King's-Lynn December 7. 1688. To his Friend in London Sir THE Duke of Norfolk came to Town on Wednesday Night with many of the chiefest of the County and yesterday in the Market-place received the Address following which was presented by the Mayor attended by the Body and many hundreds of the Inhabitants To his Grace the most Noble Henry Duke of Norfolk Lord Marshal of England My Lord THE daily Allarms we receive as well from Foreign as Domestick Enemies give us just Apprehensions of the approaching Danger which we conceive we are in and to apply with all earnestness to your Grace as your great Patron in all humble Confidence to succeed in our Expectations That we may be put into such a posture by your Grace's Directions and Conduct as may make us appear as zealous as any in the Defence of the Protestant Religion the Laws and Ancient Government of this Kingdom Being the desire of many hundreds who must humbly callenge a Right of your Grace's Protection His Grace's Answer Mr. Mayor I Am very much obliged to you and the rest of your Body and those here present for your good Opinion of me and the Confidence you have that I will do what in me lies to support and defend the Laws Liberties and Protestant Religion in which I will never deceive you And since the coming of the Prince of Orange hath given us an opportunity to declare for the defence of them I can only assure you that no Man will venture his Life and Fortune more freely for the Defence of the Laws Liberties and Protestant Religion than I will do and with all these Gentlemen here present and many more will unanimously concur therein and you shall see that all possible Care shall be taken that such a Defence shall be made as you require AFter which the Duke was with his Retinue received at the Mayor's House at Dinner with great Acclamations and his Proceedings therein have put our County into a Condition of Defence of which you shall hear further in a little time our Militia being ordered to be raised throughout the County Our Tradesmen Seamen and Mobile have this morning generally put Orange Ribbon on their Hats Ecchoing Huzza's to the Prince of Orange and Duke of Norfolk All are in a hot Ferment God send us a good Issue of it Lynn-Regis Decemb. 10. 1688. Sir BY mine of the 7th Instant I gave you an Account of the Address of this Corporation to his Grace the Duke of Norfolk and of his Grace's Answer thereto Since which his Grace has sent for the Militia Troops and put them in a posture of Defence as appears by the ensuing Speech The Duke of Norfolk's second Speech at Lynn I Hope you see I have endeavoured to put you in the posture you desired by sending both for Horse and Foot of the Militia and am very glad to see such an Appearance of this Town in so good a Condition And I do again renew my former Assurances to you that I will ever stand by you to Defend the Laws Liberties and the Protestant Religion and to procure a Settlement in Church and State in concurrence with the Lords and Gentlemen in the North and pursuant to the Declaration of the Prince of Orange And so God save the King The Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in and about the Cities of London and Westminster Assembled at Guild-hall Dec. 1688. WE doubt not but the World believes that in this great and dangerous Conjuncture we are heartily and zealously concerned for the Protestant Religion the Laws of the Land and the Liberties and Properties of the Subject And we did reasonably Hope that the King having Issued His Proclamation and Writs for a Free Parliament we might have rested Secure under the Expectation of that Meeting But His Majesty having withdrawn Himself and as we apprehend in order to His Departure out of this Kingdom by the pernicious Counsels of Persons ill-affected to our Nation and Religion we cannot without being wanting to our Duty be silent under those Calamities wherein the Popish Counsels which so long prevailed have miserably Involved these Realms We do therefore Unanimously resolve to apply our Selves to His Highness the Prince of Orange who with so great Kindness to these Kingdoms so vast Expence and so much Hazard to his own Person hath Undertaken by endeavouring to procure a Free Parliament to rescue Us with as little Effusion as possible of Christian Blood from the Imminent Dangers of Popery and Slavery And we do hereby Declare That we will with our utmost Endeavours assist his Highness in the obtaining such a Parliament with all speed wherein our Laws our Liberties and Properties may be Secured the Church of England in particular with a due Liberty to Protestant Dissenters and in general the Protestant Religion and Interest over the whole World may be Supported and Encouraged to the glory of God the Happiness of the Established Government in these Kingdoms and the Advantage of all Princes and States in Christendom that may be herein concerned In the mean time we will endeavour to preserve as much as in us lies the Peace and Security of these great and populous Cities of London and Westminster and the Parts adjacent by taking care to Disarm all Papists and secure all Jesuits and Romish Priests who are in our about the same And if there be any thing more to be performed by us for promoting his Highness's generous Intentions for the Publick good we shall be ready to do it as occasion shall require W. Cant. Tho. Ebor. Pembroke Dorset Mulgrave Thanet Carlisle Craven Ailesbury Burlington Sussex Barkelay Rochester Newport Waymouth P. Winchester W. Asaph Fran. Ely Tho. Roffen Tho. Petriberg P. Wharton North and Grey Chandos Montague T. Jermyn Vaughan Carbery Culpeper Crewe Osulston WHereas His Majesty hath privately this Morning withdrawn Himself we the Lords Spiritual and Temporal whose Names are subscribed being assembled at Guild-hall in London having Agreed upon and Signed a Declaration Entituled The Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in and about the Cities of London and Westminster Assembled at Guild-hall 11. Decemb. 1688. Do desire the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke the Right Honourable the Lord Viscount Weymouth the Right Reverend Father in God the Lord Bishop of Ely and the Right Honourable the Lord Culpeper forthwith to attend his Highness the Prince of Orange with the said Declaration and at the same
our just and due Acknowledgments for the happy Relief You have brought to us and that we may not be wanting in this present Conjuncture we have put our selves into such a Posture that by the Blessing of God we may be capable to prevent all ill Designs and to preserve this City in Peace and Safety till your Highness's Happy Arrival We therefore humbly desire that your Highness will please to repair to this City with what convenient speed you can for the perfecting the great Work which Your Highness has so happily begun to the general Joy and Satisfaction of us all December the 17th 1688. THE said Committee this day made Report to the Lieutenancy that they had presented the said Address to the Prince of Orange and that His Highness received them very kindly December the 17th 1688. By the Lieutenancy Ordered That the said Order and Address be forwith Printed Geo. Evans To his Highness the Prince of Orange The Humble Address of the Lord Mayor Aldermen and Commons of the City of London in Common Council assembled May it please Your Highness WE taking into Consideration your Highness's fervent Zeal for the Protestant Religion manifested to the World in your many and hazardous Enterprizes which it hath pleased Almighty God to bless You with miraculous Success We render our deepest Thanks to the Divine Majesty for the same And beg leave to present our most humble Thanks to your Highness particularly for your appearing in Arms in this Kingdom to carry on and perfect your glorious Design to rescue England Scotland and Ireland from Slavery and Popery and in a Free Parliament to establish the Religion the Laws and the Liberties of these Kingdoms upon a sure and lasting Foundation We have hitherto look'd for some Remedy for these Oppressions and Imminent Dangers We together with our Protestant Fellow-Subjects laboured under from His Majesty's Concessions and Concurrences with Your Highness's Just and Pious purposes expressed in Your gracious Declaration But herein finding Our Selves finally disappointed by his Majesty's withdrawing Himself We presume to make Your Highness Our Refuge And do in the Name of this Capital CITY implore Your Highness's Protection and most humbly beseech Your Highness to vouchsafe to repair to this CITY where Your Highness will be received with Universal Joy and Satisfaction The Speech of Sir George Treby Kt. Recorder of the Honourable City of London to his Highness the Prince of Orange Dec. 20. 1688. May it please your Highness THE Lord Mayor being disabled by Sickness your Highness is attended by the Aldermen and Commons of the Capital City of this Kingdom deputed to Congratulate your Highness upon this great and glorious Occasion In which labouring for Words we cannot but come short in Expression Reviewing our late Danger we remember our Church and State over-run by Popery and Arbitrary Power and brought to the Point of Destruction by the Conduct of Men that were our true Invaders that brake the Sacred Fences of our Laws and which was worst the very Constitution of our Legislature So that there was no Remedy left but the Last The only Person under Heaven that could apply this Remedy was Your Highness You are of a Nation whose Alliances in all Times has been agreeable and prosperous to us You are of a Family most Illustrious Benefactors to Mankind To have the Title of Soveraign Prince Stadtholder and to have worn the Imperial Crown are among their lesser Dignities They have long enjoyed a Dignity singular and transcendent viz. To be Champions of Almighty God sent forth in several Ages to vindicate his Cause against the greatest Oppressions To this Divine Commission our Nobles our Gentry and among them our brave English Soldiers rendred themselves and their Arms upon your appearing GREAT SIR When we look back to the last Month and contemplate the Swiftness and Fulness of our present Deliverance astonish'd we think it miraculous Your Highness led by the Hand of Heaven and called by the Voice of the People has preserved our dearest Interests The Protestant Religion which is Primitive Christianity restor'd Our Laws which are our ancient Title to our Lives Liberties and Estates and without which this World were a Wilderness But what Retribution can We make to your Highness Our Thoughts are full-charged with Gratitude Your Highness has a lasting Monument in the Hearts in the Prayers in the Praises of all good Men among us And late Posterity will celebrate your ever-glorious Name till Time shall be no more Chapman Mayor Cur ' special ' tent ' die Jovis xx die Decemb ' 1688. Annoque RR. Jacobi Secundi Angl ' c. quarto THIS Court doth desire Mr. Recorder to print his Speech this day made to the Prince of Orange at the time of this Court 's attending his Highness with the Deputies of the several Wards and other Members of the Common Council Wagstaffe His Highness the Prince of Orange's Speech to the Scots Lords and Gentlemen With their Advice and his Highness's Answer With a true Account of what past at their Meeting in the Council-Chamber at Whitehall January 7th 168â— His Highness the Prince of Orange having caused Advertise such of the Scots Lords and Gentlemen as were in Town met them in a Room at St. James's upon Monday the Seventh of January at Three of the Clock in the Afternoon and had this Speech to them My Lords and Gentlemen THE only Reason that induced me to undergo so great an Vndertaking was That I saw the Laws and Liberties of these Kingdoms overturned and the Protestant Religion in Imminent Danger And seeing you are here so many Noblemen and Gentlemen I have called you together that I may have your Advice what is to be done for Securing the Protestant Religion and Restoring your Laws and Liberties according to my Declaration As soon as his Highness had retired the Lords and Gentlemen went to the Council-Chamber at Whitehall and having chosen the Duke of Hamilton their President they fell a consulting what Advice was fit to be given to his Highness in this Conjuncture And after some hours Reasoning they agreed upon the Materials of it and appointed the Clerks with such as were to assist them to draw up in Writing what the Meeting thought expedient to advise his Highness and to bring it in to the Meeting the next in the Afternoon Tuesday the Eighth Instant the Writing was presented in the Meeting And some time being spent in Reasoning about the fittest way of Coveening a General Meeting of the Estates of Scotland At last the Meeting came to agree in their Opinion and appointed the Advice to be writ clean over according to the Amendments But as they were about to part for that Dyet the Earl of Arran proposed to them as his Lordship's Advice that they should move the Prince of Orange to desire the King to return and call a Free Parliament which would be the best way to secure the Protestant Religion and Property and to
Consent of Parliament is against Law That the Subjects which are Protestants may have Arms for their Defence suitable to their Condition and as allowed by Law That Election of Members of Parliament ought to be Free That the Freedom of Speech and Debates or Proceedings in Parliament ought not to be impeached or questioned in any Court or place out of Parliament That excessive Bail ought not to be required nor excessive Fines imposed nor cruel and unusual Punishments inflicted That Jurors ought to be duly empannell'd and return'd and Jurors which pass upon Men in Tryals for High-Treason ought to be Freeholders That all grants and promises of Fines and Forfeitures of particular Persons before Conviction are Illegal and Void And that for Redress of all Grievances and for the amending strengthening and preserving of the Laws Parliaments ought to be held frequently And they do claim demand and insist upon all and singular the Premises as their undoubted Rights and Liberties and that no Declarations Judgments Doings or Proceedings to the prejudice of the People in any of the said Premises ought in any wise to be drawn hereafter into Consequence or Example To which Demand of their Rights they are particularly encouraged by the Declaration of His Highness the Prince of Orange as being the only Means for obtaining a full redress and remedy therein Having therefore an intire Confidence that his said Highness the Prince of Orange will perfect the Deliverance so far advanced by Him and will still preserve them from the Violation of their Rights which they have here asserted and from all other Attempts upon their Religion Rights and Liberties The said Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons Assembled at Westminster do resolve That William and Mary Prince and Princess of Orange be and be declared King and Queen of England France and Ireland and the Dominions thereunto belonging to hold the Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdoms and Dominions to them the said Prince and Princess during their Lives and the Life of the Survivor of them And that the sole and full Exercise of the Regal Power be only in and executed by the said Prince of Orange in the Names of the said Prince and Princess during their joynt lives and after their Deceases the said Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdoms and Dominions to be to the Heirs of the Body of the said Princess and for default of such Issue to the Princess Ann of Denmark and the Heirs of Her Body and for default of such Issue to the Heirs of the Body of the said Prince of Orange And the said Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons do pray the said Prince and Princess of Orange to accept the same accordingly And that the Oaths hereafter mentioned be taken by all Persons of whom the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy might be required by Law instead of them and that the said Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy be Abrogated I A. B. do sincerely promise and swear That I will be Faithful and bear true Allegiance to their Majesties King WILLIAM and Queen MARY So help me God I A. B. do swear That I do from my Heart Abhor Detest and Abjure as Impious and Heretical this Damnable Doctrin and Position That Princes Excommunicated or Deprived by the Pope or any Authority of the See of Rome may be Deposed or Murthered by their Subjects or any other whatsoever And I do declare That no Foreign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preeminence or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm So help me God Jo. Browne Cleric ' Parl. Die Veneris 15 Feb. 1688. His Majesties Gracious Answer to the Declaration of both Houses My Lords and Gentlemen THIS is certainly the greatest proof of the Trust you have in Vs that can be given which is the thing that maketh us value it the more and we thankfully Accept what you have Offered And as I had no other Intention in coming hither than to preserve your Religion Laws and Liberties so you may be sure That I shall endeavour to support them and shall be willing to concur in any thing that shall be for the Good of the Kingdom and to do all that is in my Power to advance the Welfare and Glory of the Nation Jo. Browne Cleric ' Parliamentorum Die Veneris 〈◊〉 Februarii 1688. ORdered by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal Assembled at Westminster That His Majesties Gracious Answer to the Declaration of both Houses and the Declaration be forthwith Printed and Published And that His Majesties Gracious Answer this Day be added to the Engrossed Declaration in Parchment to be Enrolled in Parliament and Chancery A PROCLAMATION WHereas it hath pleased Almighty God in his Great Mercy to this Kingdom to Vouchsafe us a Miraculous Deliverance from Popery and Arbitrary Power and that our Preservation is due next under God to the Resolution and Conduct of His Highness the Prince of ORANGE whom God hath Chosen to be the Glorious Instrument of such an Inestimable Happiness to us and our Posterity And being highly sensible and fully persuaded of the Great and Eminent Vertues of Her Highness the Princess of ORANGE whose Zeal for the Protestant Religion will no doubt bring a Blessing along with Her upon this Nation And whereas the Lords and Commons now Assembled at Westminster have made a Declaration and Presented the same to the said Prince and Princess of ORANGE and therein desired them to Accept the Crown who have Accepted the same Accordingly We therefore the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons together with the Lord Mayor and Citizens of London and others of the Commons of this Realm do with a full Consent Publish and Proclaim according to the said Declaration WILLIAM and MARY Prince and Princess of ORANGE to be KING and QUEEN of England France and Ireland with all the Dominions and Cerritories thereunto belonging Who are accordingly so to be Owned Deemed Accepted and taken by all the People of the aforesaid Realms and Dominions who are from henceforward bound to Acknowledge and Pay unto them all Faith and true Allegiance Beseeching God by whom Kings Reign to Bless King WILLIAM and Queen MARY with Long and Happy Years to Reign over Vs. God Save King WILLIAM and Queen MARY Jo. Brown Cleric ' Parliamentorum The Declaration of the Estates of Scotland concerning the Misgovernment of King James the Seventh and filling up the Throne with King William and Queen Mary THAT King James the 7th had acted irregularly 1. By His Erecting publick Schools and Societies of the Jesuits and not only allowing Mass to be publickly said but also inverting Protestant Chapels and Churches to Publick Mass-houses contrary to the express Laws against saying and hearing of Mass 2. By allowing Popish Books to be Printed and Dispersed by a Gift to a Popish Printer designing him Printer to his Majesties Houshold College and Chapel contrary to the Laws
3. By taking the Children of Protestant Noblemen and Gentlemen sending them abroad to be bred Papists making great Funds and Donations to Popish Schools and Colleges abroad bestowing Pensions on Priests and perverting Protestants from their Religion by Offers of Places Preferments and Pensions 4. By disarming Protestants while at the same time he employed Papists in the Places of greatest Trust Civil and Military such as Chancellor Secretaries Privy Councellors and Lords of Session thrusting out Protestants to make room for Papists and intrusting the Forts and Magazines of the Kingdom in their hands 5. By Imposing Oaths contrary to Law 6. By giving Gifts and Grants for exacting of Mony without Consent of Parliament or Convention of Estates 7. By Levying and keeping on foot a standing Army in time of Peace without consent of Parliament which Army did exact Locality free and day Quarters 8. By Employing the Officers of the Army as Judges through the Kingdom and imposing them where there were held Offices and Jurisdictions by whom many of the Leiges were put to Death summarily without legal Tryal Jury or Record 9. By imposing exorbitant Fines to the Value of the Parties Estates exacting extravagant Bail and disposing Fines and Forfaulture before any Process or Conviction 10. By Imprisoning Persons without expressing the Reason and delaying to put them to Tryal 11. By causing pursue and forfault several Persons upon stretches of old and obsolete Laws upon frivolous and weak pretences upon lame and defective Probations as particularly the late Earl of Argyle to the scandal and reproach of the Justice of the Nation 12. By Subverting the Right of the Royal Boroughs the Third Estate of Parliament imposing upon them not only Magistrates but also the whole Town Council and Clerks contrary to the Liberties and express Charters without the pretence either of Sentence Surrender or Consent So that the Commissioners to Parliaments being chosen by the Magistrates and Councils the King might in effect as well nominate that entire Estate of Parliament many of the said Magistrates put in by him were avowed Papists and the Burghs were forced to pay Mony for the Letters imposing these Illegal Magistrates and Council upon them 13. By sending Letters to the chief Courts of Justice not only ordering the Judges to stop and desist sine die to determine Causes but also ordering and commanding them how to proceed in Cases depending before them contrary to the express Laws And by changing the Nature of the Judges Gifts ad vitam aut culpam and giving them Commissions ad bene placitum to dispose them to compliance by Arbitrary Courses turning them out of their Offices when they did not comply 14. By granting Personal Protections for Civil Debts contrary to Law All which are utterly and directly contrary to the known Laws Freedoms and Statutes of this Realm Therefore the Estates of the Kingdom of Scotland find and declare That King James the Seventh being a profest papist did assume the Regal Power and acted as a King without ever taking the Oath required by Law and have by advice of Evil and Wicked Counsellors invaded the Fundamental Constitution of the Kingdom and altered it from a Legal limited Monarchy to an Arbitrary and Despotick Power and hath exercised the same to the subversion of the Protestant Religion and the violation of the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom Inverting all the Ends of Government whereby he hath forfaulted the Right to the Crown and the Throne is become vacant And whereas his Royal Highness William then Prince of Orange now King of England whom it hath pleased the Almighty God to make the glorious Instrument of delivering these Kingdoms from Popery and Arbitrary Power did by advice of several Lords and Gentlemen of this Nation at London for the time call the Estates of this Kingdom to meet the Fourteenth of March last in order to such an Establishment as that their Religion Laws and Liberties might not be again in danger of being subverted And the said Estates being now assembled in a full and free Representative of this Nation taking to their most serious consideration the best means for attaining the Ends aforesaid Do in the first place as their Ancestors in the like cases have usually done for the vindicating and asserting their Ancient Rights and Liberties declare That by the Law of this Kingdom no Papist can be King or Queen of the Realm nor bear any Office whatsoever therein nor can any Protestant Successor exercise the Regal Power until he or she swear the Coronation Oath That all Proclamations asserting an Absolute Power to cass annul and disable Laws the erecting Schools and Colleges for Jesuits the inverting Protestant Chapels and Churches to publick Mass-houses and the allowing Mass to be said are contrary to Law That the allowing Popish Books to be printed and dispersed is contrary to Law That the taking the Children of Noblemen Gentlemen and others sending and keeping them abroad to be bred Papists The making Funds and Donations to Popish Schools and Colleges the bestowing Pensions on Priests and the perverting Protestants from their Religion by offers of Places Preferments and Pensions are contrary to Law That the disarming of Protestants and imploying Papists in the Places of greatest Trust both Civil and Military the thrusting out Protestants to make room for Papists and the entrusting Papists with the Forts and Magazines of the Kingdom are contrary to Law That the Imposing Oaths without Authority of Parliament is contrary to Law That the giving Gifts or Grants for raising of Mony without the Consent of Parliament or Convention of Estates is contrary to Law That the employing Officers of the Army as Judges through the Kingdom or imposing them where there were several Offices and Jurisdictions and the putting the Lieges to death summarily and without legal Tryal Jury or Record are contrary to Law That the imposing extraordinary Fines the exacting of exorbitant Bail and the disposing of Fines and Forfaultures before Sentence are contrary to Law That the Imprisoning Persons without expressing the reason thereof and delaying to put them to Tryal are contrary to Law That the causing pursue and forfault Persons upon Stretches of old and obsolete Laws upon frivolous and weak Pretences upon lame and defective Probation as particularly the late Earl of Argyle are contrary to Law That the nominating and imposing Magistrates Councils and Clerks upon Burghs contrary to the Liberties and express Charters is contrary to Law That the sending Letters to the Courts of Justice ordaining the Judges to stop or desist from determining Causes or ordaining them how to proceed in Causes depending before them and the changing the Nature of the Judges Gifts ad vitam aut culpam unto Commissions Durante bene placito are contrary to Law That the granting Personal Protections for Civil Debts is contrary to Law That the forcing the Lieges to depone against themselves in Capital Crimes however the Punishment be restricted is contrary to Law
That the using Torture without Evidence or in ordinary Crimes is contrary to Law That the sending of an Army in a Hostile manner upon any part of the Kingdom in a peaceable time and exacting of Locality and any manner of free Quarter is contrary to Law That the charging the Lieges with Law-burroughs at the King's instance and the imposing of Bands without the Authority of Parliament and the suspending the Advocates from their Imployments for not compearing when such Bands were offered were contrary to Law That the putting of Garisons on private Mens Houses in a time of peace without the consent of the Authority of Parliament is contrary to Law That the opinion of the Lords of Session in the two Causes following were contrary to Law viz. 1. That the concerting the demand of a Supply for a Forfaulted Person although not given is Treason 2. That Persons refusing to discover what are their private thoughts and judgments in relation to points of Treason or other Mens actions are guilty of Treason That the fining Husbands for their Wives withdrawing from the Church was contrary to Law That Prelacy and Superiority of any Office in the Church above Presbyters is and hath been a great and unsupportable Grievance and Trouble to this Nation and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People ever since the Reformation they having Reformed from Popery by Presbyters and therefore ought to be abolished That it is the Right and Privilege of the Subjects to protest for remand of Law to the King and Parliament against Sentences pronounced by the Lords of Session providing the same do not stop execution of the said Sentences That it is the Right of the Subjects to Petition the King and that all Imprisonments and Prosecutions for such Petitions are contrary to Law That for redress of all Grievances and for the amending strengthning and preserving of the Laws Parliaments ought to be frequently called and allowed to sit and the freedom of Speech and Debate secured to the Members And they do claim and demand and insist upon all and sundry the Premisses as their undoubted Right and Liberties and that no Declarations Doings or Proceedings to the prejudice of the People in any of the said Premisses ought in any ways to be drawn hereafter in consequence and example but that all Forfaultures Fines loss of Offices Imprisonments Banishments Pursuits Persecutions and Rigorous Executions be considered and the Parties seized be redressed To which demand of the Rights and Redressing of their Grievances they are particularly incouraged by his Majesty the King of England his Declaration for the Kingdom of Scotland of the _____ day of October last as being the only means for obtaining a full Redress and remead therein Having therefore an entire Confidence That his said Majesty the King of England will perfyte the Deliverance so far advanced by him and will still preserve them from the Violation of the Rights which they have here asserted and from all other Attempts upon their Religion Laws and Liberties The said Estates of the Kingdom of Scotland do resolve That William and Mary King and Queen of England France and Ireland â—e and Be Declared King and Queen of Scotland to Hold the Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdom of Scotland to them the said King and Queen during their Lives and the longest Liver of them and that the sole and full exercise of the Royal Power be only in and exercised by him the said King in the Names of the said King and Queen during their joynt lives And after their deceases the said Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdom to be to the Heirs of the Body of the said Queen Which failing to the Princess Ann of Denmark and the Heirs of her Body Which also failing to the Heirs of the Body of the said William King of England And they do pray the said King and Queen of England to accept the same accordingly And that the Oath hereafter mentioned be taken by all Protestants of whom the Oath of Allegiance and any other Oaths and Declarations might be required by Law instead thereof And that the said Oath of Allegiance and other Oaths and Declarations may be Abrogated I A. B. Do sincerely Promise and Swear That I will be Faithful and bear True Allegiance to Their Majesties King William and Queen Mary So help me God A Proclamation declaring William and Mary King and Queen of England to be King and Queen of Scotland Edinburgh April 11. 1689. WHereas the Estates of this Kingdom of Scotland by their Act of the Date of these Presents have Resolved That WILLIAM and MARY King and Queen of England France and Ireland Be and Be declared King and Queen of Scotland to hold the Crown and Royal Dignity of the said Kingdom of Scotland to them the said King and Queen during their Lives and the longest Liver of Them and that the Sole and Full Exercise of the Regal Power be only in and Exercised by the said King in the Names of the said King and Queen during their joynt Libes As also the Estates having Resolved and Enacted an Instrument of Government or Claim of Right to be presented with the Offer of the Crown to the said King and Queen They do Statute and Ordain that William and Mary King and Queen of England France and Ireland be accordingly forthwith Proclaimed King and Queen of Scotland at the Mercat Cross of Edinburgh by the Lyon King at Arms or his Deputs his Brethren Heraulds Macers and Pursevants and at the Head-Burghs of all the Shires Stewarties Bailliaries and Regalities within the Kingdom by Messengers at Arms. Extracted forth of the Meeting of the Estates by me Ja. Dalrymple Cls. God save King WILLIAM and Queen MARY The Manner of the King and Queen taking the Scotish Coronation Oath May 11. 1689. THis day being appointed for the publick Reception of the Commissioners viz. The Earl of Argyle Sir James Montgomery of Skelmerly and Sir John Dalrymple of Stair younger who were sent by the Meeting of the Estates of Scotland with an Offer of the Crown of that Kingdom to Their Majesties they accordingly at three of the Clock met at the Council-Chamber and from thence were Conducted by Sir Charles Cotterel Master of the Ceremonies attended by most of the Nobility and Gentry of that Kingdom who reside in and about this place to the Banqueting-House where the King and Queen came attended by many Persons of Quality the Sword being carried before them by the Lord Cardrosse and Their Majesties being placed on the Throne under a Rich Canopy they first presented a Letter from the Estates to his Majesty then the Instrument of Government Thirdly a Paper containing the Grievances which they desired might be Redressed and Lastly an Address to His Majesty for turning the Meeting of the said Estates into a Parliament All which being Signed by his Grace the Duke of Hamilton as President of the Meeting and
such Assemblies which times are as ancient as any Memory of the Nation it self hence I infer that no Summons from the King can be thought to have been necessary in those days because it was altogether needless Secondly The Succession to the Crown did not in those days nor till of late years run in a course of Lineal Succession by right of Inheritance But upon the death of a Prince those Persons of the Realm that Composed the then Parliament Assembled in order to the choosing of another That the Kingdom was then Elective though one or other of the Royal Blood was always chosen but the next in Lineal Succession very seldom is evident from the Genealogies of the Saxon Kings from an old Law made at Calchuyth appointing how and by whom Kings shall be chosen and from many express and particular Accounts given by our old Historians of such Assemblies held for Electing of Kings Now such Assemblies could not be Summon'd by any King and yet in conjunction with the King that themselves set up they made Laws binding the King and all the Realm Thirdly After the Death of King William Rufus Robert his Elder Brother being then in the Holy Land Henry the younger Son of King William the First procured an Assembly of the Clergy and People of England to whom he made large Promises of his good Government in case they would accept of him for their King and they agreeing that if he would restore to them the Laws of King Edward the Confessor then they would consent to make him their King He swore that he would do so and also free them from some oppressions which the Nation had groan'd under in his Brothers and his Fathers time Hereupon they chose him King and the Bishop of London and the Archbishop of York set the Crown upon his Head Which being done a Confirmation of the English Liberties passed the Royal Assent in that Assembly the same in substance though not so large as King John's and King Henry the Third's Magna Charta's afterwards were Fourthly After that King's Death in such another Parliament King Stephen was Elected and Mawd the Empress put by though not without some stain of perfidiousness upon all those and Stephen himself especially who had sworn in her Fathers Life-time to acknowledge her for their Soveraing after his decease Fifthly In King Richard the First 's time the King being absent in the Holy Land and the Bishop of Ely then his Chancellor being Regent of the Kingdom in his Absence whose Government was intolerable to the People for his Insolence and manifold Oppressions a Parliament was convened at London at the Instance of Earl John the Kings Brother to treat of the great and weighty affairs of the King and Kingdom in which Parliament this same Regent was depos'd from his Government and another set up viz. the Arch-Bishop of Roan in his stead This Assembly was not conven'd by the King who was then in Palaestine nor by any Authority deriv'd from him for then the Regent and Chancellor must have call'd them together but they met as the Historian says expresly at the Instance of Earl John And yet in the Kings Absence they took upon them to settle the publick Affairs of the Nation without Him Sixthly When King Henry the 3d. died his Eldest Son Prince Edward was then in the Holy Land and came not home till within the third year of his Reign yet immediately upon the Fathers Death all the Prelates and Nobles and 4 Knights for every Shire and 4 Burgesses for every Borough Assembled together in a great Council and setled the Government till the King should return Made a new Seal and a Chancellor c. I infer from what has been said that Writs of Summons are not so Essential to the being of Parliaments but that the People of England especially at a time when they cannot be had may by Law and according to our old Constitution Assemble together in a Parliamentary way without them to treat of and settle the publick Affairs of the Nation And that if such Assemblies so conven'd find the Throne Vacant they may proceed not only to set up a Prince but with the Assent and Concurrence of such Prince to transact all Publick business whatsoever without a new Election they having as great Authority as the People of England can deligate to their Representatives II. The Acts of Parliaments not Formal nor Legal in all their Circumstances are yet binding to the Nation so long as they continue in Force and not liable to be questioned as to the Validity of them but in subsequent Parliaments First The two Spencers Temp. Edvardi Secundi were banished by Act of Parliament and that Act of Parliament repealed by Dures Force yet was the Act of Repeal a good Law till it was Annulled 1 Ed. 3. Secondly Some Statutes of 11 Rich. 2. and attainders thereupon were repealed in a Parliament held Ann. 21. of that King which Parliament was procured by forced Elections and yet the Repeal stood good till such time as in 1 Henry 4. the Statutes of 11 Rich. 2. were revived and appointed to be firmly held and kept Thirdly The Parliament of 1 Hen. 4. consisted of the same Knights Citizens and Burgesses that had served in the then last dissolved Patliament and those Persons were by the Kings Writts to the Sheriffs commanded to be returned and yet they passed Acts and their Acts tho never confirmed continue to be Laws at this day Fourthly Queen Mary's Parliament that restored the Popes Supremacy was notoriously known to be pack'd inso much that it was debated in Queen Elizabeth's time whether or no to declare all their Acts void by Act of Parliament That course was then upon some prudential considerations declined and therefore the Acts of that Parliament not since repealed continue binding Laws to this day The reason of all this is Because no inferiour Courts have Authority to judge of the Validity or Invalidity of the Acts of such Assemblies as have but so much as a colour of Parliamentary Authority The Acts of such Assemblies being Entred upon the Parliament-Roll and certified before the Judges of Westminster-Hall as Acts of Parliament are conclusive and binding to them because Parliaments are the only Judges of the Imperfections Invalidities Illegalities c. of one another The Parliament that call'd in King Charles the Second was not assembled by the Kings Writ and yet they made Acts and the Royal assent was had to them many of which indeed were afterwards confirmed but not all and those that had no Confirmation are undoubted Acts of Parliament without it and have ever since obtained as such Hence I inferr that the present Convention may if they please assume to themselves a Parliamentary Power and in conjunction with such King or Queen as they shall declare may give Laws to the Kingdom as a legal Parliament The Thoughts of a Private Person about the Justice of the Gentlemens Vndertaking
suffer upon a mighty reasonable account For first It is the best way to overcome my Faith can Triumph so by no other Victory as by Death for that is a Victory never to be lost again 2. Though I die the Tyrant hath not his end but is by that means utterly defeated of it And 3. I shall be an infinite gainer by it for I shall have an infinite Reward for what I suffer and what I lose But there is a vast difference between suffering for the Faith of Christ and for the frame of a Political Government for if I may not resist I am overcome 2. If I am overcome the Tyrantgets his End namely an Arbitrary Power And 3. He has promis'd no Reward for such Voluntary entering into Bondage or owning an usurped Authority The Church and the frame of the State stand upon Two several Bottoms God has promised to support the Church and there needs no Arm of flesh to defend it under the worst of governments But the frame of every government is a Humane Structure and though God does impower and authorize every government yet he has left the Choice of the several kinds to the parties and has promised to bless them in the just Administration of their several Choices but no where has he promised to support the particular frame they chose that as their prudence raised it or it must fall at every King's pleasure and when they have chosen out the Frame God that approves it grants neither the King nor the people greater priviledges than the Frame it self expresses which in diverse Nations is different some submitting to be governed by the will of him they Voluntarily chose Others to one that will govern by Laws of their own making and his approving Others to one of their precedent Kings Race or Line Others to a multitude Others to a few of the best and presumptively wisest Persons and every peoples choice must be the measure of their Obedience if they have made an ill Bargain they must stand to it and if they have made a good one they may stand for it If therefore any Governor challenge more of the Subject than is in the Submission That Subjects may by the Laws of God and Man deny to yield it And if the Prince deny to give the Subject as much as in the Grant the Subject may challenge his Right and if by Force or Fraud contrary to the Frame of the government the Governor will force the governed from his Right the Obligation of subjection ceases so far and he may defend himself from the oppression and injustice as well as he can Obj. 2. But he must defend himself in God's way his defence must be without Sin And that is either by Prayers to God or Intreaties to the Prince or by Suffering for the Scripture says all Power are of God and they that resist the Power resist the Ordinance of God Rom. 13.2 And St. Peter gives Christians in Charge that they submit to every Odinance of Man for the Lord's sake Answ All Powers indeed are of God that is every Government has God's Warrant to proceed according to the Frame of the government to the End of the government which is the publick Good The Power is of God but the Restraint of the Power is in the Frame of the government and the Frame is an humane Ordinance or Structure as the Apostle elegantly Expresses it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he therefore that resisteth the government proceedeth according to the Frame of thegovernment resisteth the Ordinance of God But if the Governor proceed neither according to the Frame of the government nor to the End but against it such Process cannot be the Ordinance of God unless God have two contradictory Ordinances of Force at one time in the same Government and then the command may be true and false and the Subjects duty good and evil and men would be perpetually distracted with serving two Masters This would make the Government God's and the Devil 's and as no less than to put a Blasphemous Juggle upon the Ordinance of God which is always simple and at one with it self These Scriptures therefore can tye us to obey the Governor contrary to the Government because they tye us to obey the government and that this is all they tye us from resisting is evident by the Reason St. Paul gives which is because the Resisters resist the Ordinance of God and therefore it is warily exprest if it were but as warily read for it is not whosoever resisteth the person or the will of the Governor but whosoever resisteth the Power and that Power is neither more nor less than the Frame of the government expresses resisteth the Ordinance of God and to this Resistance the Penalty is annexed But it does not follow because I may not resist the Ordinance of God that I may not resist the powerless and inauthoritative unjust Attempts of Superiours upon me for then a Souldier might not resist his Captain that would rob him nor a Married Man-servant his Master that would force his Wise This I think evidences That to resist a Superiour and his evil Instruments and Accomplices while they Act contrary to the Frame of the Government is not to resist the Power of God or the Ordinance of God but to keep off those who usurp upon the Power of God and the Frame of the Government and the just Rights of others For I would fain know of the Doctors of Non resistance whether the Act that contains the Test have the stamp of God's Authority upon it or no if it have not the Power of the King and Parliament is no Power of God if it have then to resist that is to resist the Ordinance of God And those Commissions that are contrary to it have no power from God If the affirmative be true the negative is of no force And therefore to resist such Commissions is not to resist the Ordinance of God unless God's Ordinances be contradictory and that would render God guilty of double dealing as well as the Jesuits Which being utterly impossible it must be concluded That the resisting such Commissions and the Instruments acting by them is not to resist Lawful Authority but to remove Unlawful not to do evil but to hinder it not to sin but to prevent Sinners for doing mischief and it would be very hard measure for a Man to be damn'd for doing such a good Office Bishop Bilson therefore speaking of this Text says It is not resisting the King's Will against Law but according to Law that is forbidden And both Barclay and Grotius affirm That the People may in diverse Cases resist Kings that are tyed to govern by Law which they could not do did they think these Scriptures forbad all resistance Much indeed is said from the Practice of the Jews and the Primitive Christians and the Subjection of Servants but nothing to the purpose for their Case is not ours more than their frame of
Government is ours their Servants were Slaves and their Kings and Emperours Wills were their Laws their People had no Magna Charta's to show nor Fundamental Compacts and so could plead no injustice in any command the frame of the Government Warranted all those commands that had the Royal pleasure Their Political Power was more extensive than their Moral Power The People were wholly at the Mercy of the Prince All their Laws were Acts of Grace not fundamental Reserves and inherent Rights and therefore in Spirituals they had no Cause to resist and in Temporals they might not as was observed above If they had been under limited Governments as we are we might have heard of Blows as well as Words St. Paul was never so virulent with his Tongue as when he was smitten contrary to Law Obj. 3. But the Person of the King is sacred and must not he touched Answ I say so too but it is his just Power that makes him so And therefore in dangerous times he is to be counselled and perswaded to secure himself by keeping within the Sanctuary of the Laws and holding them forth for the Publick Good by gaining the Affections of the People and being content with that measure of Power that is proper to the Government For if he doth not Right may and ought to be defended and resistance for the Publick good of Illegal Commissioned Forces is not resisting the King's Person but his Forces nor his Power but his Force without Power If none would execute the King's contradictory Commands none would resist and if he will against all Justice Prudence and Perswasions joyn with wicked Men and wilfully expose himself to the mercy of blind Bullets charge is to be given to all that none kill him wittingly or wilfully the hand that lifted him up may not pull him down God forbid that any should think of killing him de industrâ or despair of his repentance before God does nothing past can prejudice a Penitent before God and I hope not before Men thus the King's person and power will be safe in the midst of a Civil War not so safe as in peaceable times but as safe as can consist with the Subjects Right when their Religion and Laws Liberty and Property are Violently invaded And therefore if any thing befall his person by their hands it is but a chance and accidental thing which may happen also in peaceable times This shows that Resisting the King 's illegal commission'd Forces in defence of their own just Rights is not resisting the Ordinance of God and consequently no Sin and then the Conscience is not tyed otherwise than the Laws of the Land and the particular Frame of the government tyes it Obj. 4. But to resist the King or his Commissioners is against the Frame of the Government it being a Monarchy and against the Laws and Statutes of the Realm Answ If it be so it is a great Sin but as it is certain this is a Monarchy so it is certain that it is limited in the Foundation otherwise the King would have all the Legislative Power and the Parliment no Authority or Right but derived from him and then he must be Arbitrary and we Slaves and all our Laws must be acts of Grace not Fundamental Rights Not from any inherent power reserved at the Institution to our selves and never submitted to the Princes but from the gracious condescention of an Absolute Monarch which is contrary to the Story of all times which shows that the people ever claimed Liberty and Property according to their Ancient Laws and Customs not as a Gift but as a Right inherent in themselves and never Transferred Aliened or Conveyed to any King but Declared Recognized and Confirmed to them by many I shall therefore suppose what I think none can upon sufficient grounds deny that the King is bound by all the sacred Tyes of God and Man to govern by the Laws and not otherwise neither by a Foreign Law nor by one of his own framing nor by any Word or Will contrary to Law seeing nothing can have the force of Law here but what has the joynt Consent of King and Parliament and that in a Parliamentary way and this shows us in the Terms of Submission that are sworn to on both sides The King and the people by a joynt consent makes Laws and make them the common Rule betwixt them the King swears to observe the Laws and the people swear to obey the King and to leave the Execution of the Laws to the King to be managed for the publick good Therefore as long as he governs by Law he and all his Ministers are safe enough from Resistance the Resister being lyable to be punished both by God and Man and the sole administration being left to the King Subjects all but himself to Criminal process and even himself to Civil but his person and power are safe in both he may be severe in the Execution of the Laws many times but not unjust As if he will not suspend a Burthensom Law or Revive an Antiquated one when the publick good requires it This may render him uncharitable or imprudent but he is safe yet For though he be bound to proceed according to Law yet he is not tyed to proceed always according to the best Methods when there are diverse But if he stop the Courts of Justice erect new ones or proceed contrary to Law he Acts without Authority and against his own Authority and puts on a kind of a Vizard that his Subjects can neither know him nor their Duty for it is the Laws that direct them to the person of the King and their own Duty without which they could know neither And if the End be not the publick good it is downright Injustice as well as politically powerless Necessity indeed may justifie a Political unlawful Act for the Publick good As in case of an Invasion to burn a garrison rather than it should be a refuge for the Enemy or to open Sluces and to drown a part of the Country for though these things have not the form of the Law they have the reason and that is Publick good And therefore it is not Law but Necessity not the King's Command but Publick good that warrants these Acts. And when Peace returns the Injured are to have satisfaction made by the Publick not as of Charity but as of Justice which shows that the Law looks upon it as a Trespass justified only by Necessity and the Publick good And the particular Persons here have reason to be quiet and make no resistance because they shall reap double benefit by it one in the Publick good and another from the Publick Treasure But it does not follow that if the King in an angry mood should command his guards to fire Newmarket because he had lost an Horse-race there or had a mind to have a Bonefire because he had won one that the Inhabitants might not resist them Obj. 5. By what Law
owe Arbitraty Allegiance Allegiance is more in some Places and less in others but no Man can owe so much Duty to his Prince as not to have a Salvo for God and his Life and here we can owe none that is against our Laws and the Publick Good for that would destroy the Government Our Allegiance therefore must be bounded by our Laws and not by the King's Word or Will No Man can swear to obey the King's Word or Will simply but according to Law It would be Sin to tye our selves to think or speak or do what he would have us at large Our Allegiance therefore must be such as will consist with the Frame of our Government and that must be such as is couched in the Body of our Laws Other Allegiance there can be none but what is wrapt up in Courtesies and Formalities For it seems the King as well as the People is under the Law in some Sense under the direction of it though not under the constraint and therefore at his Coronation he does a kind of Fealty to the Laws and Government and swears Allegiance to them as to a Supream Lord. The Oath is not only Will you grant the Laws but will you grant and keep the Laws and Customs of England and the Answer is I grant and promise to keep them It is certain therefore no Allegiance to the King can be against Law to which he himself owes Allegiance The Case being thus far clear That the Allegiance sworn to is no other but our Legal Duty it does not hinder but that we may resist illegal Force When the King of the Scots swore allegiance to our King it did not deprive him of a just defence of his just Right by taking up arms if he were opprest And the King of England when he swore allegiance to the King of France made no scruple to take up arms against his Liege Lord in defence of his just Rights And the Old Lawyers tell us That the very Villain might in case of Rape and Murther arm against his Lord and if the Law arm a Villain against his Lord Subjects are worse than Villains if they may not arm against their Soveraign Lord's illegal Forces in defence of their Laws Lives Estates and the publick good but what makes it most evident is the Clause in King Henry's Charter which says If the King invade those Rights it is Lawful for the Kingdom to rise against him and do him what injury they can as though they owed him no Allegiance The Words are these if my Author fail me not Licet omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos insurgere omnia agere quae gravamen noster respiciant ac si nobis in nullo tenerentur Much to the same purpose is in King John's Charter which I find thus quoted Et Illi Barones cum communa totius terrae distringent gravabunt Nos Modis omnibus quibus poterunt scilicet per captionem Castrorum terrarum possessionum etalis modis quibus potuerint donet fuerint emendatum secundum Arbitrium eorum salva persona nostra Reginae nostrae Liberorum nostrorum Much may be said of this Nature about the Old Allegiance which was all couched in Homage and Fealty but this is enough to show that true Allegiance does not tye us from resisting illegal Force and Intolerable Incroachments upon our just Rights Obj. 10. But such Resistance would be against the Declaration which says It is not Lawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take up Arms against the King c. Answ The Latitude of the word Lawful causes the Scruple which at first View seems to tell us That it is sinful upon any pretence whatsoever to take up arms against the King c. But it is no good consequence to say That it is sinful because it is unlawful unless the Discourse be restrained to the Laws of God I must confess it is politically unlawful for Subjects in any Case or for any Cause whatever to take up arms against the King and those Commission'd by him because such a taking up arms here can have no political authority But it is morally lawful in all limited Governments to resist that Force that wants political power The regal power is irresistable in all Persons from the King to the petty Constable but it does not hinder but that all these Persons may be resisted when they do what they have no political power to They that have a limited power and a prescribed Duty may either act against or beyond their Commission and when they so do they may be resisted For such acts have no political power in them though the Persons have to other purposes If a Commission should be granted to a Company of Ruffians to plunder and massacre they might have something more of the King's Affections but no more of his authority than Private Robbers had and consequently might be resisted with equal Honesty None therefore can make this Declaration in its full Latitude but upon this presumption That the King and his Ministers keep perpetually within the Bounds of the Law otherwise they declare the King has an arbitrary power which is against the Fundamental Laws of this Land and a kind of Treason against the State For if he may not be resisted in any Case he may be under some moral restraint but under no political restraint and consequently the political frame of the Government must be arbitrary The meaning therefore of this Declaration can be no other but that a Man can have no Civil power or authority in any Case to take up arms against the King c. But this does not debar any man of the Natural Right of Self-defence by private arms against Inauthoritative Force Obj. 11. To this some reply that seeing God hath placed the Governing though limited Power in the King's Hand no Man may by any Natural Right or Private Defence resist his illegal Force God s Power must not be resisted though abused Answ There is a great difference between the abuse of power and the want of power and therefore this argument either supposes the power greater than it is or concludes ill The King and Parliament have indeed an arbitrary power I do not say Infinite but as Extensive as the frame of government will bear and therefore if they make a very grievous Law though they ought not for they are under a moral restraint though no political neither the King nor any of his Ministers may be resisted in the due Execution of it But the King has no power to burden us beyond or against Law and we may thank our own Weakness if ever he have Strength to do it This shows us there is a great difference betwixt the abuse of political power and the want of it Abused power must not be resisted but Force without power may The political power of arbitrary Princes is more extensive than their moral power And this tyes the Subject to Non-resistance when
he is Immorally or Unchristianly used They that subject themselves to anothers Discretion devest themselves of all defence But they that reserve property and liberty to themselves may justly defend them when they are unjustly invaded Had the King an arbitrary power which he did abuse to vex the Protestants I for my part should think my self obliged to suffer and not to resist as I believe did all the Primitive Christians but seeing he has no political power to use me as he lists and the most absolute Monarch has no moral power to do an unjust Act to his Subject I should be a senseless Fool if without any Obligation either from God or Man I should stand Blows rather than withstand them The Truth is Non-resistance stretch'd thus far under this government would make us like the Two Fools that went to the Field to fight with one Staff with which Vice Versa he that had it cudgell'd the other who stood all the while with his Hands in his pocket Valiantly bearing all the blows his Brother Fool thought good to lay on 2. Others conclude otherwise against this Doctrine and say The King having the Sacred Power Lodged in him may not be resisted though he act without or against that power for reverence of that Just power of God that is in him This looks like a piece of Courtship to God and smells more of Superstition than Divinity God requires no Honor to the prejudice of Justice or the advancement of Injustice but this too Devout kind of Reverence would inable a bad Prince to injure the Innocent and would leave Justice defenceless on Earth Just power is a Sanctuary indeed but the Sanctuary is of no larger extent than the power This is evident by the Tenour of all Commissions the granter must have a competent power of what he grants and that warrants the Executor to proceed to the End of the grant but the having power to one purpose cannot protect a Man from Resistance if he proceed to another The Chimney man that is irresistable in his Office is resistable if he gather the Corn in the Town-fields And the King that receives his Commission from the King of Heaven to execute the Law and is therefore Irresistable in the execution of it is yet resistable if he shut up all the Courts of Justice and abuse his Subjects contrary to Law In this case he acts not by the power of God but his Own by an Arm of Flesh or the Strength of Wicked men not by any political power or moral power but by the Savage power of a Beast or the malicious power of Hell And how any Honor should accrue to God by a Voluntary submitting to such a power is beyond my comprehension they are most likely to Honor God that stand up most for his power and will submit to no other I have brought in these Two Objections here because the Declaration is the most specious and obvious Plea for Non-resistance and is usually back'd with one of these Conceits that either want of political power is but abuse of political power or that a limited political power is a Sanctuary for unlimited Actions in whomsoever it rests Obj. 12. But to resist such Forces as are Commission'd by the King is against the Royal Prerogative of the Crown Answ The King has no Prerogative except such as are wrapt up in honorary Formalities but what the Law gives him we must not therefore presume a Prerogative and then conclude it Law but first find the Law and by it prove the Prerogative and when we have found the Prerogative it must be measured by what the Publick Good will bear and not by what the Absoluteness of the Prerogative will admit For no Prerogative can be used that is against the frame of the government or the publick good Interpretations of Law therefore ought rather to favour Liberty and Property than Prerogative because the benefiting of the Subject comes nearer to the End of the government than the excessive Honouring the Prince Honorary Prerogatives are in their Degree necessary and not superfluous there must be something to maintain the Reverence of Magistrates but they ought to give way to publick Interest and the rest are nothing but powers placed in the King to do good with and not good or ill as he pleases A Prerogative therefore cannot destroy a Law but it may supply its Defects pardoning a Condemn'd Innocent or a hopeful penitent or dispencing with a Law to one that by particular Accident the Law in its Rigour would undo But no Prerogative can impower the King to destroy the peoples liberty or property That dispencing power that like a State Opium casts all the Laws asleep and is an Engine of publick Mischief is no Prerogative belonging to the Crown of England but a Vice that does not belong to it For it brings guilt upon the King and damage upon the Subject and is a real diminution of the Dignities of the Crown For it and such like serve only to Impower the King to do Mischief with securely that is they give an Immunity from punishment but not from guilt As suppose the King by such a claimed Prerogative should shut up all the Courts of Justice so that none should be had he might be free from punishment but not from guilt he is clear by Necessity only not by Right the Case Transcends the Frame of the government none can Judge him that has neither Equals nor Superiors and so he escapes because he cannot be punished not because he deserves it not Thus the pretended Prerogative bespatters him and so leaves him Obj. 13. But it is against the Supremacy for the Supreme ought to have the Supreme credit both in judging what is Law and what is for the Publick Good Answ As the King is Supreme in the Executive part so the Parliament have a share in the Legislative which I take to be the very Apex of Supremacy and therefore they ought to have their share in interpreting Laws as well as the King or his Judges because none knows the meaning so well as the Makers if they be alive and if they be dead none knows the publick Necessities so well none so unlikely to deceive or be deceived being so numerous none likely to be so faithful and so unlikely to be cortupted having so great an interest in the publick good none like to be so effectual in working a compliance in the Peoples hearts seeing it is in effect their own Determination But yet they cannot do it without the King for that would place his Parliament above himself The King indeed is Supreme in the Legislative part as well as in the Executive part but he has not the whole Supremacy in the Legislative part as he has in the Executive He is the Head of that Body in which it rests but the Power like the Soul of Man is in the whole Body though most eminently in the Head The Parliament have their Existence
but not their Essence from him When they are called together they Act by a proper and inherent Right of their own and not by the King's Commission and Direction It may be good Manners to fall upon what he directs them to first but if any thing of greater Moment require dispatch they must wave a Complement to do a real kindness to the publick Interest which they could not do were they his Commissioners and received their power to act by from him It is unnatural for the Stream to stop the Fountain head But seeing they act by their own inherent Power when met they can restrain in the King that he cannot make a Law without them or give such an interpretation of any either by himself or his Judges as shall bind the Subjects to follow or is not Reversible in Parliament for such Interpretation is part of the Legislative power and that rests in the King and Subjects Conjunctim Had the King Authority to bind his Interpretations for Law upon the Subject he might at Pleasure elude any Law and Law would be but a Sconce for Arbitrary power The Opinion indeed of the Judges is reverend but not irreversible None can finally bind an Interpretation on the Subject but those that can make Law Therefore if the King and Parliament differ about the sense of a Law it is not legally decided till both agree in one sense But that sense that is really for the publick good has the Right of a Law though not the Form and they that justifie such an Interpretation are justifiable by the Law of Nature for though it transcend the process of Courts and cannot have the force of a political Law yet Reason Mankinds prime Law justifies Men to prefer a publick good before a private Interest and what is for the publick good they that feel are best able to Judge Obj. 14. But it is Disobedience Answ Disobedience to a Lawful Command is a grievous Crime and a great Sin but it may be a great duty to disobey an unlawful Command Obedience is due as far as the Law requires and something farther a particular person must suffer rather than the Honour and Majesty of the Prince should be brought into Contempt for though the Law does not bind to this yet Conscience and Reason do the publick Interest must be promoted Scandal prevented and the Government secured from Contempt though it prejudice some particular person for such Contempt may arise from a just refusal of Obedience in some small and single Instances and may be of worse consequence to the publick than a private Injury but if the thing commanded tend to destroy the Government or introduce a general Calamity Disobedience becomes a Duty and such commands in this government are morally politically and divinely powerless and the Disobedient in such a Case does the King as good Service as he that discovers Treason for he gives him Notice that his Foot is entering into a Snare and that his preservation stands in desisting and repenting if he would but heed it And if the Disobedience be once good the higher it goes the better it is continuing still good it is absurd to go from good to worse extensively Disobedience that is good is still better as it is more likely to prevent the Evil And then Disobedience defensive is doubtless better than passive for that would introduce the Evil Voluntarily that is they that were not willing to do it themselves were yet willing to let others do it and how far that can clear them I see not For though it is not a downright consenting to subvert the Government yet it is a consenting that it shall be done rather than they will run the hazard to defend it or prevent it which is but Pilate-like to wash the Hands of what their Hearts tell them they are Accessary to Obj. 15. But War is hurtful to the State Answ The Arm that is broke cannot set it self nor can he that sets it set it by any Natural Power derived from the Spirit but by a Violent disturbing them again the Bone-setter is often forced to pull them further asunder e're he can joyn them well and so it is when Wicked Men have disjoynted and broken the Bones of State the languishing Law cannot restore it self nor can those that seek to restore it restore it without doing Violence to its broken part but it is better to do that Violence than to let them grow Crooked or Gangreen He that has taken Poyson must suffer the Violence of a Vomit and they that are Sick must be made Sicker oft before they can be made Well The prejudice therefore the Government receives by those that go about to restore it does no more denominate them Enemies to the State than the little griping of Physick can denominate Physicians Enemies to Nature The Evil proceeds from the Disease not the Remedy and the Guilt is upon them that gave the Wound not those that drest it all the Anguish and Smart that follows the Skilful Chirurgeons Hand is not to be attributed to the Chirurgeon but to the wicked Assassine and therefore though this Restoration have the Evil of a Civil War yet the Guilt of all that Evil lies upon the Causers Men are not bound to lose their Right for fear of harming Wicked Men nor to save a less Good by losing a greater a short Evil is to be chosen rather than a perpetual one Men had better drudge to preserve their own Freedom than to enter into Bondage to drudge for others and the Patriots of our Country do well to bear the Burthen of a War rather than to become Slaves themselves and leave Popery Beggary and Slavery to their Posterity Obj. 16. But it is an unsafe and dangerous Medicine it opens a Gap to the People to rebel at Pleasure and may indanger the change of the Government Answ A desperate Disease must have a desperate Cure but doing right can no way open to do wrong resisting illegal Forces is hedging up a Gap not making one Raising of Men to take a Felon will not excite the same Men to rise and seize an honest Man We must not therefore forbear to take up Arms in a just Cause lest it should incourage others to take up Arms in a bad Cause for then some that were breaking the Peace and would not be quieted with Words might not be resisted lest it should teach the People to break the Peace but Blows bestowed on such Malefactors is no breach of Peace and therefore can teach the People no such thing if they do ill by that Example it is not long of the Copy but of those that do not heed to write by it 2. I know Men in Passion and heightned with Success and back'd with Strength are apt to soar with high and fall in love with new Inventions But this hazard must be run rather than a certain change admitted Resisting Illegalities and Misgovernment is the way to preserve Government and
as long as the King is safe and his just Power and Prerogatives the Government is in no danger and there is not the least Colour imaginable that those that have surrendered their Offices and Honours the Court and the King's Favour for preserving the Government and are now ready to hazard their Lives in defence of it will ever alter it No their design is to preserve it a greater Evidence of which they could not give at present than to petition for a Free Parliament Obj. 17. But this casts dirt upon the Frame of the Government leaving room for perpetual quarrelling Answ 1. Neither this nor any other Government that I know of affords absolute means of Peace and Preservation The Government is effectual enough so far as it reaches but it is not extensive enough If the Monarch were Arbitrary then no Cause could introduce Resistance the Nation might be at Peace but the Subjects could not be safe and Liberty and Property would be lost Therefore if Safety Liberty and Property be worth the preserving they must be defended when wicked Men would wrest them from us The Constitution of this Government is such That if the King and Parliament or the King and the Subjects differ about Fundamental Rights they have no way to reconcile the Difference but by their own Consent If the King without the Parliament could determine the Difference he would be Arbitrary and if the People or the Parliament could determine it without him they would be Supream and then it could be no Monarchy and if the Judges had the determining Power they would get the Supremacy from both and if a Foreigner were to decide the Matter he would seek his own Advantage so that they must either condescend for Peace sake to one anothers Proposals so as not to destroy the Government or they must suffer the Grievance and let the Quarrel fall for a time till the injurious can be worn to a compliance or they must fight it out for that is their going to Law the Souldiers are their Jury-men and Victory is their Verdict For the Question is not about breach of Government but whether that be the Government or no and seeing this Cause transcends the executive Part of the Government it cannot be decided by Legal Progress but by Law-makers and if they cannot agree Men are at liberty to join with that side they judg in the right Reason and Conscience must be their Guide the Law cannot and they that proceed on this ground are their own Warrants on either side for neither have a Legal Power to determine the other Therefore the Power of Judging is neither Authoritative nor Civil and so argues no Superiority in those that judg but only a Power residing in reasonable Creatures or judging of their own Act of which they never were devested by any lawful Authority and therefore may lawfully use upon such Occasions and though the Government does not Warrant a Civil War in such a case yet the End and Reason of this Government does For it being fram'd to prevent the exorbitant Power of the Prince for the publick Good he that fights for the publick Good against an Usurped Power or an Arbitrary Invader of the Governments Rights is justified by the design and intendment of the Frame and consequently by the Equity of the Government though not by any prescribed Form For seeing many things are morally honest and profitable that are not reduced into positive Laws Men cannot proceed to those things if at any time they become necessary by prescribing Forms of Law because they have none and so in this case the Question being not about Breach of Law but what is Law And the Law not able to satisfy both King and People each claiming contrary Rights from the same Laws the Decision of this Case though it be very good and profitable for this Nation yet has no prescribed form of Law to direct us to and therefore both King and People are to proceed according to moral Honesty to the end of the Government that is the publick Good The Conclusion of all which is That seeing resisting of Illegal and Arbitrary Forces in defence of the Laws and Publick Interest of the Land is not against the Scriptures and consequently no Sin nor against moral Honesty and consequently no Crime not against Law but Law-breakers not against true Allegiance or any Prerogative of the Crown no Rebellion no Usurpation of the Sword nor Criminal Disobedience and not incommodious or unsafe for the Publick in respect of the impendant Injuries and Hazards it removes nor inconsistent with the Frame of Government which cannot otherwise decide an obstinate Difference betwixt King and People I cannot but conclude it is a very worthy and virtuous Act to be in Arms for defence of the Laws the King 's just Rights and the Publick Good and consequently that those Gentlemen who are in Arms for defence of our Laws Liberties and Lives against Illegal Forces Arbitrary Commands and Usurped Powers are in a virtuous Post For if the Subjects Right might not be defended by this means it would be all lost it being all one in these days to have no Right and to have no sufficient means to defend it The Doctrine of Non-resistance plainly puts all we have into an ill King's hands and the good Ones will scarce part with what they are apt to love so dearly and we parted with so freely should we therefore preach this Doctrine to our Princes and tell them that they might take what we have without danger or opposition we should teach them to try our Patience if all must be referr'd to their Consciences they will soon without the help of a Jesuit find case enough and cause enough to secure that and leave the examination of them to the latter Day hatred of our Persons love of our Estates disgust at our Words or Actions or dislike of our Religion will soon judg us unworthy of our Liberty and Property as well as it has already done of our Offices Honours and Preferments Passion and Scorn Pride and Ambition Covetousness and Prodigality would all prey upon what we had with a quiet though not with a good Conscience but especially if the King were poor and necessitous either by wilful Profuseness or Negligence for Nature would even tell him in such a Case That we had all better want than he and then farewel Property the worst you could do him was but to pet and cry a bit and perhaps that might become a Pleasure to him too and then you had nothing to rest on but that God would give you the Kingdom of Heaven for beggering your selves impoverishing the Church and giving what you had to the Devil's Service an ill Ground for such costly Hopes to stand upon 2. This Doctrine renders Government prejudicial to the greatest part of Mankind depriving them of all just Defence For the illegal Force bars them of legal Defence and the Doctrine of Non-resistance
Cesar 's and both St. Paul in his Epistle to the Romans and St. Peter in his General Epistle have very positively condemned that pernicious Maxim but without any formal Declarations made of the Rules or Measures of Government And since both the People and Senate of Rome had acknowledged the Power that Augustus had indeed violently usurped it became Legal when it was thus submitted to and confirmed both by the Senate and People and it was established in his Family by a long Prescription when those Epistles were writ so that upon the whole matter all that is in the New Testament upon this Subject imports no more but that all Christians are bound to acquiesce in the Government and submit to it according to the Constitution that is settled by Law XI We are then at last brought to the Constitution of our English Government so that no general Considerations from Speculations about Sovereign Power nor from any Passages either of the Old and New Testament ought to determin us in this matter which must be fixed from the Laws and Regulations that have been made among us It is then certain that with relation to the executive Part of the Government the Law has lodged that singly in the King so that the whole Administration of it is in him but the Legislative Power is lodged between the King and the Two Houses of Parliament so that the Power of making and repealing Laws is not singly in the King but only so far as the Two Houses concur with him It is also clear that the King has such a determined extent of Prerogative beyond which he has no Authority as for instance if he levies Money of his People without a Law impowring him to it he goes beyond the Limits of his Power and asks that to which he has no right so that there lies no obligation on the Subject to grant it and if any in his Name use Violence for the obtaining it they are to be looked on as so many Robbers that invade our Property and they being violent Aggressours the Principle of Self-preservation seems here to take place and to warrant as violent a Resistance XII There is nothing more evident than that England is a free Nation that has its Liberties and Properties reserved to it by many positive and express Laws if then we have a right to our Property we must likewise be supposed to have a right to preserve it for those Rights are by the Law secured against the Invasions of the Prerogative and by consequence we must have a right to preserve them against those Invasions It is also evidently declared by our Law that all Orders and Warrants that are issued out in opposition to them are null of themselves and by consequence any that pretend to have Commissions from the King for those ends are to be considerd as if they had none at all since those Commissions being void of themselves are indeed no Commissions in the Construction of the Law and therefore those who act in vertue of them are still to be considered as private Persons who come to invade and disturb us It is also to be observed that there are some Points that are justly disputable and doubtful and others that are so manifest that it is plain that any Objections that can be made to them are rather forced Pretences than so much as plausible Colours It is true if the Case is doubtful the Interest of the publick Peace and Order ought to carry it but the Case is quite different when the Invasions that are made upon Liberty and Property are plain and visible to all that consider them XIII The main and great Difficulty here is that though our Government does indeed assert the Liberty of the Subject yet there are many express Laws made that lodg the Militia singly in the King that make it plainly unlawful upon any pretence whatsoever to take Arms against the King or any commissioned by him And these Laws have been put in the form of an Oath which all that have born any Employment either in Church or State have sworn and therefore those Laws for the assuring our Liberties do indeed bind the King's Conscience and may affect his Ministers yet since it is a Maxim of our Law that the King can do no wrong these cannot be carried so far as to justify our taking Arms against him be the Transgressions of Law ever so many and so manifest And since this has been the constant Doctrine of the Church of England it will be a very heavy Imputation on us if it appears that though we held those Opinions as long as the Court and the Crown have favoured us yet as soon as the Court turns against us we change our Principles XIV Here is a true Difficulty of this whole Matter and therefore it ought to be exactly considered 1. All general Words how large soever are still supposed to have a tacit exception and reserve in them if the Matter seems to require it Children are commanded to obey their Parents in all things Wives are declared by the Scripture to be subject to their Husbands in all things as the Church is unto Christ And yet how comprehensive soever these Words may seem to be there is still a reserve to be understood in them and though by our Form of Marriage the Parties swear to one another till Death them do part yet few doubt but that this Bond is dissolved by Adultery though it is not named for odious things ought not to be suspected and therefore not named upon such Occasions But when they fall out they carry still their own force with them 2. When there seem to be a Contradiction between two Articles in the Constitution we ought to examin which of the two is the most evident and the most important and so we ought to fix upon it and then we must give such an accommodating sense to that which seems to contradict it that so we may reconcile those together Here then are two seeming Contradictions in our Constitution The one is the Publick Liberty of the Nation the other is the renouncing of all Resistance in case that were invaded It is plain that our Liberty is only a thing that we enjoy at the King's Discretion and during his Pleasure if the other against all Resistance is to be understood according to the utmost extent of the Words Therefore since the chief Design of our whole Law and of all the several Rules of our Constitution is to secure and maintain our Liberty we ought to lay that down for a Conclusion that it is both the most plain and the most important of the two And therefore the other Article against Resistance ought to be so softned as that it do not destroy this 3. Since it is by a Law that Resistance is condemned we ought to understand it in such a sense as that it does not destroy all other Laws And therefore the intent of this Law must only
to publish all his Arbitrary Declarations and in particular one that strikes at their whole Settlement and has ordered Process to be begun against all that disobey'd this illegal Warrant and has treated so great a number of the Bishops as Criminals only for representing to him the Reasons of their not obeying him if likewise the King is not satisfied to profess his own Religion openly though even that is contrary to Law but has sent Ambassadors to Rome and received Nuntio 's from thence which is plainly Treason by Law if likewise many Popish Churches and Chappels have been publickly opened if several Colledges of Jesuits have been set up in divers parts of the Nation and one of the Order has been made a Privy Counsellor and a principal Minister of State and if Papists and even those who turn to that Religion though declared Traitors by Law are brought into all the chief Employments both Military and Civil then it is plain That all the Rights of the Church of England and the whole establishment of the Protestant Religion are struck at and designed to be overturned since all these things as they are notoriously illegal so they evidently demonstrate That the great design of them all is the rooting out of this Pestilent Heresy in their stile I mean the Protestant Religion In the next place If in the whole Course of Justice it is visible that there is a constant practising upon the Judges that they are turned out upon their varying from the Intentions of the Court and if Men of no Reputation nor Abilities are put in their places if an Army is kept up in time of Peace and Men who withdraw from that illegal Service are hanged up as Criminals without any colour of Law which by consequence are so many Murders and if the Souldiery are connived at and encouraged in the most enormous Crimes that so they may be thereby prepared to commit greater ones and from single Rapes and Murders proceed to a rape upon all our Liberties and a destruction of the Nation if I say all these things are true in fact then it is plain that there is such a dissolution of the Government made that there is not any one part of it left found and entire and if all these things are done now it is easy to imagine what may be expected when Arbitrary Power that spares no Man and Popery that spares no Heretick are finally established Then we may look for nothing but Gabelles Tailles Impositions Benevolences and all sorts of illegal Taxes as from the other we may expect Burnings Massacres and Inquisitions In what is doing in Scotland we may gather what is to be expected in England where if the King has over and over again declared that he is vested with an Absolute Power to which all are bound to obey without reserve and has upon that annulled almost all the Acts of Parliament that passed in K. James the Ist's Minority though they were ratified by himself when he came to be of age and were confirmed by all the subsequent Kings not excepting the present We must then conclude from thence what is resolved on here in England and what will be put in execution as soon as it is thought that the Times can bear it When likewise the whole Settlement of Ireland is shaken and the Army that was raised and is maintained by Taxes that were given for an Army of English Protestants to secure them from a new Massacre by the Irish Papists is now all filled with Irish Papists as well as almost all the other Imployments it is plain That not only all the British Protestants inhabiting that Island are in daily danger of being butchered a second time but that the Crown of England is in danger of losing that Island it being now put wholly into the hands and power of the Native Irish who as they formerly offered themselves up sometimes to the Crown of Spain sometimes to the Pope and once to the Duke of Lorrain so are they perhaps at this present treating with another Court for the sale and surrender of the Island and for the Massacre of the English in it If thus all the several Branches of our Constitution are dissolved it might be at least expected that one part should be left entire and that is the Regal Dignity and yet even that is prostituted when we see a young Child put in the reversion of it and pretended to be the Prince of Wales concerning whose being born of the Queen there appear to be not only no certain Proofs but there are all the Presumptions that can possibly be imagined to the contrary No Proofs were ever given either to the Princess of Denmark or to any other Protestant Ladies in whom we ought to repose any Confidence that the Queen was ever with Child that whole matter being managed with so much Mysteriousness that there were violent and publick Suspitions of it before the Birth But the whole Contrivance of the Birth the sending away the Princess of Denmark the sudden shortning of the Reckoning the Queen 's sudden going to St. James's her no less sudden pretended Delivery the hurrying the Child into another Room without shewing it to those present and without their hearing it cry and the mysterious Conduct of all since that time no satisfaction being given to the Princess of Denmark upon her Return from the Bath nor to any other Protestant Ladies of the Queen's having been really brought to bed These are all such evident Indications of a base Imposture in this matter that as the Nation has the justest reason in the World to doubt of it so they have all possible reason to be at no quiet till they see a Legal and Free Parliament assembled which may impartially and without either Fear or Corruption examine that whole matter If all these Matters are true in fact then I suppose no Man will doubt that the whole Foundations of this Government and all the most sacred Parts of it are overturned And as to the truth of all these Suppositions that is left to every Englishman's Judgment and Sense The Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy no Badges of Slavery THE Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of the Crown of England having been invaded and broke in upon by the Power of the Court of Rome in K. Henry the Eighth 's time all Foreign Power was abolished and the Antient Legal Supremacy restor'd and by many additional Acts corroborated But all that was done of that kind in K. Henry the Eighth 's time was undone again in Queen Mary's and therefore in the first Year of Queen Elizabeth's Reign an Act of Parliament was made Intituled All Antient Jurisdiction restored to the Crown A Repeal of divers Statutes and Reviver of others and all foreign Power Abolished Which Act recites that whereas in the Reign of R. H. 8. divers good Laws were made and established as well for the utter extinguishment and putting away of all Vsurped and Foreign Powers and
Authorities out of this Realm as also for restoring and uniting to the Imperial Crown of this Realm the antient Jurisdictions Authorities Superiorities and Preheminences to the same of Right belonging and appertaining by reason whereof the Subjects of this Realm were kept in good order and disburthened of divers great and intolerable Charges and Exactions until such time as all the said good Laws and Statutes by one Act of Parliament made in the first and second Years of the Reigns of King Philip and Queen Mary were clearly repealed and made void by reason of which Act of Repeal the Subjects of England were eftsoons brought under an usurped Foreign Power and Authority and yet remained in that Bondage to their intolerable Charges and then Enacts that for the repressing of the said usurped Foreign Power and the restoring of the Rights Jurisdictions and Preheminences appertaining to the Imperial Crown of this Realm The said Act made in the first and second Years of the said late King Philip and Queen Mary except as therein is excepted be repealed void and of none effect The said Act of Primo Elizabethae proceeds First to revive by express words many Statutes that had been made in King Henry the Eighth's time and repealed in Queen Mary's and Secondly to abolish all Foreign Authority in these words viz. And to the intent that all Vsurped and Foreign Power and Authority Spiritual and Temporal may for ever be clearly extinguished and never to be used or obeyed within this Realm c. May it please your Highness that it may be Enacted That no Foreign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate Spiritual or Temporal shall at any time after the last day of this Session of Parliament use enjoy or exercise any manner of Power Jurisdiction Superiority Authority Preheminence or Priviledg Spiritual or Ecclesiastical within this Realm c. but the same shall be clearly abolished out of this Realm c. Any Statute Custom c. to the contrary notwithstanding Thirdly The said Act restores in the next Paragraph to the Imperial Crown of this Realm such Jurisdictions Priviledges Superiorities c. Spiritual and Ecclesiastical as by any Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Power or Authority had heretofore been or might lawfully be exercised or used c. Fourthly the Act impowers the Queen to assign Commissioners to exercise Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction And Fifthly For the better observation and maintenance of this Act imposes upon Ecclesiastical and Temporal Officers and Ministers c. the Oath commonly call'd the Oath of Supremacy which runs thus viz. The Oath of SUPREMACY I A. B. do utterly testify and declare in my Conscience that the Queen's Highness is the only Supream Governour of this Realm and of all other her Highness's Dominions and Countries as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Things and Causes as Temporal and that no Foreign Prince Person Prelate State or Potentate hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction Power Superiority Preheminence or Authority Ecclesiastical or Spiritual within this Realm And therefore I do utterly renounce and forsake all Foreign Jurisdictions Powers Superiorities and Authorities and do promise that from henceforth I shall bear Faith and true Allegiance to the Queen's Highness her Heirs and lawful Successors and to my Power shall assist and defend all Jurisdictions Priviledges Preheminencies and Authorities granted or belonging to the Queen's Highness her Heirs and Successors or united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm So help me God and by the Contents of this Book It cannot but be obvious to every impartial Peruser of the Statute especially if he have the least knowledg of what Condition the Government of this Nation was reduced to by Papal Encroachments and Usurpations That the Makers of this Law and the Sense of this Oath was no other in general than that the People of this Realm should bear Faith and true Allegiance even in Matters relating to Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to the Queen's Highness her Heirs and lawful Successors and not to the Pope or any foreign pretended Jurisdiction What the several Jurisdictions Priviledges Preheminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the Queen her Heirs and Successors are in particular and what the Jurisdictions Priviledges Preheminences and Authorities United and Annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm are in particular is not material here to be discoursed of though the several Statutes made in King Henry the Eighth's time and King Edward the Sixth's and revived in Queen Elizabeth's will unfold many of them and clear the distinction which the OATH makes betwixt Authorities granted or belonging to the King and Authorities united and annexed to the Imperial Crown and Mr. Prynn's History of the Pope's intolerable Usurpations upon the Liberties of the Kings and Subjects of England and Ireland together with Sir Roger Twisden's Historical Vindication of the Church of England in point of Schism will in a great measure acquaint the Curious how matters stood with us here with respect to Church-Government before the Pope had wrested the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction almost wholly out of the hands of our Kings our Parliaments and Courts of Justice In short those Jurisdictions c. are such as the Antient Laws Customs and Usages of the Realm or latter Acts of Parliament have Created Given Limited and Directed The Makers of this Law did not design to impose upon the People of England any new Terms of Allegiance but to secure the old ones exclusive of any Pretences of the Pope or See of Rome Nor are there any words in this Oath more strong more binding to Duty and Allegiance than are words which the old Oath of Fealty is conceived in which all Men were antiently obliged and may yet be required to take to the King in the Court-Leet at twelve years of Age which runs thus viz. You shall swear that from this day forward you shall be true and faithful to our Soveraign Lord King James and his Heirs And Faith and Truth shall bear of Life and Limb and terrene Honour And you shall not know nor hear of any ill or damage intended to him that you shall not defend So help you Almighty God This is as full and comprehensive as the Oath of Supremacy I do promise that I shall bear faith and true Allegiance to the Queen's Highness her Heirs and lawful Successors and to my power shall assist and defend all Jurisdictions c. So that the true sense and meaning of the Oath of Supremacy is this viz. I will be true and faithful to our Soveraign Lord the King his Heirs and lawful Successors and will to my Power assist and defend all his Rights notwithstanding any pretence made by the Pope or any other Foreign Power to exercise Jurisdiction within the Realm all which Foreign Power I utterly renounce in Matters Ecclesiastical as well as Temporal The Oath of Allegiance is appointed by the Act of 3 Jac. 1. Chap. 4. Intituled An Act for discovering and repressing of Popish Recusants It
super sacras sanctas reliquias coram Regno Sacerdotio Clero jurare antequam ab Archiepiscopis Episcopis Regni coronetur Lamb. de priscis Anglorum Legibus p. 142. Another Instance of the Deposition of a King of England subsequent to this Law we find in King John's time whose Oppressions and Tyrannical Government our Histories are full of Of which take this following Account out of a very Antient Historian Whereas the said John had sworn solemnly at his Coronation as the manner is that he would preserve the Rights and Usages of the Church and Realm of England yet contrary to his Oath he subjected as far as in him lay the Kingdom of England which has always been free and made it tributary to the Pope without the Advice and Consent of his Barons subverting good Customs and introducing evil ones endeavouring by many Oppressions and many ways to enslave both the Church and the Realm which Oppressions you know better than I as having felt them by manifold Experience For which Causes when after many Applications made War was waged against him by his Barons at last amongst other things it was agreed with his express Consent that in case the said John should return to his former Villanies the Barons should be at liberty to recede from their Allegiance to him never to return to him more But he after a few days made his latter end worse than his beginning endeavouring not only to oppress his Barons but wholly to exterminate them who therefore in a GENERAL ASSEMBLY and with the APPROBATION of ALL THE REALM adjudging him unworthy to be King chose US for their Lord and King Collect. p. 1868 1869. Chron. W. Thorn Cum praefatus Johannes in Coronatione suâ solennitèr prout moris est jurasset se Jura Consuetudines Ecclesiae Regni Angliae conservaturum contra juramentum suum absque consilio vel consensu Baronum suorum idem Regnum quod semper fuit liberum quantum in ipso fuit Domino Papa subjecit fecit tributarium bonas consuetudines subvertens malas indutens tam Ecclesiam quam Regnum multis oppressionibus multisque modis studens ancellare quas oppressiones vos meliùs nostis quam nos ut qui eas familiari sensistis experimento Pro quibus cum post multas requisitiones guerra mota esset contra ipsum à Baronibus suis tandem inter caetera de ejus expresso Consensu it à convenit ut si idem Johannes ad flagitia prima rediret ipse Barones ab ejus fidelitate recederent nunquam ad eum postmodùm reversuri Verùm ipse nihilominus paucis diebus evolutis fecit novissima sua pejora prioribus studens Barones suos non tantum opprimere sed potiùs penitùs exterminare Qui DE COMMVNI REGNI CONSILIO APPROBATIONE ipsum Regno judicantes indignum nos in Regem Dominum elegerunt Collect. 1868 1869. Chron. W. Thorn Lewis his Letter to the Abbot of St. Austins Canterbury The next Instance shall be that of King Edward the Second the Record of whose Deposition if it were extant would probably disclose all the Legal Formalities that were then accounted proper for the deposing an Unjust Oppressive King But they were cancelled and imbezled as is highly probable from Rastal's Stat. pag. 170 171. compar'd with the Articles exhibited in Parliament against King Richard the Second of which hereafter in King Richard the Second's time and by his Order Yet the Articles themselves are preserv'd in the Collect. and are as followeth viz. Accorde est que Sire Edward Fitz aisnè du Roy ait le Goverment du Royalme soit Roy Couronne pur les causes que s' ensuent 1. Pur ceo que la Person le Roy n' est pas suffisant de Governer Car en tout son temps il ad estre mene governe per auters que ly ont mavaisement conseillez à deshonour de ly destruction de Saint Esglise de tout son People sanz ceo que il le vousist veer ou conuster lequel il fust bon ou mauvays ou remedie mettre au faire le voufist quant il fuit requis par les grants sages de son Royalme ou souffrir que amende fuist faite 2. Item Par son temps il ne se voloit doner à bon Counsel ne le croire ne à bon Government de son Royalme mes se ad done tous jours as Ouvrages Occupations nient Convenables enterlessant l'esploit des besoignes de son Royalme 3. Item Par defaut de bon goverment ad il perdu le Royalme d'Escoce auters Terres Seigneuries en Gascoyne Hyrland les queux son Pere le leisa en pees amistè du Roy de France dets mults des auters Grants 4. Item Par sa fiertè qualte par mauvays Counsel ad il destruit Saint Esglise les Persons de Saint Esglise tenus en prison les uns les auters en distresce auxynt plusors Grants Nobles de sa terre mys à honteuse mort enprisones exulets desheritez 5. Item Là ou il est tenus par son serment à faire droit à toute il ne l' ad pas volu faire pur son propre proffitt covetise de ly de ces maveis consailires que ount este pres de ly ne ad garde les auters Points del serment qu' il fist à son Coronement si come il fuest tenus 6. Item Il deguerpist son Royalme fist tant come en ly fust que son Royalme son People fust perduz que pys est pur la cruaute de ly defaute de sa personne il est trove incorrigible saunz esperance de amendment les queux choses sont si notoires qu' ils ne pount este desdits For these Causes De consilio assensu omnium Praelatorum Comitum Baronum totius Communitatis Regni amotus est à regimine Regni Apolog. Ade de Orleton Collect p. 2765 2766. It is accorded that Prince Edward the King 's eldest Son shall have the Government of the Kingdom and be crowned King for the Causes following 1. For that the Person of the King is insufficient to govern for that during his whole Reign he has been led and governed by others who have given him evil Counsel to his Dishonour and the Destruction of Holy-Church and of all his People he being unwilling to consider or know what was good or evil or to provide remedy even when it was required of him by the great and wise Men of his Realm or suffer any to be made 2. Also during all his time he would neither hearken to nor believe good Counsel nor apply himself to the good Government of his Realm but hath always given himself over to Things and Occupations altogether inconvenient omitting in the mean
time the necessary Affairs and Business of the Kingdom 3. Also For want of good Government he hath lost the Kingdom of Scotland and other Lands and Territories in Gascoin and Ireland which his Father left him in peace and friendship with the French King and with many other Grandees 4. Also By his Pride and Arrogance and evil Counsel he has destroyed Holy-Church imprisoning some Persons thereof and put others in distress And also he hath put to a shameful death imprisoned and disinherited many of the great Men and Nobles of the Land 5. Also Whereas he is bound by his Oath to administer Justice to all he would not do it through his own Covetousness and that of Evil Counsellors that were about him neither hath he kept the other Points of the Oath which he took at his Coronation as he was bound 6. Also He hath wasted his Kingdom and did what in him lay that his Realm and People should be destroy'd and which is worse by his Cruelty and personal Failings or Defects he is found to be incorrigible and past all hopes of amendment All which things are so notorious that they cannot be denied For these Causes by advice and assent of all the Prelats Earls and Barons and of the whole Commonalty of the Kingdom he was deposed from the Government Apology of Adam de Orleton Collect. p. 2765 2766. These Proceedings against King Edward the Second are no-where extant but in that Author Which is the less to be wondred at if we consider that in King Richard the Second's time the King 's parasitical Court-Favourites so influenced the Judges That to the Question How he was to be punished that moved in the Parliament that the Statute should be sent for whereby Edward the Son of King Edward was another time indicted in the Parliament They answered That as well he that moved as the other who by force of the same motion brought the said Statute into the Parliament-House be as Criminals and Traitors worthy to be punished V. Rastal 's Statutes 170 171. Tho for that and other extravagant pernicious and treasonable Opinions delivered those Judges were severely punished as is notoriously known And also That it was afterwards one Article of Impeachment against King Richard the Second That he had cancelled and razed sundry Records In King Richard the Second's time many Animosities arose from time to time betwixt him and his Parliaments insomuch that in the eleventh year of his Reign the Parliament then sitting at London the King absented himself from them and staid at Eltham refusing to come at them and join with them in the Publick Affairs upon which occasion the Lords and Commons sent Messengers to him with an Address which the Historian H. Knighton sets forth at large and which I will here give the Reader a Transcript of at large because it will afford many useful Inferences and Observations Salubri igitur usi consilio miserunt de communi Assensu totius Parliamenti Dominum Thomam de Wodestoke Ducem Glocestriae Thomam de Arundell Episcopum Elyensem ad Regem apud Eltham qui salutarent eum ex parte Procerum Communium Parliamenti sui sub tali sensu verborum ei referentes vota eorum Domine Rex Proceres Domini atque totus populus Communitatis Parliamenti vestri cum humillimâ subjectione se commendant excellentissimo Regalis Dignitatis vestrae cupientes prosperum iter invincibilis honoris vestri contra inimicorum potentiam validissimum vinculum pacis dilectionis cordis vestri erga subditos vestros in augmentum commodi vestri erga Deum salutem animae vestrae ad inedicibilem consolationem totius Populi vestri quem regis Ex quorum parte haec vobis intimamus Quod ex antiquo Statuto habemus consuetudine laudabili approbata cujus contrarietati dici non valebit quod Rex noster convocare potest Dominos Proceres Regni atque Communes semel in anno ad Parliamentum suum tanquam ad summam curiam totius Regni in quâ omnis aequitas relucere deberet absque qualibet scrupulositate vel nota tanquam Sol in ascensu meridiei ubi pauperes divites pro refrigerio tranquillitatis pacis repulsione injuriarum refugium infallibile quaerere possent ac etiam errata Regni reformare de Statu Gubernatione Regis Regni cum sapientiori consilio tractare us inimici Regis Regni intrinseci hostes extrinseci destruantur repellantur quomodò convenientius honorificentius fieri poterit cum salubri tractatu in eo disponere praevidere qualiter quaeque onera incumbentia Regi Regno levius ad ediam communitatis supportari poterunt Videtur etiam iis quod ex quo onera supportant incumbentia habent etiam supervidere qualiter per quos eorum bona catalla expendantur Dicunt etiam quod habent ex antiquo Statuto quod si Rex à Parliamento suo se alienaverit suâ sponte non aliquâ infirmitate aut aliquâ aliâ de causâ necessitatis sed per immoderatam voluntatem protervè se subtraxerit per absentiam temporis quadraginta dierum tanquam de vexatione populi sui gravibus eorum expensis non curans extunc licitum omnibus singulis eorum absque domigerio Regis redire ad propria unicuique eorum in patriam suam remeare Et jam vos ex longiore tempore absentâstis quâ de causâ nesciunt venire renuistis Ad haec Rex Jam planè consideramus quod Populus noster atque Communes intendunt resistere atque contra nos insurgere moliuntur in tali infestatione melius nobis non videtur quin cognatum nostrum Regem Francia ab eo consilium auxilium petere contra insidiantes nos ei submittere potiùs quà m succumbere subditis nostris Ad haec illi responderunt Non est hoc vobis sanum consilium sed magis ducens ad inevitabile detrimentum nam Rex Franciae capitalis inimicus vester est Regni vestri adversarius permaximus si in terram Regni vestri pedem figeret potiùs vos spoliare laboraret Regnum vestrum invadere vosque à sublimitate Regalis solii expellere quam vobis aliquatenùs manus adjutrices cum favore apponere si quod absit ejus suffragio quandoque indigeretis Ad memoriam igitur revocetis qualiter avus vester Edwardus tertius Rex similiter pater Edwardus Princeps nomine ejus in sudore angustiis in omni tempore suo per innumerabiles labores in frigori calore certaverunt indefesse pro conquisitione Regni Franciae quod eis jure haereditario attinebat vobis per successionem post eos Reminiscemini quoque qualitèr Domini Regni Proceres atque Communes innumerahiles tam de Regno Angliae quam Franciae Reges quoque Domini de aliis
so I desire to know why I may not read an Homily for Transubstantiation or Invocation of Saints or the Worship of Images if the King sends me such good Catholick Homilies and commands me to read them And thus we may instruct our People in all the Points of Popery and recommend it to them with all the Sophistry and Artificial Infintrations in Obedience to the King with a very good Conscience because without our Consent If it be said this would be a Contradiction to the Doctrine of our Church by Law established so I take the Declaration to be And if we may read the Declaration contrary to Law because it does not imply our Consent to it so we may Popish Homilies for the bare Reading them will not imply our Consent no more than the Reading the Declaration does But whether I consent to the Doctrine or no it is certain I consent to teach my People this Doctrine and it is to be considered whether an honest Man cand do this Thirdly I suppose no Man will doubt but the King intends that our Reading the Declaration should signifie to the Nation our Consent and Approbation of it for the Declaration does not want Publishing for it is sufficiently known already but our Reading it in our Churches must serve instead of Addresses of Thanks which the Clergy generally refused though it was only to Thank the King for his Gracious Promises renewed to the Church of England in His Declaration which was much more innocent than to publish the Declaration it self in our Churches This would perswade one that the King thinks our Reading the Declaration to signifie our Consent and that the People will think it to be so And he that can satisfie his 〈◊〉 to do an Action without Consent which the Nature of the Thing the Design and intention of the Command and the Sense of the People expound to be a Consent may I think as well satisfie himself with Equivocations and mental Reservations There are two things to be answered to this which must be considered 1. That the People understand our Minds and see that this is Matter of Force upon us and meer Obedience to the King To which I answer 1. Possibly the People do understand that the Matter of the Declaration is against our Principles But is this any Excuse that we read that and by Reading recommend that to them which is against our own Consciences and Judgments Reading the Declaration would be no Fault at all but our Duty whâ—â— the King commands it did we approve of the Matter of it but to consent to teach our People such Doctrines as we think contrary to the Laws of God or the Laws of the Land does not lessen but aggravate the Fault and the People must be very good natured to think this an Excuse 2. It is not likely that all the People will be of a Mind in this Matter some may excuse it others and those it may be the most the best and the wifest Men will condemn us for it and then how shall we justifie our selves against their Censures when the World will be divided in their Opinions the plain way is certainly the best to do what we can justifie our selves and then let Men judge as they please No Men in England will be pleased with our Reading the Declaration but those who hope to make great Advantage of it against us and against our Church and Religion others will severely condemn us for it and censure us as false to our Religion and as Betrayers both of Church and State and besides that it does not become a Minister of Religion to do any thing which in the Opinion of the most charitable Men can only be excused for what needs an Excuse is either a Fault or looks very like one besides this I say I will not trust Mens Charity those who have suffered themselves in this Cause will not excuse us for fear of suffering those who are inclined to excuse us now will not do so when they consider the thing better and come to feel the ill Consequences of it when our Enemies open their Eyes and tell them what our Reading the Declaration signified which they will then tell us we ought to have seen before though they were not bound to see it for we are to guide and instruct them not they us II. Others therefore think that when we read the Declaration we should publickly profess that it is not our own Judgment but that we only Read it in Obedience to the King and then our Reading it cannot imply our Consent to it Now this is only Protestatio contra sactum which all People will laugh at and scorn us for for such a solemn Reading it in time of Divine Service when all Men ought to be most grave and serious and far from dissembling with God or Men does in the Nature of the thing imply our Approbation and should we declare the contrary when we read it what shall we say to those who ask uâ— why then do you read it But let those who have a mind to try this way which for my part I take to be a greater and more unjustifiable Provocation of the King than not to read it and I suppose those who do not read it will be thought plainer and honester Men and will 〈◊〉 as well as those who read it and protest against it and yet nothing less than an express Protestation against it will salve this Matter for only to say they read it meerly in Obedience to the King does not express their Dissent It signifies indeed that they would not have read it if the King had not commanded it but these Words do not signifie that they disapprove of the Declaration when their Reading it though only in Obedience to the King signifies their Approbation of it as much as Actions can signifie a Consent let us call to mind how it fared with those in King Charles the First 's Reign who read the Book of Sports as it was called and then preached against it To return then to our Arguments if Reading the Declaration in our Churches be in the Nature of the Action in the Intention of the Command in the Opinion of the People an interpretative Consent to it I think my self bound in Conscience not to read it because I am bound in Conscience not to approve it It is against the Constitution of the Church of England which is established by Law and to which I have subscribed and therefore am bound in Conscience to Teach nothing contrary to it while this Obligation lasts It is to teach an unlimitâ—d and universal Toleration which the Parliament in 72. Declared illegal and which has been condemned by the Christian Church in all Ages It is to teach my People that they need never come to Church more but have my free Leave as they have the King 's to go to a Conventicle or Mass It is to teach the Dispencing Power which alters what
has been formerly thought the whole Constitution of this Church and Kingdom which we dare not do till we have the Authority of Parliament for it It is to recommend to our People the Choice of such Persons to sit in Parliament as shall take away the Test and Penal Laws which most of the Nobility and Gentry of the Nation have declared their Judgment against It is to condemn all those great and worthy Patriots of their Country who forfeited the dearest thing in the World to them next a good Conscience viz. The Favour of their Prince and a great many honorable and profitable Employments with it rather than consent to that Proposal of taking away the Test and Penal Paws which they apprehend destructive to the Church of England and the Protestant Religion and he who can in Conscience do all this I think need scruple nothing For let us consider further what the Effects and Consequences of our Reading the Declaration are likely to be and I think they are Matter of Conscience too when they are evident and apparent This will certainly render our Persons and Ministry infinitely contemptible which is against that Apostolical Canon Let no Man despise thee Titus 2.15 That is so to behave himself in his Ministereal Office as not to fall under Contempt and therefore this obliges the Conscience not to make our selves ridiculous nor to render our Ministry our Counsels Exhortations Preaching Writing of no Effect which is a thousand times worse than being silenced Our Sufferings will preach more effectually to the People when we cannot speak to them but he who for Fear or Cowardise or the Love of this World betrays his Church and Religion by undue Compliances and will certainly be thought to do so may continue to Preach but to no purpose and when we have rendred our selves ridiculous and contemptible we shall then quickly fall and fall unpitied There is nothing will so effectually tend to the final Ruine of the Church of England because our Reading the Declaration will discourage or provoke or misguide all the Friends the Church of England has can we blame any Man for not preserving the Laws and the Religion of our Church and Nation when we our selves will venture nothing for it Can we blame any Man for consenting to Repeal the Test and Penal Laws when we recommend it to them by Reading the Declaration Have we not reason to expect that the Nobility and Gentry who have already suffered in this Cause when they hear themselves condemned for it in all the Churches of England will think it time to mend such a Fault and reconcile themselves to their Prince and if our Church fall this way is there any reason to expect that it should ever rise again These Consequences are almost as evident as Demonstrations and let it be what it will in it self which I foresee will destroy the Church of England and the Protestant Religion and Interest I think I ought to make as much Conscience of doing it as of doing the most immortal Action in Nature To say that these mischievous Consequences are not absolutely necessary and therefore do not affect the Conscience because we are not certain they will follow is a very mean Objection Moral Actions indeed have not such necessary Consequences as natural Causes have necessary Effects because no moral Causes act necessarily Reading the Declaration will not as necessarily destroy the Church of England as Fire burns Wood but if the Consequence be plain and evident the most likely thing that can happen if it be unreasonable to expect any other if it be what is plainly intended and designed either I must never have any regard to Moral Consequences of my Actions or if ever they are to be considered they are in this case Why are the Nobility and Gentry so extreamly averse to the Repeal of the Test and Penal Laws Why do they forfeit the King's Favour and their Honourable Stations rather than comply with it If you say that this tends to destroy the Church of England and the Protestant Religion I ask whether this be the necessary consequence of it whether the King cannot keep his promise to the Church of England if the Test and Penal Laws be Repealed We cannot say but this may be And yet the Nation does not think fit to try it and we commend those great men who deny it and if the same questions were put to us we think we ought in Conscience to deny them our selves And are there not as high probabilities that our Reading the Declaration will promote the Repeal of the Test and Penal Laws as that such a Repeal will ruine our Constitution and bring in Popery upon us Is it not as probable that such a complyance in us will disoblige all the Nobility and Gentry who have hitherto been firm to us as that when the power of the Nation is put into Popish Hands by the Repeal of such Tests and Laws the Priests and Jesuirs may find some salvo for the King's Conscience and perswade him to forget his Promise to the Church of England and if the probable ill consequences of Repealing the Test and Penal Laws be a good reason not to comply with it I cannot see but that the as probable ill consequences of Reading the Declaration is as good a reason not to read it The most material Objection is that the Dissenters whom we ought not to provoke will expound our not Reading it to be the effect of a persecuting Spirit Now I wonder Men should lay any weight on this who will not allow the most probable consequences of our Actions to have any influence upon Conscience For if we must compare consequences to disoblige all the Nobility and Gentry by reading it is likely to be much more fatal than to anger the Diffenters and it is more likely and there is much more reason for it that one should be offended than the other For the Dissenters who are wise and considering are sensible of the snare themselves and though they desire Ease and Liberty they are not willing to have it with such apparent hazard of Church and State I am sure that tho' we were never so desirous that they might have their Liberty and when there is opportunity of shewing our inclinations without danger they may find that we are nations without danger they may find that we are not such Persecutors as we are represented yet we cannot consent that they should have it this way which they will find the dearest Liberty that ever was granted This Sir is our Case in short the Difficulties are great on both sides and therefore now if ever we ought to besiege Heaven with our Prayers for Wisdom and Counsel and Courage that God would protect his Church and Reformed Christianity against all the devices of their Enemies Which is the daily and hearty Prayer of SIR Your Friend and Brother May 22. 1â—88 POSTSCRIPT I Have just now seen H. Care 's Paper
and of which you have seen so fresh an instance that we need not put you in mind of it You know how many of your Fellow-Officers have been used for their standing firm to the Protestant Religion and to the Laws of England and you cannot flatter your selves so far as to expect to be better used if those who have broke their word so often should by your means be brought out of those Straits to which they are reduced at present We hope likewise that you will not suffer your selves to be abused by a false Notion of Honour but that you will in the first place consider what you owe to Almighty God and your Religion to your Country to your Selves and to your Posterity which you as Men of Honour ought to prefer to all private Considerations and Engagements whatsoever We do therefore expect that you will consider the Honour that is now set before you of being the Instruments of serving your Country and securing your Religion and We will ever remember the Service you shall do Us upon this Occasion and will promise unto you that We shall place such particular Marks of our Favour on every one of you as your Behaviour at this time shall deserve of Us and the Nation in which we will make a great Distinction of those that shall come seasonably to join their Arms with ours and you shall find us to be Your Well-wishing and Assured Friend W. H. P. O. Prince George 's Letter to the King SIR WITH a Heart full of Grief am I forced to Write what Prudence will not permit me to say to your Face And may I e'er find Credit with your Majesty and protection from Heaven as what I now do is free from Passion Vanity or Design with which Actions of this Nature are too often accompanied I am not ignorant of the frequent Mischiefs wrought in the World by factious pretences of Religion but were not Religion the most justifiable Cause it would not be made the most specious pretence And your Majesty has always shewn too uninterested a Sense of Religion to doubt the just Effects of it in one whose Practices have I hope never given the World cause to censure his real conviction of it or his backwardness to perform what his Honour and Conscience prompt him to How then can I longer disguise my just Concern for that Religion in which I have been so happily Educated which my Judgment throughly convinces me to be best and for the Support of which I am so highly interested in my Native Country And is not England now by the most endearing Tie become so Whilst the restless Spirits of the Enemies of the REFORMED RELIGION back'd by the cruel Zeal and prevailing Power of France justly alarm and unite all the Protestant Princes of Christendom and engage them in so vast an Expence for the support of it can I act so degenerous and mean a part as to deny my Concurrence to such worthy Endeavours for disabusing of your Majesty by the Reinforcement of those Laws and Establishment of that Government on which alone depends the well-being of your Majesty and of the PROTESTANT RELIGION in Europe This Sir is that irresistible and only Cause that cou'd come in Competition with my Duty and Obligations to your Majesty and be able to tear me from You whilst the same Affectionate Desire of serving You continues in me Could I secure your Person by the Hazard of my Life I should think it could not be better Employed And wou'd to God these Your distracted Kingdoms might yet receive that satisfactory Compliance from your Majesty in all their justifiable pretensions as might upon the only sure Foundation that of the Love and Interest of your Subjects establish your Government and as strongly Unite the Hearts of all your Subjects to You as is that of SIR Your Majesty's most Humble and most Obedient Son and Servant The Lord Churchill 's Letter to the King SIR SInce Men are seldom suspected of Sincerity when they act contrary to their Interests and though my dutiful Behaviour to your Majesty in the worst of Times for which I acknowledge my poor Services much over paid may not be sufficient to incline You to a charitable Interpretation of my Actions yet I hope the great Advantage I enjoy under Your Majesty which I can never expect in any other change of Government may reasonably convince Your Majesty and the World that I am acted by a higher Principle when I offer that violence to my inclination and interest as to desert Your Majesty at a time when your Affairs seem to challenge the strictest Obedience from all your Subjects much more from one who lies under the greatest personal Obligations imaginable to Your Majesty This Sir could proceed from nothing but the inviolable Dictates of my CONSCIENCE and a necessary concern for my RELIGION which no good man can oppose and with which I am instructed nothing ought to come in Competition Heaven knows with what partiality my dutiful Opinion of Your Majesty hath hitherto represented those unhappy Designs which inconsiderate and self-interested men have framed against Your Majesty's true Interest and the Protestant Religion But as I can no longer joyn with such to give a pretence by Conquest to bring them to effect so will I always with the hazard of my Life and Fortune so much your Majesty's due endeavour to preserve Your Royal Person and Lawful Rights with all the tender Concern and dutiful Respect that becomes SIR Your Majesty's most Dutiful and most Obliged Subject and Servant The Princess Ann of Denmark 's Letter to the Queen Madam I Beg your pardon if I am so deeply affected with the surprising News of the Princes being gon as not to be able to see You but to leave this Paper to Express my humble Duty to the King and your Self and to let You know that I am 〈◊〉 to absent my self to avoid the King's Displeasure which I am not able to bear â—ur ther against the Prince or my Self And I shall stay at so great a distance as not to return before I hear the happy News of a Reconcilement And as I am confident the Prince did not leave the King with any other design than to use all possible means for His Preservation so I hope You will do me the Justice to believe that I am uncapable of following Him for any other End Never was any one in such an unhappy Condition so divided between Duty and Affection to a Father and a Husband and therefore I know not what to do but to follow one to preserve the other I see the general falling off of the Nobility and Gentry who avow to have no other end than to prevail with the King to secure their Religion which they saw so much in danger by the Violent Counsels of the Priests who to promote their own Religion did not care to what dangers they exposed the King I am fully perswaded that the Prince of
in your Kingdoms as here in the Roman Empire But now we refer it even to your Majesty to judg what condition we can be in to afford you any Assistance we being not only Engaged in a War with the Turks but finding our selves at the same time unjustly and barbarously Attacked by the French contrary to and against the Faith of Treaties they then reckoning themselves secure of England And this ought not to be concealed that the greatest Injuries which have been done to our Religion have flowed from no other than the French themselves who not only esteem it lawful for them to make perfidious Leagues with the sworn Enemies of the Holy Cross tending to the destruction both of us and of the whole Christian World in order to the checking our Endeavours which were undertaken for the glory of God and to stop those Successes which it hath pleased Almighty God to give us hitherto but further have heaped one Treuchery upon another even within the Empire it self The Cities of the Empire which were Surrendred upon Articles signed by the Dauphin himself have been exhausted by excessive Impositions and after their being exhausted have been Plundred and after Plundring have been Burned and Razed The Palaces of Princes which in all times and even in the most destructive Wars have been preserved are now burnt down to the ground The Churches are Robbed and such as submitted themselves to them are in a most Barbarous manner carried away as Slaves In short It is become a Diversion to them to commit all manner of Insolences and Cruelties in many places but chiefly in Catholick Countries exceeding the Cruelties of the Turks themselves which having imposed an absolute necessity upon us to secure our selves and the holy Roman Empire by the best means we can think on and that no less against them than against the Turks we promise our selves from your Justice ready assent to this That it ought not to be imputed to us if we endeavour to procure by a just War that security to our selves which we could not hitherto obtain by so many Treaties and that in order to the obtaining thereof we take measures for our mutual Defence of Preservation with all those who are equally concerned in the same Design with us It remains that we beg of God that he would Direct all things to his glory and that he would grant your Majesty true and solid Comforts under this your great Calamity we embrace you with tender Affections of a Brother At Vienna the 9th of April 1689. The Declaration of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons Assembled at Westminster concerning the Misgovernment of King James and filling up the Throne Presented to King William and Queen Mary by the right Honourable the Marquess of Hallifax Speaker to the House of Lords With His Majesties most gracious Answer thereunto WHereas the late King James the Second by the Assistance of divers Evil Counsellors Judges and Ministers Imploy'd by Him did endeavour to Subvert and Extirpate the Protestant Religion and the Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom By Assuming and Exercising a Power of Dispensing with and Suspending of Laws and the Execution of Laws without consent of Parliament By Committing and Prosecuting divers Worthy Prelates for humbly Petitioning to be Excused from concurring to the said assumed Power By 〈◊〉 and causing to be executed a Commission under the great Seal for erecting a Court called The Court of Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes By Levying Mony for and to the Use of the Crown by pretence of Prerogative for other time and in other manner than the same was granted by Parliament By raising and keeping a standing Army within this Kingdom in the time of Peace whithout consent of Parliament and Quartering Soldiers contrary to Law By causing several good Subjects being Protestants to be Disarmed at the same time when Papists were both Armed and Imployed contrary to Law By violating the Freedom of Election of Members to serve in Parliament By Prosecutions in the Court of King's-Bench for Matters and Causes cognizable only in Parliament and by divers other Arbitrary and Illegal Courses And whereas of late Years Partial Corrupt and Unqualified Persons have been returned and served on Juries in Tryals and particularly divers Jurors in Tryals for High-Treason which were not Free-holders And Excessive Bail hath been required of Persons committed in Criminal Cases to elude the Benefit of the Laws made for the Liberty of the Subjects And Excessive Fines have been Imposed And Illegal and Cruel Punishments inflicted And several Grants and Promises made of Fines and Forfeitures before any Convictions or Judgment against the Persons upon whom the same were to be Levied All which are utterly and directly contrary to the known Laws and Statutes and Freedom of this Realm And whereas the said late K. James the Second having abdicated the Government and the Throne being thereby vacant His Highness the Prince of Orange whom it hath pleased Almighty God to make the glorious Instrument of Delivering this Kingdom from Popery and Arbitrary Power did by the Advice of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and divers principal Persons of the Commons cause Letters to be written to the Lords Spiritual and Temporal being Protestants and other Letters to the several Counties Cities Universities Burroughs and Cinque-Ports for the Chusing of such Persons to represent them as were of Right to be sent to Parliament to Meet and Sit at Westminster upon the 22d Day of January in this Year 1688 in order to such an Establishment as that their Religion Laws and Liberties might not again be in danger of being Subverted Upon which Letters Elections having been accordingly made And thereupon the said Lord's Spiritual and Temporal and Commons pursuant to their respective Letters and Elections being now Assembled in a Full and Free Representative of this Nation taking into their most serious Consideration the best Means for attaining the Ends aforesaid do in the first place as their Ancestors in like Case have usually done for the Vindicating and Asserting their Ancient Rights and Liberties Declare That the pretended Power of Suspending of Laws or the Execution of Laws by Regal Authority without Consent of Parliament is Illegal That the pretended Power of Dispensing with Laws or the Execution of Laws by Regal Authority as it hath been assumed and exercised of late is Illegal That the Commission for erecting the late Court of Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Causes and all other Commissions and Courts of the like Nature are Illegal and Pernicious That levying of Mony for or to the Use of the Crown by pretence of Prerogative without grant of Parliament for longer time or in other manner than the same is or shall be granted is Illegal That it is the Right of the Subjects to Petition the King and all Commitments and Prosecutions for such Petitioning are Illegal That the Raising or Keeping a standing Army within the Kingdom in time of Peace unless it be with