Mitred Head that had got an Ascendant over his Master's Conscience and Counsels that both the Monarchy and Hierarchy ow'd afterwards their Fall The Division betwixt Archbishop Abboâ— and Bishop Laud. To trace this matter a little higher there arose in the preceding Reign two opposite Parties in the Church which became now more than ever exasperated against each other the one headed by Archbishop Abbot and the other by Bishop Laud. Abbot was a Person of wonderful Temper and Moderation and in all his Conduct shew'd an unwillingness to stretch the Act of Vniformity beyond what was absolutely necessary for the Peace of the Church or the Prerogative of the Crown any further than conduc'd to the good of the State Being not well turn'd for a Court though otherwise of considerable Learning and Gentile Education he either could not or would not stoop to the Humour of the Times and now and then by an unseasonable Stiffness gave occasion to his Enemies to represent him as not well-inclin'd to the Prerogative or too much addicted to a Popular Interest and therefore not fit to be employ'd in Matters of Government Upon the other hand Bishop Laud as he was a Man of greater Learning and yet greater Ambition and Natural Parts so he understood nicely the Art of pleasing a Court and finding no surer way to raise himself to the first Dignitices of the Church than by acting a quite contrary part to that of Archbishop Abbot he went into every thing that seem'd to favour the Prerogative of the Crown or enforce an Absolute Obedience upon the Subject The King 's urgent Necessities and the backwardness of the Parliament to supply them had forc'd him upon unwarrantable Methods of raising Money and the readiness the Roman-Catholicks express'd to assist him in his Wants did beget in him at first a Tenderness towards them and afterwards a Trust and Confidence in them which was unhappily mistaken by his other Subjects as if he inclin'd to their Religion Among other means of raising Money that of Loan was fallen upon which met with great difficulties and was generally taken to be illegal One Sibthorp an obscure Person in a Sermon preach'd at the Assizes at Northampton would make his Court by asserting not only the Lawfulness of this way of imposing Money by Loan but that it was the indispensible Duty of the Subject to comply with it At the same time Dr. Manwaring another Divine preach'd two Sermons before the King at Whitehall in which he advanc'd these Doctrines viz. That the King is not bound to observe the Laws of the Realm concerning the Subjects Rights and Liberties but that his Royal Word and Command in imposing Loans and Taxes without Consent of Parliament does oblige the Subject's Conscience upon pain of eternal Damnation That those who refus'd to pay this Loan did offend against the Law of God and became guilty of Impiety Disloyalty and Rebellion And that the Authority of Parliaments is not necessary for raising of Aids and Subsidies Every body knew Abbot was averse to such Doctrines And to seek an advantage against him Sibthorp's Sermon with a Dedication to the King was sent him by Order of his Majesty to License Abbot refus'd and gave his Reasons in writing which Bishop Laud answer'd and with his own hand Licens'd both Sibthorp's and Manwaring's Sermons Upon this Archbishop Abbot was confin'd to his Countrey-House and suspended from his Function the Administration of which was committed to Bishop Laud and some others of his Recommendation Archbishop Abbot died in disgrace and was succeeded in the See of Canterbury by Bishop Laud while in the mean time things went on from bad to worse and hasten'd to a Crisis The two first Parliaments King Charles had call'd pressing him hard for Redress of Grievances and pushing on the Resentments begun in the preceding Reign he was prevail'd with not only to dissolve them but to leave the Nation without Parliaments for Twelve Years together and all this contrary to the Advice of some of the best and wisest men about him who foresaw the ill consequences that might follow if ever any unlucky Iuncture of Affairs should necessitate him to call one Such a Iuncture fell out The Rise of King Charles's Troubles and the worst that could be the manner thus The Scots had been of a long time sowr'd by the Encroachments they said were made upon their Rights and Liberties and particularly in the matter of Church-Government Archbishop Laud's Zeal for an Vniformity between the two Nations in point of Liturgy prov'd the fatal Torch that put the Two Kingdoms into a flame And it was the sooner kindled there being so much Fuel laid up for many Years that the least Spark was enough to set fire to the Pile In the Year 1637. The Scotch Troubles the Scots had not only in a Tumultuous manner refus'd the Liturgy that was sent them from England of Archbishop Laud's composing but had afterwards assum'd to themselves the Liberty and Power of holding a General Assembly of their Church and in it to abolish Episcopacy and do several other things that were judg'd inconsistent with the Duty of Subjects Upon which they were declar'd Rebels and King Charles thought his Honour was concern'd to reduce them to Obedience by the Sword Instead of venturing to call a Parliament to enable him to prosecute this Design he was necessitated to levy Money another way Great Sums were rais'd by Loan and Benevolence to which the Roman Catholicks and the Clergy of Laud's Faction contributed most The King thus supplied march'd to the North with a Gallant Army and the Scots came as far as the Borders in a posture of Defence To prevent matters coming to extremity the Scots presented his Majesty with their humble Supplication and Remonstrance setting forth their inviolable Fidelity to the Crown and that they desir'd nothing more but the peaceable enjoyment of their Religion and Liberties and that all things may be determin'd and settled by a Free Parliament and General Assembly At length through the Intercession of the Moderate Party about the King and some of the highest Rank in both Kingdoms his Majesty was plea'd to comply with the desires of the Scots by a solemn Pacification sign'd in view of both Armies near Berwick in Iune 1638. This Treaty was but short-liv'd and but ill observ'd on either side The same men that counsell'd the King to the first push'd him on to a second War against the Scots Parliaments had been now discontinu'd for some Years together and there appear'd no great Inclination in the King to call any more if this emergent occasion had not fallen out But his pressing Necessities and this new War oblig'd him once more to try the Affections of his People in a Parliamentary way Accordingly a Parliament meets in April 1640. at the opening of which the King acquainted them with the Affronts he had receiv'd from the Scots and demanded a Supply to reduce
them to their Duty by force of Arms. Both Houses show'd a Willingness to relieve the King's Wants and offer'd him a considerable Supply but with this Condition That their Grievances may be first redress'd which had swell'd up to a considerable Bulk since the last Dissolution Not only so but the Scots had Friends enough in the Parliament to hinder any great matter to be done against them and the greater part both of Lords and Commons were but little inclin'd to a War of Archbishop Laud's kindling The King being thus disappointed dissolv'd this Parliament as he had done the rest when they had scarce sat a Month and made what shifts he could to raise a new Army against the Scots They upon the other hand being resolv'd not to be behind in their Preparations enter'd into England with a numerous Army compos'd for the most part of Veteran Officers and Troops that had serv'd in Germany under Gustavus Adolphus and taking Berwick and Newcastle push'd their way as far as Durham King Charles came in Person to York and there found himself inviron'd with perplexing Difficulties on all hands The Nobility and Gentry that attended him express'd on all occasions their dislike of the Cause and the War they were engag'd in The Scots stood firm to their ground being flesh'd with Success And the King was follow'd from the South with Petitions from the City of London from several Counties and from a considerable Number of Lords desiring him to call a Parliament as the only effectual Means to quiet the Minds of the People and compose the present War without Bloodshed To extricate himself out of this Labyrinth King Charles summon'd the Great Council of Peers to meet at York to consult what was fit to be done in this Juncture who advis'd him unanimously to enter into a Treaty with the Scots at Rippon and to summon a Parliament to meet at Westminster with both which Advices the King comply'd and immediately issu'd out Writs for a Parliament to sit down in November 1640. and adjourn'd the Treaty with the Scots to London No Age ever produc'd Greater Men than those that sat in this Parliament They had sufficient Abilities and Inclinations to have render'd the â—â—ing and their Countrey happy if England had not been through a Chain of concurring Accidents ripen'd for destruction At their sitting down The Parliament 1641. a Scene of Grievances under which the Nation had long groan'd was laid open and all Topicks made use of to paint them out in liveliest Colours The many Cruelties and Illegal Practices of the Star-Chamber and High-Comission-Court that had alienated Peoples Minds from the Hierarchy were now insisted on to throw down those two Arbitrary Tribunals and with them in some time after the Bishops out of the House of Peers and at length Episcopacy it self out of the Church It was not a few of either House but indeed all the Great Patriots that concurr'd at first to make Enquiry into the Grievances of this Reign Sir Edward Hyde afterwards Earl of Clarendon and Lord Chancellor of England the Lord Digby the Lord Falkland the Lord Capell Mr. Grimstone who was chosen afterwards Speaker of the House of Commons that brought in King Charles the Second and was Master of the Rolls Mr. Hollis since Lord Hollis all which suffer'd afterwards on the King's side and in general most of those that took the King's part in the succeeding War were the Men that appear'd with the greatest Zeal for the Redress of Grievances and made the sharpest Speeches upon those Subjects The Intentions of those Gentlemen were certainly Noble and Just and tended to the equal advantage of King and People But the Fate of England urg'd on its own Ruin step by step till an open Rupture between the King and Parliament made the Gap too wide ever to be made up again Sir Thomas Wentworth Earl of Strafford and Dr. Laud Archbishop of Canterbury had too great a share in the Ministry to escape being Censur'd and they were the first that felt the effects of a Popular Hatred These two Gentlemen and Iames Duke of Hamilton first advis'd King Charles to call this Parliament and all Three fell by it though not at the same time The Earl of Strafford was a Gentleman of extraordinary Parts The Fall and Character of the Earl of Strafford a great Orator and yet a greater Statesman He made a considerable Figure in the first Three Parliaments of King Charles and no man appear'd with greater Zeal against Ship-money Tunnage and Poundage and other Taxes illegally impos'd upon the Subject The Court bought him off and preferr'd him to great Honours and Places which lost him his former Friends and made the Breach irreconcilable There had been a long and intimate Friendship betwixt Mr. Pym and him and they had gone hand in hand in every thing in the House of Commons But when Sir Thomas Wentworth was upon making his Peace with the Court he sent to Pym to meet him alone at Greenwich where he began in a set Speech to sound Mr. Pym about the Dangers they were like to run by the Courses they were in and what Advantages they might have if they would but listen to some Offers would probably be made them from the Court Pym understanding his drift stopt him short with this expression You need not use all this Art to tell me that you have a mind to leave us But remember what I tell you You are going to be undone But remember That though you leave us now I will never leave you while your Head is upon your Shoulders He was as good as his word for it was Pym that first accus'd him of High Treason in the House of Commons he carried up his Impeachment to the House of Lords and was the chief Manager of his Tryal and Bill of Attainder There never was a more solemn Trial than that of the Earl of Strafford whether we consider the Accusers or the Person accus'd the Accusation or the Defence As in every thing else so in this more particularly he express'd a wonderful Presence of Mind and a vast Compass of Thought with such nervous and moving Flights of Eloquence as came nothing short of the most celebrated Pieces of Antiquity This did manifestly appear from his summing up the long Answer he made ex tempore to every one of the Articles against him with this Pathetick Conclusion My Lords said he I have troubled you longer than I should have done were it not for the Interest of these dear Pledges a Saint in Heaven hath left me At this word he stopt pointing to his Children that stood by him and dropt some Tears then went on What I forfeit for my self in nothing but that my Indiscretion should extend to my Posterity woundeth me to the very Soul You will pardon my Infirmity something I should have added but am not able therefore let it pass And now my Lords for my self I have been by the Blessing
and among other Motives brought them Engagements in writing from most of the greatest Peers of England to join with them and assist them when they should come into England with their Army This did much animate them for they had not the least doubt of the Papers brought them But all this was discover'd at the Treaty of Rippon to have been a base Forgery For there the Scâ—ttish Lords looking very sullenly upon some of the English Lords as on Persons of no Faith or Truth the Lord Mandevil came to the Earl of Rothes and asked the reason of that change of their Countenances and Behaviour in them who after some high Reflections at length challeng'd him and the other Lords of not keeping what they engag'd to them Upon which that Lord stood amaz'd and told him and so did the other Lords there That they had sent no such Messages nor Papers to them and that they had been abus'd by the blackest Imposture that ever was Thus it appear'd concludes this Author how dangerous it may be to receive some things that seem to have the highest probabilities in them easily and upon trust To leave this Subject it may not be improper to add another Passage out of the same Book where that Reverend Prelate speaking of the Inâ—lucements that prevail'd with the Scots to come into the Assistance of the Parliament Three Years after tells us That among other Arguments That Paper which was sent down in the Year 1640 as the Engagement of Twenty eight of the Peers of England for their Concurrence with the Scottish Army that Year was shown to divers to engage them into a grateful Return to those to whom it was pretended they were so highly oblig'd For though the Earl of Rothes and a few more were well satisfied about the Forgery of that Paper yet they thought that a Secret of too great Importance to be generally known therefore it was still kept up from the Body of the Nation To shut up what relates to K. Charles I. K. Charles's thoughts of Resigning the Crown to his Son After the Treaty of Newport was broke off and he once more carried away by the Army he found his Case was desperate and thereupon began to have some Thoughts of Resigning the Crown to the Prince of Wales as the only means in that unhappy Condition to preserve it for his Family But before he had time to digest this Resolution or an opportunity to acquaint the Parliament with it he was hurried on to his Trial. The last day of that Trial he earnestly propos'd That before Sentence pass'd he might be heard before the Lords and Commons in the Painted Chamber where he had something to offer for the Peace of the Kingdom and the Liberty of the Subject which might settle all differences It is probable he meant by this to have resign'd the Crown which his Enemies having some Intimation of and fearing it might be accepted they were the more forward to proceed to Sentence and Execution Likewise some days before his Death About setting up the Duke of Gloucester King the prevailing Party had thoughts of setting up the Duke of Gloucester King This was not kept so secret but King Charies had some notice of it for the Duke and his Sister having leave to wait upon him the Night before the Execution he took the Young Duke in his Arms and told him They were going to take off his Father's Head and may be they would set the Crown upon his Head which he forbad him to accept of while his Two Elder Brothers were Living There befel him an Accident which though a Trifle in it self and that no Weight is to be laid upon any thing of that nature yet since the best Authors both Ancient and Modern have not thought it below the Majesty of History to mention the like it may be the more excusable to insert it The King being at Oxford during the Civil Wars went one day to see the Publick Library where he was show'd among other Books a Virgil nobly Printed and exquisitely bound The Lord Falkland to divert the King would have his Majesty make a Trial of his Fortune by the Sortes Virgilianae His consulting the Sortes Virgilianae which every body knows was an usual kind of Augury some Ages past Whereupon the King opening the Book the Period which happen'd to come up was that part of Dido's Imprecation against Aeneas which Mr. Dryden translates thus Yet let a Race untam'd and haughty Foes His peaceful Entrance with dire Arms oppose Oppress'd with Numbers in th' unequal Field His Men discourag'd and himself expell'd Let him for Succonr sue from place to place Torn from his Subjects and his Son's embrace First let him see his Friends in Battel slain And their untimely Fate lament in vain And when at length the cruel War shall cease On hard Conditions may he buy his Peace Nor let him then enjoy Supreme Command But fall untimely by some hostile Hand And lye unburi'd in the common Sand. It is said K. Charles seem'd concern'd at this Accident and that the Lord Falkland observing it would likewise try his own Fortune in the same manner hoping he might fall upon some Passage that could have no relation to his Case and thereby divert the King's Thoughts from any Impression the other might have upon him But the place that Falkland stumbled upon was yet more suited to his Destiny than the other had been to the King 's being the following Expressions of Evander upon the untimely Death of his Son Pallas as they are translated by the same Hand O Pallas thou hast fail'd thy plighted Word To fight with Reason not to tempt the Sword I warn'd thee but in vain for well I knew What Perils Youthful Ardor would pursue That boiling Blood would carry thee too far Young as thou were 't in Dangers raw to War O curst Essay of Arms disast'rous Doom Prelude of Bloody Fields and Fights to come To return to our History Upon the Death of King Charles I. there was a Total Eclipse of the Royal Family for Twelve Years During a great part of which time an unusual Meteor fill'd the English Orb and with its surprizing Influences over-aw'd not only Three Kingdoms but the powerfullest Princes and States about us A Great Man he was and Posterity might have paid a just Homage to his Memory if he had not embrued his Hands in the Blood of his Prince or had not usurp'd upon the Liberties of his Countrey It being as natural a Curiosity in mankind to know the Character of a Fortunate Vsurper as of a Lawful King it may not perhaps be much amiss to say something of Oliver Cromwell By Birth he was a Gentleman The Usurpation and Character of Oliver Cromwell and bred up for some time at the Vniversity though nothing of a Scholar When the Civil Wars broke out he took the Parliaments Side and his first Employment in the Army was a Captain
Error too late and found they had been us'd but as Tools to prevent the Dissenters from uniting with the Church of England whenever the common Danger should come to threaten both This Toleration could not subsist K. Iames grants a Toleration of Religion being contrary to the Establish'd Laws of the Realm unless a new Monster was introduc'd to give it life under the Name of a Dispensing Power When King Iames came to assume to himself this Power as his Prerogative and Right he unhindg'd the Constitution all at once for to Dispense with Laws already made is as much a part of the Legislature as the making of new ones And therefore in aarogating to himself such a Dispensing Power he invaded the very Essence of the English Constitution by which the Legislature is lodg'd in King Lords and Commons and every one of them has a Negative upon the other two Charles II. was the first King of England that ever aim'd at any thing like a Dispensing Power In the Year 1662. he was prevail'd upon for some Reasons of State to issue out a Proclamation dispensing with some few things that related to the Act of Vniformity but without the least regard to Roman-Catholicks And though in his Speech to the Parliament upon that occasion he did in a manner acknowledge that he had no such Power in saying That if the Dissenters would demean themselves peaceably and modestly he could heartily wish he had such a Power of Indulgence to use upon occasion Yet the Parliament was so jealous of this Innovation that they presented the King with an Address against the Proclamation and plainly told him That he had no Power to dispense with the Laws without an Act of Parliament King Charles made another Attempt of the like nature in the Year 1672 and in a Speech to Both Houses did mention his Declaration of Indulgence and acquainted them with the Reasons that induc'd him to it telling them withal how little the Roman Catholicks would be the better for it Upon which the House of Commons made an Address to him for recalling this Declaration Wherein they plainly told him That in claiming a Power to dispense with Penal Laws his Majesty had been very much misinform'd since no such Power was ever claim'd or exercis'd by any of his Predecessors and if it should be admitted might tend to the interrupting of the free course of the Laws and altering the Legislative Power which has always been acknowledg'd to reside in his Majesty and his Two Houses of Parliament King Charles was so far satisfied in the matter contain'd in this Address that he immediately thereupon cancell'd his Declaration of Indulgence and order'd the Seal to be torn off and acquainted both Houses That he had done so with this further Declaration which was enter'd upon Record in the House of Lords That it should never be drawn into Example or Consequence The next that attempted such a Dispensing Power though of a far larger Extent was King Iames as has been said And how any thing that look'd that way was relish'd by the House of Commons does appear by their Address against the Roman Catholick Officers which also has been mention'd It was not enough for King Iames to assume this Dispensing Power And assumes a dispensing Power and to act by it but such was the Misery and hard Fate of England that the Party about the King would hâ—ve had us believe That a Power in the King to dispense wiâ—h Laws was Law To maintain this Monstrous Position there were not only Mercenary Pens set a-work but a Set of Iudges found out that to their Eternal Reproach did all was possible for them to Compliment the King with the Liberties of their Countrey For these Gentlemen gave it for Law That the Laws of England are the King's Laws That therefore it 's an incident inseparable Prerogative of the Kings of England as of all other Sovereign Princes to dispense with all Penal Laws in particular Cases and upon particular necâ—ssary Reasons That of those Reasons and Necessities the King is the sole Iudge And which is a Consequent thereupon That this is not a Trust invested in or granted to the King but the Ancient Remains of the Sovereign Power of the Kings of England which never was yet taken from them nor can be Thus were we fallen under the greatest Misfortune that can possibly happen to a Nation To have our Laws and Constitution trampled upon under colour of Law And those very Men whose Office it was to support them became now the Betrayers of them to the Will of the Prince This mighty Point being gain'd or rather forc'd upon us the Roman-Catholicks were not wanting to make the best use of it for themselves The free and open Exercise of their Religion was set up every where and Jesuit Schools and Seminaries erected in the most considerable Towns The Church of England had now but a Precarious Title to the National Church and Romish Candidates had swallow'd up its Preferments and Dignities already in their Hopes Romish Bishops were publickly Consecrated in the Royal Chappel and dispatch'd down to exercise their Episcopal Function in their respective Diocesses Their Pastoral Letters directed to the Lay-Catholicks of England were openly dispers'd up and down and printed by the King 's own Printer with Publick License The Regular Clergy appear'd in their Habits in Whitehall and St. Iames's and made no scruple to tell the Protestants They hop'd in a little time to walk in Procession through Cheapside A mighty Harvest of New Converts was expected and that Labourers might not be wanting Shoals of Priests and Regulars were sent over from beyond Sea to reap it The only Step to Preferment was to be of the King's Religion And to preach against the Errors of Rome was the height of Disloyalty because forsooth it tended to alienate the Subjects Affections from the King An Order was directed to the Protestant Bishops about Preaching which was upon the matter forbidding them to defend their Religion in the Pulpit when it was at the same time attack'd by the Romish Priests with all the Vigor they were capable of both in their Sermons and Books This Order was taken from a Precdent in Queen Mary's time for the first Step she made to introduce Popery notwithstanding her Promises to the Gentlemen of Suffolk and Norfolk to the contrary upon their appearing first of any for her Interest upon the Death of her Brother was to issue out a Proclamation forbidding the Preaching upon controverted Points of Religion for fear it was said of raising Animosities among the people But notwithstanding this insnaring Letter of K. Iames's the Clergy of the Church of England were not wanting in their Duty For to their Immortal Honour they did more to vindicate the Doctrine of their own Church and expose the Errors of the Church of Rome both in their Sermons and Writings than ever had been done either at Home or Abroad since
to accomplish his Design for what a Parliament it may be would not do he was resolv'd that an Army should and therefore Care was taken to model his Troops as much to that end as the shortness of time would allow The Modelling of the Army Ireland was the inexhaustible Source whence England was to be furnish'd with a Romish Army and an Irish Roman-Catholick was the most welcome Guest at Whitehall They came over in Shoals to take possession of the promis'd Land and had already swallow'd up in their Hopes the best Estates of the Hereticks in England Over and above compleat Regiments of them there was scarce a Troop or Company wherein some of them were not plac'd by express Order from Court Several Protestants that had serv'd well and long were turn'd out to make room for them and Seven considerable Officers were cashier'd in one day merely for refusing to admit them The chief Forts and particularly Portsmouth and Hull the two Keys of England were put into Popish Hands and the Garisons so modell'd that the Majority were Papists To over-awe the Nation and to make Slavery familiar this Army was encamp'd Yearly near London where the only Publick Chappel in the Camp was appointed for the Service of the Romish Church and strict Orders given out That the Soldiers of that Religion should not fail every Sunday and Holiday to repair thither to Mass. As Ireland was remarkable for having furnish'd King Iames with Romish Troops sent into England The Methods us'd in Ireland so was it much more for the bare-fac'd and open Invasions that were made there upon the Liberties and Rights of the Protestants That Kingdom was the most proper Field to ripen their Projects in considering that the Protestants were much out-number'd by the Papists and had been for some Ages the constant Object of their Rancour and Envy which had been more than once express'd in Letters of Blood King Iames did recall the Earl of Clarendon from the Government of Ireland Tyrconnel made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland soon after he was sent thither and appointed the Earl of Tyrconnel to succeed him who was a Gentleman had signaliz'd himself for his Bigotry to the Church of Rome and his Hatred to the Protestants The Roman-Catholick Clergy had recommended him to King Iames for that Post in a Letter mention'd at length in the Appendix Appendix Numb 21. As one that did first espouse and chiefly maintain the Cause of the Catholick Clergy against their many and powerful Enemies for the last Five and twenty Years and was then the only Person under whose Fortitude and Popularity in that Kingdom they durst with chearfulness and assurance own their Loyalty and assert his Majesty's Interest Making it therefore their humble Request That his Majesty would be pleas'd to lodge his Authority in his hands to the Terror of the Factious and Encouragement of his Majesty's faithful Subjects in Ireland promising to receive him with such Acclamations as the long-captiv'd Jews did their Redeemer Mordecai Which Letter show'd they were no less mistaken in their History of the Bible than their Advice to the King for it does not appear by the Story of Mordecai in the Scripture that he was ever sent to the Iews or remov'd from the City of Susa after he came into Favour with Ahasuerus However Tyrconnel fully answer'd the hopes and expectations of the Papists and the fears of the Protestants of Ireland for by the Ministry of this Rigid Man was the Ruin of the Protestant English Interest in that Kingdom in a great measure compleated At King Iames's Accession to the Crown the Army of Ireland consisted of about Seven Thousand Men all Protestants and zealous to the Service These were in a little time all turn'd out and the whole Army made up of Papists most of them the Sons and Descendants or near Relations of those that were Attainted for the Rebellion in 1641 or others that had distinguish'd themselves since that time by their notorious Villanies and implacable Hatred to the English and Protestant Interest Though in King Charles's time The Manner of filling up the Benches in Ireland by the Influence of the Duke of York there had been grounds of Complaint against some of the Judges in Ireland upon the account of their Partiality to the Papists yet when King Iames came to the Crown these very Judges were not thought fit enough for the Work that was design'd It was judg'd necessary to employ the most zealous of the Party those that from Interest and Inclination were the most deeply engag'd to destroy the Protestant Interest and accordingly such were pick'd out to sit in every Court of Justice The Custody of the King's Conscience and Great Seal was given to Sir Alexander Fitton a Person convicted of Forgery not only at Westminster-Hall and at Chester but Fin'd for it by the Lords in Parliament This Man was taken out of Gaol to discharge the Trust of Lord High Chancellor and had no other Qualities to recommend him besides his being a Convert to the Romish Church and a Renegado to his Religion and Countrey To him were added as Masters of Chancery one Stafford a Popish Priest and O Neal the Son of one of the most notorious Murderers in the Massacre 1641. In the Kings Bench care was taken to place one Nugent whose Father had lost his Honour and Estate for being a principal Actor in the same Rebellion This Man who had never made any figure at the Bar was pitch'd upon to judge whether the Outlawries against his Father and Fellow-Rebels ought to be Revers'd and whether the Settlements that were made in Ireland upon these Outlawries ought to stand good The next Court is that of Exchequer from which only of all the Courts in Ireland there lies no Appeal or Writ of Error in England It was thought fit that one Rice a profligate Fellow and noted for nothing but Gaming and a mortal Inveteracy against the Protestants should fill the place of Lord Chief Baron This man was often heard to say before he came to be a Judge That he would drive a Coach and Six Horses through the Act of Settlement And before that Law was actually Repeal'd in King Iames's Parliament he declar'd upon the Bench That it was against Natural Equity and did not oblige It was before him that all the Charters in the Kingdom were damn'd in the space of a Term or two so much was he for dispach A Learned Prelate Dr. King Bishop of Londonderry his State of Ireland under K. Iames. from whose Book all the things that here relate to that Countrey are taken does observe That if this Judge had been left alone it was believ'd in a few Years he would by some Contrivance or another have given away most of the Protestants Estates in Ireland without troubling a Parliament to Attaint them In the Court of Common-Pleas it was though advisable that a Protestant Chief Iustice should
Author Notwithstanding these Difficulties and Discouragements that seem'd insuperable wonderful and surprizing were the Consequences of the Prince of Orange's Restoration As if that Family alone were design'd of Heaven to be the Founder and Restorer of Holland It fell out that immediately upon his being call'd to the Helm the whole Scene of their Affairs chang'd to the better At the Head of a small ill-disciplin'd Army discourag'd by continual Losses he not only put a Stop to the French Conquests but by taking first Naerden in spite of an Army near four times greater than his own and carrying afterwards the War out of his own Countrey he oblig'd the Enemy to abandon their Conquests in Holland as fast as they had gain'd them and be contented to retire to the Defence of their own Frontiers This War was attended with various Successes on all sides and most of the Princes of Europe came to be some way or other engag'd in it till at last it ended in the Treaty of Nimeguen The part King Charles acted in all these Transactions contributed but little to his Glory for he had been unsuccessful while he was engag'd in the War and when he came to be a Mediator for the Peace all Parties grew jealous of him and neglected him It was during the Course of this War as has been said before that King Charles aton'd for all the Errors of his Reign by marrying his Niece the Lady Mary to the Prince of Orange And whatever were the Motives that induc'd him to comply in this with the Universal Wishes of his People it has been found since that not only England but the greatest part of Europe do share at this day in the Blessings that have attended it By this Match the Prince of Orange had a double Interest in England both as a Prince of the Blood himself and in Right of his Princess the next Presumptive Heir He liv'd with King Charles in as much Friendship as was possible for one that would not enter into an Interest separate from that of his Country or of England Insomuch that in all the Endeavours that were made to exclude the Duke of York from the Crown he look'd on without espousing any of the Parties that struggled for or against the Bill of Exclusion though he knew it was design'd that He and the Princess should succeed upon the Death of King Charles When King Iames came to the Throne the Prince of Orange tried all possible means to cultivate a sincere Friendship with him and to persuade him to enter into such Measures as might tend to the Common Safety of Europe and the Happiness of England which if King Iames had given Ear to would have preserv'd the Crown upon his Head And so cautious was he of giving him no reasonable ground of Complaint that though in King Charles's time he had given a Generous Welcome to the Duke of Monmouth at the Request of that King upon his retiring to Holland Yet as soon as he knew that that unhappy Gentleman designâ—d to invade England upon King Iames's Accession to the Throne he offer'd to come over in Person to his Assistance and sent him with all Expedition the English and Scotch Troops that were in the Service of the States It had been happy for King Iames if he had complied with the Advice of the Prince of Orange or had not by his Success against Monmouth been push'd on to make the Steps that have bee mention'd together with a great many more for Brevity's sake here omitted towards his own Ruin and that of the Constitution of England But being flatter'd with the gaudy Charms of Absolute Power and the empty Merit of Restoring the Romish Religion he drove on without Controul till at last he forc'd the People of England upon an inevitable necessity of calling in the Prince of Orange to retrieve the expiring Liberties of their Countrey At the same time an indissoluble Friendship and Alliance which King Iames had enter'd into when Duke of York and had cultivated afterwards when he came to the Crown was a matter of that vast Consequence to the Neighbouring Princes and States as would not permit them to stand by as unconcern'd Spectators of the Scene that was acting in England but oblig'd them likewise to save recourse to the Prince of Orange for breaking off their own Fetters by breaking first those of England But by what Steps and concurring Accidents and with what surprizing Circumstances this Mighty Design came about may some time or other though perhaps not so properly in this Age be the Subject of a Second Part when it meets with one of more Leisure and Capacity to write it FINIS Addenda ad Page 36. Concerning the Reign of King James I. It may not be impertinent in this place to say something of that Convocation that was held in the beginning of this King's Reign Which had never been taken notice of in History if it were not for the use that was made of it in our late Debates about the Lawfulness of the Oaths to his present Majesty This Convocation goes under the name of Overall's Convocation and has been of late years often mentioned in Print upon that account And since a very Learned Divine has told us upon a solemn Occasion Dr. Sherlock That it was the Canons of this Convocation that first Enlightned his Eyes and persuaded him of the Lawfulness of the Oaths to his Majesty I shall only take notice of a few things about them It 's very probable that this Convocation was call'd to clear some Doubts that King Iames might have had about the Lawfulness of the Hollanders the 〈…〉 off the Monarchy of Spain 〈…〉 withdrawing for good and all their Allegiance to that Crown Which was the Great Matter then in Agitation in most Courts of Christendom It appears plainly by some of those Canons that the Highflown Notions of Prerogative and Absolute Obedience which came afterwards into fashion were not much known at that time at least the Clergy were not of that Opinion It 's true This was the first time that the Distinction of a King de jure and de facto was ever mention'd as a Point of Divinity or a Doctrine of the Church though it had been taken notice of before and that but once as a Matter of Law in an Act of Parliament of Henry 7. But these Canons did never receive the Royal Approbation and therefore are in the same case as if they had never been King Iames thought these Points too nice to be much touch'd upon and was highly displeas'd with the Members of that Convocation for medling in Matters which he thought were without their Sphere Thereupon he writ that angry Letter to Dr. Abbot afterwards Bishop of Sarum the Original of which it was my fortune to fall upon and to publish upon another Occasion It 's hop'd the Reader will not be displeas'd to read it again And it runs thus Good Doctor Abbot I Cannot abstain
desire the comfort of your gracious presence and likewise the Unity and Justice of your Royal Authority to give more life and power to the dutiful and loyal Counsels and Endeavours of your Parliament for the prevention of that eminent ruin and destruction wherein your Kingdoms of England and Scotland are threatned The duty which we owe to your Majesty and our Countrey cannot but make us very sensible and apprehensive that the multiplicity sharpness and malignity of those evils under which we have now many years suffered are fomented and cherished by a corrupt and ill-affected party who amongst other their mischievous devices for the alteration of Religion and Government have thought by many false scandals and imputations cunningly insinuated and dispersed amongst the people to blemish and disgrace our proceedings in this Parliament and to get themselves a party and faction amongst your Subjects for the better strengthning of themselves in their wicked courses and hindring those Provisions and Remedies which might by the wisdom of your Majesty and Counsel of your Parliament be opposed against them For preventing whereof and the better information of your Majesty your Peers and all other your loyal Subjects we have been necessitated to make a Declaration of the state of the Kingdom both before and since the Assembly of this Parliament unto this time which we do humbly present to your Majesty without the least intention to lay any blemish upon your Royal Person but only to represent how your Royal Authority and Trust have been abused to the great prejudice and danger of your Majesty and of all your good Subjects And because we have reason to believe that those malignant parties whose proceedings evidently appear to be mainly for the advantage and encrease of Popery is composed set up and acted by the subtil practice of the Jesuits and other Engineers and Factors for Rome and to the great danger of this Kingdom and most grievous affliction of your loyal Subjects have so far prevailed as to corrupt divers of your Bishops and others in prime places of the Church and also to bring divers of these Instruments to be of your Privy Council and other employments of trust and nearness about your Majesty the Prince and the rest of your Royal Children And by this means hath had such an operation in your Council and the most important affairs and proceedings of your Government that a most dangerous division and chargeable preparation for War betwixt your Kingdoms of England and Scotland the increase of Jealousies betwixt your Majesty and your most obedient Subjects the violent distraction and interruption of this Parliament the insurrection of the Papists in your Kingdom of Ireland and bloody Massacre of your people have been not only endeavoured and attempted but in a great measure compassed and effected For preventing the final accomplishment whereof your poor Subjects are enforced to engage their persons and estates to the maintaining of a very expenceful and dangerous War notwithstanding they have already since the beginning of this Parliament undergone the charge of 150000 pounds sterling or thereabouts for the necessary support and supply of your Majesty in these present and perillous Designs And because all our most faithful endeavours and engagements will be ineffectual for the peace safety and preservation of your Majesty and your people if some present real and effectual course be not taken for suppressing this wicked and malignant party We your most humble and obedient Subjects do with all faithfulness and humility beseech your Majesty 1. That you will be graciously pleased to concur with the humble desires of your people in a Parliamentary way for the preserving the peace and safety of the Kingdom from the malicious Designs of the Popish party For depriving the Bishops of their Votes in Parliament and abridging their immoderate power usurped over the Clergy and other your good Subjects which they have most perniciously abused to the hazard of Religion and great prejudice and oppression of the Laws of the Kingdom and just liberty of your people For the taking away such oppressions in Religion Church government and Discipline as have been brought in and fomented by them For uniting all such your loyal Subjects together as joyn in the same fundamental truths against the Papist by removing some oppressions and unnecessary Ceremonies by which divers weak consciences have been scrupled and seem to be divided from the rest For the due execution of those good Laws which have been made for securing the liberty of your Subjects 2. That your Majesty will likewise be pleased to remove from your Council all such as persist to favour and promote any of those pressures and corruptions wherewith your people have been grieved and that for the future your Majesty will vouchsafe to imploy such persons in your great and publick Affairs and to take such to be near you in places of trust as your Parliament may have cause to confide in that in your Princely goodness to your people you will reject and refuse all mediation and solicitation to the contrary how powerful and near soever 3. That you would be pleased to forbear to alienate any of the forfeited and escheated Lands in Ireland which shall accrue to your Crown by reason of this Rebellion that out of them the Crown may be the better supported and some satisfaction made to your Subjects of this Kingdom for the great expences they are like to undergo this War Which humble desires of ours being graciously fulfilled by your Majesty we will by the blessing and favour of God most chearfully undergo the hazard and expences of this War and apply our selves to such other courses and counsels as may support your Royal Estate with honour and plenty at home with power and reputation abroad and by our loyal affections obedience and service lay a sure and lasting foundation of the greatness and prosperity of your Majesty and your Royal Posterity in future times A Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom Die Mercurii 15 Decemb. 1642. THE Commons in this present Parliament assembled having with much earnestness and faithfulness of affection and zeal to the publick good of this Kingdom and his Majesties honour and service for the space of twelve months wrestled with the great dangers and fears the pressing miseries and calamities the various distempers and disorders which had not only assaulted but even overwhelmed and extinguisht the liberty peace and prosperity of this Kingdom the comfort and hopes of all his Majesties good Subjects and exceedingly weakned and undermined the foundation and strength of his own Royal Throne Do yet find an abounding Malignity and Opposition in those parties and factions who have been the cause of those evils and do still labour to cast aspersions upon that which hath been done and to raise many difficulties for the hinderance of that which remains yet undone and to foment Jealousies betwixt the King and the Parliament that so they may deprive him his
his Majesty that he forthwith prepared again for War And such was their Confidence that having corrupted and distempered the whole Frame and Government of the Kingdom they did now hope to corrupt that which was the only means to restore all to a right frame and temper again to which end they persuaded his Majesty to call a Parliament not to seek Counsel and Advice of them but to draw Countenance and Supply from them and engage the whole Kingdom in their Quarrel and in the mean time continued all their unjust Levies of Money resolving either to make the Parliament pliant to their Will and to establish mischief by a Law or else to break it And with more colour to go on by Violence to take what they could not obtain by Consent the Ground alledged for the Justification of this War was this That the undutiful Demands of the Parliament of Scotland was a sufficient Reason for his Majesty to take Arms against them without hearing the Reason of those Demands And thereupon a new Army was prepared against them their Ships were seized in all Ports both of England and Ireland and at Sea their Petitions rejected their Commissioners refused Audience This whole Kingdom most miserably distemper'd with Levies of Men and Money and Imprisonments of those who denied to submit to those Levies The Earl of Strafford pass'd into Ireland caused the Parliament there to declare against the Scots to give four Subsidies towards that War and to engage themselves their Lives and Fortunes for the prosecution of it and gave directions for an Army of Eight thousand Foot and One thousand Horse to be levied there which were for the most part Papists The Parliament met upon the 13 th of April 1640. The Earl of Strafford and Archbishop of Canterbury with their Party so prevailed with his Majesty that the House of Commons was prest to yield to a Supply for maintenance of the War with Scotland before they had provided any Relief for the great and pressing Grievances of the People which being against the Fundamental Privilege and proceeding of Parliament was yet in humble Respect to his Majesty so far admitted as that they agreed to take the matter of Supply into Consideration and two several days it was debated Twelve Subsidies were demanded for the Release of Ship-money alone a third day was appointed for conclusion when the Heads of that Party begun to fear the People might close with the King in satisfying his desire of Money but that withal they were like to blast their malicious designs against Scotland finding them very much indisposed to give any countenance to that War Thereupon they wickedly advised the King to break off the Parliament and to return to the ways of Confusion in which their own evil Intentions were most like to prosper and succeed After the Parliament ended the fifth of May 1640 this Party grew so bold as to counsel the King to supply himself out of his Subjects Estates by his own Power at his own Will without their Consent The very next day some Members of both Houses had their Studies and Cabinets yea their Pockets searched Another of them not long after was committed close Prisoner for not delivering some Petitions which he received by Authority of that House And if harsher courses were intended as was reported it is very probable that the sickness of the Earl of Strafford and the Tumultuous Rising in Southwark and about Lambeth were the Causes that such violent Intentions were not brought to execution A false and scandalous Declaration against the House of Commons was published in his Majesty's Name which yet wrought little effect with the People but only to manifest the Impudence of those who were Authors of it A forced Loan of Money was attempted in the City of London The Lord Mayor and Aldermen in their several Wards enjoined to bring in a List of the Names of such Persons as they judged fit to lend and of the Sum they should lend And such Aldermen as refused so to do were committed to Prison The Archbishop and the other Bishops and Clergy continued the Convocation and by a new Commission turned it to a Provincial Synod in which by an unheard-of presumption they made Canons that contain in them many matters contrary to the King's Prerogative to the Fundamental Laws and Statutes of the Realm to the Right of Parliaments to the Property and Liberty of the Subject and matters tending to Sedition and of dangerous consequence thereby establishing their own Usurpations justifying their Altar-Worship and those other Superstitious Innovations which they formerly introduced without warrant of Law They imposed a new Oath upon divers of his Majesty's Subjects both Ecclesiastical and Lay for maintenance of their own Tyranny and laid a great Tax upon the Clergy for Supply of his Majesty and generally they shewed themselves very affectionate to the War with Scotland which was by some of them stiled Bellum Episcopale and a Prayer composed and enjoined to be read in all Churches calling the Scots Rebels to put the two Nations into Blood and make them irreconcileable All those pretended Canons and Constitutions were armed with the several Censures of Suspension Excommunication Deprivation by which they would have thrust out all the good Ministers and most of the well-affected People of the Kingdom and left an easy Passage to their own Design of Reconciliation with Rome The Popish Party enjoined such Exemptions from the Penal Laws as amounted to a Toleration besides many other Encouragements and Court-Favours They had a Secretary of State Sir Francis Windebank a powerful Agent for the speeding of all their desires a Pope's Nuncio residing here to act and govern them according to such influences as he received from Rome and to intercede for them with the most powerful concurrence of the Foreign Princes of that Religion By his Authority the Papists of all sorts Nobility Gentry and Clergy were convocated after the manner of a Parliament new Jurisdictions were erected of Romish Archbishops Taxes levied another State moulded within this State independent in Government contrary in Interest and Affection secretly corrupting the ignorant or negligent Professors of our Religion and closely uniting and combining themselves against such as were sound in this posture waiting for an opportunity by force to destroy those whom they could not hope to seduce For the effecting whereof they were strengthen'd with Arms and Munition encouraged by superstitious Prayers enjoined by the Nuncio to be Weekly made for the prosperity of some great design And such power had they at Court that secretly a Commission was issued out intended to be issued to some Great Men of that Profession for the levying of Soldiers and to command and employ them according to private Instructions which we doubt were framed for the advantage of those who were the Contrivers of them His Majesty's Treasure was consumed his Revenue anticipated his Servants and Officers compelled to lend great Sums of Money
regret the Hard Usage which the Protestants meet with in other Countries and wish they were but as well treated there as the Roman-Catholicks are here Before I have done I beg leave to take notice of a Pamphlet that came out last Summer call'd Cursory Remarks upon the Proceedings of the Last Session of Parliament The Gentleman that wrote it had not only the Honesty to publish an Answer to his own Book but in that Answer to insinuate that I was the Author of it All the Use I shall make of this unusual Liberty of the Press is to declare That I have not publish'd any one Paper Pamphlet or Book these Six Years And though I have but little Leisure and yet less Inclination to appear again in Print yet if ever I alter my Resolution and publish any thing hereafter I will certainly put my Name to it as I have done to these Memoirs THE CONTENTS THE Excellencies of the English Constitution and the various Changes that have happen'd in it Page 1 The State of England under Queen Elizabeth 3 Her Character 5 The Character of her Ministers particularly of Walsingham Cecil c. and of the Members of the House of Commons in her time 8 Her Conduct towards Mary Queen of Scots 15 King James the First 's Accession to the Crown and the Condition of England under his Reign 19 His Character 20 The Character and Deathof Prince Henry 23 The Character of the Queen of Bohemia and King James's Conduct in the Business of the Palatinate 27 The Fate of Sir Walter Raleigh 28 King James's Conduct in teh Interdict of Venice 34 King Charles the First 's Accession to the Crown and the Condition of England at that time 37 The Breach betwixt Archbishop Abbot and Bishop Laud 38 The Rise of King Charles's Troubles and the first and second War with the Scots 41 The meeting of the Parliament November 1640. 45 The Fall and Character of Wentworth Earl of Strafford 47 The Fall and Character of Archbishop Laud 55 The Famous Petition and Remonstrance of the state of the Nation and the King's Answer 61 His coming to the House of Commons in Person to demand the Five Members and the Consequences of it 63 His Leaving the Parliament and the beginning of the Civil Wars and who began it 66 The Treaty of Uxbridge how unsuccesful and the Marquis of Montrose's fatal Letter the Cause 63 The Character and Fall of King Charles the First 74 His Opinion of Defensive Arms in the bisiness of Rochel 79 The Character of his Favourite Buckingham 84 The true Cause of the Scot's coming into England being a forg'd Letter 91 King Charles's design beâ—ore his Death to Resign the Crown And the Army 's to set up the Duke of Gloucester 98 His Consulting the Sortes Virgilianae 100 The Vsurpation and Character of Oliver Cromwell 102 The Restoration of King Charles the Second and the Manner of it with Monk's part in it and the Risk Monk ran in Scotland 114 One of the true Causes of the Fall of Chancellor Clarendon 122 The discovery of the Popish Plot and its Consequences 123 The Bill of Exclusion the design of it and how manag'd 125 The Disgrace of the Duke of Monmouth and the Consequences of it 131 The Protestant Plot and the Effects of it 133 The Death of King Charles the Second and the Suspicions about the Manner of it discuss'd 135 His Character 143 The Reign of King James the Second 148 The Advantages and Examples he might have maâ—e use of 150 His Brother's and Pope Innocent II.'s Advice to him 152 His first Speech to his Privy Council 153 His first Speech to his Parliament 156 His Second Memorable Speech to his Parliament 157 Two Letters from a Foreign Minister to their Ambassador in England upon the occasion of this Speech 159 Monmouth's Invasion and the Grounds of it 160 Some Passages out of Monmouth's Pocket-Book 166 Monmouth's Character 167 His Letter in his Retirement 169 King James's Speech to the Parliament upon Monmouth's Defeat 171 The Parliament's Address thereupon 173 The Sense of a Foreign Minister of this last Speech 175 The Advances made to the Subversion of the English Constitution 177 King James's Ambassy to Rome and how received 178 The Panegyricks of King James upon that occasion 182 The Manner how King James had been treated by another Pope in his Marriage with the Princess of Modena 187 King James grants a Toleration of Religion 191 He assumes a dispensing Power 194 He sets up an Ecclesiastical Commission 197 The Suspension of the Bishop of London 198 The Proceedings against Magdalen-College 201 His Second Declaration for Liberty of Conscience 206 The Affair of the Seven Bishops 208 The Birth of a pretended Prince of Wales 212 A new Parliament design'd and to what end 213 The Prince and Princess of Orange's Opinion about the Penal Laws and Test and how obtain'd 215 The Army Modell'd 220 The Methods us'd in Ireland and Tyrconel's Advancement 222 The Regulating of the Corporations and the Severities against the Protestants 228 The Act of Attainder there 232 The Interest that Foreign States had in England 234 The Emperor's Letter to King James 236 The Interest of the Prince of Orange 237 The bad Circumstances of the House of Orange at the Birth of the Present Prince of Orange now King of England 238 How he came to be Restored in Holland 240 The Desolation of Holland in 1672 242 The Reasons of that Desolation 244 The Difficulty the Prince of Orange had to grapple with 247 The Duke of Luxemburgh's Cruelties at Swammerdam 249 The Affair of Overall's Convocation and how resented by King James 255 His Letter to Dr. Abbot on that Occasion 257 ERRATA PAGE 62. Line 14 15. for the King's Answer to it at its delivery read Answer to them at their delivery MEMOIRS Of the most Material Transactions in England c. THERE is not a Natiâ—n in Europe that from the Constitution of its Government might have promis'd it self a more firm and lasting Repâ—se than England And yet scarce any Kingdom we know upon Earth has suffered so many and various Convulsions As if some malevolent Planet had over-rul'd one of the best of Human Constitutions and by an unaccountable Fatality had render'd ineffectual all the Endeavours of our Ancestors to make themselves and their Posterity happy under a Limited Monarchy A Monarchy in which the Prerogative of the Prince and the Liberty of the People are so equally temper'd that there seems nothing wanting that may tend to the Happiness of either The King of England has the Glory to Rule over a Free People The Excellency of the English Constitution and the People of England that of being subject to a Monarch who by the Laws of the Countrey is invested with as much Power and Greatness as a Wise and Beneficent Prince can reasonably wish for To compleat all the Crown of England has been for many Ages Hereditary and fix'd in
one Family The Breaches that have been sometimes made in the immediate Line not at all derogating from the nature of a Successive Monarchy so long as a due Respect is had to the Blood and for the most part the next immediate Heir except only upon great and urgent Difficulties and Emergencies The Crown being thus Hereditary it might have reasonably been expected That we should not only be strangers to the Inconveniences that arise naturally from Competitions in Elective Kingdoms but that it should be always the Interest of the Prince that 's in Possession of the Throne so to govern his People as not to put them upon the necessity at any time to break through the Succession and pass by the next Immediate Heir But such is the brittle state of human things that notwithstanding all the Advantages and Excellencies of the English Constitution scarce an Age has pass'd without some remarkable Struggle either between King and People for Prerogative and Liberty or between Competitors for the Crown it self The Glory of England was arriv'd to a high pitch in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth The Reign of Q. Elizabeth Her People liv'd at their Ease and were happy under her Auspicious Conduct and her opprest Neighbours felt the benign Influences of her great and bountiful Mind She it was that made Head against the then Paramount Power of Christendom and that in both the Old and New Worlds And it was in a great measure owing to her Conduct and Fortune that the Spaniard fell short of the Vniversal Monarchy To draw a Picture worthy of Queen Elizabeth Her Châ—ractâ—â— were a Task fit only for the Greatest Masters since all that ever was Great or Wise in Womankind did contribute to make up her Character As to her Person she had but little of a Regular Beauty in her Face but that was well proportion'd and in the main very agreeable Her Mien and Gait were Noble and in every thing she said or did there was something of Majesty that stâ—uck more Awe than Love Tho when she had a mind she could put on Charms that few were able to resist In her Features Person and Mien she had more of Henry the Eighth than of the Unfortunate Anna Bullen her Mother But they were his good and none of his ill Qualities which she deriv'd from her Father Her Youth was a continued Scene of Afflictions but she was happy in that she suffered one of the greatest before she was capable of feeling the weight of it for she was scarce Three Years old when her Mother was sacrific'd to the Rage and Jealousy of her Husband And she that had been the Year she was born declar'd not only Heir Apparent of the Crown but which was out of the ordinary Road Princess of Wales and that by Act of Parliament was now by another Act declar'd Illegitimate and excluded from the Succession Notwithstanding this strange Reverse of Fortune particular Care was taken of her Education especially by her Brother Edward the Sixth who lov'd her above all things and was scarce ever pleas'd but in her Company Before she was Seventeen Years of Age she understood perfectly well the Latin French and Italian Tongues and was so far Mistress of the Greek that she translated into Latin Two of Isocrates's Orations one of which I have seen of her own Hand-writing corrected by her Tutor but in Three places whereof one is an Error only in the Orthography She was indefatigable in the Study of Learning especially Philosophy History Divinity and Rhetorick not forgetting both Vocal and Instrumental Musick as far as it might become one of her Quality Being thus Learned it was no wonder she form'd her Tongue and Pen to a pure and elegant way of speaking and writing and her Mind to the Noblest Notions of Philosophy and the highest Practice of Virtue Her Brother dying Queen Mary's Hereditary Aversion to her upon the account of their Mothers broke out with all the marks of Ill-Nature and Revenge And Philip the Second who prov'd afterwards her greatest Enemy was the Person that preserv'd her Life but it was upon a mere political Design which however miscarried During all that Reign the Princess Elizabeth was tost from one Confinement to another being oblig'd many times to suffer Indignities far unworthy of her Birth till at last by the Death of Queen Mary she was call'd from a Prison to a Throne at the Age of Twenty five Years Upon receit of the News of her Sister's Death and that she her self was proclaim'd Queen it 's said she fell down upon her Knees and after a short silence broke out with these words of the Psalmist A Domino factum est isâ—ud est mirabile in oculis nostris Which Words she took afterwards for her Motto in some of her Gold Coin During all the time of her Reign she would never allow her Title to be debated or reason'd upon nor so much as explain'd or vindicated She thought it sufficient that she wore the Crown and was resolv'd and knew well how to maintain it upon her Head without the help of Paper-Arguments She receiv'd with Indignation a Proposition that was made to her to have her Title asseâ—ted in Parliament And scorn'd to Repeal even the Act which declar'd her Illegitimate and incapable to succeed Her Reign was long and glorious being lov'd of her People fear'd and admir'd by her Enemies and attended with constant Success in all her Enterprizes Never Prince was better serv'd nor more happy in the choice of her Servants and no Age can instance such a Set of Able Ministers as she had Her Court at home was the quiet and happy Seat of the Muses while her Fleets and Armies abroad gather'd Laurels every where for their Mistress and themselvts She had to perfection the Art of pleasing her Parliament and she and they never parted in discontent but with the highest proofs of mutual Confidence What sort of men they were that composed the House of Commons during her Reign and of how different a stamp from those in that of her Sucâ—essor Appendix Numb 1. The Character of the Members of Parliament in Q. Elizabâ—th's Reign is best express'd in the words of Sir Robert Nauntwell Secretary to King Iames who was a Member of Parliament in both Reigns which may not be improper to insert in the Appendix If Queen Elizabeth can be properly said to have had Favourites they were chiefly the Earls of Leicester and Essex but she never fail'd to humble them upon every occasion where they presum'd too much upon her Favour The one she recall'd with Ignominy from his Government of the Vnited Provinces for behaving himself haughtily in his Office And at another time upon his threatning Bower the Vsher of the Black Rod to have him turn'd out of his Place for stopping one of his Retinue at the Queen's Bed-Chamber Door she told him with a severe Frown accompanied with an Oath My Lord I had
egregiously imposâ—d upon for there was no way to come at the Town but through Parts of Germany that were in the hands of Spain and so the Spaniards continued Masters of Frankendale When several other Princes were some time after upon entring into a League for Restitution of the Palatinate and the House of Austria was beginning to doubt the Success Gundomar play'd another Engine to break their Measures by proposing a Match with the Infanta of Spain for the Prince of Wales as the easiest and surest way to restore the Palatine Family which like all the rest was only to amuse King Iames and was equally unsuccessful It were too long to give the Detail of King Iames's Conduct in this Affair which was all of a piece The Author sums up the ills that attended it in this That thereby the Protestant Religion was entirely rooted out of Bohemia the Electoral Dignity transferr'd from the Palatine Family the Palatinate it self lost the Liberty of Germany overthrown and which he mentions with a sensible Regret the famous Library of Heidelburgh was carried to Rome to the irreparable Prejudice of Learning So that Gundomar had good reason to say in one of his Letters to the Duke of Lerma printed in the History of that Duke's Life That he had lull'd King James so fast asleep that he hop'd neither the Cries of his Daughter nor her Children nor the repeated Sollicitations of his Parliament and Subjects in their behalf should be able to awaken him There are two Passages more very observable in this Author The Court of Spain finding King Iames had broke off the Spanish Match and was brought to see how egregiously he had been abus'd in it they ventur'd upon a bold Attempt to trouble his Affairs by whispering in his Ears some things to make him jealous of his Son And that a good while after when King Charles and his Parliament were entring upon vigorous Measures to espouse the Palatine Cause they found ways to sow Divisions between him and his People that in progress of time broke out into a Civil War The latter needs no Commentary and the former is sufficiently explain'd Hacket's Life of Bâ— William by what a late Author has writ in the Life of Bishop Williams concerning that Prelate's being instrumental in making up some secret differences betwixt King Iames and his Son the Prince of Wales a little before King Iames's Death Spanhemius sums up what relates to this Affair with this Remark That never Prince was more oblig'd to a Sister than King Charles the First was to the Queen of Bohemia since it was only the Consideration of her and her Children who were then the next Heirs to the Crown of England that prevail'd with the Court of Spain to permit him to see England again As in most Foreign Transactions King Iames was unhappy In the Interdict of Venice so more particularly in the difference between Pope Paul V. and the Venetians There appear'd at that time a wonderful Disposition in that State to work a Reformation in the Church and throw off the Papal Yoke In order to advance it King Iames dispatch'd Sir Henry Wotton his Ambassador to Venice and hearing that Spain had declar'd for the Pope he declar'd for the Venetians and acquainted Iustiniani their Ambassador in England That he would not only assist Them with all the Forces of his Kingdom but engage all his Allies in their Defence At Sir Henry Wotton's Arrival the Breach between the Pope and the Republick was brought very near a Crisis so that a total Separation was expected not only from the Court but the Church of Rome which was set on by the Learned Padre Paulo and the Seven Divines of the State with much Zeal and conducted with as great Prudence The Ambassador at his Audience offer'd all possible Assistance in his Master's Name and accus'd the Pope and Papacy of being the chief Authors of all the Mischiefs in Christendom This was receiv'd with great Deference and Respect to King Iames And when the Pope's Nuncio objected That King Iames was not a Catholick and so was not to be rely'd upon the Doge took him up briskly and told him That the King of England believ'd in Iesus Christ but he did not know in whom some others believ'd King Iames had sent with Wotton his Premonition to all Christian Princes and States translated into Latin to be presented to the Senate which Padre Paulo and the other Divines press'd might be done at his first Audience telling him they were confident it would have a very good effect The Ambassador could not be prevail'd with alledging he had positive Orders to wait till St. Iames's Day which was not far off This Conceit of presenting K. Iames's Book on St. Iames's Day spoil'd all for before that day came the Difference was made up and that happy Opportunity lost So that when he had his Audience on St. Iames's Day and had presented the Book all the Answer he got was That they thank'd the King of England for his good will but they were now reconcil'd to the Pope and that therefore they were resolv'd not to admit of any Change in their Religion according to their Agreement with the Court of Rome How little Reputation he acquir'd in the Matter of the Venetian Interdict appears yet more plainly in this That in all the numerous Collections we have of Letters that pass'd on that Subject between the Cardinals of Ioyeuse and Perron the Marquis de Fresnes and Henry IV. there is not the least notice taken of King Iames or his Embassy To have done with King Iames it was said That he divided his time betwixt his Standish his Bottle and his Hunting The last had his fair Weather the two former his dull and cloudy and therefore that it was no wonder his Writings were so variable and that after he had pleaded for Witchcraft and the Pope's being Antichrist Somerset's Affair and the Spanish Match cur'd him of both After having enjoy'd for the most part of his Life a firm Health he died of a Quartan Ague in the Fifty ninth Year of his Age and with such suspicious Circumstances as gave occasion of Enquiry into the manner of his Death in the two first Parliaments that were call'd by his Son all which came to nothing by reason of their sudden Dissolutions King Charles the First came to the Crown under all the Disadvantages that have been mention'd The Reign of King Charlâ—s I. and yet the Nation might have hop'd that their Condition would be mended under a Prince of so much Virtue as indeed he was if the Seeds of Discontent which were sown in his Father's time had not every day taken deeper Root and acquir'd new Growth through the Ill Management of his Ministers rather than any Wilful Errors of his own Some of them drove so fast that it was no wonder the Wheels and Chariot broke And it was in great part to the indiscreet Zeal of a
of God taught That the Afflictions of this present Life are not to be compar'd to that Eternal Weight of Glory which shall be reveal'd hereafter And so my Lords even so with all Tranquility of Mind I freely submit my self to your Iudgment And whether that Iudgment be of Life or Death Te Deum laudamus It 's believ'd that King Charles's appearing so heartily for him did him no good with the House of Commons And it 's confidently said that he wrote his Majesty a Letter from the Tower praying him not to intercede in his Affair and that his not seeming to be concern'd in it would be the best Method to calm the Rage of his Enemies But notwithstanding this Caution the King came to the House of Lords and sending for the House of Commons made a warm Speech in favour of the Earl which some of his Friends took for so good News that they went straight from Westminster to give him an account of it Stafford receiv'd it as his Doom and told them The King's Kindness had ruin'd him and that he had little else now to do but to prepare himself for Death As King Charles was mistaken in his Intercession for the Earl of Strafford so was the Earl himself much more in neglecting the Advice of his Friends against his coming up to this Parliament It was easy to foresee there was something design'd to his Prejudice and he had fair Warning given him not to come up at that time at least till he saw how matters would go He had two plausible Pretences for his Absence if he had pleas'd to make use of them the necessity of his Presence in Ireland where he was Lord Lieutenant or in the North of England where he was Lieutenant-General of the Army that had been rais'd against the Scots But being too confident not only of the King's Favour and his Interest among the Lords but of the good effects an Humble Honey Speech might have with the House of Commons to use his own words he came late at Night to Town and took his place next Morning in the House of Lords with an Intention to ask leave that very day to go down to the House of Commons to clear himself of the Misrepresentations he lay under Mr. Pym hearing he was come mov'd to have the Doors lock'd and the Keys laid upon the Table lest any Member should give Intelligence of what they were upon Which being done he accus'd the Earl of Strafford of High-Treason and an Impeachment was immediately drawn up and agreed to by the House In the mean time it fell out unluckily for the Earl of Strafford that at his coming into the House of Lords they were upon a Debate that took them up a considerable time and while he was waiting till that was over the Commons came up with their Impeachment As the Earl was strangely unfortunate in most things that befel him in the latter Period of his Life he was no less in the very Opinion of the King himself and those others that did all they could to save his Life For the King in the Speech he made to both Houses in his favour was pleas'd to say That he did not think my Lord Strafford fit hereafter to serve him or the Commonwealth in any Place of Trust no not so much as that of a Constable And the Lord Digby in the Speech he made in the House of Commons against the Bill of Attainder for which among other things he was forc'd to fly treats the Earl in yet much harsher Terms The Name of the Earl of Strafford says he is a Name of Hatred in the present Age by his Practices and fit to be made a Terror to future Ages by his Punishment I am still the same in my Opinions and Affections as to the Earl of Strafford continues he after I believe him to be the most dangerous Minister the most insupportable to free Subjects that can be character'd I believe his Practices in themselves as high as Tyranical as any Subject ever ventur'd upon and the Malignity of them highly aggravated by those rare Qualities of his whereof God has given him the Vse but the Devil the Application In a word adds the Lord Digby I believe him still that Grand Apostate to the Commonwealth who must not expect to be pardon'd in this World till he be dispatch'd into the other And yet let me tell you Mr. Speaker my Hand must not be at that Dispatch Thus far a Nobleman that was entirely in the King's Interest and for his Zeal to the Royal Cause became the most obnoxious to the Parliament After all there seems to have been some Mistake about the main Article in his Accusation of his advising the King to bring over the Army from Ireland to reduce England which contributed more to the undoing of this Minister than all the rest For the Proof of this Article being only Words contain'd in Mr. Secretary Vane's Notes Appendix Numb 6. which are plac'd in the Appendix and said to be spoke at the Council-Table they do naturally refer to the Kingdom of Scotland and not to England the thing then under Debate being how to reduce Scotland And though Secretary Vane swore to the Truth of his Notes yet it was after such a manner as left the matter still more dubious And though he had sworn more positively it was but the Testimony of One Witness and that contradicted by Four Lords who were then present in Council and who declar'd upon their Honours That they did not remember they heard the Earl of Strafford speak those Words I cannot leave the Earl of Strafford without taking notice of a silly Mistake that has gain'd some Credit in the World as if the Bill of Attainder against him was of so extraordinary a nature and so much out of all the known Methods of Justice that the Legislators themselves were oblig'd to insert a Clause into the Body of it That it should never be drawn into President Whereas that Clause does expresly relate only to Judges in Inferior Courts and is conceiv'd in the following words Provided That no Iudge or Iudges Iustice or Iustices whatsoever shall adjudge or interpret any Act or Thing to be Treason nor hear or determine any Treason in any other manner than he or they should or ought to have done before the making of this Act. As Archbishop Laud was nothing inferior to the Earl of Strafford in Parts and much his Superior in Learning The Fall and Character of Archbishop Laud. so it is as hard to determine which of the two made a Nobler Defence at their Trial. The Fate of the former has been the same with that of most Great Men to be represented to Posterity in Extremes for we have nothing writ of him but what 's either Panegyrick or Satyr rather than History That Archbishop Laud was brought to his Trial and found Guilty during the Heat of a Civil War and when all things were tending
to Confusion was nothing strange Nor was Serjeant Wild's Introduction at the opening of his Charge any thing but what might have been expected at such a time when he told the Lorâ—s That it might be said of the Great Cause of the Archbishop of Canterbury as it was in a like Case Repertum est hodierno die facinus quod nec Poeta fingere nec Histrio sonare nec Mimus imitari potuer it But it was indeed strange and none of the least of this Great Man's Misfortunes That Three Years before he should be declar'd by the House of Commons a Traytor Nemine contradicente at a time when there was not the least Misunderstanding betwixt the King and Parliament being within the first Month after they sat down And which was yet stranger That no body was more severe upon him than some of those that afterwards took the King's Part against the Parliament and were at last the chief Instruments of his Son's Restoration Whoever reads Sir Harbottle Grimstone's Speech upon voting his Impeachment or Pym's upon carrying it up to the Lords will be apt to think That scarce any Age has produc'd a Man whose Actions and Conduct have been more obnoxious to Obloquy or given greater occasion for it There was one Thread that run through his whole Accusation and upon which most of the Articles of his Impeachment turn'd and that was his Inclination to Popery and his design to introduce the Romish Religion Of which his Immortal Book against Fisher and his Declaration at his Death do sufficiently acquit him And yet not Protestants only but even Roman-Catholicks themselves were led into this Mistake otherwise they would not have dar'd to offer one in his Post a Cardinal's Cap as he confesses in his Diary they did twice The Introduction of a great many Pompous Ceremonies into the Church the Licensing some Books that spoke favourably of the Church of Rome and the refusing to License others that were writ against it were the principal Causes of his being thus misrepresented And indeed his Behaviour in some of these matters as likewise in the Star-Chamber and High-Commission-Court can hardly be accounted for and particularly his Theatrical manner of Consecrating a New Church in London Appendix Numb 7. related at length in the Appendix He was certainly in spite of Malice a Man of an elevated Capacity and vast Designs a great Encourager of Learning and Learned Men and spar'd no Pains nor Cost to enrich England with such a Noble Collection of Books and Manuscripts in most Languages as look'd rather like the Bounty of a King than of a Subject As he left behind him many lasting Monuments of his Beneficence to the Learned World so was he in a way to have carry'd it much further if his Misfortunes had not interven'd and depriv'd Learning of so powerful a Benefactor But after all as there is seldom found a Mind so Great but has some Allay so it seems Archbishop Laud notwithstanding his excellent Endowments was not Proof against either the Impression of Dreams or Revenge of Personal Affronts though never so trivial in themselves nor the Person never so mean Of the one witness his taking so particular notice in his Diary of several of his Dreams and of the other his carrying his Resentments so far against Archie the King's Fool for a mere Iest that he had him turn'd out of Court by an Order of Council Which being so unaccountable a piece of Weakness in so great a Man and done at a full Board the King and the Archbishop present the Order is plac'd in the Appendix Appendix Numb 8. for a remarkable Instance how far the Greatest of Men may at some times be left without a Guard against Passion To return to King Charles he did every thing that was possible to give satisfaction to the Parliament or could be reasonably expected from a Gracious and Beneficent Prince He pass'd the Bill for Attainting the Earl of Strafford though with reluctancy as believing he deserv'd not such hard measure He took away Monopolies that had been a great Discouragement to Trade He express'd himself to their Contentment in the matters of Loan Ship-money Tunnage and Poundage and other unwarrantable Methods that had been us'd in raising Money and show'd a settled Resolution to comply with them in every thing that might tend to the Ease and Security of the Subject As in the preceding Parliament he had past the Petition of Right so in the beginning of this he had agreed to the Acts for Triennial Parliaments and for abolishing the Star-Chamber and High Commission Courts which had been great Grievances and with Chearfulness pass'd that Act which seem'd inconsistent with his own just Prerogative That that Parliament should not be dissolv'd but by Act of Parliament nor prorogu'd or adjourn'd but by their own Consent The King having upon these Concessions receiv'd the Publick Thanks of Both Houses and the loud Applauses of his People took a Journey for Scotland in August 1641. to settle matters there that requir'd his Presence leaving the Parliament sitting which they continued to do for some time and then adjournâ—d themselves to October following At the King 's going away Affairs had been already settled betwixt the two Kingdoms by an Act of Pacification and both Armies order'd to be disbanded the Scots returning home for that purpose While the King was in Scotland The Irish Rebellion the Irish Rebellion broke out which became a new Bone of Contention between the King and the Parliaments of both Nations He took what Measures were possible in Scotland about suppressing that Rebellion and made what haste he could back to England to concert with the Parliament there what was further to be done towards it leaving the Scots as he said himself a contented People and every thing settled to their mind both in Church and State He return'd to London the latter end of November and was receiv'd with all demonstrations of Affection The Lord-Mayor and Aldermen the Nobility Gentry and Train'd-Bands met him without the City and conducted him in great State with the Acclamations of the People the City-Companies in their Formalities lining the Streets on each side to Guildhall where he was Royally Feasted and after Dinner conducted with the same Pomp to Whitehall What man that had seen a Prince thus receiv'd into his Capital City could have imagin'd that within less than Seven Weeks he should be oblig'd to leave it upon the account of Tumults never to see it again but as a Prisoner brought thither to dye upon a Scaffold Yet this was King Charles's hard Fortune And it 's here I would willingly draw a Veil over the remaining part of his Reign that ended in one of the most dismal Tragedies that ever was acted upon the English Stage His Virtues and Morals deserv'd a better Fate and he suffer'd for the Faults of others rather than Errors of his own The House of Commons had begun some
few days before his Return to fall into new Heats about Innovations in Religion the Rebellion in Ireland Plots said to be laid in Scotland the disabling the Clergy to exercise Temporal Iurisdiction and excluding the Bishops from Votes in Parliament All which matters together with Reports that were buzz'd about of some Designs against the Parliament led the House into that Remarkable Petition and Remonstrance of the State of the Nation The Petition and Remonstrance of the II of Commons to King Charlâ—s in which they ript up again all the Mismanagements in the Government since the King 's coming to the Crown and attributed all to Evil Counsels and Counsellors and a Malignant Party about the King This Remonstrance was roughly penn'd both for Matter and Expression and met with great Opposition in the House the Debate lasting from Three a Clock in the Afternoon till Ten a Clock next Morning and was presented to his Majesty the Eighth Day after his Return from Scotland It was no wonder King Charles was surpriz'd at this Petition and Remonstrance considering how much he had done to comply with his Parliament in all they desired And since from these two Papers and from the King's Answer to it at its delivery and the Declaration he publish'd more at large afterwards to the same purpose the Reader will be better enabled to make a Judgment of the Cause and Arguments on both Sides for the Civil War that ensued I have plac'd all the Four in the Appendix Appendix Numb 9. The Length of them may be more easily pardon'd since upon the Matters contain'd in them the whole almost of all the Differences that came to be decided by the Sword happen'd to turn Things were now going fast on towards lessening the Confidence betwixt the King and Parliament K. Charles's coming to the II. of Commons to demand the Five Members And yet there were not wanting Endeavours on both Sides to accommodate Matters by soft and healing Methods when the King 's coming to the House of Commons in Person to demand Five of their Members whom he had order'd the day before to be impeach'd of High-Treason did put all into a Combustion and gave occasion to the House to assert their Privileges with a greater Warmth than ever This was the most unlucky Step King Charles could have made at that Juncture And the Indiscretion of some that attended the King to the Lobby of the House was insisted upon as an Argument that the King was resolv'd to use Violence upon the Parliament which it 's to be presum'd was a thing far from his thoughts The Five Members had hardly time to make their Escape just when the King was entring and upon his going away the House adjourn'd in a Flame for some days ordering a Committee to sit in Guildhall in the mean time as if they were not safe at Westminster Whoever they were that advis'd the King to this rash Attempt are justly chargeable with all the Blood that was afterwards spilt for this sudden Action was the first and visible Ground of all our following Miseries It was believ'd That if the King had found the Five Members in the House and had call'd in his Guards to seize them the House would have endeavour'd their defence and oppos'd Force to Force which might have endanger'd the King's Person But the Consequences were bad enough without this for immediately upon it there was nothing but Confusion and Tumults Fears and Iealousies every where which spread themselves to Whitehall in the rudest manner so that his Majesty thinking himself not safe there he retir'd with his Family to Hampton Court The King leaving the Parliament in this manner there were scarce any hopes of a thorough Reconciliation But when after a great many Removes from place to place The Beginning of the Civil Wars his Majesty came to set up his Standard at Nottingham there ensued a Fatal and Bloody War which it's reasonable to believe was never design'd at first by either Side Each Party blam'd the other for beginning this War and it 's not easy to determine which of them began it Though the King made the first Steps that seem'd to tend that way such as raising a Troop for a Guard to his Person summoning the Gentlemen and Freeholders of several Counties to attend him in his Progress to the North and ordering Arms and Ammunition to be bought in Holland for his use Yet the Parliament did as much at the same time for they likewise rais'd Guards of their own and took care that the Magazine of Hull should not fall into the King's hands So that the King and Parliament prepar'd themselves insensibly for War without considering that these Preparations must gradually and inevitably come to Blows in the end The King 's setting up his Standard at Nottingham was not the first publick Notice of this War as has been commonly reported by Historians that should have known better for that was not done till August 22. 1642. and yet the House of Commons past these Two Votes the 12 th of Iuly before 1. That an Army should be forthwith rais'd for the Safety of the King's Person Defence of both Houses of Parliament and of those who have obey'd their Orders and Commands and preserving of the true Religion Laws Liberty and Peace of the Kingdom And 2. That the Earl of Essex should be General and the Earl of Bedford General of the Horse To which Votes the House of Lords agreed Whoever begun the War it was carried on in the beginning with equal Success and it was hard to determine which Side had the better Till in the Sequel the Loss of Essex's Army in the West and other disadvantages brought the Parliaments Affairs to a low Ebb and seem'd to promise the King an entire Mastery To retrieve their sinking Fortune the Parliament was oblig'd to call in the Scots to their Assistance which so far turn'd the Scale that the King lost ground every day after And the Defeat of his Army at the Battels of Marston-Moor and Naseby put him out of capacity to keep the Field and broke entirely all his Measures During the whole Course of this Vnnatural War it was hard to divine what would be the Fate of England whether an Absolute Vnlimited Monarchy a new huddled-up Commonwealth or a downright Anarchy If the king should prevâ—il the first was to â—e fearâ—d considering that the many Indignities put upon him might imbitter him against the Parlâ—ament If the Parliament should prevail the second was to be apprehended And if the Army should set up for themselves as afterwards they did the last was inevitably to follow All which some of the best men about the King wisely foresaw and trembled at the Event of every Battel that was fought whoever happen'd to be Victors It was the dread of these Misfortunes that hinder'd the Lords and Commons whom the King call'd to Oxford to assume to themselves the Name of The Parliament
of England and from declaring those met at Westminster Rebels though the King again and again importun'd them to it and took their Refusal so ill that in one of his Letters to Queen intercepted at Naseby he reflects heavily upon them for it and calls them in derision his Mungrel Parliament It was likewise the dismal Prospect he had of this War even in the beginning of it that mov'd that Accomplish'd Gentleman the Lord Falkland to throw away his Life rather than be a witness of the Miseries were coming upon the Nation For though he was Secretary of State to the King and follow'd his Fortune yet seeing all his Endeavours for promoting a Peace were in vain he went on with a Party to skirmish with the Enemy the day before the first Battel of Newbury and being dissuaded by his Friends as having no Call to it being no Military Person he said He was weary of the Times and foresaw much Misery to his Countrey and hop'd he should be out of it e're night So pushing into the Battel he was slain Many Endeavours were us'd from time to time to bring Matters to an Accommodation by way of Treaty Endeavours that were us'd for an Accommodation but still some one unlucky Accident or another render'd them all abortive At the Treaty of Vxbridge though the Parliament's Demands were high and the King show'd a more than ordinary Aversion to comply with them yet the ill posture of the King's Affairs at that time and the fatal Consequences they fear'd would follow upon breaking off of the Treaty oblig'd a great many of the King's Friends and more particularly that Noble Person the Earl of Southampton who had gone Post from Vxbrige to Oxford for that purpose to press the King again and again upon their Knees to yield to the necessity of the Times and by giving his Assent to some of the most material Propositions that were sent him to settle a lasting Peace with his People The King was at last prevail'd with to follow their Counsel and the next Morning was appointed for signing a Warrant to his Commissioners to the effect And so sure were they of a happy end of all differences that the King at Supper complaining his Wine was not good one told him merrily He hop'd that his Majesty would dâ—ink better before a Week was over at Guildhall with the Lord Mayor But so it was that when they came early next morning to wait upon him with the Warrant that had been agreed upon over Night they found his Majesty had chang'd his Resolution and was become inflexible in these Points The unhappy Occasion this Alteration has lain hitherto a Secret in History and might have continued such still if a Letter from the Marquess of Montross in Scotland Montross's Fatal Letter whereof I have seen a Copy under the Duke of Richmond's Hand did not give a sufficient Light into it To make the Matter better understood it 's necessary to say something of Montross and his Actions in Scotland This Nobleman had been at first very active and zealous for the Liberties of his Countrey and was the first man that past the River Tweed at the Head of Five hundred Horse upon the Scots First Expedition into England But being afterwards disoblig'd or as some say repenting of his former Error he left that Side and came in to the King at the breaking out of the War between Him and the Parliament When the Scots came into England the second time to assist the Parliament Montross apply'd himself to the King for a Commission to levy War against his Rebel Subjâ—cts as they were call'd of Scotland assuring his Majesty he was able with the Assistance of his Friends and Concurrence of the rest of the Royal Party to make at least a very considerable Diversion if not to reduce the whole Countrey to his Majesty's Obedience Accordingly the Marquess was made Governor of Scotland where in the space of five Months with a handful of raw undisciplin'd Men and those not half arm'd he did over-run a great part of the Countrey and gain'd three very considerable Battels the last of which was that of Inverlochy fought the second of February 1644. according to the English and 1645. according to the Scotch Account In this Battel the Earl of Argyle was entirely defeated and the Prime of the Noble Family of the Campbells cut off with inconsiderable Loss on Montross's side who next day dispatch'd an Express to the King with the News of this and his two former Victories And in his Letter express'd his utter Aversion to all Treaties with his rebel-Rebel-Parliament in England as he calls them Tells the King he is heartily sorry to hear that his Majesty had consented to Treat and hopes it is not true Advises him not to enter into Terms with his Rebellious Subjects as being a thing unworthy of a King And assures him That he himself was now so much Master of Scotland that he doubted not but to be able within a few Months to march into England to his Majesty's assistance with a brave Army And concludes with this odd Expression When I have conquer'd from Dan to Beersheba as I doubt not I shall very quickly I hope I may have then leave to say as David ' s General said to his Master Come thou lest this Countrey be call'd by my Name This Letter writ with such an Air of Assurance and by a Person that was thought capable to make good his Promises and the Matter contain'd in it suiting but too well with the King's Inclinations was unluckily deliver'd to the King but a few Hours before he was to have sign'd the Warrant before-mention'd and had as ill effects as the worst of King Charles's Enemies could have wish'd for it dash'd out in a moment all the Impressions his best Friends had been making upon him for a considerable time towards a full Settlement with his People It look'd as if there was some secret Fatality in this whole matter for it could hardly have been imagin'd that a Letter writ the Third of February in the furthermost North Corner of Britain should come so soon to Oxford considering the length of the Journey the badness of the Roads at that time of the Year especially through the Mountainous parts of Scotland together with the Parliament's and Scotch Armies and Garisons that were posted all along the Road And yet certain it is it came through all these Dangers and Inconveniences in very few days for it 's indors'd upon the Copy I have seen That it was deliver'd to the King during the Treaty of Vxbridge which every body knows began the 30 th of Ianuary and ended the 22 d of February And further it must have been deliver'd before the 19 th of February because King Charles takes notice of it in a Letter to the Queen of that Date found among others at Naseby where he says Though I leave News to others yet I cannot but tell
thee That even now I have received certain Intelligence of a great Defeat given by Montross to Argyle who upon surprize totally routed those Rebels and kill'd Fifteen hundred upon the place And it 's remarkable That in the same Letter to the Queen immediately after the mentioning Montross's Victory the King adds That as for trusting the Rebels either by going to London or disbanding my Army before a Peace do no ways fear my hazarding so cheaply or foâ—lishly for I esteem the Interest thou hast in me at a far dearer rate and pretend to have a little more Wit at least by the Sympathy that 's betwixt us than to put my self into the Reverence of Persidious Rebels Which Words being compar'd with Montross's Letter it will be found the one is a Commentary upon the other I have plac'd Montross ' s Letter it self in the Appendix Appendix Numb 10. and cannot leave it without making this Observation That considering the time it was writ the Critical Minute it was deliver'd with the sad Consequences that attended it it makes this Axiom true That oftentimes the Fate of Princes and States is chiefly owing to very minute and unforeseen Accidents The Treaty of Vxbridge being thus broke off the War was renew'd with greater Fury than ever till at last the Parliament's Army having beaten the King out of the Field came to kick their Masters out of the House and having modell'd the Parliament and Army to their own minds did set up for themselves and at one Blow compleated the Ruin of their Countrey in the Murther of King Charles I. and the Extirpation of Monarchy In short a continued Series of Misfortunes attended the Royal Cause and several favourable Accidents that seem'd from time to time to promise better Events did concur in the end to the King 's undoing Till at last that Unhappy Prince in being brought before a Tribunal of his own Subjects and submitting his Neck to the Stroke of a Common Executioner taught the World an astonishing Example of the Instability of Human Greatness and in that and the rest of his Sufferings a lasting Patern of Christian Magnanimity and Patience The Character of King Charles I. The Character of King Charles I. may be taken in a great part from what has been already said and I shall only add a few things more He was a Prince of a Comely Presence of a Sweet Grave but Melancholy Aspect His Face was Regular Handsome and well-complexion'd his Body Strong Healthy and well-made and though of a low Stature was capable to endure the greatest Fatigues His Face contrary to that of his Son 's Charles II. was easily taken either in Painting or Sculpture and scarce any one though never so indifferently skill'd in their Art fail'd do hit it He had something in the Lines and Features which Physiognomists account unfortunate And it 's commonly reported that his Picture being sent to Rome to have a Busto done by it a famous Statuary not knowing whose it was told the Gentleman that brought it He was sorry if it was the Face of any Relation of his for it was one of the most Vnfortunate he ever saw and according to all the Rules of Art the Person whose it was must dye a violent Death In his Temper he was Brave Magnificent Liberal and Constant but more affable to Strangers than his own Subjects It was his Noble and Generous Behaviour that took so much with the King of Spain when he went thither to court the Infanta that he rejected the repeated Solicitations of his Council to seize him and paid him more Respect than could have been well expected if he had been King of England at that time Of his Composure of Mind in time of greatest danger he gave a Noble Instance in his Behaviour in that great Storm in the Road of St. Andrees which was worthy the Ancient Philosophers Nor did he fall short of the Bravest in Personal Courage having expos'd his Person in every Battel he was in and oftentimes charging at the Head of his Squadrons He had a good Taste of Learning and a more than ordinary Skill in the Liberal Arts especially Painting Sculpture Architecture and Medals and being a Generous Benefactor to the most Celebrated Masters in those Arts he acquir'd the Noblest Collection of any Prince in his time and more than all the Kings of England had done before him It 's said notwithstanding his Natural Generosity That he bestow'd Favours with a worse Grace than his Son King Charles the Second denied them and many times obliterated the sense of the Obligation by the manner of it But indeed he had seldom much to give being kept short of Money a great part of his Reign The Essentials of Divinity he was as much Master of as ever his Father had been but without the Allay of Pedantry Of this among other things the Papers that past betwixt him and Mr. Henderson at Newcastle will be a lasting Monument He was a great Patron of the Clergy but his employing them in the highest Offices of Trust in State Matters created Envy against them and lessen'd the Love of the Nobility towards him Yet such was the Honesty and Integrity of one of them in the greatest and most obnoxious Post in the Kingdom that when some Years after he had resign'd the Treasurer's Staff and when the Parliament wanted not Will to crush him they could not find upon the narrowest Scrutiny any one thing to object either against his Accounts or his Behaviour in that Place King Charles was a passionate Lover of his Queen who was a Beautiful Lady and in all things very well accomplish'd insomuch that his Friends regretted the Ascendant she had over him on some occasions while others tax'd him with the Character of an Uxorious Husband He was fond of his Children and kind to his Servants though these last felt sometimes the hasty Sallies of his Passion He was not mistaken of himself when he said before the High-Court of Justice That he understood as much Law as any private Gentleman in England And pity it was that any of his Ministers should have advis'd him to make Breaches in what he so well understood He spoke several Languages very well and with a singular good Grace though now and then when he was warm in Discourse he was inclinable to stammer He writ a tolerable Hand for a King but his Sense was strong and his Stile Laconick and yet he seldom wrote in any Language but English Some of his Manifestoes Declarations and other Publick Papers he drew himself and most of them he Corrected In comparing those of the King 's with the Parliament's one will be easily inclin'd to prefer for the most part the King 's for the Strength of Reasoning and the Force of Expression I have seen several Pieces of his own Hand and therefore may the better affirm That both for Matter and Form they surpass those of his Ablest Ministers and come
than the King 's and with the more cheerfulness for by this time he had parted on ill terms with his Parliament and without obtaining a Supply While the King was advancing towards the North the Scots drew to their Borders and it was debated at several Councils of War where a Committee of Estates assisted Whether they should expect the King upon the Borders as they had done before or march into England and carry the War out of their own Countrey But they had taken no Resolution in the matter before the King was got as far as York In this nice Juncture there came a Gentleman to the English Border who sent a Message to the Earl of Rothes That he desir'd to acquaint him with a Matter of the greatest Importance and Secresy if he might privately and with safety speak with him alone Rothes thereupon sent a Trusty Servant with a Passport to conduct him to his Quarters where the Gentleman told him That he was directed particularly to him as a Person of great Honour and whom they could safely trust with a Message from several Great Men of England who were griev'd for the Ruin they foresaw must necessarily attend their Country if the King should make himself Absolute Master of Scotland seeing after that they were to expect the same Fate considering how little to the King's satisfaction things had been carried in the Parliament of England and how much he had resented their refusing a Subsidy to carry on this War He told him That nothing was so much desir'd in England as a Free Parliament to redress their Grievances And if the Scots would march immediately into England the King must necessarily be straitned to that degree in his Affairs as to be oblig'd to call a Parliament And that upon their March the City of London and the greatest part of the Nobility and Gentry would not only petition the King for a Free Parliament but likewise mediate between the King and them and bring matters to such an Accommodation as might be for the good of both Nations Adding withal That if the Scots slipt this Opportunity they were never to expect the like again The Gentleman having deliver'd this Message gave the Earl a Letter directed to him and sign'd by about Twelve Noblemen much to the same purpose but writ more cautiously and in more general terms desiring him for a further Explanation to give entire Credit to the Bearer whom they had fully inform'd of their Intentions Rothes with the Gentleman's leave acquainted General Lesley afterwards Earl of Leven and one or two of the most Leading Men of the Committee of Estates with this Message and upon solemn Promises of Secrecy show'd them the Letter both which agreeing so well in the main with the Intelligence they had receiv'd from England and suiting with their own Inclinations determin'd them in the Point And next morning in the Council of War It was resolv'd to march into England that Afternoon which accordingly they did Rothes in the mean time dispatch'd back the Messenger with an Answer to the Noblemen he suppos'd had writ to him Thanking them for their Advice and acquainting them with the Resolution had been taken thereupon It fell out afterwards at the Treaty of Rippon when the English and Scotch Commissioners grew familiar with one another that the Earl of Rothes came from Newcastle to the Place of Treaty and one of the English Noblemen making him a Visit they fell into Discourse about the present Juncture of Affairs The English Nobleman express'd how much he had been surpriz'd upon the first News of the Scots entring into England and told him That though he hop'd it would now turn to the Advantage of both Nations yet it was in it self a dangerous and rash Attempt and might have been fatal to the Scots if the King had not been pleas'd to enter into a Treaty for an Accommodation of Matâ—ers in dispute between them Rothes was at a stand what to make of this Discourse considering this Nobleman was one of those whose Name was to the Letter formerly mention'd and therefore answer'd That he wondred his Lordship was surpriz'd at an Action he had so much influenc'd And that if it had not been for the Invitation of himself and his Friends perhaps the Scots â—rmy might have continued still on the other side of Tweed The Two Lords being equally in the dark as to one another's meaning were at length upon producing of the Letter both of them undeceiv'd and found it was a mere Forgery which was afterwards acknowledg'd by the Contriver who was the Lord Savile created some time after Earl of Sussex This Letter though forgotten now was much talk'd of during the Civil Wars And I have seen several Original Papers of those Times that mention'd it A Noble Lord lately dead whose Name was to the Letter never made any scruple of telling this Passage to his Friends in the manner I have related it And I once had a Copy of the Letter it self from the Original which was then and I believe is still among the Papers of the Noble Family of Rothes which I have since lost I must confess I have dwelt longer upon this matter than consists with the Brevity I intended and that it might have been more properly mention'd in another place Yet thus it was that a Counterfeit Invitation brought the Scots into England in the Year 1640. And considering the Consequences it may be said That Providence many times seems to play with Human Affairs and influences the Fate of Kingdoms by Counsels and Measures the most improbable to succeed if he had not design'd them to be subservient to his great Ends. There is an Historian for whom I have the highest Veneration Bishop of Salisbury's Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton who in his Memoirs of the Dukes of Hamilton mentions a Passage not unlike to this and perhaps it may be the very same though his Relation and mine differ in the time and some other Circumstances And seeing I happen'd to look into that Book some time after I had writ these Sheets that I may do Justice to its Reverend Author whose Information I am willing to believe may be better than my own though I had mine from no common Hands I shall give his Account of it in his own words and the rather for that I do not remember the Date of the Letter upon which the Passage turns though I do the main Design and Contents of it But that the Reader may not be wholly in the dark says this Great Historian about the Grounds of this Confidence the Covenanters had I shall set down what I had from some Persons of Great Honour who were fully inform'd about it When the Earls of Dumfermling and Loudon came to London a Person of Quality of the English Nation whose Name is suppress'd because of the Infamy of this Action came to them and with great Vehemence press'd them to engage in a new War
a Numerous and Splendid Train of Persons of Quality among whom was a Prince of the Blood and Muncini Mazarine 's Nephew who brought a Letter from his Uncle to the Protector full of the highest Expressions of Respect and assuring his Highness That being within view of the English Shore nothing but the King's Indisposition who lay then ill of the Small-Pox at Calais could have hinder'd him to come over to England that he might enjoy the Honour of waiting upon one of the Greatest Men that ever was and whom next to his Master his greatest Ambition was to serve But being depriv'd of so great a happiness he had sent the Person that was nearest to him in Blood to assure him of the profound Veneration he had for his Person and how much he was resolv'd to the utmost of his power to cultivate a perpetual Amity and Friendship betwixt his Master and him Few Princes ever bore their Character higher upon all occasions than Oliver Cromwell especially in his Treaties with Crown'd Heads And it 's a thing without Example that 's mention'd by one of the best-inform'd Historians of the Age Puffendorf in the Life of the late Elector of Brandenburgh That in Cromwell's League with France against Spain he would not allow the French King to call himself King of France but of the French whereas he took to himself not only the Title of Protector of England but likewise of France And which is yet more surprizing and which can hardly be believ'd but for the Authority of the Author Puffendorf de Rebus Gestis Fredâ—rici Wilhelmi Electoris Brandenburgici p. 313. Id porro Bellum Protectoris in Hispanos adeo opportunum Gallo accedebat ut summo Studio istum faedore sibi innectere studeret etiam concesso ut Cromwellus eundem Gaâ—â—orum Regem non Galliarum nuncuparet aliâs ipse Protectoris quoque Franciae vocabulum ficut Angliae assumpturus Simul pateretur Cromwellum Instrumento suo Nomen titulumque ante Gallicum ponere whose own Words are in the Margin In the Instrument of the Treaty the Protector 's Name was put before the French King's It 's true France was then under a Minority and was not arriv'd at that Greatness to which it has since attain'd Towards which Cromwell contributed not a little by that League with France against Spain being the falsest Step he ever made with respect to the Tranquility of Europe As every thing did contribute to the Fall of King Charles I. so did every thing contribute to the Rise of Cromwell And as there was no design at first against the King's Life so it 's probable that Cromwell had no thoughts for a long time of ever arriving at what he afterwards was It is known he was once in Treaty with the King after the Army had carried his Majesty away from Holmby House to have Restor'd him to the Throne which probably he would have done if the Secret had not been like to take Vent by the Indiscretion of some about the King which push'd Cromwell on to prevent his own by the Ruin of the King It 's likewise certain that the Title of Protector did not satisfy his Ambition but that he aim'd to be King The Matter was for some time under Consideration both in his mock-Mock-Parliament and Council of State in-so-far that a Crown was actually made and brought to Whitehall for that purpose But the Aversion he found in the Army against it and the fear of the Commonwealth-Party oblig'd him to lay the Thoughts of it aside at least for that time Yet it 's probable these high Aims did not dye but with himself For to be able with the help of Spanish Gold to carry on his Design in England without depending upon a Parliament for Money is thought was the true Motive of his Attempt upon St. Domingo which was the only Action of War he fail'd in But notwithstanding his specious Pretences to the contrary Cromwell invaded and betrayed the Liberties of his Countrey and acted a more Tyrannical and Arbitrary Part than all the Kings of England together had done since the Norman Conquest And yet after all his Good Fortune accompanied him to the last for after a long Chain of Success he died in Peace and in the Arms of his Friends was buried among the Kings with a Royal Pomp and his Death condol'd by the Greatest Princes and States of Christendom in Solemn Embassies to his Son But this is not all for whatever Reasons the House of Austria had to hate the Memory of Cromwell yet his causing the Portugal Ambassador's Brother to be Executed for a Tumult in London notwithstanding his Plea of being a Publick Minister as well as his Brother was near Twenty Years after Cromwell's Death brought as a Precedent by the present Emperor to justify his Arresting and carrying off the Prince of Furstenburgh at the Treaty of Cologne notwithstanding Furstenburgh's being a Plenipotentiary for the Elector of that Name And in the Printed Manifesto publish'd by the Emperor upon that occasion this Piece of Cromwellâ—s Justice in executing the Portuguese Gentleman is related at large To sum up Cromwell's Character it 's observable That as the Ides of March were equally Fortunate and Fatal to Iulius Caesar another Famous Invader of the Liberties of his Countrey so was the Third of September to Oliver Cromwell For on that Day he was Bornâ— on that Day he fought the Three Great Battels of Marston-Moor Worcester and Dunbar and on that Day he died Cromwell died in the peaceable Possession of the Sovereign Power though disguis'd under another Name and left it to a Son that had neither Heart nor Abilities to keep it The Genius of the Nation return'd to its Natural Byass and Monarchy was so much interwoven with the Laws Customs and the first Threads of the English Constitution that it was altogether impossible it could be ever totally worn out Our Ancestors had wisely settled themselves upon that Bottom and those very men that some Years before had justled out Monarchy upon the account of its Encroachments upon the Rights of the People were become as zealous now to restore it again upon the Encroachments that the assuming part of the People had made of late upon the Rights of their Fellow-Subjects For near Two Years together after Cromwell's Death the Government of England underwent various Shapes and every Month almost produc'd a New Scheme till in the end all these Convulsions co-operated to turn the Nation again upon its True and Ancient Basis. Thence it was that the Son of King Charles the First The Restoration of King Charles II. after Ten Years Exile was restor'd to his Father's Throne in the Year 1660 without Blood or any remarkable Opposition This Revolution was the more to be admir'd since not only all Attempts to bring King Charles back by Force of Arms prov'd ineffectual but that notwithstanding upon Cromwell's Death every thing at home seem'd to concur to his
Restoration yet the bare Name of an English Parliament though but the Shadow of what formerly it was continued to be so Terrible abroad that neither France nor Spain durst venture to give King Charles the least Assistance to regain his Throne but on the contrary were oblig'd to treat him in a manner altogether unworthy of a Crown'd Head As appears by the following Instance at the Treaty of the Pyrenees The Behaviour of the French and Spaniards to K Charles II at 〈◊〉 Treaty of the Pyrences King Charles after having in vain sought a Sanctuary in France was necessitated to throw himself upon the Friendship of Spain He was at Brussels when he receiv'd the News of the Disposition that was in England to Restore him just at the time the Conferenâ—es were to begin between Cardinal Mazarine and Lewis de Haro the Two Plenipotentiaries of France and Spain in order to a General Peace This determin'd King Charles to take Post from Brussels through France to the Place of Treaty that he might in Person represent his Interests to these Two Ministers He judg'd the Spaniards had reason to be Enemies to the then Government in England for not only having taken Dunkirk and Iamaica from them and enterâ—d into a League with Portugal against them but for endeavouring all that was possible to persuade the French to continue the War Upon the other hand it was but reasonable to think that France could not be well pleas'd to see the English Master of such a Frontier Town as Dunkirk or that Mazarine the most Ambitious Man upon Earth would not be willing to raise his own Glory by espousing the Cause of an Exil'd Prince especially when there was so great probability of Success Notwithstanding all these plausible Appearances King Charles made this long Journey to no purpose It 's true Lewis de Haro receiv'd him with all possible Marks of Respect But the Cardinal positively denied him Access All he could be brought to after several Messages from the King was to allow the Duke of Ormond to talk to him upon the Road from St. Iean de Luz to the Place of Treaty as if it had been but an accidental Rencounter Ormond obtain'd nothing of the Cardinal but general and ambiguous Answers Till being press'd he told Ormond plainly That all his Master could do for his Cousin the King of England was to compassionate his Misfortunes as not being in a condition himself to break with the Government of England with which his Affairs oblig'd him to keep a good Correspondence Over and above this Neglect of Mazarine's King Charles had the Mortification to see Ambassador Lockhart receiv'd at the same time with the greatest Pomp and Splendor having the Cardinal's Coaches and Guards sent a day's Journey to receive him and the Cardinal giving him the Right Hand which was a Respect he denied the Ambassadors of Crown'd Heads Nor was Lewis de Haro kinder upon the matter to King Charles notwithstanding all his Civilities for having ask'd the Command of the Army in Flanders which the Prince of Conde was by the Treaty oblig'd to quit Don Lewis refus'd it All which will be a lasting Example to Posterity how little Trust is to be repos'd in Foreign Aid when a Prince comes to need it for recovering his Throne It were the highest Injustice to deny General Monk the greatest share of the Honour in Restoring King Charles II. Monk's part in the Restoration and yet it is a question whether his Design to do it was of so long standing as some have reported It 's probable he had not Thoughts that way till about the time that Richard Cromwell was depriv'd of the Government In which he was afterwards the more confirm'd upon the Army in England's setting up once more for themselves If he had really a form'd Intention at that time to bring back the King it must be confess'd he acted the part of a Politician much better than that of a Christian for he declar'd once again at that time for a Commonwealth without the King a Single Person or House of Lords and formally Renounc'd the Family of the Stuarts All which will appear by a Letter sign'd by him and his Officers to the Parliament upon Richard's Abdication and the Declaration it self Appendix Numb 11. mention'd at length in the Appendix It 's hardly to be imagin'd he had a mind to set up for himself as his Enemies have given out for he could not but see the whole Nation was returning apace to their Ancient Monarchical Principles and therefore he had little else to do but to comply a while with the Times till by declaring for a Free Parliament he pav'd the way for the King's Return It 's certain the People that then assum'd the Supreme Power were jealous of his Intentions and it was within an Ace he escap'd a Trap laid for him just at the time when he was ready to march from Scotland which would have inevitably ruin'd his Design if a mere Accident had not interven'd For Monk keeping his ordinary Residence at Dalkeith some four Miles on this side of Edinburgh the London Packet touch'd constantly there that the General might have his Letters before it reach'd Edinburgh The Committee of Safety being resolv'd to secure Monk dispatch'd secret Orders to Scotland by the ordinary Packet lest an Express might give suspicion and instead of directing the Label for Dalkeith as was usual it was order'd straight for Edinburgh It happenâ—d that one of Monk's Lifeguard met accidentally the Post turning out of the Road that led to Dalkeith and finding he had not touch'd there he brought him back notwithstanding the Label was directed otherwise Monk suspecting something open'd all the Letters that he found directed to the Officers of the Army among which there was one from the Committee of Safety to Colonel Thomas Wilks ordering him to use the most effectual speedy and secret way to secure the Person of General Monk and to send him up to London under a strong Guard in a Frigat that lay in Leith Road and then to take upâ—n him the Command of the Army till further Order Having taken out this and what other Letters he thought fit together with his own from the same Committee full of high Compliments and Expressions of Trust he sent away the Packet as it was directed But having communicated the matter to some of his particular Friends he gave Orders for a General Review of the Army to be made next morning at Edinburgh where he arrested Colonel Wilks and some other Officers he had reason to suspect and sent them Prisoners to the Castle filling up their Commissions with others of his own Creatures Monk in his March through England and after he came to London carried on the Thread of Dissimulation with wonderful dexterity till all things were fully ripe for throwing off the Mask and calling home the King As he was singularly happy in being the Chief Instrument of
that Revolution he was no less in the Sense King Charles continued to express of so great an Obligation And it show'd him to be a Man of true Judgmen That the Duke of Albemarle behav'd himself in such a manner to the Prince he had thus oblig'd as never to seem to overvalue the Services of General Monk King Charles the Second prov'd one of the Finest Gentlemen of the Age and had Abilities to make one of the Best of Kings The first Years of his Reign were a continued Iubilee And while we were reaping the Fruits of Peace at Home after the Miseries of a long Civil War a Potent Neighbour was laying the Foundation of a Power Abroad that has since been the Envy and Terror of Europe One might have thought that his Parliament had glutted his Ambition to the full by heaping those Prerogatives upon him which had been contested for with his Father at the Expence of so much Blood and Treasure But he grasp'd early after more and from his first Accession to the Croâ—n show'd but little Inclination to depend upon Parliaments Of which we have a remarkable Instance in an Affair that was one of the true Causes of the Disgrace of that Great Man Chancellor Clarendon which happen'd a few Years after It looks as if Heaven took a more than ordinary Care of England that we did not throw up our Liberties all at once upon the Restoration of that King for though some were for bringing him back upon Terms yet after he was once come he possess'd so entirely the Hearts of his People that they thought nothing was too much for them to grant or for him to receive Among other Designs to please him there was one form'd at Court to settle such a Revenue upon him by Parliament during Life as should place him beyond the Necessity of asking more except in the Case of a War or some such extraordinary Occasion The Earl of Southampton Lord High Treasurer came heartily into it out of a mere Principle of Honour and Affection to the King but Chancellor Clarendon secretly opposâ—d it It happenâ—d that they two had a private Conference about the matter and the Chancellor being earnest to bring the Treasurer to his Opinion took the freedom to tell him That he was better acquainted with the King's Temper and Inclinations than Southampton could reasonably expect to be having had long and intimate Acquaintance with his Majesty abroad and that he knew him so well that if such a Revenue was once settled upon him for Life neither of them Two would be of any further use and that they were not in probability to see many more Sessions of Parliament during that Reign Southampton was brought over but this Passage could not be kept so secret but it came to King Charles his Ears which together with other things wherein Clarendon was misrepresented to him prov'd the true reason why he abandon'd him to his Enemies Notwithstanding this disappointment King Charles made a shift partly by his obliging Carriage partly by other Inducements to get more Money from his first Parliament towards the Expence of his Pleasures than all his Predecessors of the Norman Race had obtain'd before towards the Charges of their Wars This Parliament had like to have been Perpetual if the Vigor wherewith they began to prosecute the Popish Plot and the Resentment they express'd against his Brother had not oblig'd him much against his Will to part with them after they had sat near Nineteen Years That there was at that time a Popish Plot The Discovery of the Popish Plot. and that there always has been one since the Reformation to support if not restore the Romish Religion in England scarce any body calls in question How far the near Prospect of a Popish Successor ripen'd the Hopes and gave new Vigor to the Designs of that Party and what Methods they were then upon to bring those Designs about Coleman's Letters alone without any other concurring Evidence are more than sufficient to put the matter out of doubt But what Superstructures might have been afterwards built upon an unquestionable Foundation and how far some of the Witnesses of that Plot might come to darken Truth by subsequent Addttions of their own must be deferr'd till the Great Account to be made before a Higher Tribunal And till then a great part of the Popish Plot as it was then sworn to will in all human probability lye among the darkest Scenes of our English History However this is certain the Discovery of the Popish Plot had great and various Effects upon the Nation And it 's from this remarkable Period of Time we may justly reckon a New Aera in the English Account In the first place Its Effects it awaken'd the Nation out of a deep Lethargy they had been in for Nineteen Years together and alarm'd them with Fears and Iealousies that have been found to our sad Experience but too well grounded In the next it gave the Rise too at least settled that unhappy distinction of Whig and Tory among the People of England that has since occasion'd so many Mischiefs And lastly the Discovery of the Popish Plot began that open Struggle between King Charles and his People that occasion'd him not only to dissolve his first Favourite Parliament and the Three others that succeeded but likewise to call no more during the rest of his Reign All which made way for bringing in question the Charters of London and other Corporations with a great many dismal Effects that follow'd It was likewise about this time that a certain Set of Men began a second time to adopt into our Religion a Mahomet an Principle under the Names of Passive Obedience and Non-Resistance which since the time of the Impostor that first broach'd it has been the means to Enslave a great part of the World The great share which the Duke of York was suppos'd to have had very early The Bill of Exclusion in a Design to overturn our Religion and Liberties and the mighty Hopes which the near Prospect of a Popish Successor gave the Romanâ— Catholicks of bringing about their Grand Project of rooting out the Northern Heresy were the Reasons why a great part of Both Houses of Parliament had recourse to a Bill of Exclusion against the Duke as the only effectual means they could think on in that Juncture to prevent our intended Ruin This Prince had been privately reconcil'd to Rome in the time of his Exile But it seems it was not thought convenient he should declare himself till several Years after And though he had abandon'd the Worship of the Church of England it was accounted a heinous Crime to say he was a Roman-Catholick when every body knew that he was one and some were Fin'd in great Sums of Money for saying it King Charle's Conversion if we believe Huddleston the Priest was of an older Date But if true he either wanted Courage or thought it not his Interest to
declare himself in his Life-time If he had any design of introducing Popery he knew the Temper of the Nation too well to imagine it could be brought about in a short time or by such open and barefac'd Methods as his Brother was pleas'd afterwards to put in practice But the truth is King Charles was neither Bigot enough to any Religion nor lov'd his Ease so little as to embark in a Business that must at least have disturb'd his Quiet if not hazarded his Crown The Romish Emissaries knowing this were resolv'd to make sure of one of the Brothers And the Duke was now the Rising Sun King Charles having no prospect of Issue by the Queen It was not the Roman-Catholiâ—ks alone that began to pay him their Early Devotions there were others that came nothing short of them in their Addresses to him He had in the time of his Banishment and after the Restoration acquir'd the Reputation of being Brave and skill'd in the Art of War Flanders and the Ocean were the Theatres on which he had given unquestionable Proofs of both having Commanded the Spanish Horse in the one and the English Fleet on the other From a Prince thus possess'd of a Warlike Character and thus devoted to the See of Rome it was no wonder the Roman Catholicks expected and the Protestants fear'd some extraordinary Change in England if ever he should come to wear the Crown And therefore as it was the Interest of the first to have him upon the Throne so it was equally the Interest of the latter to exclude him from it It 's said King Charles came in at first to the Bill of Exclusion or seem'd to do so The Favourite Mistress was prevail'd with from secret Motives and Prospects of her own to concur with others in persuading him to abandon his Brother and waving the Duke's Right to accept of an Act of Parliament in his own favour like that made in the Reign of Henry VIII by which he should have a Power invested in him to dispose of the Crown at his Death under such Restrictions and Limitations as should be agreed on Whether any such Act was really intended it 's hard to determine but it 's certain such an Offer was made to King Charles with a Promise of a considerable Sum of Money towards the supplying his pressing Wants It 's likewise certain that King Charles seem'd willing to accept of it till it happen'd that a Foreign Court whose Interest it was to support the Duke of York struck up a Bargain with the King to give him more Money for refusing than had been offer'd him for consenting to the Bill of Exclusion Some time before the Popish Plot came upon the Stage King Charles had been prevail'd with to Marry the Eldest of his Nieces to the Prince of Orange as he did afterwards the Youngest to the Prince of Denmark The happiest Actions of his Life and by which he made a sufficient Attonement for all the Errors of his Reign It were Ingratitude to enquire too narrowly into the Motives that induc'd him to these Matches It 's enough to entail a lasting Honour on his Name that he did it and did it against the Advice of his Brother and in spight of all the Sollicitations that were made to him from Abroad to marry them to Princes of the Romish Religion The Parliament had in their view the Princess of Orange in the Bill of Exclusion and it was She and the Prince her Husband that were to have fill'd the Throne upon the Death of their Uncle But King Charles either not daring or not willing to consent to the Bill he dissolv'd both that and the next Parliament at Oxford merely to ward off the Blow that threaten'd his Brother After the Dissolution of the Oxford Parliament King Charles shew'd but little Inclination to call any more and was prevail'd with to enter into harsher Measures than hitherto he had taken and which seem'd contrary to his Natural Goodness and Temper The Charters of the City of London and other Corporations stood in the way of an Absolute Government and it was resolv'd to break through this Barrier In order to which Quo Warranto's were brought against them and in progress of time they were either surrendred by the Corporations themselves or vacated in Westminster-Hall by a Set of Iudges pickt out for that purpose And it was resolv'd thereby to make one of the Estates of Parliament depend entirely upon the Will and Nomination of the Prince While these Quo Warranto's were going on whole Peals of Anathema's were rung out against those Patriots that had stood up for the Liberties of their Countrey in the preceding Parliaments And it was look'd upon as a Crime against the State for any one to regret the approaching Fate of his Countrey Even the Holy Scriptures themselves were made a Stale for Arbitrary Power and the Laws which were given to the Iews as they were a Political State were now brought in upon every occasion to countenance the Designs of the Court. As if those Laws which were intended only to support the Political Government of the Iews were the real Foundation of the Christian Religion or that the Constitution of England was founded upon the Iewish Doctrine All which was not much for the Honour of those Gentlemen that broach'd that Notion This was a Time never to be forgot when to wish well to our Countrey was a Crime and when Heaven it self was rank'd upon our Enemies side by some that pretended to expound its Will In some places a new kind of Funeral Harangues came in fashion Our Laws our Liberties our Parliaments our Native Rights were to be buried but instead of dropping a Tear at their Funeral fulsom Panegyricks were made upon their Murtherers and Curses denounc'd against those that would have retriev'd them from Destruction All these Transactions were attended with the Publick Disgrace of the Duke of Monmouth The Disgrace of the Duke of Monmouth and its Consequences This Gentleman stood possess'd of all the Qualities requisite to gain the Love of the People and stir up the Jealousy of the Duke of York King Charles had heap'd Honours upon him and nothing pleas'd him so much as to see him Great He had been sent to Scotland in the Year 1678 to suppress an Insurrection which the Severity of Lauderdale's Administration had occasion'd where his Lenity towards a People made by Oppression mad gain'd him the ill will of a Predominant Party at Court The Zeal he shew'd some time after in the prosecution of the Popish Plot and his Friendships with some that were profess'd Enemies to the Duke concurr'd to his Fall Yet King Charles still continued underhand the same Tenderness for him though he was declar'd in Publick to be in Disgrace The Duke's Faction at home and a Foreign Interest abroad were too powerful for King Charles to grapple with even though the Fortune of a Favourite Son was at stake The more he was
for levying that part of the Customs that had been granted to his Brother only for Life an◠was expir'd at his Death This was not only an open Violation of his Promise in his foremention'd Speech but of our Fundamental Constitution by which no Money can be levied on the Subject but by their Consent in Parliament As it was contrary to Law so it was altogether needless at that time since a Parliament was to meet within a few days which no body doubted would in a Parliamentary way continue the same Customs for his Life as they had been for his Brother's He was not the first Prince that did illegally seize what he had no right to But few Instances can be given of a King that did openly violate the Constitution of his Countrey to obtain that which he was certain would be granted him in a Legal Manner and with the Good-will of his People Notwithstanding this unusual Stretch of Power upon his entring into the Administration yet the Parliament he had call'd sat down in a good Humour and with a hearty Inclination to do every thing in compliance with him that might tend to his Honour or Safety His Speech to both Houses was much of the same Strain with his former to the Council upon his Brother's death but more full He demanded the setling of his Revenue during Life as it was in his Brother's time and acquainted them with the Earl of Argyle ' s Landing in Scotland and threaten'd to reward his Treason as it deserv'd This Speech buoy'd up the Minds of the People that had been sufficiently stunn'd before with the Unpresidented Proclamation for levying the Customs And so earnest was the Parliament to give the King no just occasion of Displeasure and so great a Confidence did they place in a Royal Promise from the Throne that they immediately complied with him in the matter of the Revenue thank'd him for his Speech and resolv'd by an Unanimous Vote To assist him with their Lives and Fortunes against the Earl of Argyle and all other his Enemies whatsoever Some few days after the Bill for setling his Revenue was presented to him for his Assent upon which Occasion he made them another Memorable Speech He thank'd them for the Bill told them of want of Stores in the Navy and Ordnance of the Anticipations that were upon several Branches of the Revenue of the Debts due to his Brother's Servants and Family which he said were such as deserv'd Compassion and of the extraordinary Charges he must be at in suppressing the Rebellion in Scotland Upon all which accounts he demanded an Extraordinary Supply and summ'd up all with recommending to them the Care of the Navy which he was pleas'd to call the Strength and Glory of the Nation And in the end told them He could not express his Concern upon that occasion more suitable to his own thoughts of it than by assuring them He had a true English Heart as jealous of the Honour of the Nation as Theirs could be And that he pleas'd himself with the Hopes Appendix Numb 12. His 〈◊〉 Speech to the Parliament That by God's Blessing and the Parliament's Assistance he might carry the Reputation of it higher in the World than ever it had been in the time of any of his Ancestors It was no wonder that a Speech of this Strain so becoming an English Monarch did meet with a kind Reception from an English Parliament and be answer'd as it was with a large Supply since a Neighbouring Court was thereupon at a stand what to think of a Prince they had reckon'd upon as their own and of whose real Friendship this unexpected Speech gave them ground to doubt They well knew that a true English Heart was diametrically opposite to their Designs and that a King jealous of the Honour of the English Nation must needs be an Enemy to all Encroachments of any Neighbouring State To plunge that Court yet the more into a Maze of Thoughts about King Iames upon this Occasion the carrying the Reputation of England yet higher in the World than ever it had been in the time of any of his Ancestors were Words that seem'd to promise no less than the imitating or rather out-doing of an Edward III. or a Henry V. that had rais'd to themselves immortal Trophies at the Expence of their Neighbours and wrote their own Panegyricks with their Enemies Blood How this Speech was relish'd abroad cannot be better express'd than in Two Letters writ at that time by a certain Great Minister to an Ambassador here which being communicated to me by a Noble Person into whose hands many of that Ambassador's Papers happen'd to fall upon the late Revolution they are plac'd at length in the Appendix Appendix Numb 13. in English In the first of these Letters That Minister discovers a sort of diffidence in King Iames as if he were not the Man they had taken him for Expresses his Fears that a Cordial Agreement between him and the Parliament might unhindge all the Measures had been so long a concerting betwixt him and his Master when King James was but Duke of York He recommends to the Ambassador to enquire narrowly into the Motives and the Advisers of this Speech to the Parliament as the most considerable Service that could be done in that Juncture The other Letter chides the Ambassador for not being yet able to sound King James's Intentions and tells him They had receiv'd from a sure hand better News than what it appears the Ambassador had writ And which is most remarkable in the whole Letter there is in it a plain Insinuation That there was in that Court some great matter under consideration concerning the Edict of Nants which was not to be declar'd until King James's Intentions were fully known And concludes with a Command to the Ambassador to sift out how King James stood affected to the Prince of Orange What discoveries were made in obedience to these Letters can be no otherwise guess'd at but by the Event for at this very time the Unfortunate Duke of Monmouth by a desperate ill-tim'd Attempt to overturn King Iames's Throne did all that in him lay to fix it the faster King Charles as I have said lov'd Monmouth tenderly and all the Disgraces and Hardships that had of late Years been put upon him were rather the effects of Fear and Policy than Inclination or Choice He was fond of him to that degree that though he was the greatest Master in the Art of Dissimulation yet he could not refrain sometimes in Company where he might be free from regretting his own hard Fortune which necessitated him to frown upon a Son whose greatest Crime was to have incurr'd his Brother's Displeasure His Fondness was yet more express'd in his Behaviour to the Duke of Monmouth upon the Discovery of that which was call'd the Protestant Plot and in the manner he brought him back to Court after the Ferment was a little abated All the
time Monmouth was absconding and when there was a Proclamation out for apprehending him King Charles not only knew where he was and sent him Messages every day but saw him several times in private When the Duke's Anger was a little appeas'd by the Sacrifices that were offer'd up to it King Charles thought it was then time to have his Son once again about him In order to which he so manag'd the matter that Monmouth should owe the Favour to the Duke of York and that his Pardon should be granted merely at the Duke's Intercession The Night he appear'd first at Court upon his Reconciliation King Charles was so little Master of himself that he could not dissemble a mighty Joy in his Countenance and in every thing he did or said Insomuch that it was the publick Talk about Town and strongly insinuated to the Duke of York That all the King 's former Proceedings against the Duke of Monmouth were but Grimace and that his Royal Highness being made the Instrument of the Reconciliation was all but a Trick put upon him This so far incens'd the Duke that he never rested till King Charles was prevail'd with to demand of Monmouth the Publication of a Paper which he had sign'd under Trust and with an Assurance given him that it should never be made publick which the Party about the Duke knew Monmouth would not consent to as being against his Honour They were not mistaken for Monmouth refus'd it and upon his Refusal was disgrac'd once again King Charles's Kindness ended not here but attended him to Holland whither he was oblig'd to retire He found secret means to furnish him with Money and sent him Messages from time to time and sometimes writ to him with his own Hand He could not bear any hard thing to be said of him in his absence and some officious Courtiers found to their Cost that it was not the way to make their Fortune to aggravate Monmouth's Crimes Nor did the King take any thing more kindly than the Noble Reception Monmouth receiv'd from a Prince of his Blood in a Foreign Countrey when he was forc'd to abandon his own King Charles tir'd out at last with the uncontroul'd Hardships that were every day put upon him by the Duke's Creatures and asham'd to see his own Lustre obscur'd and his Power lessen'd by a Party that had rais'd themselves upon Monmouth's Ruin he resolv'd to shift the Scene and in order to make himself easy for the rest of his Life as he express'd it he determin'd to send away the Duke of York and recall the Duke of Monmouth April was the time agreed on to put this Resolution in practice but there is little left us by which we can judge whether Monmouth was to be recall'd to Court by a formal Invitation of the King 's or whether King Charles's usual Thread of Dissimulation was to be spun out to that length that Monmouth was to Land with an Arm'd Force The first seems more probable if it were but for what he has writ himself in the Pocket-Book which there will be occasion to mention hereafter It 's true the last looks more of a piece with the rest of his Behaviour towards his Brother and Son and more agreeable to his Natural Biass which seldom inclin'd him to chuse the High Road when there could possibly be found a By-Path to tread in But Death put a sudden stop to all King Charles's Designs and Monmouth's Hopes and at the same time warded off a Blow that threaten'd the Duke of York so near And Monmouth being just ready to rise higher than ever was left by all his good Stars which set with that Royal Sun that gave them Birth and Heat I would not be mistaken here as if I were of opinion that in this New Turn that was upon the Anvil immediately before the Death of King Charles there was any Design of altering the Succession or bringing Monmouth within the View of a Crown The whole Course of King Charles's Actions does sufficiently contradict any such thought And though Monmouth was afterwards prevail'd with by a headstrong Party about him to assume the Title of King yet it's next to a Certainty that all that was originally aim'd at by King Charles and the Duke of Monmouth was only to weaken the Duke of York's Faction which was then become insupportable by playing Monmouth's Party against it which was consistent with the only fix'd Maxim of Government in that Reign That when any one Party grew too strong to throw in the Royal Weight into the lightest Scale Monmouth was sufficiently stunn'd with this unexpected Change in his Fortune by the Death of King Charles But his great Courage and vain Confidence in a Popular Affection and Assistance bore him up against all Difficulties and prompted him on to attempt by Force of Arms what was never design'd him by King Charles With Three small Ships and about an Hundred and fifty Men the Duke landed in the West of England the Parliament sitting A Romantick kind of Invasion and scarce parallel'd in History Yet with this Handful of Men and the common People that join'd him without Arms Provisions Martial Discipline Money or any one Place of Strength to retire to in case of Accidents did this Brave Unfortunate Man bid fair for a Crown And if his Ill Fate had not plac'd a Battalion of Dumbarton's Regiment in his way he had in all probability surpriz'd the King's Army in their Camp and perhaps at that single Blow decided the Fortune of England for once Yet this Attempt may be said to have pav'd the Way for a Nobler Change in the Throne by leaving King Iames at liberty through this Success to act without Controul what at length tumbled him down Monmouth paid the Price of his Rebellion with his Blood And King Iames in ordering him to be brought into his Presence under the Sentence of Death was pleas'd to make one Exception against a General Rule observ'd inviolably among Kings Never to allow a Criminal under the Sentence of Death the sight of his Prince's Face without a design to pardon him There is nothing deliver'd concerning this Unfortunate Gentleman but what I have unquestionable Grounds for and which some Persons yet alive of the First Quality know to be true But of the most things above mention'd there is an infallible Proof extant under Monmouth's own Hand in a little Pocket-Book which was taken with him and deliver'd to King Iames which by an Accident is needless to mention here I had leave to copy and did it in part A great many dark Passages there are in it and some clear enough that shall be eternally buried for me And perhaps it had been for King Iames's Honour to have committed them to the Flames as Iulius Caesar is said to have done upon a like occasion All the use that shall be made of it Appendix Numb 14. is only to give in the Appendix some few Passages out of it
that refer to this Subject and confirm what has been above related Monmouth seem'd to be born for a better Fate Monmouths Character for the first part of his Life was all Sunshine though the rest was clouded He was Brave Generous Affable and extremely Handsome Constant in his Friendships just to his Word and an utter Enemy to all sort of Cruelty He was easy in his Nature but fond of Popular Applause which led him insensibly into all his Misfortunes But whatever might be the hidden Designs of some working Heads he embark'd with his own were Noble and chiefly aim'd at the good of his Countrey though he was mistaken in the means to attain it Ambitious he was but not to the degree of aspiring to the Crown till after his Landing in the West and even then he was rather Passive than Active in assuming the Title of King It was Importunity alone that previal'd with him to make that Step and he was inflexible till it was told him That the only way to provide against the Ruin of those that should come into his Assistance in case he fail'd in the Attempt was to declare himself King that they might be shelter'd by the Statute made in the Reign of Henry VII in favour of those that should obey a King de Facto Those that advis'd him had different Ends in it Some to render the Breach betwixt King Iames and him irreconcilable and thereby pave a way for a Commonwealth in playing them against one another Others to prevent a possibility of his being reconcil'd to King Iames by the merit of delivering up those that should join him which was a Thought unworthy of that nice Sincerity he had shown in all the former Conduct of his Life To confirm this I remember to have heard Rumbold say openly at his Execution in Scotland upon the account of Argyle's Invasion That Monmouth had broke his Word with them in declaring himself King And I have reason to know that he was so far from a Design upon the Crown before he left Holland that it was not without great difficulty he was persuaded to come over at all And that upon King Charles's Death he express'd a firm Resolution to make no such Attempt but to live a retir'd Life without giving King Iames any disturbance In his latter Years he us'd to complain of the little Care had been taken of his Education and in his Disgrace endeavour'd to make up that Want by applying himself to Study in which he made in a short time no inconsiderable Progress He took the occasion of his Afflictions to inform his Mind and recollect and amend the Errors of Youth which it was not strange he should be tainted with being bred up in all the Pleasures of a Luxurious Court What sedate Thoughts his Retirement brought him to and which is in a great part hitherto a Secret how little Inclination he had to make a Bustle in the World to give it in his own Words is best express'd in a Letter of his own to one that afterwards lost his Life in his Quarrel Which though without a Date appears to be writ after King Charles's Death and is plac'd in the Appendix Appendix Numb 15. which was deliver'd me by a Gentleman yet alive that was intrusted with the Key of that and other Letters that were writ at that time Mr. Spence Secretary to the late Ear of Argyle Which rather than discover he chose to submit himself to be thrice cruelly tortur'd all which he bore with a Courage worthy of the Ancient Romans The Duke of Monmouth when he was brought Prisoner to King Iames's Presence made the humblest Submissions for his Life and it 's a Mystery what could move King Iames to see him when he had no mind to pardon him But the Manner of his Death Three Days after did more than acquit him of any Meanness of Spirit in desiring to live since he died with the greatest Constancy and Tranquility of Mind and such as became a Christian a Philosopher and a Soldier The Storm being thus blown over that threatn'd his Crown King Iames thought it time to cast off the Mask and to act without disguise what till then he had in some part endeavour'd to dissemble This Parliament had express'd a more than ordinary Zeal in Attainting Monmouth and had readily granted him a competent supply to suppress that Rebellion Not only so but to testify the Confidence they had in his Promises mention'd in the former Speeches the House of Commons Pass'd a Vote nemine contradicente That they did acquiesce and intirely rely and rest wholly satisfied on His Majestyâ—s Gracious Word and repeated Declarations to support and defend the Religion of the Church of England as it is now by Law Establish'd which was dearer to them than their Lives So that they had reason to expect some suitable Returns to all this Kindness and Confidence on their sides But they were mistaken for King Iames began to talk to them in a quite other strain than he had done before And in another Speech from the Throne gave them to understand by a plain Insinuation That he was now Master and that for the future they must expect to be govern'd not by the known Laws of the Land but by his own sole Will and Pleasure No part of the English Constitution was in it self more sacred or better secur'd by Law then That by which Roman Catholicks were declar'd incapable of Places of Trust either Civil or Military in the Government And he himself when Duke of York was forc'd by the Test-Act to lay down his Office of Lord High-Admiral even at a time when he had not publickly own'd his Reconciliation to the Church of Rome But he did what lay in his power to break down this Barrier upon Monmouth ' s Defeat And in a Speech to his Parliament told them That after the Storm that seem'd to be coming when he parted with them last he was glad to meet them again in so great Peace and Quietness But when he reflected what an inconsiderable number of Men began the late Rebellion and how long they carry'd it on without any Opposition He hop'd ev'ry body was convinc'd that the Militia was not sufficient for such Occasions but that nothing but a good Force of Disciplin'd Troops was sufficient to defend Vs from Insults at Home and Abroad And therefore he had increas'd the number of Standing Forces to what they were K. Iames's Speech to the Parment after Monmouth's defeat Appendix Numb 16. And demanded a supply to support the Charge of them which he did not doubt they would comply with Then as the main End of his Speech and to let them know what he was positively resolv'd to do He adds Let no man take Exception that there are some Officers in the Army not qualified according to the late Test for their Employment The Gentlemen I must tell you are most of them well known to
me and having formerly serv'd me on several Occasions and always approv'd the Loyalty of their Principles by their Practices I think them now fit to be Employ'd under me and will deal plainly with you That after having had the benefit of their Services in such time of need and danger I will neither expose them to Disgrace nor my self to the Want of them if there should be another Rebellion to make them necessary to me And at last he tells them That he was afraid some may hope that a difference might happen betwixt Him and his Parliament on that occasion which he cannot apprehend can befal him or that any thing can shake them in their Loyalty to him who will ever make all returns of kindness and protection and venture his Life in the Defence of the true Interest of the Nation It was no wonder That this Speech surpriz'd a people who valu'd themselves so much upon their Liberties and thought themselves secure of them both from the Constitution of their Government and the solemn repeated promises of their Prince They found too late that their fears in the former Reign of a Popish Successor were too well grounded and how inconsistent a Roman Catholick King is with a Protestant Kingdom The Parliament did in humble manner represent the inconvenience that might attend such Measures The Parliaments Address to K. Iames upon that Speech at least to render him inexcusable for what might Ensue And that they might not be wanting to themselves and their Posterity they Voted an Address wherein they told him That they had with all duty and readiness taken into Consideration His Majesty's Gracious Speech And as to that part of it relating to the Officers of the Army not qualified for their Employment according to the Act of Parliament they did out of their bounden duty humbly Represent to His Majesty That these Officers could not by Law be capable of their Employments and that the Incapacities they bring upon themselves that way could no ways be taken off but by an Act of Parliament Therefore out of that great Reverence and Duty they ow'd to His Majesty they were preparing a Bill to indemnify them from the inconveniences they had now incurr'd And because the continuing them in their Employments may be taken to be a dispensing with Law without an Act of Parliament the consequence of which was of the greatest concern to the Rights of all his Subjects and to all the Laws made for the security of their Religion Therefore they most humbly beseech His Majesty That he would be graciously pleas'd to give such Directions therein that no Apprehensions or Iealousies might remain in the hearts of his Subjects Over and above what was contain'd in this Address the House of Commons were willing to capacitate by an Act of Parliament such a Number of the Roman Catholick Officers as King Iames should give a List of But both this Offer and the Address was highly resented and notwithstanding that they were preparing a Bill for a considerable Supply to Answer his extraordinary Occasions and had sent to the Tower one of their Members for speaking indecently of his Speech King Iames was influenc'd to part with this his first and only Parliament in displeasure upon the Fourth day after they presented the Address As his former Speeches to his Council and Parliament had put a Foreign Court to a Stand what to think of him so this last put them out of pain and convinc'd them he was intirely Theirs Their sense of it can hardly be better express'd than in a Letter from Abroad contain'd in the Appendix Appendix Numb 17. which by its Stile though in another Hand seems to be from the same Minister that writ the two former In which he tells the Ambassador here That he needed not a surer Character of King James and his Intentions than this last Speech to the Parliament by which they were convinc'd of his former Resolution to throw off the Fetters which Hereticks would impose upon him and to act for the time to come En Maistre as Master A word till then altogether Foreign to the English Constitution What other Effects this Speech had upon the Minds of People at Home and Abroad may be easily guess'd from the different Interests they had in it Nor is it to be pass'd over without some Remark That the Revocation of the Edict of Nants which probably had been some time under Consideration before was now put in Execution to the Astonishment of all Europe The Parliament being dissolv'd and no visible means left to retrieve the Liberties of England King Iames made haste to accomplish the Grand Design which a head strong Party about him push'd on as the certain way in their opinion to Eternize his Name in this World and to merit an Eternal Crown in the other They foresaw that this was the Critical Iuncture and the only one that happen'd since the days of Queen Mary to Restore their Religion in England And if they were wanting to themselves in making use of it the prospect of a Protestant Successor would infallibly prevent their having any such opportunity for the future King Iames was pretty far advanc'd in years and what was to be done requir'd Expedition for all their labour would be lost if he should die before the accomplishment If he had been Younger or the next presumptive Heir had not been a Protestant there had been no such absolute necessity for Dispatch But the Uncertainty of the King's Life call'd for more than ordinary diligence in a Design that depended meerly upon it The Party being resolv'd for these Reasons to bring about in the Compass of one Single Life and that already far spent what seem'd to be the Work of a whole Age they made large steps towards it Roman-Catholicks were not only Employ'd in the Army but brought into Places of greatest Trust in the State The Earl of Clarendon was forthwith remov'd from the Office of Privy-Seal and the Government of Ireland to make room for the Earl of Tyrconel in the one and the Lord Arundel in the other Father Peters a Iesuit was sworn of the Privy Council And though by the Laws it was High-Treason for any to assume the Character of the Pope's Nuncio A Pope's Nuncio in England yet these were become too slender Cobwebs to hinder a Roman Prelate to appear publickly at London in that Quality Duke of Somerset and one of the greatest Peers of England was disgrac'd for not paying him that Respect which the Laws of the Land made Criminal To bear the Publick Character of Ambassador to the Pope An Ambâ—ssador sent to Rome was likewise an open Violation of the Laws But so fond was the governing Party about King Iames to show their new-acquir'd Trophies at Rome that the Earl of Castlemain was dispatch'd thither Extraordinary Ambassador with a Magnificent Train and a most Sumptuous Equipage What his Secret Instructions were may be
the Reformation and in such a Stile and with such an Inimitable Force of Reasoning as will be a Standard of Writing to succeeding Ages To hasten on the Project against the Establish'd Church a new Court of Inquisition was erected under the Name of a Commission for Ecclesiastical Affairs And to blind the people there were some Bishops of the Church of England nam'd Commissioners whereof one refus'd to act from the beginning and the other excus'd himself after he came to see where the Design of it was levell'd This Commission was another manifest Violation of the Laws and against an express Act of Parliament And as if that had not been enough to mortify the Church of England there were some Roman Catholicks appointed Commissioners and consequently the Enemies of the Protestant Religion were become the Judges and Directors of a Protestant Church in its Doctrine and Discipline These Commissioners thought fit to begin the Exercise of their New Power with the Suspension of Dr. Compton The Suspension of the Bishop of Londâ—n Bishop of London This Noble Prelate by a Conduct worthy of his Birth and Station in the Church had acquir'd the Love and Esteem of all the Protestant Churches at home and abroad and was for that reason the Mark of the Envy and Hatred of the Romish Party at Court They had waited for an occasion to enoble their Ecclesiastical Commission with such an Illustrious Sacrifice and such an occasion was rather taken than given in the Business of Dr. Sharp now Archbishop of York The Priests about the King knowing how much it was their Interest that the Protestant Clergy should not have leave to refute the Errors of the Church of Rome in their Sermons The Occasion of it had advis'd him to send to the Bishops the ensnaring Letter or Order before mention'd containing Directions about Preaâ—hers The Learned Dr. Sharp taking occasion in some of his Sermons to vindicate the Doctrine of the Church of England in opposition to Popery this was in the Court-Dialect understood to be the endeavouring to beget in the minds of his Hearers an ill opinion of the King and his Government by insinuating Fears and Iealousies to dispose them to Discontent and to lead them into Disobedience and Rebellion and consequently a Contempt of the said Order about Preachers Whereupon King Iames sent a Letter to the Bishop of London containing an Order to suspend Dr. Sharp from Preaching in any Parish-Church or Chappel in his Diocess until the Doctor had given Satisfaction and his Majesty's further Pleasure should be known The Bishop of London perceiving what was aim'd at in this Letter endeavour'd all that was possible to divert the Storm that threaten'd him and the Church of England through his sides He writ a Submissive Letter to the Secretary of State to be communicated to the King setting forth That he thought it his Duty to obey his Majesty in whatever Commands he laid upon him that he could perform with a safe Conscience But in this he was oblig'd to proceed according to Law and as a Iudge And by the Law no Iudge condemns a man before he has knowledge of the Cause and has cited the Party That however he had acquainted Dr. Sharp with his Majesty's Displeasure whom he found so ready to give all reasonable Satisfaction that he had made him the Bearer of that Letter Together with this Letter from the Bishop of London Dr. Sharp carried with him a Petition to the King in his own Name shewing That ever since his Majesty was pleas'd to give notice of his Displeasure against him he had forborn the Publick Exercise of his Function And as he had endeavour'd to do the best Service he could to his Majesty and his late Brother in his Station so he had not vented now in the Pulpit any thing tending to Faction or Schism And therefore prayed his Majesty would be pleas'd to lay aside his Displeasure conceiv'd against him and restore him to that Favour which the rest of the Clergy enjoy'd All this Submission was to no purpose Nothing would satisfy the Party but a Revenge upon the Bishop of London for his Exemplary Zeal for the Protestant Interest and this Affair of Dr. Sharp's was made use of as a handle to mortify him and in his Person the whole Body of the Clergy The Bishop was Cited before the Ecclesiastical Commission for not suspending Dr. Sharp according to the King's Order and treated by their Chair-man at his Appearance in a manner unworthy of his Station and Quality All the Defence he could make and his Plea to the Jurisdiction and Legality of the Court which was good beyond all contradiction did signify nothing These New Inquisitors being resolv'd to stick at nothing that might please the Party that set them at work did by their Definitive Sentence declare decree and pronounce That the Bishop of London should for his Disobedience and Contempt be suspended during his Majesty's Pleasure And accordingly was suspended with a peremptory Admonition To abstain from the Function and Execution of his Episcopal Office and other Ecclesiastical Iurisdictions during the said Suspension under the pain of Deprivation The Proceedings against the President and Fellows of Magdalene College and Removal from his Bishoprick The next that felt the weight of this Ecclesiastical Commission were the President and Fellows of St. Mary Magdalen's College in Oxford The two chief Seats of Learning the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge stood in the way of the Grand Design and the Party was impatient to get footing there Magdalen College is one of the Noblest Foundations that perhaps was ever erected to Learning in the World and therefore it was no wonder it was one of the first Marks that was shot at This Illustrious Society from repeated Grants of Kings ratified in Parliament and from their own Statutes was in an uninterrupted Possession of a Right to Elect their own President That Place being vacant by the Death of Dr. Clark a Day was appointed by the Vice-President and Fellows to proceed to the Election of another to fill up the Vacancy But before the day of Election came Charnock one of the Fellows who was since executed for the late Plot to Assassinate his present Majesty brought them a Mandate from King Iames to elect one Fermer into the Place a Man of an Ill Reputation who had promis'd to declare himself Roman Catholick and was altogether uncapable of the Office by the Statutes of the College This Mandate the Vice-President and Fellows receiv'd with all decent Respect and sent their humble Address to the King representing to his Majesty That Fermer was a Person in several respects incapable of that Office according to their Founders Statutes And therefore did earnestly beseech his Majesty either to leave them to the discharge of their Duty and Consciences according to his Majesty's late Gracious Declaration and their Founders Statutes or else to recommend to them such a Person who
so great moment and consequence to the whole Nation that they could not in Prudence Honour or Conscience so far make themselves Parties to it as the distribution of it all over the Kingdom and the solemn Publication of it even in Gods House and in the Time of his Divine Service must amount to in common and reasonable Construction Therefore did humbly and earnestly beseech his Majesty That he would be graciously pleas'd not to insist upon their Distributing and Reading the said Declaration This Petition tho the humblest that could be and deliver'd by Six of them to the King alone in his Closet was so highly resented that the Six Bishops that presented it and the Archbishop of Canterbury that writ it but was not present at its delivery were committed Prisoners to the Tower They were a few days after brought to the King-Bench Bar and Indicted of a High Misdemeanor for having falsly unlawfuly maliciously seditiously and scandalously fram'd compos'd and writ a false malicious pernicious and seditious Libel concerning the King and his Royal Declaration for Liberty of Conscience under the pretence of a Petition And that they had publish'd the same in presence of the King There was a great Appearance at this Trial and it was a Leading Case for upon it depended in a great measure the Fate of the rest of the Clergy of the Church of England It lasted long and in the end the Seven Bishops were Acquitted with the Acclamations of all but the Court-Party There were two things very remarkable in this Trial The Dispensing Power was learnedly and boldly argued against by the Counsel for the Bishops and demonstrated by invincible Arguments to be an open Violation of the Laws and Constitution of the Kingdom So that in one of the greatest Auditories that was ever seen in Westminster-Hall and upon hearing one of the most Solemn Causes that was ever Tried at the Kings-Bench-Bar King Iames had the Mortification to see his new-assum'd Prerogative baffled and its Illegality expos'd to the World The other thing observable upon this Trial was That the Tables were so far turn'd that some that had largely contributed to the Enslaving their Countrey with false Notions of Law were now of another Opinion While at the same time others that had stood up for the Liberty of their Countrey in two successive Parliaments and had suffer'd upon that account did now as much endeavour to stretch the Prerogative beyond its just Limits as they had oppos'd it before So hard it is for Mankind to be in all times and upon all turns constant to themselves The News of the Bishops being acquitted was receiv'd with the highest Expressions of Joy throughout the whole Kingdom Nor could the King 's own Presence prevent his Army that was then encamp'd at Hounslow-Heath from mixing their loud Acclamations with the rest This last Mortification might have prevented his Fate if his Ears had been open to any but a Hot Party that were positively resolv'd to push for all cost what it would And it was easily seen by the Soldiers Behaviour upon this occasion How impossible it is to debauch an English Army from their Love to their Countrey and their Religion While the Bishops were in the Tower the Roman-Catholicks had their Hope 's â—rown'd with the Birth of a pretended Prince of Wales The Birth of a pretended Prince of Wales The fears of a Protestant Successor had been the only Allay that render'd their Prosperity less perfect Now the happiness of having an Heir to the Crown to be bred up in their own Religion quash'd all those Fears and atonâ—d for the Uncertainty of the King's Life It was so much their Interest to have one and there were so many Circumstances that seem'd to render his Birth suspicious that the Nation in general were inclinable to believe that this was the last Effort of the Party to accomplish our Ruin All things seem'd now to conspire towards it A new Parliament design'd and to what End There was only a Parliament wanting to ratify and approve all the Illegal Steps that had been made which was to be done effectually by taking off the Penal Laws and Test the two chief Barriers of our Religion To obtain such a Parliament no Stone was left unturn'd nor no Threaâ—s nor Promises neglected Regulators were sent-down to every Corporation to model them to this end though a great part of their Work had been done to their hand for in most of the New Charters there had been such Regulations made and such sort of Men put in as was thought would make all sure But to be yet surer Closetting in fashion and to try the Inclinations of People Closetting came into fashion and King Iames was at pains to sound every man's mind how far he might depend upon him for his concurrence with those Designs If they did not readily promise to serve the King in his own way which was the distinguishing word at that time there was some Brand put upon them and they were turn'd out of Place if they had any Nor did King Iames think it below his Dignity after the Priests had fail'd to bring in New Converts to try himself how far his own Arguments might prevail and he Closetted men for that purpose too Some few of no Principles and a great many others of desperate Fortunes complimented him with their Religion and were generally thereupon put into Employments And so fond was the King of making Proselites at any rate that there were of the Scum of the People that pretended to turn Papists merely for the sake of a Weekly small Allowance which was regularly paid them It 's a question after all whether the Parliament which K. Iames was thus labouring to model would have answer'd his Expectation had they come to sit for mens eyes were open'd more and more every day and the Noble Principles of English Liberty began to kindle afresh in the Nation notwithstanding all the endeavours had been usâ—d of a long time to extinguish them Though the Dissenters who might be chosen into Parliament upon this new Model would probably have made Terms for themselves to prevent their falling under any future Persecution yet being as a verse to Popery as any others whatsoever it is not to be imagin'd that they would upon that Consideration have unhindg'd the Constitution of England to enable the Roman Catholicks to break in upon the Establish'd National Church which in the end must have inevitably ruin'd both it and themselves But there fell out a little before this time an Accident that help'd mightily to buoy up the sinking Spirits of the Nation and which was occasion'd by the forward Zeal of some about the King contrary to their Intentions While the Project was going on to take off the Penal Laws and Test and the Protestants were in a maze what to expect the good Genius of England and King Iamâ—s's ill Fate set him on to make a Trial of the
people of the fruit of his own gracious Intentions and their humble desires of procuring the publick peace safety and happiness of this Realm For the preventing of those miserable effects which such malicious endeavours may produce We have thought good to declare 1. The root and the growth of these mischievous Designs 2. The Maturity and Ripeness to which they have attained before the beginning of the Parliament 3. The effectual means which hath been used for the extirpations of those dangerous evils and the Progress which hath therein been made by his Majesties goodness and the Wisdom of the Parliament 4. The ways of obstruction and opposition by which that Progress hath been interrupted 5. The courses to be taken for the removing those Obstacles and for the accomplishing of our most dutiful and faithful intentions and endeavours of restoring and establishing the Ancient Honour Greatness and Security of this Crown and Nation The Root of all this mischeif We find to be a malignant and pernicious design of subverting the Fundamental Laws and Principles of Government upon which the Religion and Iustice of this Kingdom are firmly establisht The Actors and Promoters hereof have been 1. The Iesuited Papists who hate the Laws as the Obstacles of that Change and Subversion of Religion which they so much long for 2. The Bishops and the corrupt part of the Clergy who cherish formality and superstition as the natural effects and more probable supports of their own Ecclesiastical Tyranny and Vsurpation 3. Such Counsellors and Courtiers as for private ends have engaged themselves to further the interests of some foreign Princes or States to the prejudice of his Majesty and the State at home The common Principles by which they moulded and governed all their particular Counsels and Actions were these First To maintain continual differences and discontents betwixt the King and the People upon Questions of Prerogative and Liberty that so they might have the advantage of siding with him and under the notions of men addicted to his service gain to themselves and their parties the places of greatest trust and power in the Kingdom A second To suppress the purity and power of Religion and such as were best affected to it as being contrary to their own ends and the greatest impediment to that Change which they thought to introduce A third To conjoyn those parties of the Kingdom which were most propitious to their own ends and to divide those who were most opposite which consisted in many particular Observations to chrish the Arminian part in those points wherein they agree with the Papists to multiply and enlarge the difference between the common Protestants and those whom they call Puritans to introduce and countenance such Opinions and Ceremonies as are fittest for accomodation with Popery to increase and maintain ignorance looseness and prophaneness in the people That of those three parties Papists Arminians and Libertines they might compose a body fit to act such counsels and resolutions as were most conducible to their own ends A fourth To disaffect the King to Parliaments by slanders and false imputations and by putting him upon other ways of supply which in shew and appearance were fuller of advantage than the ordinary course of Subsidies though in truth they brought more loss than gain both to the King and People and have caused the distractions under which we both suffer As in all compounded bodies the Operations are qualified according to the predominant Element So in this mixt party the Jesuited Counsels being most active and prevailing may easily be discovered to have had the greatest sway in all their determinations and if they be not prevented are like to devour the rest or to turn them into their own nature In the beginning of his Majesties Reign the party begun to revive and flourish again having been somewhat dampt by the breach with Spain in the last year of King Iames and by his Majesties Marriage with France the interests and Councils of that State being not so contrary to the good of Religion and the prosperity of his Kingdom as those of Spain and the Papists of England havving been ever more addicted to Spain than France yet they still retained a purpose and resolution to weaken the Protestant parties in all parts and even in France whereby to make way for the change of Religion which they intended at home The first effect and evidence of their recovery and strength was the dissolution of the Parliament at Oxford after there had been given two Subsidies to his Majesty and before they received relief in any one Grievance many other more miserable effects followed The loss of the Rochel Fleet by the help of our Shipping set forth and delivered over to the French in opposition to the advice of Parliament which left that Town without defence by Sea and made way not only to the loss of that important place but likewise to the loss of all the strength and security of the Protestant Religion in France The diverting of his Majesties course of Wars from the West-Indies which was the most facile and hopeful way for this Kingdom to prevail against the Spaniard to an expenceful and successless attempt upon Cales which was so ordered as if it had rather been intended to make us weary of War than to prosper in it The precipitate breach with France by taking their Ships to a great value without making recompence to the English whose Goods were thereupon imbarr'd and confiscate in that Kingdom The Peace with Spain without consent of Parliament contrary to the promise of K. Iames to both Houses whereby the Palatine Cause was deserted and left to chargeable and hopeless Treaties which for the most part were managed by those who might justly be suspected to be no Friends to that Cause The charging of the Kingdom with Billeted Soldiers in all parts of it and that concomitant design of German Horse that the Land might either submit with fear or be enforced with rigour to such Arbitrary Contributions as should be required of them The dissolving of the Parliament in the second year of his Majesties Reign after a Declaration of their intent to grant five Subsidies The exacting of the like proportion of five Subsidies after the Parliament dissolved by Commission of Loan and divers Gentlemen and others imprisoned for not yielding to pay that Loan whereby many of them contracted such sicknesses as cost them their Lives Great sums of Money required and raised by Privy Seals An unjust and pernicious attempt to extort great payments from the Subject by way of Excise and a Commission issued under Seal to that purpose The Petition of Right which was granted in full Parliament blasted with an illegal Declaration to make it destructive to it self to the power of Parliament to the Liberty of the Subject and to that purpose printed with it and the Petition made of no use but to shew the bold and presumptuous injustice of such Ministers as durst
Multitudes were called to the Council-Table who were tired with long attendances there for refusing illegal Payments The Prisons were filled with their Commitments many of the Sheriffs summoned into the Star Chamber and some imprisoned for not being quick enough in levying the Ship-money the People languished under grief and fear no visible hope being left but in desperation The Nobility began to be weary of their silence and patience and sensible of the Duty and Trust which belongs to them and thereupon some of the most eminent of them did petition his Majesty at such a time when Evil Counsels were so strong that they had reason to expect more hazard to themselves than redress of those publick Evils for which they interceded Whilst the Kingdom was in this agitation and distemper the Scots restrained in their Trades impoverished by the loss of many of their Ships bereaved of all possibility of satisfying his Majesty by any naked Supplication entred with a powerful Army into the Kingdom and without any hostile Act or Spoil in the Countrey as they passed more than forcing a Passage over the Tyne at Newborne near Newcastle possessed themselves of Newcastle and had a fair opportunity to press on further upon the King's Army but Duty and Reverence to his Majesty and Brotherly Love to the English Nation made them stay there whereby the King had leisure to entertain better Counsels wherein God so blessed and directed him that he summoned the Great Council of Peers to meet at York upon the 24 th of September and there declared a Parliament to begin the Third of November then following The Scots the first day of the Great Council presented an humble Petition to his Majesty whereupon the Treaty was appointed at Rippon a present Cessation of Arms agreed upon and the full Conclusion of all Differences referred to the Wisdom and Care of the Parliament At our first meeting all Oppositions seemed to vanish the mischiefs were so evident which those Evil Counsellors produced that no man durst stand up to defend them Yet the Work it self afforded Difficulty enough The multiplied Evils and Corruption of Sixteen Years strengthen'd by Custom and Authority and the concurrent Interest of many powerful Delinquents were now to be brought to Judgment and Reformation The King's Houshold was to be provided for they had brought him to that Want that he could not supply his ordinary and necessary Expences without the assistance of his People Two Armies were to be paid which amounted very near to Eighty thousand Pounds a Month the People were to be tenderly charged having been formerly exhausted with many burthensome Projects The difficulties seemed to be insuperable which by the Divine Providence we have overcome The Contrarieties incompatible which yet in a great measure we have reconciled Six Subsidies have been granted and a Bill of Poll-money which if it be duly levied may equal Six Subsidies more in all Six hundred thousand Pounds Besides we have contracted a Debt to the Scots of Two hundred and twenty thousand Pounds and yet God hath so blessed the Endeavours of this Parliament that the Kingdom is a great Gainer by all these Charges The Ship-money is abolished which cost the Kingdom above Two hundred thousand Pounds a Year The Coat and Conduct-money and other Military Charges are taken away which in many Counties amounted to little less than the Ship-money The Monopolies are all supprest whereof some few did prejudice the Subject above a Million Yearly The Soap an Hundred thousand Pounds the Wine Three hundred thousand Pounds the Leather must needs exceed both and Salt could be no less than that besides the inferior Monopolies which if they could be exactly computed would make up a great Sum. That which is more beneficial than all this is That the Root of these Evils is taken away which was The Arbitrary Power pretended to be in his Majesty of taxing the Subject or charging their Estates without Consent in Parliament which is now declared to be against Law by the Judgment of both Houses and likewise by an Act of Parliament Another Step of great advantage is this The living Grievances the Evil Counsellors and Actors of these Mischiefs have been so quell'd by the Justice done upon the Earl of Strafford the Flight of the Lord Finch and Secretary Windebank the Accusation and Imprisonment of the Archbishop of Canterbury of Judge Bartlet and the Impeachment of divers other Bishops and Judges that it is like not only to be an ease to the present Times but a preservation to the future The discontinuance of Parliaments is prevented by the Bill for a Triennial Parliament and the abrupt Dissolution of this Parliament by another Bill by which it is provided it shall not be dissolved or adjourned without the Consent of both Houses Which two Laws well considered may be thought more advantageous than all the former because they secure a full operation of the present Remedy and afford a perpetual Spring of Remedies for the future The Star-chamber the High-Commission the Courts of the President and Council in the North were so many forges of misery oppression and violence and are all taken away whereby men are more secured in their persons liberties and estates than they could be by any Law or Example for the regulation of those Courts or terror of the Judges The immoderate power of the Council-table and the excessive abuse of that power is so ordered and restrained that we may well hope that no such things as were frequently done by them to the prejudice of the publick liberty will appear in future times but only in stories to give us and our posterity more occasion to praise God for his Majesties goodness and the faithful endeavous of this Parliament The Canons and the power of Canon-making are blasted by the Vote of both Houses The exorbitant power of Bishops and their Courts are much abated by some provisions in the Bill against the High-Commission Court The Authors of the many Innovations in Doctrine and Ceremonies The Ministers that have been scandalous in their lives have been so terrified in just complaints and accusations that we may well hope they will be more modest for the time to come either inwardly convicted by the sight of their own folly or outwardly restrained by the fear of punishment The Forests are by a good Law reduced to their right bounds the encroachments and oppressions of the Stannery Courts The Extortions of the Clerk of the Market and the compulsion of the Subject to receive the Order of Knighthood against his will paying of Fines for not receiving it and the vexatious proceedings thereupon for levying of those Fines are by other beneficial Laws reformed and prevented Many excellent Laws and provisions are in preparation for removing the inordinate power vexation and usurpation of Bishops for reforming the pride and idleness of many of the Clergy for easing the people of unnecessary Ceremonies in Religion for censuring and removing unworthy and
unprofitable Ministers and for maintaining godly and diligent Preachers through the Kingdom Other things of main importance for the good of this Kingdom are in proposition though little could hitherto be done in regard of the many other more pressing businesses which yet before the end of this Session we hope may receive some progress and perfection The establishing and ordering the King's Revenue that so the abuse of Officers and superfluity of expences may be cut off and the necessary disbursments for his Majesties Honour the defence and government of the Kingdom may be more certainly provided for The regulating of Courts of Justice and abridging both the delays and charges of Law-Suits The setling of some good courses for preventing the exportation of Gold and Silver and the inequality of exchanges betwixt Us and other Nations for the advancing of native Commodities increase of our Manufactures and well ballacing of Trade whereby the Stock of the Kingdom may be increased or at least kept from impairing as through neglect hereof it hath done for many years last past For improving the Herring-fishing upon our own Coasts which will be of mighty use in the imployment of the Poor and a plentiful Nursery of Mariners for inabling the Kingdom in any great Action The oppositions obstructions and other Difficulties where-with we have been encountred and which still lye in our way with some strength and much obstinacy are these The malignant Party whom we have formerly described to be the Actors and Promoters of all our Misery they have taken heart again They have been able to prefer some of their own Factors and Agents to Degrees of Honour to Places of Trust and Employment even during the Parliament They have endeavoured to work in his Majesty ill impressions and opinions of our Proceedings as if we had altogether done our own work and not his and had obtained from him many things very prejudicial to the Crown both in respect of Prerogative and Profit To wipe out this Slander we think good only to say thus much That all that we have done is for his Majesty his Greatness Honour and Support When we yielded to give Twenty five thousand Pounds a Month for the Relief of the Northern Countries this was given to the King for he was bound to protect his Subjects They were his Majesty's Evil Counsellors and their ill Instruments that were Actors in those Grievances which brought in the Scots And if his Majesty please to force those who were the Authors of this War to make satisfaction as he might justly and easily do it seems very reasonable that the People might well be excused from taking upon them this burthen being altogether innocent and free from being any Causes of it When we undertook the Charge of the Army which cost above 50000 l. a Month was not this given to the King Was it not his Majesty's Army Were not all the Commanders under Contract with his Majesty at higher Rates and greater Wages than ordinary And have not we taken upon us to discharge all the Brotherly Assistance of Three hundred thousand Pounds which we gave the Scots Was it not toward repair of those Damages and Losses which they received from the King's Ships and from his Ministers These three Particulars amount to above Eleven hundred thousand Pounds Besides his Majesty hath received by Impositions upon Merchandise at least Four hundred thousand Pounds so that his Majesty hath had out of the Subjects Purse since the Parliament began one Million and an half and yet these men can be so impudent as to tell his Majesty that we have done nothing for him As to the second Branch of this Slander we acknowledge with much Thankfulness that his Majesty hath passed more good Bills to the advantage of the Subjects than have been in many Ages but withal we cannot forget that these venomous Counsels did manifest themselves in some endeavours to hinder these good Acts and for both Houses of Parliament we may with truth and modesty say thus much That we have ever been careful not to desire any thing that should weaken the Crown either in just profit or useful power The triennial Parliament for the matter of it doth not extend to so much as by Law we ought to have required there being two Statutes still in force for a Parliament to be once a year and for the manner of it it is in the King's power that it shall never take effect if he by a timely summons shall prevent any other way of assembling In the Bill for continuance of this present Parliament there seems to be some restraint of the Royal Power in dissolving of Parliaments not to take it out of the Crown but to suspend the execution of it for this time and occasion only which was so necessary for the King 's own security and the publick Peace that without it we could not have undertaken any of these great charges but must have left both the Armies to disorder and confusion and the whole Kingdom to blood and rapine The Star-chamber was much more fruitful in oppression than in profit the great fines being for the most part given away and the rest stalled at long times The â—ines of the High-Commission were in themselves unjust and seldom or never came into the King's Purse These four Bills are particularly and more specially instanced in the rest there will not be found so much as a shadow of prejudice to the Crown They have sought to diminish our reputation with the people and to bring them out of love with Parliaments the aspersions which they have attempted this way have been such as these That we have spent much time and done little especially in those grievances which concern Religion That the Parliament is a burthen to the Kingdom by the abundance of Protections which hinder Justice and Trade and by many Subsidies granted much more heavy than any they formerly endured To which there is a ready Answer if the time spent in this Parliament be considered in relation backward to the long growth and deep root of those grievances which we have removed to the powerful Supports of those Delinquents which we have pursued to the great necessities and other charges of the Commonwealth for which we have provided or if it be considered in relation forward to many advantages which not only the present but future ages are like to reap by the good Laws and other proceedings in this Parliament we doubt not but it will be thought by all indifferent Judgments that our time hath been much better imployed than in a far greater proportion of time in many former Parliaments put together and the charges which have been laid upon the Subject and the other inconveniences which they have born will seem very light in respect of the benefit they have and may receive And for the matter of Protections the Parliament is so sensible of it that therein they intend to give them whatsoever ease may
their own security and subsistance so much depends And we will be so careful that no particular shall be presented unto us for the compleating and establishing that security to which we will not with the same readiness contribute our best assistance If these resolutions be the effects of our present Councils and we take God to-witness that they are such and that all our loving Subjects may confidently expect the benefit of them from us certainly no ill design upon the Publick can accompany such Resolutions neither will there be greater cause of suspicion of any Persons preferred by us to degrees of Honour and Places of trust and employment since this Parliament And we must confess that among our misfortunes we reckon it not the least that having not retained in our Service nor protected any one person against whom our Parliament hath excepted during the whole sitting of it and having in all that time scarce vouchsafed to any man an instance of our Grace and Favour but to such who were under such eminent characters of Estimation amongst our People there should so soon be any mis-understanding or jealousy of their fidelity and uprightness especially in a time when we take all occasions to delare That we conceive our Self only capable of being served by honest Men and in honest ways However if in truth we have been mistaken in such our election the particular shall be no sooner discovered to us either by our own observation or other certain information than we will leave them to publick Justice under the marks of our displeasure If notwithstanding this any malignant party shall take heart and be willing to sacrifice the Peace and Happiness of their Countrey to their own sinister ends and ambitions under what pretence of Religion and Conscience soever If they shall endeavour to lessen our Reputation and Interest and to weaken our lawfull Power and Authority with our good Subjects if they shall go about by discountenancing the present Laws to loosen the Bonds of Government that all disorder and confusion may break in upon us we doubt not but God in his good time will discover them unto us and the Wisdom and Courage of our High-Court of Parliament join with us in their suppression and punishment Having now said all that we can to express the clearness and uprightness of our Intentions to our People and done all we can to manifest those Intentions we cannot but confidently believe all our good Subjects will acknowledge our part to be fully performed both in deeds past and present Resolutions to do whatsoever with Justice may be required of us and that their quiet and prosperity depends now wholly upon themselves and is in their own power by yielding all obedience and due-reverence to the Law which is the inheritance of every Subject and the only security he can have for his Life Liberty or Estate and the which being neglected or dis-esteemed under what specious shews soever a very great measure of infelicity if not an irreparable confusion must without doubt fall upon them And we doubt not it will be the most acceptable Declaration a King can make to his Subjects That for our part we are resolved not only duly to observe the Laws our Self but to maintain them against what opposition soever though with the hazard of our Being And our hope is that not only the Loyalty and good Affections of all our loving Subjects will concur with us in the constant preserving a good understanding between us and our people but at this time their own and our interest and compassion of the lamentable condition of our poor Protestant Subjects in Ireland will invite them to a fair intelligence and unity amongst themselves that so we may with one heart intend the relieving and recovering that unhappy Kingdom where those barbarous Rebels practice such inhumane and unheard-of Outrages upon our miserable people that no Christan Ear can hear without horrour nor story parallel And as we look upon this as the greatest affliction it hath pleased God to lay upon us so our unhappiness is encreased in that by the distempers at home so early remedies have not been applied to those growing evils as the expectation and necessity there requires though for our part as we did upon the first notice acquaint our Parliament of Scotland where we then were with that Rebellion requiring their aid and assistance and gave like speedy intimation and recommendation to our Parliament here so since our return hither we have been forward to all things which have been proposed to us towards that work and have lately our Self offered by a Message to our House of Peers and communicated to our House of Commons to take upon us the care to raise speedily 10000 English Voluntiers for that service if the House of Commons shall declare that they will pay them which particulars we are in a manner necessitated to publish since we are informed that the malice of some persons hath whispered it abroad That the no speedier advancing of this business hath proceeded from some want of alacrity in us to this great work whereas we acknowledge it a high crime against Almighty God and inexcusable to our good Subjects of our three Kingdoms if we did not to the utmost employ all our powers and faculties to the speediest and most effectual assistance and protection of that distressed people And we shall now conjure all our good Subjects of what degree soever by all the Bonds of Love Duty or Obedience that are precious to good men to join with us for the Recovery of the peace of that Kingdom and the preservation of the peace of this to remove all their Doubts and Fears which may interrupt their affection to us and all their jealousies and apprehensions which may lessen their charity to each other and then if the sins of this Nation have not prepared an inevitable Judgment for us all God will yet make us a great and glorious King over a free and happy people NUMB. X. A Fatal Letter of the Marquis of Montross to King Charles I. deliver'd during the Treaty of Vxbridge An ORIGINAL May it please your Sacred Majesty THE last Dispatch I sent your Majesty was by my worthy Friend and your Majesty's brave Servant Sir William Rollock from Kintore near Aberdeen dated the 14 th of September last wherein I acquainted your Majesty with the good Success of your Arms in this Kingdom and of the Battels the Iustice of your Cause has won over your obdur'd Rebel Subjects Since Sir William Rollock went I have travers'd all the North of Scotland up to Argyle's Countrey who durst not stay my coming or I should have given your Majesty a good account of him e'râ— now But at last I have met with him yesterday to his Cost Of which your gracious Majesty be pleas'd to receive the following Particulars After I had laid waste the whole Countrey of Argyle and brought off Provisions for my Army of what
Charles Stuart and the whole Line of the late King James and of every other person as a single person pretending to the Government of these Nations of England Scotland and Ireland and the Dominions and Territories thereunto belonging And that I will by the grace and assistance of Almighty God be true faithful and constant to this Commonwealth against any King single person and House of Peers and every of them and hereunto I subscribe my Name NUMB. XII King James the IId's promising Speech to the Parliament May 30. 1685. My Lords and Gentlemen I Thank you very heartily for the Bill you have presented me this Day and I assure you the Readiness and Chearfulness that hath attended the Dispatch of it is as acceptable to me as the Bill it self After so happy a beginning you may believe I would not call upon you unnecessarily for an extraordinary Supply But when I tell you the Stores of the Navy are extreamly exhausted That the Anticipations upon several Branches of the Revenue are great and burthensome and the Debts of the King my Brother to his Servants and Family are such as deserve Compassion That the Rebellion in Scotland without putting more Weight upon it than it really deserves must oblige me to a considerable Expence extraordinary I am sure such Considerations will move you to give me an Aid to provide for those things wherein the Security the Ease and the Happiness of my Government are so much concern'd But above all I must recommend to you the Care of the Navy the Strength and Glory of this Nation That you will put it into such a Condition as will make us considerable and respected abroad I cannot express my Concerns upon this occasion more suitable to my own Thoughts of it than by assuring you I have a true English Heart as jealous of the Honour of the Nation as you can be And I please my self with the hopes that by God's Blessing and your Assistance I may carry its Reputation yet higher in the World than ever it has been in the time of any of my Ancestors And as I will not call upon you for Supplies but when they are of publick Use and Advantage so I promise you That what you give me upon such Occasions shall be managed with good Husbandry And I will take care it shall be employed to the Uses for which I ask them NUMB. XIII Two Remarkable Letters of a Foreign Minister to their Ambassador in England relating to King Iames's precedeing Speech Translated from the Originals Paris June 29. 1685. Monsieur THE Copy of his B. M.'s Speech to the Parliament inclos'd in yours of the 9 th Instant S. V. affords sufficient matter of thoughts here It is of a strain that looks quite contrary to what we expected or what you your self in yours of the 11 th of the last Month made us believe it would be The King can scarce believe there is any Change in the Affections of that Prince towards him And yet knows not what to make of that new Manner of expressing himself on so publick an Occasion If he and his Parliament come to a cordial Trust in one another it may probably change all the Measures we have been so long concerting for the Glory of our Monarch and the Establishment of the Catholick Religion For my own part I hope the Accession of a Crown has not lessen'd the Zeal that on all occasions appear'd in him when but Duke of York Nor will the King 's inviolable attachment to the Interest of the Duke in the most difficult Emergents permit him now when King to forget his Obligations and Engagements to him There is better things to be hop'd for from one that has run so great hazards upon the account of his Religion and who has so often express'd his Resentments of the good turns the King did him in his Brother's Life-time Yet it 's fit you take all possible care to search into the Motives and Advisers of this Speech And I am commanded to tell you That this is one of the greatest pieces of Service you can do his Majesty in this Iuncture There are not wanting some here that would attribute it to a Change in the King of England's Inclinations and they pretend to have Hints of it from some about his Person What truth is in this Suggestion you are to spare nothing to find out If the Parliament come once to settle a Revenue upon him such as may put him out of our Reverence your Business there will be the more difficult to manage for doubtless he must have Ambition and likewise a desire to please a Nation who had but an ill opinion of him before And nothing can be more taking with them than a Breach with us It will be strange indeed if in the Death of King Charles France has chang'd for the worse But whatever others fear I must once more confess for my self That I am of the same Opinion I was always of even that we must necessarily gain by the Change Your Bills are sent this Post. Nothing can be more earnestly recommended to you in his Majesty's Name than a narrow Enquiry into this Affair by Monsieur Your most humble Servant The other runs thus Iuly 8. 1694. Monsieur IT 's unlucky that hitherto you have not been able to find out what we are to expect from this Change in England In yours of the 13 th of the last Month S. V. you seem to call in question that King's Inclinations to the Common Cause and you surprize us with your Fears that he may come to forget his Obligations to the King With the same Post we receiv'd better News from a sure Hand yet you are to watch as narrowly as if your Fears were well grounded There is a great matter in dependance with relation to the Edict of Nants which must not be declar'd till that King's Inclinations be fully known And yet there is nothing in the world the King desires more eagerly to see done than it if once it might be done safely Receive inclos'd an Answer to every one of your Queries which make use of as occasion offers Only the last is referr'd to your own discretion it depending entirely upon your own knowledge of the Person If he can be brought in it will be a notable piece of Service Much may be known by enquiring exactly how the Prince of Orange stands in the King's Affections and how the Ministers are affected towards him For the Hollanders in general he seem'd on all occasions neither to love nor fear them nothing has fallen out of late to alter his mind On Friday Monsieur Less comes off who is to show you his Dispatches and you are to act in concert with him I am NUMB. XIV Some Passages out of the Duke of Monmouth's Pocket-Book that was seiz'd about him in the West An ORIGINAL L. Came to me at Eleven at Night from 29. Octob. 13. Told me 29 could never be brought to
For my part Iâ—ll run the hazard of being thought any thing rather than a Rash Inconsiderate Man And to tell you my thoughts without disguise I am now so much in love with a Retir'd Life that I 'm never like to be fond of making a Bustle in the World again I have much more to say but the Post cannot stay and I refer the rest till meeting being entirely Yours NUMB. XVI King James the IId's Remarkable Speech to the Parliament after the Duke of Monmouth's Defeat My Lords and Gentlemen AFter the Storm that seem'd to be coming upon us when we parted last I am glad to meet you all again in so great Peace and Quietness God Almighty be praised by whose Blessing that Rebellion was supprest But when I reflect what an Inconsiderable Number of Men began it and how long they carried it on without any opposition I hope every body will be convinc'd That the Militia which hath hitherto been so much depended on is not sufficient for such occasions and that there is nothing but a good Force of well-disciplin'd Troops in constant Pay that can defend us from such as either at home or abroad are dispos'd to disturb us And in truth my Concern for the Peace and Quiet of my Subjects as well as for the Safety of the Government made me think it necessary to increase the Number to the Proportion I have done This I ow'd as well to the Honour as to the Security of the Nation whose Reputation was so infinitely expos'd to all our Neighbours by having lain open to this late wretched Attempt that it is not to be repaired without keeping such a Body of Men on foot that none may ever have the thought again of finding us so miserably unprovided It is for the Support of this great Charge which is now more than double to what it was that I ask your Assistance in giving me a Supply answerable to the Expence it brings along with it And I cannot doubt but what I have begun so much for the Honour and Defence of the Government will be continued by you with all the Chearfulness and Readiness that is requisite for a Work of so great Importance Let no man take exception that there are some Officers in the Army not qualified according to the late Tests for their Employments The Gentlemen I must tell you are most of them well known to me and having formerly serv'd with me in several Occasions and always approv'd the Loyalty of their Principles by their Practice I think them fit now to be employ'd under me And will deal plainly with you That after having had the benefit of their Services in such time of need and danger I will neither expose them to Disgrace nor my self to the want of them if there should be another Rebellion to make them necessary to me I am afraid some men may be so wicked to hope and expect that a difference may happen between you and me upon this Occasion But when you consider what Advantages have arisen to us in a few Months by the good understanding we have hitherto had what wonderful Effects it hath already produced in the Change of the whole Scene of Affairs abroad so much more to the Honour of the Nation and the Figure it ought to make in the World and that nothing can hinder a further Progress in this way to all our satisfactions but Fears and Jealousies amongst our selves I will not apprehend that such a Misfortune can befal us as a Division or but a Coldness between me and you nor that any thing can shake you in your Steadiness and Loyalty to me who by God's Blessing will ever make you all Returns of Kindness and Protection with a Resolution to venture even my own Life in the Defence of the true Interest of this Kingdom NUMB. XVII Some Passages of a Letter from a Foreign Minister to their Ambassador in England upon the occasion of the King's Speech immediately preceding dated November 29. 1685. Done from the ORIGINAL WE are now out of pain about the King's Intentions This last Speech to the Parliament has sufficiently clear'd all our Doubts together with what has writ upon that Subject It 's no more than what I really expected for I had always a better opinion of him than to think he could bear tamely the Fetters which Hereticks would endeavour to impose upon him For the time to come I hope he will act en Maistre Your Conduct there pleases extreamly and above all your last Dispatch about what pass'd at your Audience All you have promis'd shall be made good to a Tittle and it 's hop'd that others will be as zealous to keep their Promises to us The Inclos'd you must deliver but not till you see the Person has deserv'd it for I am more and more persuaded as well as you that we cannot be too much upon the Reserve with him c. NUMB. XVIII The Harangue of the Rector of the Iesuits College at Rome to the Earl of Castlemain upon his Embassy to the Pope IN tanto strepitu Mundi plaudentis gratulantisque Tuo in Vrbem adventui Nouveau Voyage d' Italie p. 259 260. hoc est immortalibus JACOBI II. Magnae Britanniae Regis in Catholicam Ecclesiam meritis Gregorianum hoc Palladis Athenaeum nec debuit tacere nec potuit Quamobrem ego Literariae hujus Vniversitatis nomine primò gratulor INNOCENT XI felicitati quòd Ipso regnante Pontificio accesserit Diademati Augusta haec Triumphalis Corona unde illud cum Apostolo usurpare jure Meritò valeat Gaudium meum Corona mea Hunc laetissimum ferre Mortalibus Diem longissimi aevi spatio distulerunt Superi tùm ut diuturnis Terrarum votis ingentia haec Coeli dona responderent tùm ut simul invenirent regnantem in Anglia Iacobum II. Romae Innocentium XI Gratulor quoque Christiano Orbi necnon Catholicis Regibus quod tanto Dominatore Britannorum Sceptra gerente tam grande advenerit Ipsorum Coronis adversus Christiani nominis hostes munimentum Orthodoxae Fidei ornamentum Imminent quippe ab invictissimi Regis Clâ—ssibus tum Lybicis praedonibus tum Asiae Palestinae Littoribus flammarum procellae magis metuendae quà m Maris At Tibi Oceani Regina Magna Britannia quae à nostro olim Orbe divisa nunc gemini faâ—is commercia Mundi quid non liceat ominari faustitatis sub tanto Principe Erigespes erige vota nec timeas si maxima sed nisi maxima Non libet in die hac faustissima commemâ—rare quà m lugubres passa fueris unius ampliûs saeculi spatio toto Orle Terrarum admirante atque ingemiscente catastrophas Sed si haec una erat via quâ Iacobus II. Britanniae solium ascenderet prope est ut exclamen tanti fuisse Profectò invidebit â—ibi Posteritas non modò praesentium temporum felicitatem sed praeteritorum Calamitates tam grandi mercede redemptas
done into English Twelves Lex Parliamentaria or a Treatise of the Law and Custom of the Parliaments of England By G. P. Esq Octavo Memoirs of Denzil Lord Holles Baron of Ifield in Sussex from the Year 1641 to 1648. Octavo The Compleat Horseman discovering the surest Marks of the Beauty Goodness Faults and Imperfections of Horses The Signs and Causes of their Diseases the true Method both of their Preservation and Cure with Reflections on the regular and preposterous use of Bleeding and Purging Also the Art of Shooing with the several kinds of Shooes adapted to the various Defects of bad Feet and the Preservation of good Together with the best Method of breeding Colts backing them and making their Mouths c. By the Sieur de Solleysell Querry to the present French King for his Great Horses and one of the Royal Academy of Paris To which is added A most excellent Supplement of Riding collected from the best Authors With an Alphabetical Catalogue of all the Physical Simples in English French and Latin by Sir William Hope Deputy-Lieutenant of the Castle of Edinburgh Folio The Gentleman's Jockey and approv'd Farrier instructing in the Natures Causes and Cures of all Diseases incident to Horses With an exact and easy Method of breeding buying dieting and otherwise ordering all sorts of Horses as well for common and ordinary use as the Heats and Course With divers other Curiosities Collected by the long Practice Experience and Pains of I. H. Esq Matthew Hodson Mr. Holled Mr. Willis Mr. Robinson Mr. Holden Thomas Empson Mr. Roper Mr. Medcalfe and Nath. Shaw The Eighth Edition with Additions Octavo The Roman History from the building of the City to the perfect Settlement of the Empire by Augustus Caesar containing the Space of 727 Years design'd as well for the understanding of the Roman Authors as the Roman Affairs The Fourth Edition carefully revis'd and much improv'd By Lawrence Echard A. M. of Christ-College in Cambridge Vol. I. Octavo The Roman History from the Settlement of the Empire by Augustus Caesar to the Removal of the Imperial Seat by Constantine the Great containing the Space of 355 Years Vol. II. For the Use of his Highness the Duke of Glocester The Second Edition By Lawrence Echard A. M. Octavo Politica Sacra Civilis Or a Model of Civil and Ecclesiastical Government wherein besides the Positive Doctrine concerning State and Church in general are debated the principal Controversies of the Times concerning the Constitution of the State and Church of England tending to Righteousness Truth and Peace By George Lawson Rector of More in the County of Salop. The Second Edition Octavo An Account of Denmark as it was in the Year 1692. The Third Edition Octavo An Account of Sueden Together with an Extract History of that Kingdom Octavo Of Wisdom Three Books Written Originally in French by the Sieur de Charron With an Account of the Author Made English by George Stanhope D. D. late Fellow of King's-College in Cambridge From the best Edition Corrected and Enlarged by the Author a little before his Death In Two Volumes Octavo A New Voyage to Italy With curious Observations on several other Countries as Germany Switzerland Savoy Geneva Flanders and Holland Together with useful Instructions for those who shall travel thither Done out of French The Second Edition enlarged above one Third and enriched with several New Figures By Maximilian Misson Gent. In Two Volumes Octavo A Compleat Body of Chirurgical Operations containing the whole Practice of Surgery With Observations and Remarks on each Case Amongst which are inserted the several ways of delivering Women in Natural and Unnatural Labours The whole Illustrated with Copper Plates explaining the several Bandages Sutures and divers useful Instruments By M. de lâ— Vanguion M. D. and Intendant of the Royal Hospitals about Paris Faithfully done into English Octavo A Relation of a Voyage made in the Years 1695 1696 1697 on the Coasts of Africa Streights of Magellan Brazil Cayenna and the Antilles by a Squadron of French Men of War under the Command of M. de Gennes By the Sieur Froger Volunteer-Engineer on Board the English Falcon. Illustrated with divers strange Figures drawn to the Life Octavo Travels into divers parts of Europe and Asia undertaken by the French King's Order to discover a new way by Land into China Containing many curious Remarks in Natural Philosophy Geography Hydrography and History Together with a Description of Great Tartary and of the different People who inhabit there By Father Avril of the Order of the Jesuits Done out of French To which is added a Supplement extracted from Hakluit and Purchas giving an Account of several Journeys over Land from Russia Persia and the Mogul's Country to China Together with the Roads and Distances of the Places Twelves A Compendium of Universal History from the Beginning of the World to the Reign of the Emperor Charles the Great Written Originally in Latin by Monsieur Le Clerc Done into English Octavo A Political Essay or Summary Review of the Kings and Government of England since the Norman Conquest By W. P y Esq. Octavo The Art of preserving and restoring Health explaining the Nature and Causes of the Distempers that afflict Mankind Also shewing that every man is or may be his own best Physician To which is added a Treatise of the most Simple and Effectual Remedies for the Diseases of Men and Women Written in French by M. Flamand M. D. and faithfully translated into English Twelves A Defence of the Thirty Nine Articles of the Church of England Written in Latin by I. Ellis S. T. D. Now done into English To which are added Lambeth Articles Together with the Judgment of Bishop Andrews Dr. Overall and other Eminent and Learned Men upon them Twelves The Present State of Christendom consider'd in Nine Dialogues between 1. The present Pope Alexander VIII and Lewis XIV 2. The Great Duke of Tuscany and the Duke of Savoy 3. King Iames II. and the Mareschal de la Feâ—illade 4. The Duke of Lorrain and the Duke of Schonberg 5. The Duke of Lorrain and the Elector Palatine 6. Lewis XIV and the Marquis of Louvois 7. The Advoyer of Berne and the Chief Syndic of Geneva 8. Cardinal Ottoboni and the Duke de Chaulnes 9. The Young Prince Abafti and Count Teckley Done out of French Octavo Bellamira or the Mistress A Comedy As it is Acted by Their Majesties Servants Written by the Honourable Sir Charles Sedley Baronet
Inclinations of the Prince and Princess of Orange in that matter The Prince and Princess had look'd on with a silent Regret upon all the unlucky Steps that were making in England and were unwilling to publish their Opinion of them since they knew it could not but be displeasing to King Iames. To know their Highnesses mind in the business of the Penal Laws and Test was a thing the most desir'd by the Protestants but there was no possible way to come to this knowledge if King Iames himself had not help'd them to it Mr. Stuart The Prince and Princess of Orange's Opinion about the Penal Laws and Test declar'd in Pensionary Fagell's Letter since Sir Iames Stuart had been pardon'd by King Iames and receiv'd into Favour after a long Banishment He had been acquainted in Holland with the late Pensionary Fagel and persuaded himself of a more than ordinary Friendship with that Wise Minister The King foresaw it was his Interest to find out some one way or other the Prince and Princess's Thoughts of these matters which if they agreed with his own were to be made publick if otherwise were to be conceal'd And Mr. Stuart took that Task upon himself Pensionary Fagel was in a great Post in Holland and in a near Intimacy with the Prince one that was entirely trusted by him and ever firm to his Interest To know the Pensionary's Opinion was thought to be the same with knowing the Prince's since it was to be suppos'd that he would not venture to write of any thing that concern'd England especially such a nice Point as was then in question without the Prince's Approbation at least if not his positive Direction Upon these Considerations and upon a Mistake that Mr. Stuart was in about the Constitution of Holland as if the Roman-Catholicks were not there excluded from Employments and Places of Trust he writ a Letter to Pensionary Fagel It 's needless to give any account of the Letter it self since Fagel's Answer together with what has been already said do give a sufficient Hint of the Design and Scope of it So averse were the Prince and Princess of Orange to meddle and so unwilling to allow Pensionary Fagel to return to this Letter an Answer which they knew would not be pleasing that Mr. Stuart writ by the King's direction five or six more before it was thought fit to answer them But at length their Highnesseâ— were in a manner forc'd to it by the Reports that were industriously spread abroad in England by the Emissaries of the Court as if the Pensionary in an Answer to Mr. Stuart had acquainted him That the Prince and Princess agreed with the King in the Design of taking off the Penal Laws and Test. This was not all for the Marquess de Albeville the English Envoy at the Hague was put upon writing over to several persons That the Prince of Orange had told him the very same thing which Letter of Albeville's was likewise made publick Such Reports were enough to shake the Constancy of all those that design'd to stand firm to the Interest of the Establish'd Church in the ensuing Parliament and to make them give all up for lost To do themselves Justice and to disabuse a Nation they had so near an Interest in Pensionary Fagel was directed by the Prince and Princess to write one Answer to all Mr. Stuart ' s Letters to this purpose That being desir'd by Mr. Stuart to let him know the Prince and Princess of Orange's Thoughts concerning the Repeal of the Penal Laws and more particularly concerning the Test he told him That he would write without Reserve since Mr. Stuart had said in his Letters that they were writ by the King's Knowledge and Allowance That it was the Prince and Princess's Opinion That no Christian ought to be persecuted for his Conscience or be ill us'd because he differs from the Publick and Establish'd Religion And therefore that they can consent That the Papists in England Scotland and Ireland be suffer'd to continue in their Religion with as much Liberty as is allow'd them by the States of Holland in which it cannot be denied but they enjoy a full Liberty of Conscience And as to the Dissenters their Highnesses did not only consent but did heartily approve of their having an entire Liberty for the full Exercise of their Religion And that their Highnesses were ready to concur to the setling and confirming this Liberty and protect and defend it and likewise confirm it with their Guarantee which Mr. Stuart had mention'd And if his Majesty continues the Pensionary desires their Concurrence in Repealing the Penal Laws their Highnesses were ready to give it provided these Laws remain still in their full force by which the Roman-Catholicks are shut out of both Houses of Parliament and out of all Publick Employments Ecclesiastical Civil and Military as likewise those other Laws which confirm the Protestant Religion and which secure it against all the Attempts of the Roman-Catholicks But their Highnesses cannot agree to the Repeal of the Test and those other Penal Laws last mention'd that tend to the Security of the Protestant Religion since the Roman-Catholicks receive no other Prejudices from these than the being excluded from Parliament and Publick Employments More than this adds Pensionary Fagel their Highnesses do think ought not be ask'd or expected and they wondred how any that profess'd themselves Christians and that may enjoy their Religion freely and without disturbance can judge it lawful for them to disturb the Quiet of any Kingdom or State or overturn Constitutions that so they themselves may be admitted to Employments and that these Laws in which the Security and Quiet of the Establish'd Religion consists should be shaken And as to what Mr. Stuart had writ That the Roman-Catholicks in Holland were not shut out from Employments and Places of Trust he tells him He was grosly mistaken The Pensionary concludes That their Highnesses could not concur with his Majesty in these matters for they believ'd they should have much to answer to God for if the consideration of any present Advantage should carry them to consent to things which they believe would not only be dangerous but mischievous to the Protestant Religion Thus far Pensionary Fagel And I would not have dwelt so long upon this Letter of his if it were not for the Noble Scheme of a just Liberty in matters of Conscience that 's therein contain'd Notwithstanding it was still given out at Court and that even after it came to Mr. Stuart's hands That he had writ the quite contrary though it 's but Charity to suppose that Mr. Stuart was a Man of more Honour than to contribute to the Report At last there was a necessity of making publick the Pensionary's Letter in several Languages which had wonderful Influence upon the Minds of the Protestants of England and was highly resented by King Iames. However King Iames had more than one Method in his View how
continue yet so as to pinion him with Two of their own sort that might out-vote him upon occasion The Administration of Justice and the Laws being in such hands it was no wonder that the poor Protestants in Ireland wish'd rather to have had no Laws at all and be left to their Natural Defence than be cheated into the necessity of submitting to Laws that were executed only to punish and not to protect them Under such Judges the Roman-Catholicks had a glorious time and be their Cause never so unjust they were sure to carry it When the Lord Chancellor did not stick on all occasions and sometimes upon the Bench to declare That the Protestants were all Rogues and that among Forty thousand of them there was not one that was not a Traytor a Rebel and a Villain The Supreme Courts being thus fill'd up it was but reasonable all other Courts should keep pace with them In the Year 1687. there was not a Protestant Sheriff in the whole Kingdom except one and he put in by mistake for another of the same Name that was a Roman-Catholick Some few Protestants were continued in the Commission of the Peace but they were render'd useless and insignificant being over-power'd in every thing by the greater Number of Papists join'd in Commission with them and those for the most part of the very Scum of the People and a great many whose Fathers had been executed for Theft Robbery or Murther The Privy-Council of Ireland is a great part of the Constitution and has considerable Privileges and Power annex'd to it This was likewise so modell'd that the Papists made the Majority and those few that were Protestants chose for the most part to decline appearing at the Board since they could do those of their Religion no service The great Barrier of the Peoples Liberties both in England and Ireland being their Right to chuse their own Representatives in Parliament The Regulating the Corporations in Ireland which being once taken away they become Slaves to the Will of their Prince The Protestants in Ireland finding a necessity of securing this Right in their own hands had procur'd many Corporations to be founded and had built many Corporate Towns upon their own Charges from all which the Roman Catholicks were by their Charters excluded This Barrier was broken through at one stroke by dissolving all the Corporations in the Kingdom upon Quo Warranto's brought into the Exchequer Court and that without so much as the least shadow of Law Hereupon New Charters were granted and fillâ—d up chiefly with Papists and men of desperate or no Fortunes And a Clause was inserted in every one of them which subjected them to the Absolute Will of the King by which it was put in the Power of the chief Governor to turn out and put in whom he pleas'd without showing a Reason or any formal Trial at Law The Protestant Clergy felt upon all occasions the weight of Tyrconnel's Wrath. The Severities against the Protestant Clergy The Priests began to declare openly That the Tythes belong'd to them and forbad their people under the pain of Damnation to pay them to the Protestant Incumbents This past afterwards into an Act of Parliament by which not only all Tythes payable by Papists were given to their own Priests but likewise a way was found out to make the Popish Clergy capable of enjoying the Protestants Tythes Which was thus If a Protestant happen'd to be possess'd of a Bishoprick a Dignity or other Living he might not by this new Act demand any Tythes or Ecclesiastical Dues from any Roman-Catholick and as soon as his Preferment became void by Death Cession or Absence a Popish Bishop or Clergy-man was put into his Place And the Act was so express that there needed no more to oblige all men to repute and deem a man to be a Roman-Catholick Bishop or Dean of any place but the King 's signifying him to be so under his Privy Signet or Sign Manual As soon as any one came to be thus entitled to a Bishoprick Deanry or Living immediately all the Tythes as well of Protestants as Papists became due to him with all the Glebes and Ecclesiastical Dues The only great Nursery of Learning in Ireland 〈…〉 is the Vniversity of Dublin consisting of a Provost Seven Senior and Nine Junior Fellows and Seventy Scholars who are partly maintain'd by a Yearly Salary out of the Exchequer This Salary the Earl of Tyrconnel stopt merely for their not admitting into a vacant Fellowship contrary to their Statutes and Oaths a Vicious Ignorant Person who was a New Convert Nor could he be prevail'd with by any Intercession or Intreaty to remove the Stop by which in effect he dissolv'd the Foundation and shut up the Fountain of Learning and Religion This appear'd more plainly afterwards to have been his Design for it was not thought enough upon King Iames's Arrival to take away their Maintenance but they were further prâ—ceeded against and the Vicepresident 〈◊〉 and Scholars all turn'd out their Furniture Library and Commuâ—â—on-Plate seiz'd and every thing that belong'd to the College and to the private Fellows and Scholars taken away All this was done notwithstanding that when they waited upon King Iames at his first Arrival at Dublin he was pleas'd to promise them That he would preserve them in their Liberties and Properties and rather augment than diminish the Privileges and Immunities that had been granted them by his Predecessors In the House they plac'd a Garison and turn'd the Chappel into a Magazine and the Chambers into Prisons for the Protestants One More a Popish Priest was made Provost and one Mackarty also a Priest was made Library-keeper and the whole design'd for them and their Fraternity One Archbishoprick and several Bishopricks and a great many-other Dignities and Livings of the Church were designedly kept vacant and the Revenues first paid into the Exchequer and afterwards dispos'd of to Titular Bishops and Priests while in the mean time the Cures lay neglected so that it appear'd plainly that the Design was to destroy the Succession of Protestant Clergymen At length things came to that height after King Iames was in Ireland that most of the Churches in and about Dublin were seiz'd upon by the Government and at last Lutterell Governor of Dublin issued out his Order Appendix Numb 22. mention'd in the Appendix Forbidding more than Five Protestants to meet together under pain of Death Being ask'd whether this was design'd to hinder meeting in Churches He answer'd It was design'd to hinder their meeting there as well as in other places And accordingly all the Churches were shut up and all Religious Assemblies through the whole Kingdom forbidden under the pain of Death It were endless to enumerate all the Miseries that Reverend Author mentions The Act of Attainder in Ireland which the Protestants of Ireland suffer'd in the Reign of King Iames But to give a decisive Blow there was an Act of
Attainder past in Parliament in order to which evey Member of the House of Commons return'd the Names of all such Protestant Gentlemen as liv'd near them or in the County or Borough for which he serv'd and if he was Stranger to any of them he sent to the Countrey for Information about them When this Bill was presented to the King for his Assent the Speaker of the House of Commons told him That many were attainted in that Act upon such Evidence as satisfied the House and the rest upon common Fame In this Act there were no fewer Attainted than Two Archbishops One Duke Seventeen Earls Seven Countesses Twenty eight Viscounts Two Viscountesses Seven Bishops Eighteen Barons Thirty three Baronets Fifty one Knights Eighty three Clergymen Two thousand one hundred eighty two Esquires and Gentlemen And all of them unheard declar'd and adjudg'd Traytors convicted and attainted of High Treason and adjudg'd to suffer the pains of Death and Forfeiture The famous Proscription of Rome during the last Triumvirate came not up in some respects to the Horror of this for there were condemn'd in this little Kingdom more than double the Number that were proscrib'd through the vast Bounds of the Roman Empire And to make this of Ireland yet the more terrible and to put the Persons Attainted out of a possibility of escaping the Act it self was conceal'd and no Protestant allow'd a Copy of it till Four Months after it was past Whereas in that of Rome the Names of the Persons proscrib'd were affix'd upon all the Publick Places of the City the very day the Proscription was concerted and thereby opportunity was given to many of the Noblest Families in Rome to preserve themselves by a speedy flight for better Times There remain'd but one Kingdom more for the Romish Party to act their Designs in and that was Scotland where they reap'd a full Harvest of their Hopes and there were scarce left the least Remains of Ancient Liberty in that Nation Their Miseries were summ'd up in one new-coin'd Word which was us'd in all the King's Declarations and serv'd to express to the full their Absolute Slavery which was this That his Subjects were oblig'd to obey him without Reserve A Word that the Princes of the East how Absolute soever they be did never yet pretend to in their Stile whatever they might in their Actions But I leave the Detail of the Encroachments that were made upon the Laws and Liberties of that Kingdom to others that may be thought more impartial as having suffer'd less in their Ruins While King Iames was thus push'd on by a headstrong Party The Interest that Foreign Princes and States had in England to enslave his Subjects the other Princes and States of Europe look'd on with quite different Sentiments according as their own Interests and Safety mov'd them The greater part did commiserate the Fate of these Three Kingdoms and wish'd for their Deliverance The Protestants saw with Regret that they themselves were within an immediate Prospect of losing the most considerable Support of their Religion and both they and the Roman-Catholicks were equally convinc'd that it was their common Interest to have England continue in a condition to be the Arbiter of Christendom especially at a time when they saw they most needed it On the other hand it was the Interest of another Prince that not only the King of England should be his Friend but the Kingdom of England should become inconsiderable abroad which it could not fail to be when enslav'd at home King Iames had been again and again sollicited not only by Protestant Princes but those of his own Religion to enter into other Measures for the common Safety of Europe at least not to contribute to its Ruin by espousing an Interest which they judg'd was opposite to it The Emperor among others had by his Ambassador made repeated Instances to him to this purpose but with no better Success than the rest as appears by a Letter he writ to him after his Abdication The Emperor's Letter to K. Iames in Latin printed at London 1689. which has been Printed in several Languages and was conceiv'd in Elegant Latin as all the Publick Dispatches of that Court are But all these Remonstrances had no weight with King Iames though they had this good effect in the end as to put those Princes and States upon such Measures as secur'd to them the Friendship of England in another way The Power of France was by this time become the Terror and Envy of the rest of Europe and that Crown had upon all sides extended its Conquests The Empire Spain and Holland seem'd to enjoy a precarious Peace while the common Enemy of the Christian Name was making War with the Emperor and the State of Venice and was once very near being Master of the Imperial Seat whereby he might have carried the War into the Bowels of Germany The main Strength of the Empire being turn'd against the Turks and that with various Success there was another War declar'd against the Emperor by France so that it came to be absolutely necessary for Spain and Holland to interpose not as Mediators for that they were not to hope for but as Allies and Partners in the War These last as well as the other Princes and States that lay nearest the Rhine were expos'd to the Mercy of a Prince whom they were not able to resist if England should look on as Neuters or take part against them the last of which they had reason to fear Thus it happen'd that the Fortune of England and that of the greatest part of Christendom came to be link'd together and their common Liberties must of necessity have undergone one and the same Fate The latter from a Natural Principle of Self-Preservation were resolv'd to make their last Effort to break the Fetters which they saw were ready to be impos'd upon them And the other animated by the Example of their Ancestors and the Constitution of their Countrey which is diametrically opposite to Tyranny were resolv'd to venture All to retrieve themselves and their Posterity from the Chains that were already put upon them Both the one and the others might have struggled in vain to this day with the Ruin that threaten'd them The Interest the Prince of Orange had in England if Heaven in pity to their Condition had not provided in the Person of the Prince of Orange the only Sanctuary that was left them to shelter their sinking State This Prince by his Mother was a Nephew of England and in Right of the Princess his Wife the Presumptive Heir of the Crown By his Father's side he was Heir of an Illustrious Family that had eterniz'd their Name by delivering their Countrey from Slavery and laying the Foundation of a mighty Commonwealth which has since prov'd the greatest Bulwark of the Protestant Religion and the chief Support of the Liberty of Christendom A Family born for the good of Mankind to
may be heard as our great Patroness against that Haman whose Pride and Ambition of being honoured as his Master may have hitherto kept us in Slavery And though we wish none the fate of so dreadful an Example but rather a timely Penitence and Conversion we yet humbly crave your Majesty's Protection against all such if it may consist with your Royal Wisdom and Pleasure to which we with all humility submit in the establishing of the said Earl of Tyrconnel in such Authority here as may secure us in the Exercise of our Function to the Honour of God and offering up our Prayers and Sacrifice for the continuation of your Majesty's long and prosperous Reign over us Dublin the of July 1685. Your Majesty's most Dutiful and Obedient Subjects NUMB. XXII Colonel Luttrel's Order State of Ireland c. p. 430 431. forbidding above Five Protestants meeting any where c. By the Governor of Dublin June 18. 1690. WHereas several Disaffected Persons of the Protestant Religion are of late come to this City of Dublin and some of them Arm'd with Swords Pistols and other Weapons contrary to his Majesties express Commands by his Royal Proclamation bearing Date the 20 th day of Iuly 1689. I. These are therefore to Will and Require all Men whatsoever of the Protestant Religion now residing or being within the said City of Dublin or within the Liberties of St. Sepulchre Donnor or Thomas Court who are not House-keepers or have not followed some lawful Vocation therein these Three Months past to depart within Twenty four Hours after the Publication hereof out of the said City and Liberties and repair to their respective Habitations or usual places of Abode in the Country upon pain of Death or Imprisonment and to be farther proceeded against as Contemners of his Majesties Royal Commands and as Persons designing the Disturbance of the Publick Peace II. And likewise That all Protestants within the said City and Liberties not being of his Majesties most Honourable Privy Council nor in his Army or actual Service shall within the time aforesaid deliver up all their Arms both Offensive and Defensive aud all their Ammunition into his Majesties Stores in the said City upon pain of Death III. And that no Protestant whatsoever do presume at his peril to walk or go in the Streets from Ten of the Clock at Night till Five in the Morning nor at any time when there is an Alarum In which case all such Persons are required for their Safety and for the Security of the Publick to keep within Doors till such an Alarum is over IV. â—nd Lastly For the prevention of Riotâ— and unâ—awful Assemblies These are therefore to Will and Require all the said Protestants that no greater number of them than Five shall Meet and Converse at any time either in any House within the said City or Liberties over and above the Family of the House or in the Streets and Fields in or about the same or elsewhere Hereby declaring That all Persons who shall offend against any Clause in this present Order shall suffer Death or such other Punishment as a Court-Martial shall think fit NUMB. XXIII The French King's Declaration Memoirs pour servir a l' Histoire de la Paiâ— de Ryswick par Du Mont. Tom. 2 p. 66 67. publish'd at his Camp at Arnheim to oblige the Hollanders to surrender their Country to him Anno 1672. De par le Roy. SA Majesté considerant combien il a plû à Dieu de benir ses justes desseins faire prosperer les enterprises qu'il a faites depuis son arrivée à la Campagne Et voulant traiter avec la derniere douceur les Peuples des Provinces où elle pourra étendre ses Victoires afin de leur faire scavoir ce qu'ils auront à faire pour se rendre dignes de ses bontez sa Majesté a fait déclarer déclare par la presente que tous les Habitans des Villes de Hollande qui se rendront volontairement à son obéïssance recevront les Troupes qu'elle trouvera bon de leur envoyer pour leur sûreté pour leur défense seront non seulement traitez aussi favorablement qu'ils pourtroient desirer mais aussi seront maintenus dans tous leurs Privileges Franchises auront toute liberté de conscience avec le libre exercice de leur Religion Mais au contraire que ceux quine se vou dront pas soûmettre de quelque qualité ou condition qu'ils soient tâcheront de resister aux forces de sa Majesté par l'inondation de leurs Digues ou autrement seront punis de la derniere rigueur Et cependant on exercera toutes sortes d' hostilitez contre tous ceux qui voudront s'opposer aux desseins de sa Majesté lors que les glaces ouvriront le passage de tous côtez sa Majesté ne donnera aucun Quartier aux Habitans des Villes mais donnera ordre que leurs biens soient pillez leurs maisons brûlées Fait à l' Armée devant Aernhem ce 24 Iuin 1672. Signé LOUIS Et plus bas Le Tellier The Declaration HIS Majesty considering how it has pleas'd God to bless his just Designs and prosper his Vndertakings since his Arrival in the Army and it being his Intention to treat the People over whom he shall extend his Victories with the highest Clemency to the intent therefore that they may deserve his great Goodness his Majesty has caused to be declared and does by these presents declare That all the Inhabitants of the Cities of Holland who shall voluntarily submit to him and receive the Troops he shall send for their Security and Defence shall be treâ—ted as favourably as they can desire and shall be maintained in all their Privileges and Immunities and have Liberty of Conscience and the Free Exercise of their Religion On the contrary All of whatever Quality and Condition who shall refuse to comply with these Offers and shall resist his Majesty's Forces either by the Inundation of their Diâ—â—es or otherwise shall be punished with the utmost Rigor At present all â—â—stilities shall be used against those who oppose his Majesty's Designs and when the Ice shall open a Passage on all sides his Majesty will not give any Quarter to the Inhabitants of such Cities but give Order that their Goods be plunder'd and their Houses burnt Given at the Camp before Arnheim this 24th of Iune 1672. Sign'd LOUIS And underneath La Tellier FINIS Books Printed for and Sold by Tim. Goodwin THE History of the Revolution in Portugal in the Year 1640 or an Account of their Revolt from Spain and setting the Crown on the Head of Don Iohn of Braganza Father to Don Pedro the present King and Katherine Queen Dowager of England Written in French by the Excellent Pen of the Abbot Vertat Author of the History of the Revolutions in Sueden and