Nolentes ipsum Abbatem indebirè sic vexari concessimus pro nobis et haeredibus nostris quod idem Abbas et successores sui de veniendo ad Parliamenta et Consilia nostra vel haeredum nostrorum de caetero quieti sint exonerati imperpetuum Ita semper quod dictus Abbas succeâ—â—ores sui in Procuratores ad hujusmodi Parliamenta Consilia per Clerum mittendos consentiant ut moris est expensis contribuant eorundem In cujus c. Teste Rege apud West monasterium XV. die Februar Per petitionem de Parliamento After which Patent and entry this Abbot being summoned again in the lists of 27. 29 E. 3. upon complaint thereof there was this Memorandum made in the Clause Roll of 29 E. 3. Cancellaâ—ur Abbas Leycestriae quia habâ—â— Cartam Regis quod Non Compellatur vâ—nirâ— ad Parliamâ—ntum The Abbot of Tavistock was summoned to 5 Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils under H. 3. Ed. 1. and Ed. 3. the last whereof was in 23 E. 3. but never after yet King Henry the 8. in the 5. year of his reign created Richard Banham Abbot of Tavistocke and his successors to be one of the Spiritual and Religious Lords of the Parliament of himself his heirs and successors yet withall pardoned their absence at any time from Parliament by reason of their great distance from it paying only the fine of 5. marks for every time they should be personally absent into the Kings Exchequer as this Patent manifests Henricus c. Sciatis quod certis considerationibuâ— nos specialitè◠moventibus oâ— specialem devotionem quam ad Beatam Virginem Mariam matrem Christi sanctumque Rumonum in quorum Honore Abbatia de Tavistocke quae de fundatione nobilium progenitorum nostroum quondam Regum Angliae nostro patronatu dedicata existir gerimus et habemus hinc est quod de gratia nostra speciali ac ex certa scientia mero motu nostris volumus candem Abbatiam sive Monasterium nostrum gaudere honore priuilegio ac liberratibus spiritualium Dominorum Parliamenti nostri Haeredum successorum nostrorum Ideo concessimus per praesentes concedimus pro nobis haeredibus successoribus nostris quantum in nobis est dilecto nobis in Christo Richardo Banhaâ— Abbati de Tavistocke praedicto successoribus suis ut eorum quilibet qui pro tempore ibidem fuerit Abbas sit et erit unus de spiritualibus Religiosis Dominis Parliamenti nostri Haeredum successorum nostrorum gaudendo honore privilegio ac libertatibus ejusdem Et insuper de uberiori gratia nostra aâ—â—â—ctando utilitatem dicti nostri Monasterii considerando ejus distantiam Ita quod si contingat aliquem Abbatem qui pro tempore fuerit fore vel esse absentem propter praedicti Monasterii utilitatem in non veniendo ad Parliamentum praedictum Haeredum vel successorum nostrum quam quidem absentiam eidem Abbati perdonamus per praesentes Ita tamen quod tune solveâ— pro hujusmodi abâ—entia cujuslibet Parliamenti integri in nostro Scaccario suum per Attornatum quinque Marcas nobis haeredibus sive succeâ—â—oribus nostris totiens quotiens hoâ— infuturum contigerit In cujus c. Teste c. Vicesimo terâ—io die Ianuarii c. Sir Edward Cooke in his 4. Institutes p. 45. affirms this Patent to be void in Law but upon such a poor reason as will made all Temporal Lords Barons Earles and Dukes Patents likewise void if they hold not by Barony and I conceive it to be good in Law upon consideration of the premises that our Kings did at their pleasure without any special Patents of Creation summon what Abbots and Priors they thought meet to their Parliaments and omitted discharged them at their pleasures as the premises plentifully manifest beyond contradiction 5. It is most demonstratively and experimentally evident by this Table That the Kings bare writs of summons of Abbots Priors Masters of Religious Orders Deans and other Clergymen not holding by Barony and their sitting in Parliaments and Great Councils and debating consulting advising with the King and the rest of the Abbots Priors Bishops Earls Lords and Barons of the Realm in Parliament according to the tenor of the writs of Summons issued to them all in the self-same form did neither really or actually ennoble either them nor their successors for then by Sir Edward Cooks own doctrine they ought ex debito justitiae to have been summoned constantly during life and their Successors after them when they had been called by writ actually sate in one two much more if in three or four Parliaments when most of them who were summoned sate only in 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 or 8. Parliaments and no more and neither they nor their Successors were ever after summoned yea some of â—hem after above 20 30 40 50 and 60. summons to and Sessions in Parliaments under several Kings have been afterwards discharged or left out of the writs of Summons as no Barons nor Peers of the Realm because they held not by Barony of the King Therefore their writs of Summons and Session did only make them but momentany and quasi temporary Peers or Spiritual Lords pro hac vice only when and whiles they were summoned to and sate in any particular Parliament or great Coâ—ncil amongst the rest of the Prelates and Lords not after they were dissolved when both their temporaâ—ie Peâ—â—â—ge and Lordships if their writâ— and Sessionâ— made them Lords or Peerâ— pro tempore expired with the Parliaments And by the self-same ground reason the Kings summons of any Knights Esquires or other Laymen to Parliament by a general wriâ—â— who held not by Barony without any special Clause creating them Barons by writs or Parents and their actual sitting in Parliament can neither ennoble themselves nor make them Lords Barons or Peers of the Realm for life much lesse their heirs males in fee or for perpetâ—ity after their deceases but onely make them quasi Peers or Great men or rather Assistants to and joynt Coâ—nsellors with the Lords in Parliament pro tempore so long as the Parliaments to which they are summoned and in which they sit continue but no longer as I have elsewherâ— proved and shall further demonstratively evidence in the next Section against Sir Edward Cookes and others mistakes therein 8. That our Kings by their Prerogative and royall Authority alone did upon all extraordinary occasions summon what Abbots Priors Religious and Ecclesiastical persons they thought meet in the self same manner and by the self same forms of writs as they summoned the Bishops Abbots Peers and other Lords who were actual Peers and Barons of the Realm in greater or smaller numbers as they and their Council thought meeâ—est who sate consulted advised in Parliament together with the King and the rest of the Lords which royal Prerogative and Jurisdiction was never questioned
of law or right either Peers Lords or Barons of the Realm for life or inheritance nor give them much lesse their issues after them a right of summons to or voice amongst those who are reall Peers and Lords by Tenure Creation or Descent in all succeeding Parliaments but only a temporary right to treat and advise with the King and other Lords in those Parliaments and Councills to which they are particularly summoned and not in any others as it did in the cases of Abbots Priors and other ecclesiastical persons thus summoned to and sitting now and then in the Lords House but holding no Lands by Barony whose general Writs of summons to and session in Parliaments and Councils made neither themselves during their lives nor their successors after them actuall Peers or Barons of the Realm as Sr Ed Cook others acknowleg and I have elsewhere proved there being the self same reason and by consequence the self same Law in both cases Else our Kings by Sir Edwards own doctrin had been and should be bound Ex debito Iustitiae to summon every one of those Knights and Laymen once summoned to and sitting in any of their Parliaments and Great Councils by vertue of their general Writs without any other creation during their natural lives and their beires males being of full age after their deaths to all succeeding Parliaments and Councils and ought not to have omitted them out of the lists of summons at their pleasures and their posterities after them in all succeeding Parliaments as we experimentally find they did without the least question claim or complaint made by them or their heirs for ought I find in Records or Histories Whereas not only the Earles and Barons in the Parliamentary Great Council at London under King Henry the 3. Ann. 1255. refused to grant any aid or act any thing therein because All the Barons were not at that time summoned to Parliament as they ought to be by the tenour of Magna Charta but even other succeeding Parliaments have done the like And in the Parliament of 2. Caroli An. 1626. the Earle of Bristoll being a Peer of this Realme and not receiving a summons to Parliament according to the Priviledge of his Peerage thereupon compiained thereof to the Lords House who referring the buisnesse to their Committee of Priviledges Vpon the Earl of Hertfords report from the Committee The Lords resolved it necessary for them to beseech his Majesty that a Writ of Summons might be sent to this Earl and also TO SUCH OTHER LORDS WHOSE WRITS ARE STOPPED except such as are made uncapable BY JUDGMENT OF PARLIAMENT or some other legal judgment Whereupon writs were issued to them It being a great intrenchment upon the Liberty Priviledges and Safety of the Peers of the Land and of dangerous consequence for the King at his pleasure to omit any of them out of the Writs of summons keep back their Writs or restrain them from the Parliament after their receit as they then resolved in his case and the Earl of Arundels likewise the same Parliament 5. From this Table we may discern the observation of learned Sir Heâ—ry Spelman in his Glossary touching the summons of the Greater English Barons to Parliaments to be in a great measure justifiable Denuo autem crebra bella simultates quas Reges veteres aliquando habuere cum his ipsis MAIORIBVS SVIS BARONIBVS alios etiam eorum interdum omitterent alios vero NON BARONES ad Parliamenta evocarent habitique sunt deinceps PERPETVO OMISSI PRO NON BARONIBVS evocati contra BARONVM Titulo salutantur Aegrè hoc ferentes Proceres Johannem adigere sub magno sigillo Angliae pacisci Vt Archiepiscopos Episcopos Abbates MAJORES BARONES REGNI sigillatim per literas sommoniri faceret Quod autem adeo neglexit Henricus 3. Vt cum ipsemet Anno Regni sui 41. ducentas quinquaginta Baronias in Anglia Numerasset vocaretque ad Parliamentum Anâ—o 49. regni sui 120. Praelatos Ecclesiae Laicos tantum Barones 29. accersivit the rest were newly slain in the Battle of Evesham or in actual rebellion which was the true cause hereof ut â—è Schedis constat ejusdem Parliamenti Neglexit utique Edovardus I. multos quos vocassâ—t Hen. 3. etiam silios plures quorum ipse partes 1 admisissit aliis interim introductis Sic antiqua illa Baronum dignitas secessit sensim in titularem arbitrariam REGIOQUE TANDEM DIPLOMATE IDâ—IRCO DISPENSATA EST to wit by his speciall Patents of creation with particular Clauses granting them and their heires Males ut eorum quilibet Sedem et Locum in Parliamentis Nostris et Hâ—redum et Successorum Nostrorum infra Regnum nostrum Angliae tenendis inter ALIOS BARONES VT BARO c. not by any generall Writs of Summons which have not the word BARO in them 6. That although some of our ancienter Kings as Henry the third to settle Peace after the battle of Lewes and Barons Wars Claus. 49. H. 3. d. 10. 11. Cedula King Edward the 1. and 2. in some of their Parliaments and King Edward the 3d. in his Great Councill cl 32. E. 3. d. 1 4. did upon extraordinary Occasions and Necessities summon not only sundry Abbots Priors and Ecclesiasticall Persons but likewise divers Laymen of Great estates Wisdome Parts and abilities who were no Peers Lords nor Barons of the Realme by Tenure Patent or Descent by the self same form of generall Writs as they summoned the Bishops Abbotis Spiritual and Temporal Lords who were reall Peers and Barons of the Realme Vobiscum c. Nobiscum cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus super dictis negotiis â—ractaturi Vestrumque Consilium impensuri c. and that only once twice thrice or perchance oftener never summoning them nor their heires or successors afterwards or very rarely so it is observable 1. That they did it very seldome upon extraordinary emergent necessities not customarily or frequently 2ly That they did it not out of any affront or opposition to the antient Hereditary reall spiritual or temporal Lords Peers and Barons of the Realm to seclude overvote baffle disparage all or any of them but by their advise consents and approbation as the Writs Rolls attest 3ly That their numbers usually except in 49 H. 3. when most of the Barons were slain at Evesham or in actual armes against the King or when some extraordinary aid advise or assistance was required of them were not very great nor considerable the antient spiritual and temporal Lords and Barons being usually double treble quadruple to them and for the most part six or ten to one as you may easily discerne by comparing their names in every list of summons 4ly That there are very few Presidents under King Edward the 3. of anâ— conâ—iderable numbers of such spiritual or temporal persons called to his Parliaments but only to
one general Councill in 32 E. 3. d. 14. 5ly That after King Edward the 3d. his reigne there is not one president of any Archbishop Bishop Abbot Prior or religious persons summoned to any Parliament to my remembrance but only of those who held by Barony and were constantly summoned as Spiritual Peers to all our Parliaments And very few Presidents if any of a Knight Gentleman or other Layman whatsoever summoned by any general Writs to the Lords House to treat and consult together with them unlesse they were ancient Earles Lords or Barons of the Realm or newly created such by special Patents before their summons or by special clauses of creation in the Wriâ—s by which they were summoned as all the lists of summons in the Clause Rolls the precedent Table the Statutes of 5 R. 2. Stat. 2. c. 4. 31 H. 8. c 10. and Mr. Martyns Catalogue of them at the end of his History clearly manifest 6ly That in my best observation there is no president from 49 H. 3. till the last Parliament of King Charles nor in any age before where any of the ancient Nobility Peers Lords or Barons of the Realme at least any considerable number of them unlesse such who were actually outlawed or attainted of High Treason or absent in forreign parts or in actual service in the Wars or under age were omitted out of the Writs of summous or secluded from sitting in the Lords House in any Parliament by force or frand unless by Morâ—imer in the Parliament at Salisbury An. 2. E. 3. and in 21 R. 2. nor of others who were no real Lords Peers by Patent Tenure or other legal creation summoned to the Lords House out of England much lesse out of Scotland and Ireland to supplant them or supply their places under any name notion or pretext whatsoever Neither were they or any of them secluded disinherited of their seats Votes Peerage in Parliament without or before the least legal hearing trial impeachment or conviction whatsoever of any capital crime which might forâ—eit their Peerage against all the Great Charters Statutes Records Declarations Orders Ordinances Votes Protestations Oathts Covenants mentioned in my Plea for the Lords and House of Peers which ratifie and perpetuate this their Birthright to them and their Posterities and the very law of all Nations 6ly It is very observable that both Houses of Parliament in their Propositions sent to King Charles at their last Treaty with him in the Isle of Weight to prevent the creation and introduction of any New Lords into future Parliaments to the prejudice seclusion or overvoting of the Ancient Nobility or Commons house did amongst other things propound That BY ACT OF PARLIAMENT all LORDS and PEERS made by the King since Edward Lord Littleton deserted the Parliament and carried away the Great Seal the 21. of May 1642. should be unlorded unpeered set by and their Titles of Honour Patents revoked declared null and void to all intents and never hereafter put in use And that NO PEER WHICH SHOULD BE HEREAFTER MADE BY THE KING HIS HEIRES OR SUCCESSORS who have onely and solely a just legal power to create them and none else as they hereby declare SHALL SIT IN THE PARLIAMENT OF ENGLAND WITHOUT CONSENT OF BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT Which the King then fully and freely consented to without any limitation or exception whatsoever Since which Proposition of both Houses and concession by the King how any person or persons who assented to or approved thereof in any kind as reasonable or beneficial to the publick without any special Patent or creation from the King his heires or successors and without the consent of the House of Lords and ancient Peers of the Realme the only proper members of Iudges in it of the Commons House yea against both their consents and approbations can justly by any other authority Patent Writ or instrument whatsoever assume unto themselves the Titles of Lords or Barons of the Realme or of the Lords House it self to the disseasing disinheriting suppressing of the ancient undoubted Peers and House of Lords Or how any who have Voted down declared against and abolished the Lords and Lords House in sundry printed Papers as Uselesse Dangerous Inconvenient Oppressive to the People obstructive to the Proceedings in Parliament and the like and afterwards by several Votes and printed New Knacks took and subscribed themselves and prescribed to all others under severest penalties a publick Engagement To be â—rue and faithfull to the Commonwealth of England as it was then established as they thought by themselves though the event soon after proved the contrary Without a King or House of Lords can or dare become this very Selfsame Vselesse dangerous oppressive obstructive grievance c. themselves and against their own Votes Declarations Acts Subscriptions Engagements stile or assert themselves to be either real Lords or an House of Lords without the greatest Praevarication Contradiction to and Apostacy from their own former Principles or how they can ever probably expect that either the ancient Lords or Commons of England should submit unto them as such let their own judgments consciences and reasons resolve them The rather because divers of the Earles Nobles made by King Stephen were stiled yea deposed as meer Imaginary false Earles and Lords Quosdam Imaginarios et Pseudo-Comites and both their Titles and Crown lands given them by Stephen though King de facto resumed by King Henry the 2. right heir to the crown because Stephen was an Usurper Chartae Invasoris praejudicium legitimo Principi minime facere deberent as the Chronicle of Normandy the Book of the Abby of Waverly Mr. Selden out of them Gulielmus Neubrigensis and Chronicle of Bromton Col. 1046. inform us Whose President may justly deterre them from any unjust disseisin of the ancient Lords and setting themselves in their Places And thus much for my Observations on and from the Writs in this second Section SECTION 3. Of Writs of Summons to the Kings Counsil and other Ordinary Assistants to the Lords in Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils with annotations on them THe next Writs of Summons after those to the Spiritual and Temporal Lords entred in the antient Clause Rolls are those to the Kings Counsil different only in one or two Clauses from the former in which else they usually accorded These persons commonly summoned to Parliaments as the Kings Counsil by distinct writs from the Lords as ordinary Assistants both to the King and them in all causes controversies Questions of Moment were mostly the Kings Great Officers as well Clergymen as Secular persons who were no Lords nor Barons of the Realm as namely his Treasurer Chancellor of the Eschequer Judges of his Courts at Westminster Justices in Eyre Iustices assignes Barons of his Eschequer Clerks Secretaries of his Counsil and sometimes his Serjeants at Law with such other Officers and Persons whom our Kings thought meâ—â—o summon The
since that actually done to the secluding of sundry Members of their own new-model'd Parliaments for refusing to take new illegal Oaths and Engagements repugnant to their old ones of Supremacy and Allegiance if not the very third Article of the late Petition and Advice viz. That the ancient and undoubted Liberties and Priviledges of Parliament which are the Birth-right and Inheritance of the people and wherein every man it interessed bee preserved and maintained and that you will not break nor interrupt the same nor suffer them to be broken or interrupted And particularly that those persons who are legally chosen by a free Election of the people to serve in Parliament may not be secluded from sitting in Parliament to do their duties but by judgement and assent of that House whereof they are Members Therefore not by any armed Guards without any hearing or judgement whatsoever Which had some of those Army-Officers and Swordmen well considered who assented to this Article and Petition they would never have forcibly secluded secured imprisoned my self and sundry other Members of the late Parliament onely for the faithful discharge of our Oaths Duties without yea against the judgement of the House whereof they were Members which God in judgement hath repaid on some of them since that with a suitable Retaliation Seclusion Restraint by some of their own confederates in that unrighteous Anti-parliamentary action 4 That there is no one President exstant in our Histories or Records in former Ages nor from 49. Henry 3. till the end of King Charles his Reign of any Writs issued to Sheriffs or other Officers in Ireland or Scotland though subordinate and subject to our English Kings and Parliaments for electing Knights Citizens Burgesses or Commissioners to sit or vote as Members of the Commons-house in any Parliaments or great Councils of England nor yet for any Knights Citizens Burgesses out of Gersy Gernsey Alderny Serke Man Silly or other Islands belonging to England Yea the Principality of Wales it self though ever subjected and united to England as part thereof never sent any Knights Citizens or Burgesses to the Parliaments of England as Members thereof till enabled by special Acts of Parliament Anno 27. H. 8. c. 26. 35. H. 8. c. 11. Nor yet the County Palatine of Chester though a part and member of England till specially enabled by the Statute of 34. H. 8. c. 13. neither did much less then can or ought any Counties Cities Burroughs in Scotland or Ireland to claim or pretend the least colour of Right Law or Reason to send any Knights Citizens Burgesses or Peers to sit or vote in the Parliaments of England neither ought any such if elected returned to be of right admitted into our English Parliaments 1. Because they never enjoyed this priviledge heretofore in any Age nor pretended to it 2. Because they are very remote from the places where our English Parliaments are held and it will not be onely extraordinarily troublesome expensive vexatious inconvenient for them when elected to resort so far to our English Parliaments but dangerous especially to cross the Seas out of Ireland in the Winter season and mischievous Thirdly Because if any of them be unduly elected returned as is most probable the most of them will be so it must necessarily put them to intollerable expences trouble vexation and almost an impossibility to examine determine the legality or illegality of such Elections and returns from Scotland and Ireland The Parliaments being likely to be determined or adjourned before the Sheriffs and other Officers who unduly returned them can be summoned and witnesses produced thence to prove the abuses or injustice of such Elections so that any persons thence returned by those in power though never elected or very unduly through favour power or corruption of Officers shall sit and vote as Members whilst those who were duly chosen and entrusted by the people shall be secluded and left without relief 4 Because Scotland and Ireland though united to England alwaies were and yet are distinct Realms and Republicks never incorporated into England or its Parliament as natural proper Members thereof they all having by their own Fundamental Laws Statutes Customes Rights Priviledges their peculiar proper Parliaments Peers Knights Citizens Burgesses Courts Iudicatures Councils and Iudges distinct divided from and not intercommoning with one another The Peers Lords Knights Citizens Burgesses of England having no place voice nor right of Session in the Parliaments of Scotland or Ireland though in many things subordinate to the Parliaments of England and subject to Acts of Parliament made in them and the Lords Peers Citizens Burgesses of the Parliaments of Scotland and Ireland being no Lords Peers Knights Citizens or Burgesses at all in England or its Parliaments being distinct from theirs and summoned unto their own Parliament onely as I shall hereafter manifest in its due place This is evident not onely by the distinct printed Laws and Statutes of England Scotland and Ireland and those Historians who have written of them especially Holinshed Bucanaâ— and Mr. Cambden but likewise by Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour p. 2. c. 5 6 7 Cooks 4 Institutes ch 1. 75 76. Cooks 7 Reports Calvins case The Statute of 1 Iacobi ch 1 2 3. Iacobi c. 3 4. Iacobi ch 1. 7. Iacobi ch 1. which fully confirm and establish the distinct Parliaments Rights Laws Liberties Customes Iurisdictions Iudicatures of the Realmâ— of England and Scotland 5. Because the calling and admission of Scotish Knights Citizens Burgesses or Peers unto the Parliaments of England and giving them a voice and Legislative power therein both in Relation to England Scotland and Ireland though united under one King and Soveraign Lord is diametrically contrary First to all these recited Acts and the Propositions proceedings mentioned in them referred to the consideration and determination of the Parliaments of both Realms as separate and distinct from each other and not incorporated into one body Realm or Parliament whose peculiar distinct Rights Jurisdictions Powers Parliaments are since that in precise terms confirmed and perpetuated without any union or incorporation into one undivided body politique Secondly Because it is expresly contradictory to the late Act of 17. Caroli passed ratified in and by the Parliaments of both Kingdome for the confirmation of the Treaty of Pacification between the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland Wherein the Commissioners deputed by the Parliament of Scotland to treat with the Commissioners appointed by the King and Parliament of England for the saving of the Rights of Scotland that the English might not claim any joynt right or interest with the Scots in the things that concerned their Parliaments or Kingdome in their papers of the 7. of August 1641. did declare and make known that although they were fully assured that the Kingdome and Parliament of England was for the present far from any thought of usurpation over the Kingdome and Parliament of Scotland or their Laws and Liberties
regne du Roy Henry Sisme pâ—is le conquest primerement unâ— Commission du Roy fait desoutz son grande Seal directâ—z al Honorable puissent Prince Humphry Duc de Glocestre son-Uncle per la quell le Roy avâ—iâ— done poiar a mesme son Uncle a tenit le dit Parlement en le nom du Roy folonâ— laffect la contenuz de mesme la Commission en la preseucâ— de'l dit Duc seant en la Chambre de peinte deinz In Palayes de Westm. anxy de les Seignieurs espuelz temperelz les Chivalers des Countees des Citeins Burgeois del Roialme Deingleterre pur toute lay Comme de mesme la Rolalmâ— au dit Parlement tenuzilleoqes alors esteantz â—uit overtement le eâ—z dont le tenure-cy ensuyt Heâ—ritus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae Dominus Hiberniae omnibus ad quos praesentes litetrae pervenerint salutem Sciatis quod cum de avisamento Concilii nostri pro quibusdam arduis urgentibus negociis nos statum defensionem Regni nostri Angliae ac Ecclesiae Anglicanae contingentibus quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. Die Lunae prox ante sestum Sti. Martini prox futur teneri ordinavimus Et quia vero propter certas causas ad Parliamentum Praedictum personaliter non poterimus interesse Nos de circumspectione industria carissimi Avuncuâ—i nostri Humfredi Ducâ—s Gloucestr plenam fiduciam reportantes eidem Avunculo nostro ad Parliamentum praedict nomine nostro iâ—choand in eo procedend ad facienda omnia singula quae pro Nobis per Nos pro bono regimiâ—e gubernatione Râ—gni nostripraedicti ac aliorum Uominiorum nostrorum eidens Regno nestro pertinentâ—um ibâ—dem suerint faciend Nec non ad Parliamentum illud â—â—â—iendum dissolvendum de assensu Concilii nostri plenam tenore praesentium committimus potestaâ—eâ—s Dante 's ultâ—râ—us de assensu ejusdem Concilii nostri tam universis singulis Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Dusibus Comitibus Baronibus Militibus quam omnibus aliis quorum interest ad Parliamentum nostrum praedictâ— conventuris similiter tenore prâ—sentum in mundatis quod eideâ—â— Avâ—â—culo nostrâ— intendantâ—â—â— praemissiâ—â—â— forma supraâ— dictâ— In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes T. mâ—ipsa apud Westm. 6 dis Novembris Anno Regni nostri primo The like Commission I finde made to the same Duke in the Parliamant Roll of 2. H. 6. n. 1. word for word except in those additional words and clauses in the Commission it self Nos de circumspectione fidelitate industria c. Eidem Avunculo nostro ad Parliamentum praedict nomine nostro inchoand negociaque praedicta exponend ac declarand ac exponi declarari faciend necnon in negociis illis Parliamento praedicto ac omnibus singulis in eo emergentibus procedeâ—d c. Neâ—non ad Parliamentum illud si necesse fuerit continuand prorogand ac ad idem Parliamentum finiend c. plenam committimus potestatem quam in eventu praedicto Parliamento nostro tempore aliquo forsan in persona nostra adessâ— contigerit revocare intendimus Dante 's c. Ut supra with the like in other Parliaments during this Kings Minority and in 33 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 30. It is observeable that none of these Custodes Regni or Protectors had any power given them to summon or hold Parliaments in their own Names or by their own inherent Authority as Protectors nor to create new Peers or Barons of the Realm by Writs or Patents for ought I finde the very words of their Patents and the Parliaments of 1. H. 4. rot Parl. n. 24 25 26 2 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 15 16. 6 H. 6 rot Parl. n. 22 23 24. a notable Record 8 H. 6. rot Parl. â— 13. 33 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 30. to 42. resolving the contrary By all these forecited Commissions Patents and the Patent to the Protectors themselves during the Kings Minoritie enrolled in the Parliament Roll of 1. H. 6. Num. 24 which I have elsewhere published it is most apparent That as the Scripture and New Testament it self in express terms resolve The King alone to be the Supream Magistrate So the Common and Statute Laws Lawyers Writs Records and Parliaments of England have alwaies hitherto resolved declared proclaimed as Bracton l. 1. c. 8. l. 3. c. 16. f. 134. l. 3. c. 3. 9. Fleta l. 1. c. 5. 17. The Parliament of Lincolne 29 E. 1. 16 R. 2. â— 5. 25. H. 8. c. 19 21. 22. 26 H. 8. c. 1. 27. H. 8. c. 15. 28 H. 8. c. 7 10. 31 H. 8. c. 10 15. 32 H. 8. c. 22 24 26. 33 H. 8. c. 29. 35 H. 8. c. 1. 3 27 19 37 H. 8. c. 15. 1. E. 6. c. 2. 1. Eliz. 5. 1. 3. 4. 5 Eliz. c. 1. 8 Eliz. c. 1. 1 Iac. c. 1. 2. 3. Iac. c. 4. 7 Iac. c. 6. The Prologues of all ancient Parliaments and the very words of the Oathes of Supremacy and Allegiance prescribed to all Members of the Common House Judges Justices Officers Barristers Attornies Sheriffs Graduates Ministers and School-Masters by our Parliaments abundantly evidence The King of England alone not the Custos Regni Protector nor any other person whatsoever nor the Pope himself to be the onely Supream Governour Head Magistrate of the Realm of England and the Dominions thereunto annexed and that in and over all spiritual and ecclesiastical persons things causes as well as temporal without recognizing any other Soveraign Lord Governour Magistrate for ought I finde in History or Record 10. That the causes of summoning and proroging all Parliaments ought to be generally or particularly expressed in the Writs of Summons and Prorogation together with the precise daies whereon and places wherein they are to meet upon the Summons or Prorogation that so all may know â—ertainly at what time and place to meet That the daies and places of their meeting and prorogation were absolutely in the power of our Kings who varied them according to emergent occasions and the places of their necessary residence For instance When the wars or affairs of Scotland drew our Kings and Nobles towards the Northern parts they usually summoned or prorogued their Parliaments to York Karlisle Newcastle Stanford Lincolne Leycester Northampton Cambridge Stainford Conventry Nottingham When the wars and businesses of France called them towards the South they frequently summoned their Parliaments to Winton Salisbury Southampton Canterbury When the wars or negotiations of Wales or Ireland occasioned their removal towards them they convened their Parliaments at Gloucester Worcester Salop Hereford Bristol Oxford or Malborough But most usually they were summoned and prorogued to Westminster or London as the center and Metropolis of the Realm and the most indifferent and convenient place of meeting as
all other lawfull Members both of the Lords and Commons House ought to enjoy the self same Protection Priviledge Freedome immunity and no wayes to be interrupted molested disturbed by any other Officers Subjects Persons or Members whatsoever from freely repairing to residing in or returning from our Parliaments much lesse to be forcibly secluded out of them by armed guards new oaths or popular tumults Neither may can ought the House of Commons alone nor any prevailing party in it to exclude eject any duly elected returned Member once admitted without any Legall accusation tryal cause at all nor yet for betraying of his trust or misdemeaning himself as a Member after his election nor for any real offence as a Member without and against the Kings and Lords concurrent Judgments and assents in whom alone the power of Iudicature resides in such as well as in all other causes as I have elsewhere evidenced by unanswerable Presidents and the rules of right reason he being summoned only by the Kings Writ and authority impowred trusted by his electors only as their peculiar Trustee Atturney not his fellow Knights Citizens Burgesses to do and assent to such things as shall be ordained by the King Nobles and Common Counsell of the Realme touching the weighty publike affairs of the King and Kingdoms and obliged antiently by Manucaptors and since by their Indentures of retorn and our Laws not to depart from the Parliament without the Kings special license under pein of his indignation and other penalties Therefore no more to be suspended secluded ejected imprisoned by his fellow-Commoners without the Kings and Lords concurrent Judgements and Assents than one Judge or Justice on the Bench can unjustice unjudge uncommission another one Trustee Executor or Attorny discharge his fellow Trustees Executors Attornies of their trusts one Grand-Jury man thrust another out of the panell without the Judges consent or one Common Counsel man of a City or Livery man of a Company disfranchise and discommon another without the consent or judgement of the Mayor and Aldermen of the City or Master and Wardens of the Company whereof they are Members Whatever exorbitant irregular practices have of late times been usurped by or presidents made in the Commons House to the contrarie almost to the total if not final subversion of all future Parliaments and their privileges It being a Maxim in Law and Reason Par in parem nonhabet Imperium multo minus Superioritatem especially in the Kings own Parliament and Supreme Court of Justice wherein himself and his Nobles only sit as supreme Iudges not the Commons as a distinct Court and independent Judicature of themselves as some would fancy them in their Utopian brains and practises much less can they â—eâ—â—ude vote down any Members of the House of Peers or the whole antient House of Lords or dishinherit them of their Birthrights as some furious Bedlam Members of a dismembred dissolved House of Commons have most insolently and injuriously without hearing trial against their own Acts Declarations Protestations Vowes Covenants Commissions Trusts attempted to intrude themselves into their places and Tribunals and make themselves more than Lords and Caesars not only over their Fellow-Commoners but our Kings Peers Parliaments and Kingdomes which they have trampled under their Papall feet and metamorphosed at their pleasures into sundry mishapen mutable unsetled new models to our apparent approaching ruine if God of his infinite mercy prevent it not by their reestablishment upon their ancient bases and foundations 20. That if the forcible seclusion or disturbance of any Lord or Member of the Lords House duly summoned who ought of right to sit vote in the Lords House be so great a breach of Priviledge Injury as I have evidenced then the forcible suppression seclusion of all the ancient Peers and House of Lords by any real or pretended Members of the late House of Commons contrary to the expresse Clauses Formes of all ancient Writs and the very writs in 16. Caroli without any legal jurisdiction hearing triall must needs be a greater breach of trust Priviledge Injustice in them fit to be redressed for the future peace Justice settlement of our distracted Nations and restoring our Parliaments to their pristine Splendour Honour ends uses for the redressing of all publick Grievances If any Republicans Army Officers New Grandees or others here object as some now do That it will be both perillous and inconvenient to the Subjects the House of Commons and its Members to restore the ancient Lords and House of Peers to their pristine Rights Priviledges Jurisdiction Judicature over them in that latitude I have asserted evidenced it by Histories and Records in my Plea for them without prescribing some new just bounds and regulations unto them by the Commons House I answer 1. That the Lords being the only original ancient Members of our Great Councils Parliaments many hundreds of years before any Knights Citizens Burgesses or House of Commons were called admitted to them by the King and House of Lords and receiving no power Judicature or Jurisdiction at all from the Commons but what they have of right enjoyed exercised in all precedent ages without the least complaint opposition or contradiction of the Commons in any former Parliaments before 17. Caroli The Commons have no more authority right reason â—urisdiction to limit or restrain this their ancient right Judicature Priviledge much lesse to abrogate then the Grand or Petty Jury have to limit regulate the Judges or Justices Commissions Authority on the Bench or the Tenants the Jurisdiction of their Lords Courts or every Committee of the Commons House the Excesses of the House it self or the Unparliamentary Iuncto which voted them down and engaged against them without the least colour of Jurisdiction Law reason hearing impeachment triall had to usurp such a transcendent power over them not to be paralelld in any age nor now approved by assenting to it 2ly That the old Lords and House of Peers in no cases ever exercised such an exorbitant arbitrary tyrannicall Jurisdiction Illegall power in all kinds as the Commons House and every of their Committees and Sub-Committees of Examinations Sequestrations Compositions Sale of Delinquents estates Crown Lands Obstructions Appeales Scandalous Ministers and High Courts of Iustice have done without the least Report to the House it self of their proceedings both over the King and his Posteritie the Peers of the Realme their fellow Members secluded secured imprisoned close imprisoned ejected exiled by them without any cause or hearing at all and their fellow Commoners of all sorts deprived of their Inheritances Estates Offices Liberties Callings Lives and the benefit of the Lawes themselves for not taking their new Oathes and Engagements contrary to Law and their former legall Oathes Leagues and Solemn Covenant and Protestation wâ—â—hout a legal Indictment or trial by a Jurie of their equalls or witnesses viva voce upon Oath since their slighting suppressing of the old
House of Lords who should have restrained reformed these their unparallelld extravagancies which I could prove by hundreds of sad Instances and have briefly hinted in my â—lea for the old Lords page 413. to 419. For which very reason they ought now to be restored being an excellent Bank and Screen between the Prince and People to assist each against any encroachments on the other and by just judgements to preserve that Law which ought to be the Rule between every one of the three and trusted with a Iudicatory power to this very end 3ly Some of those very Members of the late Commons House Army and Whitehall who would disseise them of their House Privileges Birthrights and antient Iurisdiction before they took upon them the Title of Lords or of the House of Lords as pretended Members of the Commons House a little before and since their votes against the old House of Lords as Committees of that House or Commissioners in their new â—rected High Courts of Iustice Members of the Counsil of State at White-Hall or Counsil of Army-Officers or Major Generals and Deputy Major Generals have acted a thousand times more exorbitantly arbitrarily tyrannically to the subversion of the Fundamental Laws Liberties properties Government Justice of the Nation oppressing improverishing vexing dishinheriting destroying enslaving of the Freemen of England than ever any old Lords or House of Lords or Kings of England in Parliament heretofore did in any age whatsoever Witness their usurpations of a more than absolute Parliamentarie power to themselves by their own Votes Orâ—ers Declarations alone to alter new model over and over the whole frame of our Parliaments Laws and publike Government their electing Knights Citizens Burgesses for what they stiled a Parliament without the least privity or election of the people their dissolving declaring the long Parliament to be dissolved against an expresse Act of Parliament their repealing many old Lawes Acts Oathes enacting new Lawes contrary to them creating New Treasons and misprision of Treasons yea imposing heavy excessive New Taxes Customes Excises of all sorts on the three Nations not only in their private Westminster conventions but by their Armie and Whitehall Ordinances amounting to a large Folio Volume without any Parliament or legall Act of Parliament ordering them to be levyed by fines forfeitures sales of the refusers reall and personal esâ—ates imprisonments soldiers quartering and the like Injoysing All Courts of Iustice Iudges Iustices Sheriffs Officers of this Commonwealth Counsellors Attornies and other Persons to conform themselves accordingly without any opposition or dispute whatsoever and committing their very Counsel to the Tower as Traytors or Grand Delinquents only for arguing their Cases upon an Habeas Corpus in Westminster Hall according to Law and their Duties Their taking away the lives liberties or estates freeholds of thousands without any legall Triall or Indictment of their Peers their banishing confining imprisoning close imprisoning hundreds yea thousands at a time upon meer fears and jealousies and binding them and all their servants in excessive bonds with sureties their disfranchising Maiors Bailiffs Aldermen others in corporations enforcing divers to release their legall actions Judgements Executions and committing them at their pleasures till they did it against the expresse tenour not only of the Grand Charter Petition of Right and other Acts but the very letter of the late Act For preventing of Inconveniences happening by the long intermission of Parliaments The Acts for the 3. first subsidies of Tonnage and Poundage The Act for regulating the Privy Counsell For declaring unlawfull and void the late proceedings touching Ship-mony and other Acts passed by some of their own Votes in the Parliament of 16. and 17. Caroli of which or the like exorbitances no ancient Peers or House of Lords were ever yet guilty And if some of those persons who would usurp or abridg the old Lords power have been so arbitrarie tyrannical in all kinds before they claimed the Title of Lords or House of Lords how exorbitant in all probability are they likely to grow in a short time having Command in the Armie and other Courts if they should be established in their new Lordly Power and the old House of Lords put by who should correct restrain these their unparalelld Excesses for the whole Nations ease and benefit 4. If these new Peers be in truth Law Herauldry no true or real Lords Barons Peers of the Realm by their Writs of Summons for the premised reasons but meerly imaginary Titular and false ones like those created by the usurper King Stephen then the House of Commons can neither in Law nor verity agree or assent to any thing that shall be ordained by them according to the tenour of the Writs of Summons nor establish any settlement that can be reputed legal or obligatory to Posteritie in a Parliamentary Way if the ancient reall Peers and legal House of Lords be set aside and disowned And therefore they must of necessity own close with them alone and remit them to their old hereditary right else they can never make nor expect any real lasting settlement of our distracted State and Government and all they vote will quickly prove abortive illegitimate as the late New-models Instruments and Advices have done 5ly The setting aside the ancient Lords and House of Peers and establishing their very Disseisors in their places as the only future Lords and House of Peers will both justifie all their recited Exorbitances Excesses Violences Tyrannical proceedings against the old Lords their Fellow Commons others transcending Straffords Caterburies and the worst old Counsel-Table Lords excesses by many degrees ratifie yea reward crown them with the highest publick Honour Trust Power they are capable of even in Parliaments themselves Which will not onlie probably excite encourage others in succeeding times to the like dangerous extravagancies excesses to the publick prejudice and desolation but animate them when setled in their new Lordly Authority to pursue their former practises and turn greater Tyrants Oppressors in all kinds then formerly they have been to the utter enslaving of our Nations and embroyling them in new Tumults Yea how farre it may tend to the Total and Final suppression of the Commons House it self in succeeding times is worthy sad and serious consideration For if the Commons House shall not onlie silently connive at but openly approve and assent to the dissolving suppressing of the old Lords and their House by pretext of former illegall unrighteous Votes meer nullities by all Lawes made by a Fragment of a dissolved House of Commons sitting under a force not having the least Jurisdiction or power of Judicature over them against all rules of Justice the very fundamental Lawes of the Land the undoubted Rights and Priviledges of Parliament Prescription time out of mind all old late Acts Records of Parl. their very Solemn League Covenant Protestation and hundreds of late Declarations and Remonstrances to the contrary They may justly
The FIRST PART of a Brief Register Kalendar and Survey of the several Kinds Forms of all Parliamentary VVrits COMPRISING In 3. Sections all Writs Forms of Summons to Great Councils Parliaments Convocations in the Tower from the 5th of King Iohn 1203 till 23 Edw. 4. 1483 to all sorts of Spiritual and Temporal Lords Great-men Members of and the Kings Counsil Assistants to THE HOUSE OF LORDS With other Rare Writs and 4. Exact Alphabetical Chronological Tables 1. Of all Abbols Priors Masters of Orders Clergy-men except Bishops 2. Of all Dukes Earls Forreign Kings Marquesses Princes of Wales 3 Of all Lay Barons Lords Vicounts Great men 4. Of all the Kings Counsil Justices Clerks or other Officers with the several numbers of each of them and of Bishops summoned to every Council Parliament and the Years Rolls Dorses in every Kings reign wherein their names are recorded Illustrated with choice usefull Annotations Observations concerning these Writs differences alterations entries in the Clause Rolls the Stiles Titles Additions of Patriarcha Cardinalis Electus Confirmatus Magister c. given in them to Spiritual of Baro Miles Dominus c. to Temporal Lords with their Baronies Fealty Homage Oaths right of Session Iudicature The Clergies forms of Procurations Exemption from Taxes by the Laity Our Kings Prerogative to call prorogue dissolve Parliaments hold them by a Custos Regni or Commissioners by Patents here cited to create Peers Barons by Patent special not general Writs here registred to summon extraordinary Members Assistants Their propriety in Parliaments dissolved by their deaths The Power of their Counsil in and out of them The Constitution Jurisdiction Proceedings Privileges Ends Duties of English Parliaments Lords Commons Their inconsistence with armed guards seclusion of Members by force oathes menaces and with Scotish or Irish Intruders Their late differences from Councils Parliamentum when first used in Writs Acts Histories c. With other particulars Publishing more Rarities rectifying more Errors in vulgar Writers touching our Parliaments than any former Treatises of this Subject By WILLIAM PRYNNE Esq a Bencher of Lincolnes Inne Mercurius Trismegistus In unaquaque arte tanta ducimur caecitatis caligine ut maxima part eorum quae scimus sit minima pars eorum quae ignoramus LONDON Printed for the Author and sold by Edward Thomas in Little Britain and Henry Brome in Ivy Lane 1659. To the Ingenuous Readers especicially those of the Long Robe and more Noble or Generous English Extraction THere are 5. grand Defects of very publike concernment highly tending if not to the dishonor yet certainly to the great disservice prejudice of our Kingdom Parliaments great Officers of State Nobility Gentry Nation and more especially of the Professors and Profession of the municipall Laws which I have for many years last past not only much admired at and exceedingly deplored but also used my best endeavors to get supplied so farr as there was â—ny probability to effect it The 1. is the irreparable losse of all the Parliament â—olls during the Reigns of our antientâ—â—t Kings from William the 1. till 5 E. 2. â— the first Roll of that kind now extant and of many other of those Rolls since during the Reigns of Edw. 2. and 3. with the not publishing in Print those Parliamentary Rolls and Records yet extant by publike Order for the benefit of Posterity to prevent their suppression destruction Embezelling by fire warr casualties tâ—e negligence or present malice of some Iesuitical Furies or illitâ—rate Animals instigated thereunto by Hugh Peters his misintituled Pamphlet Good work for a good Magistrate printed 1651. p. 96. Where after his proposal of a short new Modell for the Law he subjoyns This being done Iâ— IS VERY ADVISABLE TO BURN ALL THE OLD RECORDS YEA EVEN THOSE IN THE TOWER THE MONVMENTS OF TYRANNY Which desperate bedlam advise of his I have elsewhere at large refuted as most pernicious to the publike and to all Corporations and Landed men The 2. is the great want of an Exact Collection out of the Clause Parliament and Statu'e Rolls of all Statutes Ordinances and Acts of Parliament made before the use of Printing them immediately after the Parliaments conclusion or during their Sessions came in fashion all our Statutes at large and the Abridgments of them even Ferdinando Pultons of Lincolns Inne Esq. the best most refined having sundry Spurious Impostures printed in them under the Titles of Acts Statutes and Ordinances of Parliament which in verâ—ty are neither of them but only particular Writs or Instuctions of the King to the Iustices and other Officers by advise of his Counâ—l out of Parliament Such are the Stâ—tutes De circumspecte agatis said to be made in 13. E. 1. resolved to be no Statute but made by the Prelates alone M. 19. E. 3. Fitz. Jur. 28. The Statutes of Protections Champerty and Conspirators in 33 E. 1. De conjunctim feoffatis in 34 E. 1. Ne rector prosternat arbores in caemiterio in 35 E. 1. The Statute for Knights 1 E. 2. of Gavelet 10 E. 2. with sundry others as the very form words penning of them demonstrate being transcribed only out of the Clause or Patents not Parliament or Statute Rolls Besides these there are some forged Acts and Statutes printed in these Statute Books not extant in the Statute Rolls that remain intire yea there are sundry misprisions in printed Statutes varying both in form substance from the Statute Rolls wherein they are recorded omitting some material words and clauses adding and altering others most of the publishers of our Statutes taking them upon meer trust as they found them transcribed by others but never examining them by the Statute Rolls Original Records as is most apparent by their mistakes of the very times and dates of some Statutes by their printing others of them without any date as made during the reign of King H. 3. Ed. the 1. or 2. BUTUNCERTAIN WHEN ORIN WHICH OF THEIR TIMES by the manifold variances between their Printed Books and the Statute Rolls of which I have given you a particular account in my Table to the Eâ—act Abridgement of the Records in the Tower the Compiler whereof was mistaken in this That the Statute of 2 R. 2. c. 5. touching tellers of News or Lyes of Noblemen or Counsellors is not in the Record nor any mention thereof it being recorded at large in French in the Statute Roll of the first Parliament that year wherein it is printed though not in the second as I can attest upon my own view of the Statute Roll it self Besides these Impostures and Variances there are many useful Acts in the Parliament and Clause Rolls totally omitted out of all our Printed Statute-Books some whereof I have heretofore published in my Irenarches Redivivus The 3. is the Grand deplorable Deficiency of such an Exact Chronological History of all the Great Councils Synods Parliaments of England with their several Canons Acts Ordinances Proceedings
as I have formerly mentioned in the Epistle to my Plea for the Lords my Preface to an Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower and in a printed Title three year since by which I endeavoured to promote it which would supply all the three precedent Defects The 4. is the great lack of diligent faithfull Collections and Publications of all the choicest Records Proclamations Writs Letters Charters Patents Commissions c. in the Tower or elsewhere which concern the Liberties and Properties of the Subject The just antient Duties Customs Revenues Jurisdictions of the Kings and Crown of England in times of Warre and peace the Coin Merchandize Manufactures Trade Government Navy Forts Militia of England and Ireland and the Negotiations Leagues Treaties with forein States or at leastwise the want of an Exact Table Repertory to them whereby they might be readily found out and made uâ—e of upon all emergent occasions The 5. is a Compleat Register or Kalendar of all Parliamentary Writs extant in our Records which those who have formerly written Discourses touching our English Parliaments were either totally ignorant of or not well acquainted with or else took no care or pains at all to communicate to others though the very foundations of all our Parliaments and their proceedings The omission or ignorance whereof hath made most of their Treatises of this subject very imperfect unsatisfactory and full of gross misprisions which pass for current Truths It seemed very strange and monstrous to me that none of our Kings Parliaments Great Officers of State Nobles but especially none of our reverend Iudges learned Lawyeâ—s nor any of the Mâ—sters of the Rolls to whose beneficial Office care diligence it most propeâ—ly appertained in so large a tract of time since Printing first grew common have not hitherto put to their own helping hands nor incouraged others by Honorary Salaries to supply these deplâ—rable prejudicial Defects especially the 3. first which so much concern the publike Government Justice Honor welfare Laws Interest of the whole English Nation when as forein Kings Parliaments Statesmen Lawyers Advocates especially in France Spain Germany Denmark have been very diligent and laborious in later ages in searching out transcribing publishing to posterity all the Antiquities Records Councils Parliaments Laws Edicts Ordinances Histories Transactions of thâ—ir Predecessors and encouraged their learnedest Scholars by great Offices Honors Salaries and bountiful rewards to collections and publications of this Nature to their eternal honor VVhereupon I endeavoured the last long Parliament by an Epistle to the Lords to excite them to contribute their best assistance towards the speedy Publication of all our Parliamentary Rolls and Records profering my best endeavors to promote it but I neither then nor since received the least incouragement from them or others towards this beneficial publike undertaking from which soon after I was both discouraged and disabled by near 3. years close Imprisonment in 3. remote Castles under armed strictest guards by Mr. Iohn Bradshaws and his Whitehall Associates warrant without any accusation hearing or particular cause either then or since expressed of purpose to debarr me from publishing any thing of this Nature or against their New Tyrannical usurpations transcending all in former ages After my enlargement from these 3. years expensive as well as tedious restraints superadded to my former Imprisonments and Losses under the Prelates and Army-Officers I endeavored to revive this Heroick work and to encourage all publike-Spirited Noblemen Gentlemen Lawyers to promote it both by the publication of many unknown rare Records in the second Part of my Demurrer to the Iews long discontinued Remitter into England and Discoveries therein of the Vsefulness and excellency of our Records in general and of those relating to our Parliaments Laws Liberties Properties in particular Since which by a printed Paper I proposed a way how in what manner and by what time this usefull Design might probably be effected with no loss at all but certain gain to those who should contribute only 10 〈◊〉 a piece towards it for a year or two at most and should then certainly receive their principal again together with Books in the interval amounting to treble the interest which though some of my friends to whom I communicated these papers highly approved of seeming forwards to contribute towards it yet I found such a general lukewarâ—nness or rather absolute coldness in others really to advance it as caused me totally to desist from any further prosecution thereof Whereupon to supply those defects in some degree as much as in me lay I did with no little pains and cost upon my own private account alone without the least assistance contribution from any others collect compile print and publish to the world in the 3. First Parts of my Seasonable Historical Vindication and Chronological Collection of the good old Fundamental Liberties Rights Franchises Laws 〈◊〉 all English Freemen an Exquisite Epitome of all the Parliamentary Councils Synods and State-assemblies held within our Realms upon several Occasions extant in our Historians from the Britons first arival therein till the Coronation of King William the first Anno 1066. conteining the space of 2390. years Which though very usefull seasonable profitable containing sundry rarities in them were looked upon by most men with contempt like old Almanacks Clothes or Fashions quite out of dâ—te whence most of them lye moulding in Warehouses for want of sale After which in pursute of these beginnings I freely contributed my labors to the publishing of Aâ—â—xact Abridgment of the Parliâ—ment Rolls and Records in the Tower of London from King Edward the 2. till 1 R. 3. rectifying sundry mistakes supplying divers defects therein adorning it with a necessary Preface usefull Tables and Marginal Notes without which it had been in a manner altogether useless Since which I much enlarged and reprinted â—pon my own Account alone for want of assistance by others my Plea for the Lords and House of Peers Wherein I have communicated to the world out of Records and Histories more Presidents knowledge touching the Judicature Jurisdiction and Proceedings of our Great Councils and Parliaments in former ages and more fully vindicated the just antient Privilege and Hereditary right of the Lords and Barons of this Realm to sit vote judge in all our English Parliaments than any others have done in former ages without the least incouragement ayde or retribution from any of their Lordships notwithstanding my manifold sufferings by from and under some of them and their ancesters heretofore both in person and estate without the smallest voted recompence These last publications together with my Soveraign Power of Parliaments and Kingdoms my Historical Collection of the Great Councils and Parliaments of England and new published Argument of the Case of the Lord Magwire having in some measure though not so fully as I desire supplied the 4. first premised Deâ—ects I have endeavored by this presentâ— Brief Registâ—◠〈◊〉 and Survey of the sâ—veral 〈…〉 the
grateful acceptance of these First-fruits with all convenient speed communicate to the World in A Second Part. After which I shall in two or more distinct Volumes present unto publick view several other kinds of Writs relating to the Parliaments Great Councils Convocations and Clergy of England to all sorts of proceedings in them Criminal or Civil the assessing levying of the expences of Knights Citizens and Burgesses of Parliament of Dismes Quidismes Aids Subsidies Customs Imposts granted by them with the disposing releasing of them the defence of the Realm by Land or Sea in times of danger the proclaming observing of the Great Charters Laws and Liberties of England and of Acts and Ordinances of Parliament newly enacted with sundry other Rarities which all former Writers of our English Parliaments have either totally omitted or but briefly touched and that very slightly though of excellent use and most necessary to be insisted on for the information of their Readers and benefit of Posterity Not to detain you with any longer Preface I shall now leave you to the perusal of this First Part distinct from those Parts I intend shall follow it if embraced with that respect affection and desire as it may justly expect and hope for from the Nobility Gentry Lawyers Antiquaries and Heralds of the English nation But if slighted vilified neglected like old Almanacks or fashions grown quite out of use and request though meer Novelties in their discovery communication to the world hitherto unacquainted with them I shall then resolve to cast no more such precious ancient Pearls and Rarities beâ—ore swine who wil neglect trample them under their feet but reserve them for my own private Cabinet use ornament benefit delight and such learned Friends to whom I shal hereafter bequeath them who will estimate them according to their true intrinsecal worth and prefer them before the most orient Pearls and Diamonds which are only for shew when as these are of greatest publick use and will be so esteemed in future generations how much soever slighted by the Athenians of this age who like the old ones Acts 17. 20 21. spend their tiâ—e in nothing else but to tell or hear some new thing preferring new Gloworms Ignes fatui and Prodigious Comets shining onely in the night before the Sun Moon and fixed Planets which ten thousand times outshine transcend them both in splendor magnitude use excellency and publick benefit It is Cicero his observation of old Solis exortus cursus occasus nemo admiratur propterea quod quotidie â—iunt at â—cclypses solis mirantur quia raro accidunt Nulla nisi rara aut admirabili re commovetur animus Which Seneca thus seconds Ita coÌ„positi sumus ut nos quotidiana etiam si admiratione digna sunt transeant contra minimarum quoque rerum si insolitae prodierunt spectaculum dulce fiat Hic quoque caetus astrorum quibus immensi corporis pulchritudo distringuitur populum non convocat sed cum aliquid ex more mutatum est omnium vultus in coelo est Nemo observat lunam nisi laborantem Tunc urbes clamant tunc pro se superstitione vana trepidant Quanta illa majora sunt quod Sol totidem gradus quotidie habet annum suo circuitu claudit quod à solstitio diem inclinat noctibus spacium dat quod sydera abscondit quod terras cum tanto major sit illis non urit sed calorem suum intentionibus remissionibus temperando fovet quod lunam nunquam implet nisi adversam sibi nec obscurat haec tamen non annotamus quamdiu ordo servatur Si quid turbatum est aut praeter consuetudinem emicuit spectamus interrogamus ostendimus Idem in comae is fit c. Adeo naturale est nova magis quaÌ„ magna mirari w ch is in truth both the sin folly of our present fantastick childish age affecting studying delighting admiring nothing but Novelties as well in Theology all kinds of Arts Sciences publick Government and Parliaments themselves as â—â—ell as Fashions or Apparel though never so prodigious Heterodox ridiculous or destructive But however vertiginous Scepticks and fantastick Gallants having more hair than brains are wholly enamored infatuated with New-Nothings yet all judicious Christians Lawyers Statesmen with holy and prudent King David a man after Gods own heart will consider the dayes of old the years of ancient times And according to Gods own precept stand in the wayes and see and ask for the old paths where is the good way and walk therein that they may find ease for their souls Concluding with holy Iob with the ancient is wisdom and understanding And with our Saviours own resolution wherwith I shall close up this Epistle No man having drunk old wine straitway desireth new for he saith THE OLD IS BETTER Which is the experimental resolution of Your unfeined Friend and Servant as well in relation to private as publick good WILL. PRYNNE From my Study in Lincolns Inne Ian. 26. 1658 1659. A Brief Register Kalendar and Survey of the severall kinds of all Parliamentary Writs with usefull Observations on them THat all Great Councils of State Parliaments Synods Convocations held in England under the British Saxon Danish Norman English Kings successively reigning therein were summoned by their Royal Writs precepts and held by their Authority alone is a Truth irrefragable which I have elswhere abundantly evidenced by Histories and Records though all the Writs whereby they were summoned till the reign of King Iohn be no where extant being consumed by the all-devouring jawes of time The Writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils of State being the Corner-stones whereon they are founded and best discovering the causes ends for which they were summoned instead of that Folio Register of them at large which I once intended to have published I shall present you only with a Brief Register and Kalendar of some of the antientest and rarest of them full of excellent variety and delight and such Observations on and from them as may best instruct the Readers rectify the mistakes of some pretended Antiquartes who have written of our English Parliaments writs of summons to them and supply their defects especially concerning the several forms and various kinds of Parliamentary writs which they have rather touched than handled being all very maimed and incompleat in this particular To avoid Confusion I shall Marshall these Writs into several Squadrons according to the quality of the persons to whom they were directed and that in a Chronological Series digesting them into distinct Sections beginning with those issued out to our Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors and Spiritual Lords or Barons of the Realm SECTION I. Concerning Writs of Summons to Parliaments Great Councils Convocations issued out to Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors and other Ecclestastical Barons of the Realm who were Peers and Members of our Parliaments THe first writ of Summons to
oppugned complained or voted against in any antient Parliaments to my knowledge which being our Kings Parliaments yea the Grand Councils both of the King and kingdom as the writs of Summons and all Prologues and Acts of Parliament stile them they might thereupon lawfully summon to them what persons they deemed most fit and able to advise assist them and to promote dispatch their publike affairs for their own and the kingdomes benefit safety defence and common welfare though no actual Peers Lords or Barons of the Realm by Patent or Tenure as will more fully appear by the two next Sections 7. This Table doth undeniably convince the forecited Memorandum p. 34. entred in Cl. 6 E. 3. m. 36. Istis Abbatibus et Prioribus subscriptis non solebat scribi in aliis Parliamentis viz. Abbati de Teukesbury with 26 Abbots and Priors there named to be full of gross mistakes For I find the Abbot of St. Augustines Bristol summoned no less than 5. times before and 11. times after 6 E. 3. and the Abbot of Bardenay no less than 33. times sommoned before and 80. times after it being one of the Abbots constantly summoned till the 23 E. 4. and dissolution of Monasteries the Abbot of Barlinges 25. times before it the Abbot de Bello 30. times before and 70. after it being one of the 25 Abbots constantly summoned as a Baron the Abbot of Burton upon Trent 12 times the Prior of Bridlington 8. times the Prior of Chester 4. times the Abbot de Fontibus 26. the Abbot of Furneyes 23. times the Abbot of Gerveux Gervall or Iorvall 13. times the Prior of Gisâ—urn thrice the Abbot of Hayles 21 times the Abbot of Lâ—â—â—â—nes twice the Abbot of St. Ositha 12. timeâ— the Abbot of Perâ—hore 11. times the Abbot of Ryevall 14. times the Master and Prior of the Order of Sempingham 29. times the Abbot of Stratford 12. times all of them before 6 E. 3. the Abbot of Tavistock thrice before and twice after iâ— the Abbot of Thamâ— once the Abbot of Teukesbury 5. times and the Abbot of Wardon 4. times before it Only to the Abbots of Boghland Langedon and Wâ—alley therein mentioned I finde no writs of Summons in any Rolls unless Boghland be meant of Bocland as I conceive it is who was twice summoned and Langedon for Lavedon who was 5. times and Whalley for Wave ley who was 9. times summoned by writ before this Memorandum entred by some ignorant Clerk who had not well examined the former Clause rolâ—s and lists of Summons 8. That the Bishops Abbots and Priors summoned constantly and of right to our Parliaments and Great Councils by writ were thus summoned to them not as they were Bishops Abbots or Priors but in respect of their Baronies which they held of by from and under our Kings as is evident by the Recognition made in the Great Parliamentary Council at Clarindon Ann. 1164. by Petrus Blesensis his Treatise De Institutione Episcopâ— dedicated to King Henry the 2d by the Judgement given against Thomas Becket Archbishop of Canterbury in a Council at Northamâ—ton Anno 1165. 11 H. 2. recorded by William Fitz-Stephens by the Great Charter of King Iohn Anno 1215. 15 Iohanis by that of Matthew Paris Anno 1231. Septimo Calendas Februarii convenerunt ad Colloquium apud Westmonasterium Rex cum Praelatis et aliis Magnatibus ubi exegit idem Rex Scutagium de quolibet Scuto tres marcas ab omnibus qui Baronâ—as tenebant tam Laicis quam Praelatis â—ui Richardus Canâ—uariensis Archiepiâ—copus et quidam Episcopi cum eo audâ—cter resistentes dixerunt Quod non tenentur viri Ecclesiastici judicio subjici Laicorum cum absque 〈◊〉 concessum â—uit Scutagium in finibus â—ransmâ—â—inis Tandem â—etâ— post mustas inde disceptationes negotium quanâ—â—m ad Praelatos reclamantes pertinebat usque 15. dies post Pascha dilationem acâ—â—pit And by this notible passage of the Continuer of Matthew Paris Anno 1267. 51 H. 3. Rex citati fâ—cit Comites et Barones Archiepiscopos Episcopos et Abbates omnesque communiter militare servitium sibi debenter ut apud Sanctum Edmundum equis et aâ—mis sufficienter instructi convenirent ad impeâ—endum â—os qui contra pacem Regiam occupaverunt Insâ—lâ—m Eljensem c. Abadunaâ—is qui ad Parliamentum citati suerant praeter rebelles primo principaliter Rex et Legarus subscriptos Articulos exigebant Ut omnes Praelati rectores Ecclesiarum decimas sibi concederent de tribus annis sequentibus de anno prâ—ximo praeâ—eâ—ito quantum dabunt Baronibus ad custodiendum mare contra alienigenaâ— Responsio Ad hoc responderunt quod bellum inceptum fuerat per iniquam cupiditatem durat in praesens necessarium esset hujusmodi petitiones pessimas praeterire de pace regni tractare et Parliamentum suum ad utilitatem Ecclesiae et regni convertere non ad denatiorum extorsionem praecipue quum terra in tantum destructa sit per bellum quod nunquam vel saltem sero poterit respirate Secunduâ— Item petitum est ut Ecclesiae taxarentur per manus Laicorum justa et alta taxatione ad valorem omnium bonorum spectantium ad easdem Responsio Ad hoc respondebatur quod non est ratio sed omnino contra justiciam ut Laici de decimis colligendis se intromittant nec in hoc unquam consentirent communiter sed tantum ut taxaâ—io antiqua staret Tertius Item ut Episcopi Abbates c. decimam suam darent DE BARONIIS SUIS plenarie et de Laico feudo recta alta taxatione Responsio Ad hoc respondebatur quod depraedationibus sunt depauperati et sequuti sunt Regem in expeditione tanta pecuniarum effusione quod omnino pauperes sunt effecti eâ— etiam â—errae eorum incultae â—acâ—bant propter bellum Quartus Item petirum est ut Clerus communiter daret domino Regi ad relevandum staâ—um suum triginta millia marcarum propter ante dictas decimas quas quidem Legat us vendicabat ad opus Romanae curiae propter debita Siciliae Apuliae et Calabriae contracta in nomine domini Edmundi filii Regis modo praesentis Responsio Ad hoc respondebatur quod â—ihil darent quia omnes hujusmodi taxationes extorsiones per Regem factae prius nunquam in Regis utilitatem vel regni sunt conversae Quiutus Item petitum est ut omnes Clerici TENENTES BARONIAS vel Laicum feudum personaliter armati procederent contra regios adversarios vel tantum servirium in expeditione Regis invenirent quantum pertineret ad tantam terram vel tenementum Responsio Ad hoc respondebatur quod non debent pugnare cum gladio materiali sed spitiâ—uali scilicet cum lachrymis orationibus humilibus devotis Et quod propter beneficia sua
35 Lordâ— and Great men Cl. 38 H. 6. d. 30. Henrico Duci Exoniae 2 other Dukes 9 Earls 2 Vicounts 35 Lords and Great men Cl. 49 H. 6. d. 6. Carissimo consanguineo suo Georgio Duci Clarenâ—iae 3 Dukes more 7 Earls 1 Marquess 23 Lords and Great men The writs of Summons to Parliament issued by King Edward the 4th to the Temporal Lords agree in Prologues forms and dates except in the Praemunientes c. â— with those to the Archbishops and Spiriâ—ual Lords in the 1. Section and are thus directed Cl. 1 E. 4. d. 35. Johanni Duci Norfolciae 4 Earl 1 Vicount 31 Lords and Great men Cl. 2 E. 4. d. 3. Dilâ—cto fideli suo Ricardo Comiâ—i Wâ—rwici 4 Earâ— 37 Lords and Great men C. 6. E. 4. d. 1. Carâ—ssimo Fratri suo Geoâ—gio Duci Clarenâ—iae 2 Dukes more 10 Earls 1 Marquess 36 Lords and Great men Cl. 9 E. 4. d. 3. Carissimo fratri suo Georgio Duci Clarentiae 9 other Dukes 8 Earls 23 Lords and Great men Cl. 11 E. 4. d. 41 Carâ—ssimo fratri suo Georgio Duci Clarentiae 3 Dukes more 8 Earls 25 Lords and Great men Cl. 22 23 E. 4. d. 10. Primogenitoâ—dwardo â—dwardo Principi Walliae 4 Dâ—kes more 1 Marqueâ—e 7 Earls 32 Lords Having presented you with this Breviate of all the generall writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils issued to the Temporal Lords from 49 H. 3. to 23 E. 4. I shall now give you a view of some extraordinary special writs to some Temporal Lords and others reducible to and proper for this Section I shall begin within this Memorable writ to Roger de Mortymer Claus 9 E 2 m. 20 dorso Rex dilecto et fideli suo Rogero de Mortuo-Mare de Wygmore salutem Cum vos tempore quo Parliamentum nostrum usque Lincoln in Quindâ—na Sancti Hillarie proxâ— futur summoneri fecimus in partibus Hiberniae fuissetis per quod Nos vobis non 〈◊〉 simus ad interessendum dicto Parliamento ac vos a dictis parâ—ibus Hiberniae usque regnum nostrum jam ut accepimus accessistis ideo vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod si ad dictas partes Hibeâ—niae citra dictum Parliamentum non essetis regressuri tunc eidem Parliamento nostro dictis die et loco modis omnibus personaliter intersitiâ— super negotiis Nos et statum Regni nostri rangâ—ntibus pro quibus Parliamentum nostrum mandavimus convoâ—ari Nobiscum et cum Magnatibus et Proceribus regni nostri tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri Et hoc nullo modo omittatis T. Rege apud Clipston 17 die Januarii This Roger de Mortymer a Baron of this Realm as is evident by former Summons to him being absent in Ireland when the writs of Summons to this Parliament first issued was thereupon left out of the original writs and Lists of Summons but the King being informed that he was returned into England thereupon sent this special writ of Summons to him bearing date the 17 of Ianuary full 3. moneths after the first writs of Summons dated the 16 of October before entred in another dorse apart from the other writs His absence in Ireland yea and return thither about the publike affairs after this writ issued before this Parliament sat in the Kings and his Counsils opinions being a sufficient ground to excuse his absence from Parliament and to send no writ of Summons to him into Ireland And if English Peers absence or residence in Ireland be a just legal ground to exempt them from summons to a Parliament held in England much more then must Irish Peers and Lords who are no Lords or Barons at all in England be totally exempted from all writs of Summons to the Parliaments of England both in respect of their remoteness from England of the great charge and danger in crossing the Seas to repair to them and because they are obliged neither by their tenures nor Patents to resort to any English Parliaments but only to the Parliaments held in Ireland where only they are Peers and Lords of Parliament and because they cannot attend in two places at once if a Parliament should be summoned in England and Ireland on or near the self-same time Of which more hereafter in its proper place The next writ of this kinde I shall communicate to you is this I meet with Claus. Ann. 35 E. 3. m. 36. dorso Rex dilecto et fideli suo Humfrido dâ— Bohun Comiti Northampton salutem Qâ—ia terra nostra Hiberniae per molestationes a diu Hibernicorum inimicorum nostrorum et incursus propter impotentiam fideliuÌ„ nostroruÌ„ habitantium in eodem regno et pro eo quod Magnates et alii de regno nostro Angliae terras in ea habentes commodum dictarum terrarum suarum ab eadem terra capiunt et defensionem aliquam non faciunt jam tantae vasticatis et destructionis miseriae subjicicur quod nisi Deus avertaâ— et celerius succurratur eidem ad totalem perditionem in prox deducetur per quod pro salvatione ejusdem ordinavimus quod Leonellus Comes Vlton filius noster carissimus cum ingenti exercitu ad terram praedictam cum omni festinatione transmittaâ—ur et quod omnes Magnates et alii de dicto regno nostro terras in dicta terra Hiborniae habentes quâ—nto potentius poterunt in Comitiva dicti filii nostri proficiscentur vel si debiles in corpore existant 〈◊〉 alios sufficientes ibidem mittant pro repulsion â—â—â—â—â—orum inimicorum et salvatione et defensione terrarum suarum et succursu terrae supradictae Et pro dicto negotio accelerando volumus vobiscum et cum aliis de eodem regno terras in dicta terra habentibus Colloquium habere et tractatum Vobis in fide et ligeantia quibus Nobis renemini firmiter injungentes mandamus quod omnibus aliis intermissis sitis personaliter apud Westâ— in Quindena Pasch. prox futur adloquendum Nobiscum et Consilio nostro super dictis Negotiis eâ— illud concernentibus et ad faciend et consentiend super hoc quod ibidem contigerit ordinari Et interim vos et homines vestros quanto potencius et decentius poteritis ad arma paretis Ita quod in vestri defectum progressus dicti filii nostri et exercitus sui non retardetur nec dicta terra amissionis periculo non subjaceat 〈◊〉 causa Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum ac salvationem et desensionem terrae praedictae diligitis nuâ—â—aâ—enus omitâ—atis Et habeaâ— is ibi hoc breve Teste Rege apâ—d Wesâ—m 15 die Martii Per ipsum Râ—gem et Coâ—siliâ—m Consimilia Brevia dirigâ—â—â—â— subscriptis de effeâ—do coram Rege et Consilio suo ad dies subscriptos viz Rado Com. Staff Thomae Com. Oxen. David de Strabolgi
Matildae Comitissae Oxon. Katherinae Comitissae Athol Annae le Dispenser Iohannae Fitz-Wauter Margaretae de Roos The next I shall transcribe is this special writ of summons to the Prince of Wales entred at large in Claus. 49 E. 3. m. 6. dorso after the writs to the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Temporal Lords and Sheriffs to elect Knights and Burgesses but before the writ to the Warden of the Cinque ports Rex carissimo Primogenito suo Edwardo Principi Walliae salutem Cum super arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos et statum et defensionem Regni nostri ac Ecclesiae Anglicanae contingentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. duodecimo die Februarii prox futur teneri ordinavimus per quod per diversa Brevia nostra mandavimus singulis Prael t is Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni nostri quod ad dictum Parliamentum nostrum summoneri fecimus quod ad dictum locum Westm. 12 die Febr. intersint super negotiis praedictis tractaturi suumque consilium impensuri Et quia nolumus quod tam ardua negotia dicti regni absque avisamento et consilio vesâ—ro tract entur et dâ—rigantur Vobis mandamus quod apud dictum locum Westm ad dictum duodecimum diem Februar in propria persona vestra â—ntersits Nobiscum ac cum Praelatis Magnaâ—ibus â—t 〈◊〉 praedicâ—s super dictis negoâ—i 〈◊〉 vestrumque consilium impensuri Teste ut supra The next writ wherewith I shall here present you is that of Clause 21 R. 2. m. 9. dorso which is very observable Rex carissimo Avunculo suo Iohanni Duci Aquitaniae et Lancastriae salutem Quia de assensu Praeâ—atorum Procerum et Magnatum regni nostri Angliae in Parliamento nostro apud Westm diâ— Lunae prox post festum Exaltationis Sanctae Crucis prox praeterito summoneri fecimus existentium pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis et materiis in eodem Parliamento adhuc pendentibus quae adhuc commode terminari non 〈◊〉 ac aliis causis saâ—is evidentibus dictum Parliamentum usque Quindenam Sancti Hillarii prox futur apud Salop in statâ— quo nunc fuit duximus prorogand et continâ—and Vobis in fide et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungendo mandamus quod apud Salop in Qnindena praedicta cum familia et 〈◊〉 staâ—â—â— vestro congruis et non cum multiâ—â—dine genâ—ium nec alio modo quam tempore Domini Edwardi nuper Regis Angliae Avi nostri et nostro anâ—iquitus et communi er fieri consueviâ— personaliter intersiâ—is Nobiscum et 〈◊〉 Praelatis Proceribus et Magnatibus dicti regni no 〈◊〉 super causis negotiis et materiis antedictis finaliâ—er tractaturi vestrumque Consilium impensuri abinde abâ—que licentia nosâ—ra speciali minime recessuri T. R. apud Westm. 5. die Novembris Consimiâ—â—â— Brevia sub eadem data issued to 5. Dukes more one Marquess 6 Earls and 33 Lords Barons and Great men I shall end this Section with this remarkable writ of Summons and Resummons recorded in Claus. â—1 R. 2. m. 13. dors after the List of the Lords names iâ—sued to William de Dacre Rex dilecto et fideli suo Willielmo de Dacre salutem Cum nuper de avisam nto Consilii nostri pro quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos statum et defensionem Regâ—a nostra Aâ—gliâ—â— et Eccleâ—â—â— Anglicanae concernentibâ—s quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westâ— in crastino Purificationis beatae Mariae proâ— futur 〈◊〉 ordinavimus Et â—licet per breve nostrum vobis in fide et ligeantia qâ—ibus Nobis tene mini firmiter injungendo mandaveâ—muâ— quod cessanâ—â— exâ—usaâ—ione quaâ—unque dictis die et loco personaliter interâ—â—â—â— Nobiscum ac cum Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceâ—bus Regni nostri praedicti super negotiis praedictis tractaturi vestrumque consiliâ—m impensâ—â—i Vos tamen mandato nostro praedicto minime parentes ad Parliamentum praedictum dictis die et loco 〈◊〉 huca que venâ—e non curasâ—â—â— in nostâ—a contemptum manifeâ—â—um Et quia Parliamentum praedictum usqâ—e in dâ—em Lunae in 〈◊〉 Quin 〈◊〉 Paschae prox futur duximus continâ—and Vobis in fide et ligeanâ—ia vestris praedictis injungimus et mandamus quod excusatione quacunque cessanâ—e ad locum praedictum in Quindeâ—a praedictâ— perlonalâ—ter intersiâ—is Nobiscum et cum Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti Regni nostri super negotiis praedictis tractaturi vestrumque Consilium impensuri ABINDE ABSQUE LICENTIA NOSTRA SPECIALI MINIME RECESSURI ET HOC SUB GRAVI PAENA PER NOS ET DOMINOS IBIDEM TUNC PRAESENTES LIMITAND NULLATENUS OMITTATIS Teste nt supra Per ipsum Regem et Consilium Consimilia Brevia diriguntur subscriptis sub â—adem data viz. Iohi. de Welle Chr. Iohi. Gray de Codonore Willo Botreaux Chr. Iohi le Warre Chr. Iohi. de Monteacuto Chr. Philâ—â—po le Dispenser Chr. By which writ it is apparent 1. That if any Lord neglect or refuse to appear upon the first writ of Summons issued to him that the King may resummon him by a second writ as here he did these Lords 2ly That the not appearing in Parliament upon the first writ of Summons through negligence wilfulness or without lawful excuse made for it is a manifest contempt to the King That no Peers summoned to Parliaments ought to depart whiles the Parliament conâ—inues without the Kings special license 4ly That the not appearing of any Peer when summoned or his departure from Parliament without the Kings special license is to be punished with such a heavy and deserved penalty as the other Lords sitting in Parliament shall limit and inflict not the King himself without the Lords Usefull Annotations and Observations upon the precedent Writs to the Prince of Wales King of Castel and Leon Dukes and other Temporal Lords and Barons and the lists of their names recorded after them 1. I Observe and must inform the Readers that in some few Clause Rolls there are writs of Summons entred only to Earls and other secular Lords without any writs to Archbishops Bishops Abbots and Spiritual Lords who no doubt had like writs then isâ—ued to them though not registred in the Rolls as the Lords writs attest 2. That in the Rolls where in they both are registred the writs to the Temporal Lords are now and then entred before those to the Archbishops Bishops and Spiritual Lords but most usually they follow them 3. That they are commonly entred both together on the self-same dorse or membrana their reciâ—als claâ—ses for the most part the same in terminis except in the Praemunâ—entes c. which is peculiar to the Archbishops and Bishops writs or in the clauses or Homagio et ligeantia quibu Nobiâ— tenemini which is peculiar to the Temporal Lords and never used in the writs to the Bishops Abbots and Eâ—clesiastical Lords but in
Dilecto et fideli nostro only and that those of the bloud royal are for the most part though not alwayes first entred in the Rolls of summons 81y That when a Duke or Earl of England was made a real or titular King of any forein Realm his Royal title was alwayes mentioned in the writ Thus Iohn Duke of Lancaster King of Castell and Leon in all writs of summons to him after his forein Kingship was stiled Carâ—ssimo filio suo Iohanni Regi Castellae et Lâ—gionis Duci Lancastriae in the summons of 46. 49 50 ◠〈◊〉 And Carissimo Avunculo suo Iohanni Regi Castellâ— Legionis Duci Lancastriae in all the writs issued to him under King Richâ—rd the 2d So if any Earl or Baron of England was created a Duke or Earl in Scotland France or Ireland his forein Titles were inserted into the writs as the Title of Cardinal or Patriarch of Ierusalem was inserted into the English Bishops writs created Cardinâ—ls and Patriarchs beyond the Seas Thus Gilbâ—rt de Vinf an l an English Baron being made Earl of Anegos and David de Strà bolgi Earl of Athol in Scotland Leonell the Kings son Earl of Vlster in Ireland the black Prince made Prince of Aquitain as well as of Wales and Iohn Duke of Lancaster Duke of Aquitan under Richard the 2d the were thereupon stiled Comiti Anegos Comiti Athol Comiti Vlton Principi Aquitaniâ— Walliae Duci Aquitaniae Lancastriae in the writs directed to them and if these their forein Titles were omitted in any Writs against them at the Common Law the writs would abate because they were English Peers and had these Titles inserted into their writs of Summons to Parliament where they sate in their Princes Dukes and Earls Robes amongst the rest of the Dukes and Earls But if any forein Duke Earl Lord or Baron of France Ireland Spain or Germany who was no English Baron Lord or Peer of Parliament was sued in the Kings Court by writ he might be stiled only a Knight or Esquire and needed not to be sued by the Title of Duke Earl Lord or Baron because he was no Duke Earl Lord or Baron at all in England but only in his own Country and should be tried upon an Indictment of Treason Murder or Felony only by an ordinary Iury and not by English Peers By which differences the Books of 39 E. 3. 3â— Brooks Nosme de dignity â—9 59. Parl. 4. 11 E. 3. Fiâ—zh Brief 473. 8 R. 2. Fitzh Proces 224. 20 E. 4. 6. Brooks Nosme de Dignity 49. Dyer â—60 b. Cook 7 rep Calvins case f. 15 16. 9. rep â—â—nchers case f. 117. 3. Instit. p. 20. 4. Instit. p. 47. are fully reconciled 9. That if any Earl Baron or Lord was Marshal Constable Steward Admiral Chancellor Treasurer or other great Officer of England or Warden of the Cinque ports his Title of Office was commonly inserted into the writs of Summons As Rogero or Thomae Comiti Naff Marescallo Angliae Avunculo suo carissimo Thomae de Wodestoke Constaâ—ulario Augliae Willo de Clâ—nton comiti Haâ—iâ—gdon Constabulario Castri Dover et Custodi quinque Portuum suorum c. What precedency these Officers had of other Earls Lords and Barons in Parliament you may read in the Statute of 31 H. 8. c. 10. and Mr. Sâ—ldens Titles of Honor. p. 901 c. 10. That in the lists of the Dukes Earls Lords and Barons names there is no certain order observed according to their Antiquity or Precedency but in some Rolls one is first entred in other Rolls others listed before them and they again postponed in succeeding lists Yâ—t generally for the most part â—hough not always the Prince of Wales is first entred before the rest the Dukes before the Earls the Earls Vicounts before the Lords and Barons and they before the Iudges or Kings Counsil and the Earl who was Marshal of England before the other Earls the Clerks entring their names promiscuously for the most part as the Writs came to their hands Some times the first Writs entred at large issued to one Earl Lord Duke Baron other times the Writs go to others without observing the Laws of Heraldry though in the reing of Edward the 3d. and afterwards their names are more methodically entred then before that time oft times in the selfsame order or with some small variations and transpositions So as the Precedency of the Earls or Barons and their places of sitting in the Parliament House cannot be certainly collected from or defined by the entry of their Writs of Summons or liâ—ting in the Eodem modo mandatum est or Consimiles litâ—rae but by custom and the Statute of 31 H. 8. cap. 10. 11ly That in some Clause Rolls there is one Writ to the Archbishop or some other Bishop first entred at large and another Writ at large to some one Earl or temporal Lord with an Eodem modo or Consimiles literae only entred to the rest there listed but most usually there is only but one Writ entred at large to one of the Archbishops or some other Bishops and then a short recital of some part of that Writ to one temporal Lord with an c. Teste ut supra and the like for brevity sake and an Eodem modo and Consimiles literae or some short entries of some special clauses of the Writ to all the other temporal Lords 12ly That in the Eodem modo and Consimiles Literae first the Bishops Abbots Priors and spiritual Lords then the Dukes Earls Temporal Lords Barons Justices Kings Counsils names are entred successively one after another after the first Writ which is singly entred in sundry Rolls without any Writ or part of Writ interposed between their names as if they had all the selfsame Writs in terminis issued to them But in most Rolls there is either a distinct Writ or part of Writ or an Eodem modo mandatum est c. mutatis mutandis interposed between the names of the Bishops Abbots Priors and Earls and Lay Lords likewise between the Temporal Lords and the Kings Counsil and Justices summoned to Parliaments with the usual clauses wherin the writs differ one froÌ„ another inserted into them which different clauses no doubt were in most of the Writs issued to them in those Rolls where they are all entred promiscuously together in the Eodem modo and Consimiles Literae without any Writ or part of a Writ or mâ—tatis mutandis interposed between theÌ„ omitted only for brevity sake by the Clerks who ingrossed the Rolls 13ly That the English Barons who were titâ—lary Earls in Scotland under the Kings Jurisdiction and Allegance were alwayes summoned and liâ—â—ed amongâ—â— the Earls of England in the Rolls of Summons not amongst the English Lords aud Barons who were no Earls witnesse Gilbert and Robert de Vmfranil Earls of Anegos in Scotland and David de Stabolgi Earl of Athol alwayes summoned to the Parliaments
by the Titles of these their Scotish Earldâ—ms and liâ—ted amongst the Enâ—lish Earls not Barons in the Clause Rolls Gilbert de Vmfranil being summoned by Writ as Earl of Anâ—gos to no lesse than 12. Robert de Vmfranil to 63. Gilbert 〈◊〉 Vmfranâ—l his Son to 50. English Parliaments David de Sirabolgi to 21. Parliaments and great Councils as Earl of Athol as the ensuing Table will inform you amongst the other Earls of England but no other Earls of Scotland besides these two The reason whereof was only this because they were English Barons and held lands by Barony in England though the Titles of their Earldoms were not Englishâ— but Scotish yâ—t they were under the Kings Subjection Allegiance and their Residence when thus summoned was upon their Baronies in England That Gilbert de Vmfranil was an English Baron and Lord of Parliament before he became Earl of Anegos is clear by the Clause Rolls of 23 E. 1. d. 4. 9. 24 E. 1. d. 7. wherein he was summoned to 3. Parliaments amongst the English Lords and Barons but then being Earl of Anegos by discent from his Mother he was in Cl. 25 E. 1. d. 25. sundry Parliaments after alwayes summoned by the name of Earl of Anegos and listed amongst the Earls of England as the ensuing Table demonstrates So Rob. de Umfranil summoned to Parliament amongst the English Barons Claus. 2. E. 2. d. 20. was in Claus. 2. E. 2. d. 11. and all succeeding Parliaments under Edward the 2. 3. summoned to Parliament as Earl of Anegos among the Earls of England with whom he is still entred in the Rolls The like may be said of David de Straâ—olgi who though originally a Scotish Earl was yet afterwards made an English Lord by the King and held Lâ—nds in England by Barony and upon that account summoned to sundry Parliaments and great Councils by â—â—e Title of Earl of Athol and registred amongst the English Earls in the Clause Roâ—ls Which I thought meet to touch both to rectifie and clear that doâ—bâ—e mistake in the Antiquity of the Parliaments of England newly printed p. 46. That Peers of Scotland were wont to come and be summoned to the Parliament And that the Peers of Scotland came to the Parliament for Iustice which the Author indeavours to prove by 39 F. 3. 35. in a writ of Râ—vâ—shment de Gard against Gilbert Vmfraviâ— who demanded judgmâ—nt of the writ because he was Earl of Anguish and not so named in the writ c. When as he was not summoned to our Parliament as a Peer of Scoâ—land but only as an English Baron dignified with the Title of a Scotlsh Earldome and came not to our English Parliament for Iustice but was summoned to it by Speâ—â—â—l writs as a Peer and Member thereof as the Clause Roâ—ls resolve and the very year Book likewise Of which more hereafter in its proper place 14ly That no Forein Prelates Earls Nobles Barons of Ireland Scotland or France were formerly summoned to the Parliaments of England as proâ—er Members thereof or Lords of Parliament to make Laws or impose Taxes or give Iudgment or Counsel in any matters relating to England but only our English Prelates Earls Lords and Barons as is most apparent by these special clauses in the writs of Summons Ibidem Vobiscum ac cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus DICTIREGNI ANGLIAE never Scotiae Franciae or Hiberniae in any writs whatsoever colloquium habere volumus tractatum And Dictis die et loco personaâ—â—ter intersitis Nobiscum cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus PRAEDICTIS or DICTI REGNI NOSTRIâ—â— super dicâ—â—s negotâ—â—s tractaâ—â—ri veâ—â—rumque consilium impensuâ—i And ad consentiendum hiâ—s quae â—unc ibidem de Communi consilio DICTI or EJUSDEM REGNI NOSTRI CONTIGERIT ORDINARI And by this usual clause in the Patents of creation of all our English Earls Lords and Barons of Parliament Volentes concedentes pro Nobis haeredibus successoribus nostris quod praefatus A. Comes B. or C. Baro or Dominus D. et haeredes sui masculi et eorum quilibet habeat teneat possideat sedem locum in PARLIAMENTIS nostris haeredum luccessorum nostrorum infra REGNUM NOSTRUM ANGLIAE inter ALIOS COMITES BARONES EJUSDEM REGNI ut COMES or BARO compared with the Patents of creation of Irish and Scotish Earls Lords Barons Boroughs which constitute them only Earls Lords Barons or Boroughs in terra Dominio nostro Hiberniae or Scotiae or infra Regnum nostrum Scotiae or Hiberuiae and Vnum Comitem Dominum vel Baronem omnium singulorum Parliamentorum Magnorum Conciliorum nostrorum c. in terra or Regno nostro HIBERNIAE or SCOTIAE â—enendorum and grant them only sedem et locum in Parliamentis nostris HIBERNIAE or SCOTIAE inter alios Comites Dominos Barones ejusdem Regni As the Kings Patents to Burroughs in Irel. gave them plenaÌ„ potestateÌ„ authoritateÌ„ eligendi mittendi retornendi duos discretos idoneos viros ad inserviendum attendendum in quolibâ—t Parliamento in dicto regno nostro Hiberniae not Angliae in posterum tenend But no Place or Voyce at all to their Peers or Burgesses in the Parliaments of England amongst the Earls Lords or Barons of England who have no seat Place or Voyce at all in the Parliaments of Scotland or Ireland as they are English Peers though subordinat Kingdoms to England Which I shall farther clear in some ensuing Sections 15ly That there is a great diversity between writs of Summons to Parliaments or General Parliamentary Councils and to particular Councils upon emergent occasions which are not properly Parliaments all the Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Lords Barons together with the Judges and Kings Counsil Citizens Burgesses of Parliament and Barons of the Ciâ—que ports being usually summoned to the one but some few Spiritual and Temporal Lords only without any Judges Assistants Knights Citizens Burgesses or Barons of the Cinque-ports or some few of them only and divers who were no usual Lords Barons of Parliament as in 32 E. 3. d. 14. and other Rolls summoned to the other as the Clause Rolls aâ—test Which difference some ignorant Antiquaries not observing have confounded them both together as one and the same and mistaken some writs of Summons only to a Council or to a conference with the King his Privy Counsil upon extraordinary dangers occasions for writs of Summons to a Parliament Such amongst other forecited writs are these of 35 E. 3. dors 36. 36. E. 3. d. 42. Where all those Earls Lords Abbots Peers Great men Gentlemen Counteâ—â—es Ladies and Dowagers who had Lands in Ireland and none else but they alone were summoned the Temporal Lords and great men to appear in proper Person the Clergymen Countesses Ladies and Dowagers to send one or more Proxies or Deputies in whom
d. 1. and all other summons else and not one Baron or Lord Armiger but he alone though unknighted Armiger being a petty inferior Title not suitable to his Lordship or Pâ—erage 26. That the Prince of Wales Dukes Earls and Marquesses are regularly stiled by their Christian names and Titles or Places of their Dignities and very rarely yet now and then by their Sirnames but the â—emporal Lords and Barons till the end of King Rich. the 2. his reign in the writs of summons directed to them are for the most part stiled by their Christian names and Surnames or by their Baronies supplying Surnamesâ— and sometimes both by their Surnames and Baronies That the Tiâ—le DOMINUS was not usually given to any of them except two before the reign of King Henry the 6. The first in my observation to whom this â—itle was given in any writ of summons was Iohn de Moubray who in Claus. 16 E. 3. par 2. d. 13. and so in other succeeding writs though not in all is stiled Iohn de Moubray DOMINUS Insulae de Axholm none else having this Title till afâ—er the reign of Rich. the 2. The next so stiled is in Claus. 11 H. 4. d. 32. where a writ issued Iohanni Talbot DOMINO de Furâ—vall which though omitted in some summons after is again used in the summons to him Cl. 4 H. 5. d. 16. and Cl. 8H 5. d. 2. Afteâ— which I finde none so stiled till Cl. 23 H. 6. d. 21. where Robert Hungerford Chivaler is stiled DOMINUS de Mollins as he is in Cl. 25 H. 6. d. 24. which gives the title of DOMINUS de Poynings to Hâ—nry Peircy In Cl. 27 H. 6. d. 24. this title DOMINUS is given to Hungerford Percy and 4 more in Cl. 28 H. 6. d. 26. it is added to 8. In Cl. 29 H. 6. d. 41. to 16. after which it grew more common to them and most others who were summoned as the ensuing Table will more particularly inform you But though the temporal Lords in the writs of summons issued to them were seldom stiled Lords or Barons before 23 H. 6. yet it is observable that when any of them are particularly mentioned in the Parliament Rolls Acts of Parliament Commissions or Patents they are usually stiled BARONS or LORDS as in the Proâ—â—gue of Magna Charta 9 H. 3. c. 2. 14. 37. Charta de Foresta c. 11. 20 H. 3. c. 9. 51 H. 3. 1. 10. Dictum de Kenelworth 51 H. 3. 3 E. 1. the Prologue and c. 23. 13 E. 1. c. 42. 18 E. 1. The Statute of Quo Warrauto 25 E. 1. c. 6. 34 E. 1. c. 5. The Prologues to the Sâ—atutes of E. 3. 14 E. 3. c. 5. and the Commission therupon Paâ— 18 E. 3. p. 2. m. 39. 36 E. 3. c. 6. 20 R. 2. c. 3. and other Acts. How fearfull Christians were to give this Tâ—tle of DOMINUS to the Greatest Emperors and how unwilling Augustus and the greatest Christian Emperors were to receive or make use of iâ— unless with the diminution of DOMNUS and DOMPNUS not Dominus you may read in Sir Henry Spelmans Glossary p. 225 226. it being a Title peculiar to God and Christ DEI NO MEN as Terâ—ulliâ—â—â—â—liles â—liles it whereas now it is usurped by and given to every upstart of the most ignoble extraction to bring Nobility it self and the House of Lords into contempt 27. That it is the inseparable incommunicable Prerogative and Supream Royal Jurisdiction of the Kings of England underivable to and inusurpable by any other person or persons by their special Patents Writs of Creation Charters and Solemn Invchiâ—ures to make and create Princes of Wales Dukes Earls Marquesses Vicounts Lords Barons and Peeres of the Râ—alm and to give them and their posterities a place seat voyce in the Parliament and Great Councils of England the Supreamest Judicature and highest Court of all others wherein they sit as Iudges and all others Iudges in the Courts of Westminster sit only as their Assistants not as Associates or their fellow Iudges This is evident not only by all writs of summons issued to the Lords but likewise by the express Resolution of all the Nobles and Parliaments of 50 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 41. 51 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 9. 36 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 94. 40 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 13. 9 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 14 15 16 17. 11 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 44. 13 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 21 22 23 20 R. 2. rot Par. n. 30 31 32. 21 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 33. 1 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 76 78 82. 9 H. 4. rot Parl. n. 25. 4 H. 5. rot Parl. n. 13. 3 H. 6. the case of Iohn Earl Marshal rot Parl. n. 11 12 13. 11 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 31. to 36. 33 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 42 43 50. 1 2 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 12 13 14. 14 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 24 25. 17 E. 4. rot Parl. n. 16. by all Patents presidents of creating any Princes Dukes Earls Marquesses Vicounts Lords Peers and Barons of Parliament collected by Mr. Iohn Selden in his Titles of Honor Book 2. Chap. 5 6 7. Mr. William Martyn Camâ—den Mills his Catalogue of Honor Bâ—ook his Catalogue of Nobility Augustine Vincent his Discovery of Errours therein Iames York his Union of Honour with others who have written of our English Peers Nobility and Sir Henry Spâ—lmas his Glossary Title Baro p. 81 82 83. Comes p. 177 178. Hence is it that King Henry the 1. King Iohn Henry the 3. and Edw. 1. in their Great Charters and other wriâ—ing usually stile them â—OMITES BARONES NOSTRI MEI Si quis BARONUM MEORUM vâ—l COMITVM or DE BARONIBUS MEIS or NOSTRIS and Glanvil l. 8. c. 11. l. 9. c. 1. Huntindon Historiarum l. 5. The Leiger Book of Ramsay sect 171. Pope Nâ—cholas in his Epistle to King Ed. the Confessor with our Lawbooks Historians usually stile them BARONES REGIS REGII BARONES VESTRI BARONES SVI speaking of the King Rex de IURE BARONIBUS SUIS And hence we read Ann. 3. H. 3. Fitzh Prescription 50. this Custem pleaded in Barr of a Nuper obiit Quod si aliquis BARO DOMINI REGIS tenens de Rege obâ—isset et non haberet haeredem nisi filias et primogenita filiae maritatae sunt in vitaâ— patris Dominus Reâ— daret postnatam filiam quae remaneret in haeredâ—tate Paâ—ris alicui Militum suorum cum tota haereditatâ— Patris sui de qua obiisset seseitus iâ— a quod aliae filiae nihil recâ—pâ—rent versus postnatam filiam in vâ—ta sua et omnes Reges habuerunt hanc dignitatem à Conquestu Yea this is such an incommunicable Prerogâ—â—ve incident to our Kings alone that neither the Emperour himself nor Pope could ever create an English Earl Baron or Lord of Parliament nor give him any precedency before other Lords in England
d. 25. 18 p. 1. d. 14. 20 p. 2. d. 22. 21 p. 2. d. 9. 22 p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 7. E. 3. William la Zousche de Castro Rici 19 d. 27. E. 2. 1 p. 2. d. 11. 16 2 d. 31 E 3. William la Zousche de Mortuomari Mortymer 2 d. 15. 23 3 d. 19 4 d. 13. 28. 32. 41 5 d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7 6 d. 4. 9. 19. 36 7 p. 2. d. 3 8 d. 18 9 d. 8 10 d. 1. 5. E. 3. William la Zouche de Asheby 9 d. 28. E. 3. William la Zousche de Haringworth Iunior 23 p. 1. d. 23 24 p. 2. d. 3 25 p. 1. d. 5 26 d. 14. 27 d. 12 28 d. 26 29 d. 7 8 31 d. 2. 21 32 d. 14 34. d. 4 35 d. 30 36 d. 42 37 d. 22 38 d. 3 39. d. 2 42 d. 22 43 d. 24 44 d. 1 46 d. 9 47 d. 13 49 d. 4. 6 50 p. 2. d. 6. E. 3. 1 d. 37 2 d. 13. 29 3 d. 32 4 d. 32 5 d. 40 6 d. 37 7 d 10. 37 8 d. 35 9 d. 45. 10 d. 42 11 d. 13. 37 12 d. 42 13 d. 5 14 d. 42 15 d. 37 16 d. 23 17 d. 30 18 d. 23 20 p. 1. d. 15 R. 2. William la Zouche de Haringworth 2 p. 1. d. 3 3 d. 17 5 p. 1. d. 18. p. 2. d. 4. 7 d. 30 8 d. 2 11 d. 32 12 d. 2 14 d. 22 H. 4. 1 d. 9. 37 2 d. 16 H. 5. William la Zouche de Haringworth 4 d. 15 5 d. 4 Chivaler 7 d. 2 9 d. 18 10 d. 10 13 d. 2 15 d. 18 18 d. 33 20 d. 27 25 d. 24 27 d. 24 28 d. 26 29 d. 41 31 d. 36 33 d. 36 38 d. 30. H. 6. 1 d. 35. 2 d. 3 6 d. 1. E. 4. As these last Alphabeticall Chronologicall Tables will be very usefull to all Heraulds and the ancient Nobility of the Realme and adde much luster to Mr. Brookes his Catalogue of Nobilitie Mr. Vincent his Discovery of the Errours therein Iames York his Union of Honours William Martyn his succession of the Nobility of England at the end of his History and other Writers of our Nobility who were originally hereditary for the major part so by the serious perusal of the later of them you may clearly discern beyond all contradiction 1. That there are at least 98. Laymen in the later Catalogue summoned only once and no more hui once by our Kings at sundry times to several Parliaments and Great Councels of the Realm by the self same general Writs of Summons as the Earles Peers and Barons of the land were summoned and enrolled amongst them in the Lists of Summons and Resummons and specially commanded by their Writs Quod personaliter intersitis Nobiscum ac cum Praelatis caeteris Magnatibus Proceribus dicti Regni nostâ—i super negotiis praedictis tractaturi Vestrumque Consilium impensuri c. yet neither themselves nor any of their Name or Posterity were ever summoned afterwards to any other Parliament or Great Councill for ought appears by the Clause Rolls and Lists of persons summoned 2. That there are at least 50. others of them thuâ— summoned by general Writs and listed amongst the names of the temporal Lords Barons and Great men some of them only to 2. others of them to 3. others to 4. others to 5. or 6. Parliaments and great Councils at several times yet not one of them or their Progenie afterwards called by Writ to any succeeding Parliaments or Councils 3. Thâ—t Iohn ap Adam was called by Writ to no lesse then 16. successive Parliaments and Grand Councils of the Realme under King Ed. 1. 2. and 3. Roger de Banent to 22. under Ed. 2. and 3. Guido de Bryan to 37. under E. 3. and R. 2. Iohn de Claverings to 45. under E. 1. 2. and 3. Philip de Columbariis to 44. under E. 2. and 3. Sir William Herne to 8. under E. 3. R. 2. and H. 4. as likewise Walter de Manny Iohn de la Mare Nicholas de Meyvill Thomas de Musgrave Iohn Somery Henry de Teyez Thomas Vhtred and some others summoned by general Writs to sundry Parliaments and Councils by one or more of our Kings yet they and their Posterities of the same name were afterwards totally omitted out of the Writs and lists of Summons and never summoned again in succeeding times 4. That Gilbert and William de Acton Richard and William de Aldeburge Gilbert and William de Aton perchance the same with Acton Robert and William de Felton John Richard and Matthew Fitz Iohn Ralph and Robert de Grendon Robert and Alexander de Hilton Adam and Thomas de Novo Mercato Hugh and Hugh de Sancto Phileberto Giles and Richard de Playez Miles and Nicholas de Stapleton William and Theobald Trussell William and John Tuchet to omit others were successively summoned to one two or three Parliaments Great Councils not immediately succeeding each other but some good distance of years and time after the other during which many Parliaments and Councils intervened to which none of them were called by Writ and then totally omitted none of their name or posteritie for ought appeares being ever summoned again as the last Table visibly demonstrates From which 4. particulars I conceive it experimentally evident beyond dispute That as the Kings Writs to his Counsell Justices and other Assistants mentioned in the next Section did neither constitute them nor their issues Peers or Barons of the Realm nor Assistants for life though they sat advised with the King Lords upon all weighty occasions in the Lords House and as the elections retornes of Knights Citizens Burgesses Barons of Ports by the Kings Writs of summons to Parliaments and their sitting voting in the Commons House in one or more Parliaments for which they are elected though seconded with the Kings Writs for levying their expences after the Parliaments ended do neither create them Knights Citizens Burgesses Barons of Ports nor Members of the Commons House during their own lives much lesse their issue Males in succession after them but only during the session and continuance of these particular Parliaments and Councils for which they are elected and retorned which being once determined they presently ceased to be Knights Citizens Burgesses Barons in any succeeding Parliaments or Councils unlesse newly elected and retorned to serve in them by the Kings new Writs as our Law books and experience resolve so the Kings generall Writs of summons directed to Knights Gentlemen and other Laicks who held not by Barony and are no Lords nor Barons by special creations or Descent from their Ancestors to treat with the King and the rest of the Lords and Great men in the Lords House and their sitting therein once twice or oftener by Vertue of such Writs doth in truth and reality neither make nor create themselves nor their heires Males after them in point
personaliter intersitis Nobiscum si interesse possumus seu interveniente impedimento deputandis à Nobis super dictis negotiis tractatur vestrumque consilium impen sur Et hoc nullatenus omittatis Teste Rege apud Stanhope 7 die Augusti Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis viz. 33. 0thers there named And in the same Roll dors 3. there is the like writ to him and 7. more only The writ Claus. 2 E. 3. dorse 31. thus varies from the former Rex dilecto et sideli suo Waltero de Norwico salutem Cum in Parliamento nuper apud Eborum convocato magna et ardua negotia proposita fuerunt quae propter absentiam quorundam Praelatorum Magnatum et Procerum Regni nostri tunc non poterunt terminari super quibus et aliis diversis Negotiis de assensu Praelatorum ac Magnatum et Procerum in eodem Parliamento nostro tunc existentium apud Northhampton à die Paschae prox futur in tres Septimanas Parliamentum tenere et Vobiscum ac cum Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus Regni nostri et eum caeteris de Conâ— silio nostro Colloquium et Deliberationem habere volumus Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum super dictis Negotiis tractatur vestrumque Consilium impensur Et hoc sicut Nos ac honorem nostrum ac salvationem Regni nostri diligitis nullo modo omittatis Teste Rege ut supra Eodem modo mandatum est to x. more the first of them Magistro Gilberto de Middleton Archid Northhampton Clause 23 of the same Roll there is the like writ different only in the recital as to the Archbishop p. 28. to x. Justices and Assistants the same with the former and so in dorse 15. In Claus. 3 E. 3. d. 19. there is no writ entred to the Justices and Counsil but I finde them promiscuously inserted amongst the Lords in the Eodem modo mandatum est where I meet with Magist Rico Erinm perchance Ermin Magist Antonio de Bek Decano Ecclesiae beatae Mariae Lincolne Galfro le Scrop Wilâ—â— le Herle Roberto de Malberthorp Rico de Willugâ—by Iohi de Traverse Ade de Herewinton Henry le Scrop Roberto de Wodehouse Archid Richmond Willo le Dennie Ioâ—i de Canteâ—rigg Rico de Aldeburge Magist. Gilberto de Middleton Archid Northampton and Rob. Baynard inserted into the List of the Lords being usually listed amongst the Justices and Counsil in precendent and subsequent Rolls Clause 4 E. 3. d. 41. the writ runs in this most usual form except in the recital Rex dilecto et fideli fuo Roberto de Wodehouss Archid. Richmond Thesaurar suo salutem Quia pro magnis et arduis negotiis Nos et statum Regni nostri multipliciter contingentibus Parliamentum nostrum apud Winton die Dominica prox ante festum Sancti Gregorii Papae prox futur tenere et Vobiscum ac cum caeeteris de Consilio nostro habere Colloquium disposuimus et tractatum Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum ac cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super dictis negotiis tractatur vestrumque consilium impensur Et hoc nullatenuâ— omittatis T. ut supra p. 30. Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis viz. 8. more Ibidem dors 13. the like Writ except in the Prologue Qualiter c. as p. 31. issued to this Treasurer and the same 8. persons more But in dorso 23. there is no writ entred but only the names of 5. of the Counsil in the Eodem modo after the Lords with a space for distinction Claus. 5 E. 3. dors 25. the Writ issues Dilectâ— fideli suo Galfrido Le Scrop Capitali Iusticiario suo c. as p. 32. in the recital and then in the usual form as the precedent writ in the later Clause there being 12 more names in the Eodem modo Dorse 7. the like writ issued to him and x. more both of them entred after the Writs to the Sheriffs and Warden of the Cinque-ports usually registred before them next after the writs to the Lords in all precedent Rolls but frequently after them in most Rolls after this Clause 6 E. 3. d. 9. 19. 36. there are three writs of this nature entred after those to the Sheriffs and Wardens of the Cinque-ports issued to this Chief Justice Scrop the first to 7 the second to 30 the third to 9 more Justices and others Claus. 7 E. 2. pars 2. dors 3. the writ entred is to him and 20. besides after all the rest of the Writs but one as in many more ensuing Rolls and so Claus 8 E. 3. d. 18. to him and 22. more whereof the Chancellor of the Exchequer is one and the Kings Treasurer another Claus 9 E. 3. d. 8. the Writ entred is to to the same Geoffry Le Scrop and 15 others and Dorse 28. to him and 22 more But in Claus. 10. dors 1 5. the Writs enrolled issued Magistro Roberto de Stratford Archid. Cantuar and 14 more in both lists whereof Roberto Parnings Willo Scot Simoni Trewosa Servientibus Regis are 3. These are the two first Eodem modo mandatum est I meet with wherein the Kings Serjeants at Law were summoned to Parliaments who are last named in both these Lists Clause 11 E. 3. pars 1. d. 15. After the Lords 5 are registred with Iustic added to them and 3 besides In d. 8. there is only this entry Eodem mode mandatum est dilecto Cler. suo Mro Joh de Ufford mutatis mutandis after the Lords names to which 9. of the Counsils Justices names are conjoyned without distinction before this entry But in Clause 11 E. 3. part 2. dorse 40. the writ entred is directed Rob de Stratford Electo Cicestr different in the recital from the writs to the Temporal and Spiritual Lords in this Membrana and agreeing with that in Claus. 11. pars 1. m 8. to which it should refer upon which Account I shall transcribe it Rex dilecto Clerico fuo Mro Rob de Stratford Electo Cicestr salutem Quia super certis responsionibus solennibus Nunciis nostris per Nos ad partes Franciae ultimo pro quibusdaÌ„ negotiis nostris ibideÌ„ expediendis transmissis datis necnon pro quibusdaÌ„ aliis negotiis urgentisâ—limis Nos et statum Regni nostri ac aliarum terrarum nostrarum intimè contingentibus cum Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus regni nostri apud Westm. die Veneris prox ante festum Sancti Michaelis prox futur ordinavimus habere Colloquium et Tractatum Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiseum c. ut supra T. ut supra Eodem modo mandatum est c. to 10. more most of them Justices and
17. E. 1. made and agreed on at Nottingham By the assent of our Counsell there being By the Preface to Articuli Cleri 9. E. 2. In our Parliament holden at Lincolnâ— the 9th of our reigne We caused the Articles underwritten with certain Answers made to some of them to be rehearsed before Our Counsell and made certain Answers to be corrected and to the residue of the Articles underwritten answers were made By us and our Counsell of which Articles and Answers the tenours here ensue By the Statute of Gavelet An. 10. E. 2. It is provided by our Lord the King and His Iustices c. By the Statute De Terris Templariorum 17. E. 2. It was moved in Parliament in the presence of the Prelates Barons Nobles and Great men of the Realm and others there present Whether the Order of the Templers being dissolved the King and other Lords of the fees might retain them by the Law of the Realme and with safe conscience Whereupon the Greater part of the Kings Counsell as well the Iustices as other Lay-Persons being assembled together the said Iustices affirmed precisely That our Lord the King and other Lords of the fees aforesaid might well and lawfully by the lawes of the Realme retain the foresaid Lands as their Escheats in regard of the ceasing and dissolution of the Order aforesaid But upon other grounds of Conscience they setled them on the Hospitall of S. Iohns of Ierusalem by this Statute 1. E. 3. c. 3. But it is not the mind of the King nor of His COUNSELL that they who have sold ther Lands c. should have any benefit of this Statute The Prologue of the printed Statute of 1. E. 3. Parl 2. At the request of the Commonally by their Petition made before the King and HIS CONSELL in Parliament by assent of the Prelates Earles and Barons c. 9. E. 3. c. 1. Our Sovereign Lord the King desiring the profit of his people by the assent of his Prelates Earles Barons and other Nobles of his Realm summoned at his present Parliament and By the aâ—vice of his Counsell being there c. hath ordained and established the Statâ—â—te of Money 9. E. 3. c. 7. When and where it shall please us and OVR COVNSELL to make Exchanges 11. E. 3. c. 1. Till by the King and his COVNSELL iâ— he otherwise provided 14. E. 3. c. 5. The Chancellor Treasurer the Justices of the one Bench and of the other and other OF THE KINGS COUNSELL 14. E 3. Stat. 3. Of the Clergy Prologue Wherefore Wee their petition seen and regarded and there upon deliberation with the Peers of the Realme and other of OVR COVNSELL and of the Realm c. have granted c. And ch 5. Our Chancellour and Treasurer taking to them other of our Counsell c. 20. E. 3. Prologue By the assent of the Great men and other wise men of Our Counsell We have ordained these things following And c. 5. We have ordained to come before us at a certain day or before them whom we shall depute of Our Counsell 23. E. 3. c. 8. should be converted to a publick and common profit by advise of His Counsell And alwayes it is the intent of the King and of His Counsell that according to the first Ordinance it should be lawfull and shall be lawfull for every man c. 25. E. 3. of Labourers Prologue It was ordained by our Sovereign Lord the King and by assent of the Prelates Earles Barons and other of His Counsell 25 E. 2. Stat. 2. Of those born beyond the Seas Our Sovereign Lord the King willing that all doubts and ambiguities should be put away and the Law in this case declared and put in a certainty hath charged the said Prelates Earles Barons and other wise men of his Counsell assembled in this Parliament to deliberate upon this point which of one assent have said That the Law of the Crown of England is and alwayes hath been such c. 25. E. 3. Parl. 5. c 2. of Treasons And if percase any men of this Realme endeavour covertly or secretly against any other to slea him or to rob him or take him or retein till he hath made fine or ransome or to have his deliverance it is not the mind of the King Nor His Counsell that in such cases it shall be judged Treason but shall be judged Felony or Trespasse according to the Laws of the Land of old time used and according as the case requireth And chap. 4. It is accorded assented and stablished that from henceforth none shall be taken by petition or suggestion made to our Sovereign Lord the King or to his Counsell unlesse it be by Inditement or presentment of his good and lawfull neighbours 25. E. 3. Parl. 6. Statute of Provisors Whereas in the Parliament of Edward King of England Grandfather of the King that now is the 25. of his reigne holden at Carlile the Petition heard put before the said Grandfather and HIS COUNSELL by the Commonalty of his Realm c. 27. E. 3. c. 1. Provisors shall have day containing the space of two moneths by warning to be made to them c. to be before the King and HIS COUNSELL or in his Chancery or before the Kings Justices in his places of the one Bench or the other or before other the Kings Justices which shall be deputed to the same to answer in their proper persons to the King of the contempt done in this behalf ch 2. It is assented by the King and all his Counsell 27. E. 3. of the Staple ch 21. That the same Mayor and Constables do not ordain any thing contrary to these Ordinances nor make interpretation nor exceptions to them otherwise then the words purport but if there be any thing that is doubtfull it shall be shewed unto Our Counsell and there declared by good advise ch 23. And in case that debates arise betwixt them upon the discussing of any plea or quarrell the tâ—nour of the said Plea or quarrell shall be sent before the Chancellor and other of Our Counsell to be by them determined without delay ch 25. And now late it is done Us and our Counsell to understand by the complaint of the said Merchants ch 28. And in case any thing be to be amended added changed or withdrawn of any of the said points in time to come by a true cause we will that the same be done by deliberation and advice of the Great men and Other of our Counsell in Parliament 31. E. 3. Stat. 2. c. 3. It is accorded by our Sovereign Lord the King the Great men and all the Commons in this present Parliament that the Chancellor and Treasurer taking unto them the JUSTICES and OTHER THE KINGS COUNSEL such as to them shall seem meet shall have power to ordain remedy of the buying and selling of Stockfish of St. Botulfs and Salmon of Barwick and of Wines and Fish of Bristow and elsewhere and that the Ordinances by
away the Court commonly called the Starr-chamber fit to be put in vigorous execution against the transcendent infringers of it By all which it appears that the Kings Iustices and Counsil in Parliaments as well as out of them had formerly a principal hand in making Laws Ordinances and resolving points questions of Law and other matters of moment I shall close up my Observations on this Section with these 4. memorable Records relating to the Kings Counsell and the Nobles in Scotland and Ireland as distinct from his Counsell and Parliamentary Assemblies in England Cl. 37. H. 3. d. 9. Rex mandat quod Abbas Westm. -moretur in Anglin de Consilio Reginae propter recessum Regis ad partes Vasconiae Et mandatum est eidem Reginae quod ipsum ad hoc admittat accepto ab eo prius corporali Sacramento quod officium illud fideliter intendat T. ut supra Cl. 38. H. 3. dors 13. Rex H. Cantuar. Archiepiscopo salutem Cum quaedam ardua urgentia negotia Statum nostrum Regni nostri tangentia habeamus Vobis communicanda quae sine consilio Vestro aliorum Magnatum nostrorum noluimus expediri Vobis mandamus in fide quia Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quatinus sicut Nos honorem nostrum diligitis nullatenus omittatis quin à die Sancti Hillarii proximo futuri in quindecim dies sitis apud Westm. coram Regina nostra R. Com. Cornub. fratre nostro aliis de Consilio nostro super dictis negotiis tractaturi nec retardetis adventum vestrum quin sitis ad dictum diem tempestive Teste A. Regina R. Com. Cornub. apud Westm. The cause of this meeting is at large related in another Writ to this Archbishop forecited p. 3. 4. Upon the same occasion the King issued this Writ to the King of Scots entred in the same Roll and dorse Rex Regi Scotiae salutem Quia ratio Vinculi foederis inter nos contracti requirit quod Vobis fidelibus Vestris ardua urgentia negotia Statum nostrum terrae nostrae tangentia communicemus Vos Nobis vice versa Serenitatem vestram ex toto corde requirimus quatinus in Quindena Purificationis beatae Mariae prox futur apud Castrum puellarum de Edenburgh personaliter interesse velitis convocantes inducentes Praelatos Magnates Regni Vestri ut ad dictos diem locum representent se coram Vobis modis omnibus Nullo enim modo expediret honori proficuo nostro vestro quin modo praedicto ad praedictos diem locum compareatis audituri per nuncios nostros qui de Vasconia Vobis ibidem occurrent praedicta negotia arduissima urgentissima in quibus necesse est quod vos fideles vestri consilium vestrum pariter auxilium apponatis T. ut supra per Reginam Comitem It is observable that the King by this Writ doth not summon the King of Scots and his Nobles to his Parliament or Counsell of England as members thereof to advise and assist him in this necessitie notwithstanding the strict alliance and league between them but to assemble together at Edenburgh in their own country by themselves alone as the Officers and Nobles of Ireland were then also required to meet in Ireland by themselves by this ensuing Writ of the same date with the former Rex Mauricio filio Giraldi salutem Quia Rex Castell cum multitudine Exercitus Christianorum Saracenorum terram nostram Vasconiae in Quindena Pasche prox futur ingressurus est hostiliter non solum ad eandem terram destruendam occupandam set ad terras nostras Angliae Hiberniae per introitum dictae terrae si eam optineret quod absit invadendas aspirat Nos in propria persona nostra cum eodem Rege bellum campestre aggredi proposuimus de universa fidelitate vestra quam in agendis nostris fructuosam semper invenimus plenam gerentes fiduciam vos requirimus in fide qua Nobis tenemini affectuosè rogamus quatinus sicâ—t Nos honorem nostrum indempnitatem corporis nostri diligitis in hac necessitate nostra non parcentes personae aut rebus vestris nulla ratione seu occasione differatis quin poteritis vos praeparare ad veniendum ad nos in Vasconiam omnes amicos vestros ad hoc idem inducentes Ita quod sitis apud Waterford in Octabis Pasche prox futur cum equis armis bona gente prompti parati statim naves ascendere ad transfretandum ad Nos in terram praedictam Scitote indubitanter qui Nobis in hac parte subvenerint eorum amici erimus benevoli imperpetuum qui Nos in hac urgenti inexuperabiâ—i necessiâ—ate relinquerint de eis alias minus confidere poterimus eis minus grati erimus Nunquam etiam futuris temporibus tanta Nobis imminebit necessitas consilii auxilii sicut in presenti negotio Et ad regerendum vobis plenius pericula nostrorum Inimicorum Iohannem filium Galfridi Justiciarium nostrum Hiberniae ad partes illas misimus cui apud Dublinum ad in stantem mediam Quadragesimam una cum aliis Magnatibus nostris Hiberniae quibusâ—id mandavimus accedatis audituri voluntatem nostram cum ipâ—o super praemissis plenius tractaturi T. ut supra An Exact Alphabetical Table of all the Kings Counsil whether Judges Serjeants at Law Officers of State Deans Archdeacons 〈◊〉 other Clergy men or Laymen from 22 E. 1. till 23 E. 4. with the Yeares Rolls Dorses of each King wherein they were summoned to Parliaments By which you may finde who were Chief Justices Judges Officers in each Kings reign A IOhn Abell 5 d. 17. 6 d. 31. 7 d. 27. 8 d. 29. 9 11 d. 8. 14. 14 d. 23. E. 2. Magister Richard de Abyngdon 1 d. 8. 11. 19. 2 d. 11. 20. 5 d. 17. 6 d. 31. 16. 7 d. 2. 8 d. 29. 9 d. 22. E. 2. Magister Robert de Aileston Archidiac Berks 6 d. 9. 19. Thesaurarius Regis 7 E. 3. Richard de Aldeburge 3 d. 19. 7 8 E. 3. Peter Arderne 23 25 27 29 31 33 twice 38 H. 6. 1 2 6 E. 4. Magister Robert de Ashton 1 2 3 d. 13. 19. R. 2. Henry Asty and Astee 49 50 E. 3. 1 â— 3 d. 13. 19. 4 5 6 R. 2. William de Ayremine 6 d. 16. 7 d. 11. 27. E. 2. William Ayscogh 20 23 25 27 28 29 31 H. 6. William Ayshton 23 25 27 28 29 31 33 38 H. 6. 1 2 E. 4. B VVIlliam Babington 7 H. 5. 1 2 3 4 5 7 9 10 11 13 H. 6. Iohn Bacun 11 d. 8. 14. 14 d. 23. E. 2. Thomas Bacoun 7 p. 2. d. 3. 8 d. 18. E. 3. Magister Robert de Baldock 11 d. 11. 19. Archidiac Midd. 12 d. 11. 29. 13 d 13. 14 d. 23. E. 2. Iohn de
That this Oath was made by unanimous consent of the Queen Lords and Commons in Parliament 2. That it was five years a probationer and approved ratified by two successive Parliaments before it was imposed upon any Members and not actually administred to any till the Parliament of 8. Elizabeth 3. That it was imposed onely upon the Members of the Commons House not upon any temporal Lords or Barons of the Realm 4. That the principal end of prescribing it was to abolish the Popes usurped supremacy and prevent his and his instruments Traiterous attempts against the Queens person Crown Kingdome discover persons popishly affected and seclude them from sitting or voting in the Commons House if elected returned unless they should first take this Oath Not to debar or exclude any real Protestants when duly elected from entring into the Parliament house to discharge their trusts and duties 5. That it appoints no Officers or armed Guards forcibly to seclude any Knight Citizen Burgess or Baron of the Ports till hee hath openly taken and pronounced this Oath but onely layes 2 particular inhibition upon every such Member himself not to enter the House without taking it under the disabilities and penalties therein mentioned leaving every Member a liberty to seclude himself in case hee were unsatisfied or could not in conscience or prudence take this Oath but authorizing none else to keep him perforce out of the House if hee had a mind to rush into it without taking it After this the Parâ—iament of 3. Iacobi c. 4. upon the detection and prevention of the inâ—ernal Gunpowder Treason of the Pope Iesuites and Papists to blow up the King Queen Prince Lords Commons and Parliament when all assembled together in the Lords House November 5 Anno 1605. by unanimous consent of the three Estates made and prescribed a New Oath of Allegianoe to all persons except Péers of the Realm who actually were or should be suspected to be Papists for their better discovery and conviction without imposing it upon any Members of either House Which Oath many Papists oppugning with false and unsound Arguments though tending onely to the declaration of such duty as every true well-affected subject not onely by his bond of Allegiance but also by the commandement of Almighty God ought to bear to the Kings Majesty his Heirs and Successors Thereupon the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of 7. Iacobs when this Oath had been approved four years space not onely enacted ch 2. that every person who should henceforth be naturalized or restored in blood should first take this oath but to shew their great approbation thereof humbly prostrating themselves at his Majesties feet did earnestly beseech him that the same Oath might be administred to all his Subjects what soever And thereupon it was enacted ch 6. That all and every Knights Citizens Burgeâ—â—es and Barons of the Five-Ports of the Commons House of Parliament â—before hee or they shall be permitted to eâ—ter the said House shall make take and renew the said corporal Oath upon the Evangelists before the Lord Steward for the time being or his Deputy or Deputies without imposing any disability or penalty or appointing any Officers forcibly to seclude those from entring who refused it Since these recited Acts all Members of the Commons House have constantly taken these two Oaths voluntarily without coercion or forcible seclusion before they entred or sate as Members in the House The last Parliament of 16. Caroli in their first Act for preventing the inconveniences happening by the long intermission of Parliaments enacted That all and every the Members that shall be elected to serve in any Parliament hereafter to be assembled by virtue of this Act shall assemble and enter into the Commons House of Parliament and shall enter into the same and shall have voices in Parliament before and without the taking of the several Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance or either of them any Law or Statute to the contrary thereof in any wise notwithstanding Provided alwaies that if the Kings Majesty his Heirs or Successors shall at any time during any Parliament hereafter to be assembled by vertue of this Act award or direct any Commission to any person or persons whatsoever to take or receive the said Oaths of all or any Members of the Commons House of Parliament and any Members of the House being duly required thereunto shall refuse or neglect to take and pronounce the same that from thenceforth such person so refusing or neglecting shall bee deemed no Member of that House nor shall have any voice therein and shall suffer such pains and penalties as if hee had presumed to sit in the same House without Election return or authority These Statutes being all in their full force never legally repealed authorizing no Officers nor Souldiers whatsoever forcibly to seclude or punish any Member of the Commons House for not taking both or either of these two Legal Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance ratified by so many indubitable Parliaments one after another and backed by the solemn League Covenant and Protestation it is neither in the power of the King himself or his Counsil nor of the House of Lords or any other persons whatsoever much less of the Commons House alone or any prevailing party in it who never in any age had the least Legal right or authority to administer an Oath in any case to any witness or person whatsoever much less to impose any New Oaths upon their fellow-Members sitting with them or secluded by them and on all succeeding Members of that House in future Parliaments to enforce any New Oath or Engagement whatsoever inconsistent with or repugnant to these two Legal Parliamentary Oaths or to suspend exclude or eject any Knight Citizen Burgess or Baron of the Ports duly elected and returned from sitting or voting with them in the Commons House for refusing such new Ingagement or Oath it being directly contrary not only to the Freedome Priviledge of our English Parliaments Laws Liberties but to the very letter of the Petition of Right ratified by K. Charles himself which complained of and provides against the administring of any Oath not warranted by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm and enacts That no Man hereafter shall be called to take such Oath as being repugnant to their Rights Liberties the Laws and Statutes of the Land much less then no Members of Parliament enforced by their fellow-Members to take such an Oath or else be suspended secluded the House of Commons that former proceedings of this kind in the case of Loanes wherein such an oath was prescribed exacted should not be drawn hereafter into consequence or example Yea contrary to the House of Commons Remonstrants of the State of the Kingdome 15. Decemb. 1641. who therein charge the Kings evil Counsellors That New Oaths have been enforced upon the Subjects against Law and new Iudicatures erected without Law which some who thus remonstrated have
one body contrary to their very fundamental Laws Constitutions Rights Priviledges to their grand prejudice and dishonour Therefore there is no reason for either of them to submit and conform thereto The rather because this Instrument was never ratified by any but opposed by every publick Convention since its publication yea totally set aside if ever valid by the last of them in and by this clause of their humble Petition and Advice Artic. 3 4. That the number of persons to be elected and chosen to sit and serve in Parliament for England Scotland and Ireland and distribution of the persons so chosen within the Counties Cities and Burroughs of them respectively may be according to such proportions as shall be agreed in this present Parliament which agreed nothing concerning the same And both the Instrument and Advice being now set aside by those in present power by issuing Writs for electing Knights Citizens and Burgesses throughout England according to the ancient Laws Usage Custome and not according to the Instrument or Advice by which the English and Commons House are now remitted to their old Parliamentary Rights Priviledges They are obliged upon all these Reasons Authorities and Considerations henceforth to seclude all Scotish and Irish Knights Citizens Burgesses or Peers from sitting or voting amongst them as Members and ought to treat with them onely as Delegates or Commissioners sent from both Nations touching such affairs as particularly relate to Scotland and Ireland according to ancient and late Presidents but not to permit them any place or vote at all in the Commons or Lords House as joynt-Members Legislators with the English in the Parliaments of England 7. Because the thrity persons to be chosen for Scotland and the other thirty for Ireland and the several Counties Cities and Borroughs within the same to represent and oblige both these Kingdomes and Nations as their Representativees and Attornies are not to be elected by the generality of both Kingdomes as in justice reason equity they ought to be but by such as the Major part of the Council at Whitehall shall prescribe as the 9th Article in the Instrument declares some whole Counties and eminent Cities in both Kingdomes having no voices at all in the Elections of these Members and therefore not to be obliged by them as 44. E. 3. f. 19. 11. H. 7. 14. 21. H. 7. 40. 23 H. 8. Br. Lert 27. 7. H. 6. 35. 6. Dyer 373. b. resolve This being a general Rule in Law Justice Reason inserted into the very Writs of Summons to Parliament Claus. 24. E. 1. m. 7. dorso here p. 6. Ut quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbâ—tur And the sole reason why Acts of Parliament oblige all those who send Knights and Burgesses to them and not tenants in Ancient Demesn is onely this because they assent unto them in and by their representatives as the Statute of 1 Iac. c. 1. 4. H. 7. 10. Brooke Parliament 25. 27. 41. Ash Parliament 10. and Proclamation 39. and the Law-books Authorities there collected to this purpose determine 8. In the Parliament of a Caroli the Lords Spiritual and Temporal then in Parliament assembled exhibited this Petition to the King That whereas they heretofore in civility as to strangers yeelded precedency according to their several degrees unto such Nobles of Scotland and Ireland as being in Titles above them have resorted hither Now divers of the natural born Subjects of these Kingdomes resident here with their families and having their estates among us do by reason of some late created dignities in those Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland claim precedency of the Peers of this Realm which tends both to the disservice of your Majesty aâ—d to the diâ—paragement of the English Noâ—ility as by these Reasons may appear 1. It is a nobelty without President that men should inherit honours where they possess nothing else 2. It is injurious to those Countries from whence their Titles are derived that they should have a voâ—e in Parliament where they have not a foot of Land c. Upon the consideration of which inconveniencies they humbly beseeched his Majesty that an order might be timely setled therein to prevent the inconvenience to his Majesty and redress the prejudice and disparagement to the Peers and Nobility of this Kingdome occasioned thereby which the King promised to do And is it not a far greater inconvenience prejudice and disparagement to the Nobility Gentry and Parliaments of England yea a greater Novelty and Injury than this they then petitioned against not only for the Nobility but for the very Knights Citizens Burgesses of Scotland and Ireland to sit with and take place of the ancient Peers Knights Citizens and Burgesses of England according to their several Titles and to enjoy an equal vote judicature priviledge with them in every particular in the very Parliaments of England which they never formerly did though they have not one foot of Land in England nor the English any vote of place in their Parliaments No doubt it is Therefore as fit to be timely redressed as that grievance upon the self-same grounds being more universal prejudicial and dishonourable to the whole English Peerage Parliament and Nation than this which concerned the English Peers alone and that onely out of Parliament 9. This number of Members sent from Scotland and Ireland to the Parliaments of England holds no just not equal proportion or distribution with the numbers of Members which they formerly elected and sent to their own respective Parliaments in Scotland and Ireland as is evident by the Irish Statutes of 18 E. 4. c. 2. 10. H. 7. c. 16 38. H. 8. c. 12. 33. H. 8. c. 1. Cookes 4. Iustit c. 75 76. and Regiam Majestatem nor yet in reference to the number of the Members and Parliament-men in England being near ten to one to the Members of both these Nations conjoyned which inequality upon all occasions may prove very prejudicial to them both 10. It will be an extraordinary grievance oppression expence vexation mischief delay and obstruction of Justice to all the Inhabitants of Scotland and Ireland not onely to bear the Expences of all the Members they send to the Parliaments of England but to be enforced to resort unto them in person together with their Witnesses Evidences and Council for all grievances oppressions injuries errors complains and misdemeans in Officers or Courts of Justice formerly redressed and remediable onely in their own proper Parliaments much nearer home and now only to be heard examined redressed determined in the Parliaments of England as the Claus. Roll. of 39. E. 3. M. 12. De erroribus corrigendis in Parliament is tenend is in Hibernia printed in my Epistle to my Argument of the case of the Lord Magâ—â—re most fully and excellently resolves And the multitudes of complaints out of all three Kingdomes will prove so great in every Parliament that it will be impossible to hear and determine the moity of
them at any one Session or Parliament and the attendance will prove so tedious to all or most that it will become a greater grievance to them than any they complain of and if they gain any relief it will be in effect a Remedy as bad or worse as the diseasâ— it cures Yea an express violation of Magna Charta ch 29. Nulli negabimus nulli differemus justitiam aut rectum Finally This patching of New Scotish and Irish Members into our old English Parliament will be so farre from uniting and contenting the three Nations and Parliaments in one that it will discontent and disunite them more than before and make the rent the greater upon every occasion as Christ himself resolves with whose words I shall close up this observation No man seweth or putteth a peece of new Cloth upon an old Garment else the new peece that filleth it up taketh away from the old and agreeth not with the old and the rent is made worse 5. That as the Writs of the Common Law are the foundations whereon the whole Law and subsequent proceedings do depend as Glanvil Bracton Britton Fleta heretofore Fitzherbert Thelwell Sir Edward Cook and others of later times resolve upon which account if the Writs be vicious erronious invalid illegal or null in Law they abate vitiate and annihilate the whole Process Declarations and Struotures grounded on them as all our Law-Books assert So the Writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils are the very foundations and corner-stones whereon our Parliaments Great Councils and all their Votes Judgements Proceedings Acts Ordinances do depend Therefore if they be defective erronious invalid illegal insufficient or null in themselves the Parliaments and Great Councils convened by founded on them with all their Iudgements Proceedings Acts Ordinances must of necessity be so likewise as the Statutes of 1. Hen. 4. c. 3. 21. R. 2. c. 1. 39. 8. H. 6. c. 1. H. 8. c. 1. 17. E. 4. 5. 7. 1. H. 4. rot Parl. n. 1. 66. 1. E. 4. rot Parl. n. 8 to 17. 1. H. 7. c. 9. 27. H. 8. c. 24. in England largely evidence and the Statute of 10. H. 7. c. 27. in Ireland determines repealing a Parliament holden at Drogheda before Sir Robert Preston decreed and deemed void to all Intents by the Kings Council in Ireland 1. Because the Duke of Bedford Lieutenant of Ireland by whose Deputy it was summoned and held surrendred his Patent of Lieutenancy before the said Parliament summoned 2. Because there was no general summons of the said Parliament to all the Shires but onely to four Shires 3. Because the said Deputy had no mâ—nner of Power by his Commission to summon or kéep a Parliament For the which causes it was ordained and enacted that the Parliament to holden be deemed void and of none effect by the whole Parliament of Ireland Anno 10. H. 7. And the Parliament of 18. E. 4. ch 2. in Ireland touching the Election of Knights and Bâ—rgesses further manifests it 6. That the summoning as likewise proâ—â—guing adjourning dissolving of all Parliaments and Great Councils in England and Ireland is a peculiar inseparable royal Prerogative belonging onely to the Kings of England and incommunicable to any other person or persons yea to Parliaments themselves which cannot appoint a succeeding Parliament to be called but by the Kings consent and that though appointed to be held at a prefixed day and place to be summoned only by the Kings Writ That all Writs of Summons and Prorogation alwaies issued and of right ought to be issâ—ed onely in the Kings name stile authority whether absent out of or present within the Realm whether within age or of ripe years and that by his special Commands alone or his and his Councils joynt precept as the stile name contents of all precedent and subsequent Writs the subscriptions under them Per ipsum Regem per ipsum Regem Consilium per ipsum Regem Custodem Consilium in the Kings absence per breve de privato sigiâ—â—o c. the stile tenor of all Writs De expensis Militum Burgen sium the Statutes of 5. R. 2. Parl. 2. c. 4. 7. H. 4. c. 14. 6. H. 6. c. 4. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 27. H. 8. c. 24. 31. H 8. c. 10. most Acts of late times for the subsidies of the Clergy and Temporalty Tonage Foundage the Prologues to our ancient and modern printed Statutes the Kings Chancellors and others speeches upon the convention of most Parliaments in Parliament Rolls together with the Act of 16. Caroli for preventing of inconveniences happening by the long intermission of Parliaments Cooks 4. Institutes ch 1. and all who have written of our English Parliaments abundantly evidence and resolve beyond contradiction Hence our late King Charles in his Declaration of the causes of assembling and dissâ—lving the two last Parliaments Iune 13. 2. Caroli affirms That the calling adjourning proroguing and dissolving of Parliaments do peculiarly belong unto himself by an undoubted Prerogative inseparably uniied to his impertal Crown and the Statute of 16. Caroli c. 1. made by the unanimous consent of both Houses declares That by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm the appointment of the time and place for the holding of Parliaments and the summoning of them by Writ in the Kings Name hath alwaies belonged as it ought to his Majesty and his royal Progenitors and none else 7. That the Kings of England have as true full real and legal an haereditary right Title Interest Propriety in and to the Parliament as they have in and to the Kingdome and Crown of England as these Clauses in all their Writs of Summons Prorogations of Parliaments issued to the spiritual and temporal Lords Kings Counsil Sheriffs and Warden of the Cinque-ports resolve Ordinavimus quoddam Parliamentum nostrum c. tenere In ultimo Parliamento nostro post ultimum Parliamentum nostrum sitis ad nos ad Parliamentum nostrum and the like compared with Statum Regni nostri Angliae Et cum Praelatis Proceribus Regni nostris sicut commodum Regni nostri Diligitis Iura Coronae nostrae c. in the same Writs The Writs de expensi Militum Burgensium The Titles and Prologues of most printed Acts of Parliament The Statutes of 8. H. 6. c. 7. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 23. H. 8. c. â—3 27. H. 8. c. 24. 31. H. 8. c. 10. 1. Iac. c. 1. and sundry Writs in the Register stiling the Parliament the Kings Parliament his Parliament our Parliament in relation to the King and his Patents for creating Dukes Marquesses Earls Peers and Barons of the Realm granting them and their Heirs males Sedem locum in Parliamentis nostris Haeredum successorum nostrorum inâ—ra Regnum nostrum Angliae Therefore the Parliaments of England can no more exist or subsist without the King than the Kingdome or Crown of England the
the Writs of Summons and Prorogation attest 11. That for the most part all Writs of Summons and Prorogation both to the spiritual and temporal Lords Kings Counsil Sheriffs of Counties and Wardens of the Cinque-ports have the self-same Teste date Prologues yet now and then some of them are different in their dates yet very rarely in their recitals That there is frequently a different space of daies and times between the dates of the Writs of Summons and Resummons upon Writs of Prorogation and the daies of the first meeting of the Parliaments and Great Councils to which they are summoned and elected as you may easily discern by comparing them there being sometimes two months space or more sometimes fifty daies but usually forty daies or more according to the Charter of King Iohn between the date of the Writs and daies of appearance in Parliaments and Grand Councils Yet in cases of extream necessity upon sudden unexpected dangers I finde two Parliaments summoned to meet within the space of forty daies as in Claus. 4 E. 3. d. 19. Where there was onely two and thirty daies between the date of the Writ and Parliament which being unusual there is an express clause in the Writs that it should not be drawn into consequence for the future So in 28 Eliz. the Writ bore date the 15th of September and the Parliament was to begin the 15th of October following but thirty daies after All other Writs to my best remembrance these two excepted having at least forty daies between the Teste and daies of appearance that so the Members might have competent time to prepare themselves to repair to Parliaments and Great Councils after their Summons and Elections 12. That in ancient times our Parliaments and Great Councils were more frequently summoned to meet and appear on the Lords Day than on any other day of the week which abuse in succeeding times was reformed and quite discontinued even in times of Popery as well as since the reformation of Religion 13. That our Kings upon extraordinary publick dangers and other occasions may summon Parliaments Great Councils Convocations as often as they think meet That they were anciently summoned once or twice every year at least and some times thrice four or five times in one year according to the ancient Constitution in the. Council at Hereford Anno 673. Can. 7. The Law of King Alfred Rotul Ordinationum 5 E. 2. n. 31. 4 E. 3. c. 14. Rot. Parl. n. 14. 36. E. 3. cap. 10. 50. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 181. 1 R. 2. rot Parl. n. 95. 2. R. 2. rot Parl. n. 4. 5. 16 Carol. cap. 1. 14. That the more weighty difficult pressing urgent the occasions and dangers were of summoning Parliaments the more importunate vehement urgent mandatory minatory and compulsary were the expressions mandates clauses in the Writs of Summens for the Lords and Commons personal appearance and attendance without admitting any excuses or procurations and not to depart from them without special licence 15. That when any publick weighty businesses intended to be propounded dispatched in one Parliament or Great Council by reason of other businesses or shortness of time could not be propounded or concluded therein thereupon another Parliament or Council was soon after called to dispatch it the day and place whereof was sometimes appointed in and by the Parliament next preceding before its dissolution 16. That though anciently before the word Parliamentum came in use among our Ancestors Great Councils were the same in substance with Parliaments yet since the summoning of Knights Citizens Buâ—gesses and Barons of the Ports to Parliaments and the insertion of Parliamentum into the Writs of Summons and Statutes you may obâ—erve some differences between Parliaments and Councils and the Writs of Summons to them which are frequently distinguished in the margin of the Clause Rolls by this different entry Summunitio Parliamenti De veniendo ad Parliamentum c. Summonitio Concllil de veniendo ad Concilium c. The principal differences between them are these 1. That many Bishops Abbots and Nobles are usually omitted in the Summons to Councils which were usually summoned to Parliaments and seldome omitted in the summons to them unless absent in forraign parts 2. That many persons were summoned to Councils which wee never finde summoned to Parliaments 3. That there is no Clause of Praemunientes in the Writs of Summons to Councils issued to Archbishops and Bishops to summon their Chapters Deans Archdeacons and Clergy of their Diocess as there is usually in their Writs of Summons to Parliaments 4. That Writs of Summons to Councils issued to the Lords Great men are seldome accompanied with any Writs of Election for Knights Citizens Burgesses and Barons of Ports issued to Sheriffs or the Warden of the Cinqueports as Writs of Summons to Parliaments are and if any Knights Citizens or Burgesses be summoned to them it is in a different manner and number than when they were summoned to Parliaments 5. Writs of Summons to Parliaments are usually accompanied with Writs of Summons to the Kings Counsils but those to Councils are never attended with such Writs distinct from those issued to the spiritual and temporal Lords as Writs of Summons to Parliaments are Which differences some injudicious Writers and Antiquaries not observing have both confounded those Writs together as one and mistaken one of them frequently for the other 17. That the principal end scope of summoning Parliaments ought to be the common benefit ease profit welfare of the people the execution promotion of publick Justice the Peace and good Government of the Realm the reformation of all publick grievances and oppressions the enacting of wholesome Laws the maintenance of the Great Charters and Liberties of the people and freeing them from all unjust exactions impositions taxes not granted by Parliament nor warranted by Law the necessary defence of the Realm by common consent against forraign enemies and not to exact and impose unnecessary insupportable excessive endless Aids and Taxes on the people 18. That no publick war ought to be undertaken nor no Aids Taxes Imposts Customes or Tallages imposed on or exacted levyed on the people by our Kings or any other but onely by common consent and Grant of the Lords and Commons in a full and free Parliament though it be for the necessary defence of the Kingdome by Land or Sea the defence or regaining of the Lands and Rights of the Crown in forraign parts and that onely in moderate and just proportions granted onely for a short season and leavyed in a legal manner Nor no mens Rights precluded or forejudged in Parliament by any general Act before they bee heard Nor the Clergy taxed by the Lords and Commons but onely by themselves in their convocations 19. That the Writs of Summons to Parliaments enjoyning all the temporal Earls Peers Lords and Barons of the Realm and commanding them upon and in the Love
only Basis whereon Parliaments are founded by which they are supported directed as well as convened and by my usefull Observations on them more compleatly to supply the 5. deâ—ect than any of the former so farr as my present leisure and ability will extend without supplies from others wherein I have with no little pains and diligence given you a most exact and faithfull Account of all the Writs of Summons to Parliaments Great Councils and most Convocations in England extant in the Clause Rolls and Records of the Tower from the 5. year of King Iohn till the 23. of Edward the 4th that I have hitherto met with upon my best search after them digested into several Sections in a Chronological method with usefull Observations on them Wherein you have a compendious yet full and satisfactory Account of all the several Forms and Varieties of writs of Summons during all this tract of time issued to Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Masters of Religious Orders and all Spiritual Lords to the Prince of Wales Forein Kings Dukes Earls Marquesses Vicounts Barons Temporal Lords and Great men to the Kings Counsil Judges and other Assistants to the House of Lords the Sheriffs of Counties and particular Corporations made Counties for electing Knights Citizens and Burgesses to serve in Parliament and to the Constable of Dover Castle Warden of the Cinque-ports and Ports themselves for electing Barons of those Ports with the particular Rolls membranaes dorses wherein every of these summons are recorded Together with a general Account in gross summâ— how many Bishops Abbots Priors Earls Barons Great men and Assistants of the Kings Counsil were summoned to every of these Parliaments and Great Councils 4 most usefull acurate short Alphabetical Chronological â—ables inserted into my Observations on the 3. first Sections of these Different writs 1. Of the Names of all the Abbots Priors Masters of Religious Orders and other Clergymen except Bishops summoned to any Parliament or Great Council from 49 H. 3. till 23 E. 4. with the years rolls dorses in each Kings reign wherein you shall find them summoned and how oft any of them were summoned and consequently when omitted out of the lists of summons 2ly Of the Names of all the Dukes Earls Marquesses and Princes of Wales 3ly Of all the Temporal Viscounts Lords Barons Peers and Great men 4ly Of all the Kings Counsil Judges Justices and other Great Officers summoned as Assistants to the Lords in every Parliament and Great Council held in England from 49 H. 3. to 23 E. 4. with the particular Roll year dorse in every Kings reign wherein you may find their names and summons entred and when and how oft any of them or their posterity were thus summoned Which Tables as they were very painfull and troublesom to me exactly to collect being inforced to transcribe most of them three times over before I could digest them into that form as here you find them consisting of very many figures which I examined near five times over to prevent mistakes in any of them so being thus compleated will be the most usefull and delightfull Kalender to all Antiquaries Heraulds Lawâ—ers Noblemen Gentlemen and others delighting in Antiquities or Pedegrees ever yet communicated to the English Nation rectifying all those mistakes in names supplying those manifold defects in my Table of this nature to the Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower If any Noblemen Lawyers Gentlemen or others would find out and know in a moment when or how often or in what Roll and dorse any of their Ancestors Family Name were summoned to any Parliament or Great Council or when or how often any Abbot or Prior whose lands they or their Clients now enjoy were summoned to Parliaments or of what Order they were these Tables compared with the printed Lists before them will presently resolve them better than all the Tables and Kalendars to the Records in the Tower which are very defective and if they have cause to make use of the Records upon any occasion these Tables will punctually direct them both to the Number Roll and Dorse too wherein they are recorded without further search So as I may conclude them to be greatly beneficial as well to the Keepers of those Records as to all those who shall have future occasion to make use of them in any kind For the extraordinary writs of summons and others here published at large I dare averr that most of the Nobility Gentry Lawyers and Parliament men of the English Nation never so much as once saw or heard of most of them before this publication and those few Antiquaries Lawyers Gentlemen who have gottenauy transcripts and Collections of the writs of summons in the Tower shall meet with many memorable rare writs in this Abridgement which are totally omitted out of their Folio Volumes collected to their hands by others which I have here supplied by my own industry and likewise digested into method all those large Collâ—ctions of writs which I have yet seen being both defective confused fraught with a tedious repetition of those names of Abbots Priors Dukes Earls Lords Barons which I have contracted into four short Tables in an orderly method So as I may justly stile this Register Kalendar and Survey a rich Cabinet and Compendious Treasury of the chiefest and most precious Parliamentary Iewels Rarities Records ever yet presented to the world in print As for my Observations on and Collections from these writs I dare affirm without vain-glory they are for the most part such as were never yet known nor communicated to the world and will be of excellent use not only for the searching but understanding of Records and of the true constitution proceedings Privileges Affairs Ends of the Great Councils and Parliaments of England and duties of their respective Members wherein I have discovered refuted many oversights and mistakes in Sir Edward Cook and other pretended Antiquaries who have written of our English Parliaments and given clearer evidences of the original beginning use of the name Parliament in England of the Authority Power use of the Kings Counsil Iudges in Parliaments of the Kings general writs of Summons to Temporal as well as Spiritual persons who held not by Barony not making themselves nor their Successors nor posterities Lords or Barons and of sundry other materiall particulars relating to the Freedom Fulness Summons Affairs Proceedings of our Parliaments than any hitherto have done out of an unfeigned desire of communicating more knowledg to the present succeeding Generations touching our Parliaments and their affairs than former times have been publikely acquainted with that thereby I might restore our Parliaments to their primitive institution use splendor freedom Honor that so theâ— may be made medicinal Restoratives Blessing not Grievances or Diseases to our 〈◊〉 Church and State or Physicians of no value We read of a woman in the Gospel which had aâ— issue of bloud for 12 years and had suffâ—ed many thiâ—gs
to the Sheriffs hands I shall adde this memorable exposition of the Statute of Magna Charta c. 35. made by the King and greater part of the Bishops Earls and Barons of the Realm without the Commons touching the holding of Hundred Courts Wapentakes Court Leets omitted by Sir Edward Cook in his Commentary thereon which it better explains than his Annotations upon it Claus. 18. H. 3. m. 10. Rex Vic. Linc. salutem Quia audivimus quod tu Ballivi tui Ballivi aliorum qui Hundredum habent in Comitatu tuo non intelligitis qualiter Hundreda Wapentake teneri debeant in Com. tuo postquam concessimus omnibus de Regno nostro Libertates in cartis nostris quas indo fecimus dum fâ—imus infra aetatem Nos eandem Caâ—â—am nuper legi fecimus in praesentia Dom. CANIUAR ARCHIEP MAJORIS SANIORIS PARTIS OMNIUM EPISCOPORUM COMITUM ET BARONUM TO TIUS REGNI NOSTRI UT CORAM EIS ET PER EOS EXPONERETUR haec clausula contenta in Carta nostra de Libertatibus viz. Quod nullus Vicecomes vel Ballivus faciat Turnum suum per Hundredum nisi â—is in anno non nisi loco debito consueto viz. semel post Pascham iterum post festum sancti Michaelis Ita scilicet quod qui libet habeat â—ibertates suas quas habuit habere consuevit tempore H. Regis avi nostri vel quas postea perquisivit Unde à multis ibi dictum suit quod tâ—â—pore H. Regis avi nostri tam Hundreda et Wapentac quam curiâ—â— Magnatum Angliae solebant teneri de Quindena in Quindenam Et licet multum placeret communi utilitati totius regni indempnitati pauperum providere quia tamen illi duo Turnii plene non sufficient ad pacem regni nostri conservandam ad excessus tam divitibus quam pauperibus illatis corrigendos quae ad Hundredum pertinent De COMMVNI CONSILIO praedict Dom. CANTUAR OMNIUM praedict EPISCOPORUM COMITUM ET BARONUM ET ALIORUM ITA PROVISUM EST. Quod inter praedictos duos Turnos teneantur Hundredum Wapentakia etiam curiae Magnatum de Tribus septimanis in Tres septimanas ubi prius teneri solent de Quindena in Quindenam Ita tamen quod ad illa Hundred a VVapentakia Curias non fiat generalis summonitio siâ—ut ad Turnos praedictos set ad hujusmodi illa VVapentakia Curias convenient conquerentes adversarii sui illi qui sectas debent per quos teneantur placita fiant judicia nisi ita sit quod ad Hundreda illa VVapentakia fieri debeat Inquisitio de placitis Coronae sicut de morte hominis Thesauro invento hujusmodi ad quae inquirenda conveniant cum praedictis sectariis quatuor villatae proximae scilicet omnes de illis villis qui necessarii fuerint ad Inquisitiones illas faciendas Et ideo tibi praecipimus quod praedicta Hundreda VVapentakia Curias tam Nostras quam aliorum teneri facias de cetero secundum quod praedictum eâ—t de tribus sepeimanis in tres septimanas exceptis praedictis duobus Turnit qui de caetero teneantur secundum quod prius teneri solebant T. R. apud VVestm 11. Octobris I shall only adde this one Record more proving that matters concerning Truces were resolved by King H. 3. the Spiritual and Temporal Lords in Parliamentary Councils without any Knights Citizens or Burgesses Claus. 19. H. 3. m. 20. Rex Roberto de Langeton Archidiacono Cant. Abbati de sancta Radegunda saluteâ— Super sollicitudine diligentia laudabili simul laboribus sumptuosis quas circa negotium nostrum expediendum quod vobis injunximus apposuistis urrique vestrum copiosas referrimus gratiarum actiones vobis quidem magister S. praecipuas speciales utpote ei cujus fidelitatem prudentiam plurimum commendamus Sciatis autem quod CONGREGATIS apud VVestmon in octabis sancti Hillarii vener patribus G. Cantuar Archiepiscopo EPISCOPIS COMITIBUS ET ALIIS FIDELIBUS NOSTRIS to wit the Barons and Great men not Commons as the subsequent clause attests Post diligentem tractatum habitum CUM IPSIS DE NEGOTIO TREVGARVM inter Nos Regem Franciae aliis agendis nostris visum fuit iisdem fidelibus nostris quod nullo modo sine verecundia opprobrio nostris Insulam de Olerone 〈◊〉 potuimus Comiti Marchiae pro coÌ„sensu suo adhibendo ad treugas inter nos ineundas nec in co consilium Nobis praestare vel consentire voluerint Sic enim praeter verecundiam quam inde consequeremus ab omnibus quibus factum nostrum innotesceret teneremur et pro remissis et minus valentibus haberemur et etiam pessimum perniciosum exemplum aliis qui in casu consimili ad similia petenda per hoc moverentur Vnde si per dâ—centas libras annuas Treugis durantibus ad consensum Treugarum possitâ—idem Comes induci pro Insula praedicta sicut alias locutum suit bene placeret tam Nobis quam praedictis MAGNATIBVS NOSTRIS et ad hoc laborare velitis quia priori conditioni consentire non esset honestum vel expediens c. T. Rege apud Westm. 27. Januarii I shall trouble you with no more Presidents or Records of this nature by way of Preface to this first part of my Register Kalender and Survey of Parliamentary Writs In which I have presented you onely with the several Writs of Summons directed to the Spiritual and Temporal Lords and Kings Counsil their ordinary Assistants intermixed with some other Writs and several forms of Procurations in my Observations on them which relate wholly or principally to the House of Lords Convocations and Clergy amounting to a just vendible Volume The several forms varieties of Writs issued to Sheriffs of Counties Wardens or Officers of the Cinque-Ports Dukes of Lancaster their Lieutenants or Chancellors and Sheriffs of particular Boroughsâ—made â—made Counties within â—emselves for electing Knights Citizens Burgesses and Barons of the Ports peculiar to the House of Commons with all sorts of Writs for proroguing continuing adjourning Parliaments or superseding them after summons to them upon extraordinary occasions relating equally to both Houses of Parliament and their Members together with some special Writs of Summons to the Kings Prelates Nobles Barons Great Officers and others of the Realms Lands of Scotland and Ireland to appear in at or before the Parliaments Great Councils Kings or Privy Counsil in England concerning the affairs or defence of Scotland and Ireland onely as likewise to particular Merchants Masters of Ships Forresters Lawyers learned men of both Universities and other Persons upon special occasions to attend the Parliament King Counsil with my particular Observations on them which I at first intended to have published in this Piece I shall if God send health life oportunity and incouragement by a
Regem Edoem modo mandatum est Archiepisc. Eborum et Episcopis ac Comitibus et Magnatibus et aliis subscriptis DE CONSILIO REGIS existentibus mutatis mutandis there being only the names of 8. Bishops subscribed without any Abbots or Priors and 10 Earls 23 Lords and Barons 5. Justices and 3. others of the Kings Council but no writs at all for electing Knights Citizens or Burgesses So as this was no Summons to a Parliament but rather to a Privy Council or Consultation The 67. writ is extant in Claus. 11. E. 3. pars 1. m. 8. dorso Rex c. I. c. Archiep. Cantuar. Quia super quibusdam arduis et urgentissimis negotiis quae per solempnes Nuncios nostros quos ad partes transmarinas transmissimus Nobis jam sunt plenius intimata et quae Nos et statum regni nostri Coronaeque jura specialiter et intimis contingent vobiscum et cum aliis Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus ipsius regni nostri Westm. die Lunae prox post festum Sanctae Margaretae Virginis prox futur Colloquium habere volumus et tractatum Vobis in fide et dilectione c. mandamus quod cessante excusatione quacunque dictis die et loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus praedictis super dictis negotris tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum et tranquillitatem et salvationem regni Coronaeque nostrorum diligitis nullatenus omucatis Scientes quod propter arduitatem et magnitudinem negotiorum praedictorum absentiam vestram ad diem illum nequimus nec volumus aliqualiter excusare Teste Rege apud Staunford 21 die Iunii Per ipsum Regem Eodem modo mandatum est Episcopis Abbatibus et Prioribus subscriptis vâ—z 15 Bishops 25 Abbots 4 Priors the last of Sempyngham oft omitted before 10. Earls 38 Nobles and great men The 68. is this Notable writ in Claus. 11 E. 3. part 2. m. 40. dorso Rex c. I. Archiepisc. Cantuar. c. Cum de assensu Praelatorum Magnatum Procerum regni nostri ac aliorum de Consilio nostro ad partes transmarinas una cum nonâ—ullis Magnatibus et Proceribus et aliis Pidelibus nostris ex câ—rtis et legitimis causis infra breve Domino duce ordinavimus Nos transfretare et prae caeteris insideat Nobis cordi quod pax nostra in regno nostro in nostra absenâ—ia inviolabiliter observetur et idem regnum nostrum ab hostium incursibus tueatur Nos autem passagium nostrum praedictum ad dictas partes super custodia dicti regni nostri et conservatione pacis nostrae in codem regno dum sic absentes fuerâ—mus ct aliis arduis et urgentissimis negotiis tam Nos et Statum ejusdem regni altarumque terrarum nostrarum quam eundem transitum nostrum spcialiter contingentibus vobiscum et cum caeâ—eris Praelatis et Magnatibus ipsius regni apud Westm. die Veneris prox ante festum Sancti Michâ—elis prox futur habore volumus Colloquium et tractatum Et ideo vobis in fide et dilectione quibus nobis tenemini sirmiter injungendo mandamus quod pensatis tanta nostrorum et dictâ— regni negotiorum arduitate et periculis imminentibus absque excâ—satione qu â—cunque dictis die et loco personaliter inter sitis Nâ—biscum et cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus praedictis super dictis negotiis tractaâ—uri vestrumque consilium impensuri Et hoc sicut honorem nostrum ac salvationem et tranquillitatâ—m dicti regni nostri et Ecclesiae sanctae diligitis modis omnibus faciatis Ne quod absit per vestri absentiam expeditio negotiorum nostrorum praedictorum retardetur seu quomodolibet differetur Et praemunientes Priorem c. Teste Roge apud Westm. 18 die Augusti Per ipsum Regem Eodem modo mandatum est W. Arch. Eborum to 15. Bishops more Custod Spiritualitatis Episcopatus Cicestr sede vacante 29. Abbots and 3. Priors The 69. is the writ in the same Roll and membrana to summon a Convocation of the Clergy at Pauls Rex c. J. c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. c. Cum de assensu Praelatorum c. usque imparturi ut supra et tunc sic Et quia negotia praedicta salvationem et quictem regni nostri et Ecclesiae sanctae â—c universorum ac singulorum ipsius regni specialiter contingunt Vobis mandamus rogantes quod Episcopos Praelatos Clerum vestrae Provinciae apud Ecclesiam Sancti Pauli London in crastino S. Michaelis prox futur convocari fac Ita quod tam dicti Episcopi quam Decani et Priores Ecclesiarum Catâ—edralium Archidi aconi et Abbates exempti et non exempti quos expedire videritis personaliter et quodlibet Capitulorum praedictarum Ecclesiarum Cathedralium per unum et lerici cuâ—uslibet Dioc. per duos Procuratores sufficientem potestatem habentes apud dictam Ecclesiam Sancti Pauli in praedicto crastino Sancti Michaelis intersint ad tractandum et consulendum super praemissis una vobiscum et aliis per Nos tunc mittendis et ad consentiendum hiis quae tunc ibidem pro communi defensione et utilitate divina favente clementia contigerit ordinari Teste ut supra Per ipsum Regem Consimile Breve dirigitur W. Archiepiscopo Eborum Angliae Primati quod convocare fac Praelatos c. de Provincia sua apud Eâ—orum die Iovis prox post Octabis S. Michaelis prox futur Teste uâ— supra The 70. is this Notable writ in Claus. Anno 11 E. 3. pars 2. m 11. dorso Rex c. J. c. Archiep Cantuar. c. Quia tam super urgentissimis negotiis Nos et statum regni nostri ac aliarum terrarum nostrraum ac jura nostra et Coronae nostrae tangenâ—ibus quam etiam super expeditione quorundam altorum arduorum negotiorum quae venerabiles Patres Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae Cardinales ad Nos jam in Angliam per Domiâ—um Summum Pontificem transmissi Nobis ex parte ejusdem Summi Pontificis et dictae sedis specialiter nunciarunt PARLIAMENTUM nostrum apud Westm. in crastino Purificationis beatae Mariae virginis prox futur tenere ac ibidem vobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis c. Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum et tranquillitatem et quietem dictorum regni et terrarum diligitis nullatenus omittatis Praemunientes Priorem c. Scientes insuper quod tam propâ—er dictorum negotiorum arduitatem quam pro co quod nonnulla alia nostri et regni nostri negotia in diversis Parliamentis nostris ante haec tempora tentis propter absentiam Praelatorum et Magnatum ejusdem regni qui eisdem Parliamentis una cum aliis ipsius
36. Rex c. Th. Archiepisc. Cant Quia de avisamento c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 9. die Iulii prox futur teneri c. Praemunientes c. T. Rege apud Westm. 26 die Maii. Per breve de Privaro Sigillo Cons. Brevia W. Arch. Ebor. 19 Episcopis 25 Abbatibus 2 Prioribus The 179. is extant in Claus. 38 H. 6. m. 30. dorso Rex c. Th. Archiepisc. Cant. Quia de avisamento c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Coventre 20 die Novembris prox futur teneri c. Praemunientes c. Teste Rege apud Westminster 19. die Octobris Per ipsum Regem Consimilia Brevia c. W. Archiep. Ebor. 20 Episcopis 25 Abbatibus 2 Prioribus The 180. is this summons to a Convocation Claus. 38 H. 6. m. 29. dorso Rex venerab in Christo Patri Tho. eadem gratia Archiep Angliae Primati salutem Quibusdam arduis urgentibus negociis Nos Statum et defensionem regni nostri Angliae et utilitatem Ecclesiae Anglicanae intimè concernentibus Vobis in fide et dilectione quibus Nobis tenemini rogantes mandamus quatinus praemissis debito intuitu attentis et ponderatis universos et singulos Episcopos vestrae Provinciae ac Decanos et Priores Ecclesiarum Cathedralium Abbates et Prioâ—es Electivos exemptos et non exemptos necnon Archidiaconos Capitula Conventus Collegia totumque Clerum cujuslibet Diocaesis ejusd Provinciae ad comparand coram Vobis in Ecclesia S. Pauli London vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis cum omni celeritate accommoda more debito convocari faciatis ad tract and consentiend et percludend super praemissis et aliis quae sibi clarius exponentur tunc ibidem ex parte nostra Et hoc sicut Nos et statum Regni nostri praedicti ac honorem utilitatem Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis nullatenus omittatis T. R. apud Westm. 12 die Feb. Rex Ven. in Christo Patri W. eadem gratia Archiâ—p Eborum Angliae Primati c. ut supra usque ibi coram vobis et tunc sic in Ecclesia beati Petri Ebor. vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis T. ut supra The 181. writ is remaining in Claus. 49 H. 6. m. 6. dorso Rex Th. Archiepisc. Cantuar. Quia de avisamento et assensu Consilii nostri c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 26 die Novembr prox futur teneri c. Praemunientes c. T. Rege apud Westm. 15 die Octobris Per ipsum Regem et Consilium Consimilia Brevia G. Arch. Eborum 19 Episcopis 25 Abbatibuâ— 2 Prioribus The 182 writ I shall remember is that in Claus. 1 E. 4. m. 35 dorso Rex c. Th. c. Archiepisc. Cantuar. c. Quia de avisamento c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 6. die Iulii prox futur teneri c. in usual form Praemunientes c. T. Rege apud Westm. 23 die Maii. Consim Brevia diriguntur W. Archiepisc. Ebor. c. and to 19 Bishops 25 Abbots 2 Priors there mentioned by name The 183 is that in Claus. 2 E. 4. m. 3. dorso Rex c. Th. Archiep. Cantuar. Quia de avisamento et assensu Consilii nostri c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 29 die Aprilis prox futur teneri c. Praemunientes c. T. Rege apud Westm. 28 die Febr. Per ipsum Regem Consimilia Brevia W. Archiepisc. Ebor. 17 Episcopis 25 Abbatibus 2 Prioribus The 184. writ is in Claus. 6 E. 4. m. 1. dorso Rex c. Th. Archiep. Cantuaâ— Quia pro quibusdam arduis c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 3. die Iunii prox futur teneri c. Praemunientes c. Teste Rege apud Westm. 28 die Febr Per breve de Privato Sigillo Consimilia Brevia Archiepisc. Ebor. 18 Episcopis 25 Abbatibus 2 Prioribus The 185. is Claus. 12 E. 4. m. 2. dorso Rex c. Archiepiscopo Cant. Quia de avisamento et assers c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 6 die Octob. prox futur teneri c. Praemunientes c. Teste Rege apud Westm. 9 die Augusti Per breve de privato Sigillo Consim Brâ—via 17 Episcopis Vicario gen Archiepiscopatus Ebor in remotis agente Custod Spirit Episcopat Norwicen Assaven 24 Abbatibus 2 Prioribus The 186. is that of Claus. Anno 22 23 Edw. 4. m. 11. dorso Rex c. Th. Archiep. Cant. Quia de avisamento et assensu Consilii nostri c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. 10 die Ianuarii prox futur teneri ordinavimus c. Praemunientes c. T R. apud Westm. 15 die Novemb. Consim Brevia I. Archiep. Eborum 19 Episcopis 25 Abbatibus 2 Prioribus The 187. is in Claus. 22 23 E. 4. m. 11. dorso for a Convocation Rex Reverendissimo in Christo Patri Th. eadem gratia Archiepiscopo Cant. totius Angliae Primati consanguâ—neo nostro carissimo sâ—lutem Quibusdam arduis urgentibus Negotiiâ— Nos securitatem et defensionem Ecclesiae Anglicanae â—c pacâ—m â—r anquillitatem bonum publicuÌ„ et defensionem Râ—gni nostri Subdiâ—orum nostrorum eâ—usdem concernentibus Vobis in fide et dilectione quibus Nobis tenâ—mini rogando mandamus quatenus praemissis dâ—bitâ—o intuito attentis ponderâ—atisâ— universâ—s c. ut supra num 180. coram Vobis in Ecclesiâ— Sanctâ— Paâ—li London vel alibi prout vobis expelire videritâ—s cumomâ—â— câ—leritaâ—e accommoda modo debito coâ—vocari faciatis ac tractand consentiend concludâ—nd super praemissâ— et aliis quae bi clarius exponentuâ— tunc ibidem ex parte nostra Et hoc sicut Nos et Statum â—egâ—i nostâ—i et honorem et utilitaâ—em Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis nullatenus omittatis T. Rege apud Westm. 3 dâ—e Februarii Per ipsâ—m Regem This is the last writ in the Clause 〈◊〉 in the Tower of this Naâ—ure which extend only to the end of King Edward the â—â—h his reign The writs of Summons â—o Parliaments and Convocations under R. 3. H. 7. 8. Ed. 6. Q. Mary Q. Eliz. K. Iames and King Charles are not in the Tower but reserved in the Roâ—â—s and Chancery where those who please may peruse them they running for the most part in the self-same ordinary form without any notable variety I shall close up this Section with the last writ of this Nature under our late King Charls Carolus Dei gratia Angliae Scotiae Franciae Hâ—berniae Rex Fidei defensor c. Reverendissimo in Christo patri ac fideli Consilario Nostro Gulielmo eadem gratia Cantuar. Archiepisc. totius Angliae Primati Metropolitanâ— salutem Quibâ—â—am arduis et urgentibus negotiis Nos
securitatem defensionem Ecclesiae Anglicanae ac pacem tranquillitatem bonum publicum defensionem regni Nostri subditorum Nostrorum ejusdem concernentibus Vobis in fide dilectione quibus Nobis tenemini rogando mandamus quatenus praemissis debito intuitu attentis et ponderatis universos singulos Episcopos vestrae Provinciae ac Decanos Ecclesiarum Cathedralium necnon Archidiaconos Capitula et Collegia totumque Clerum cujuslibet Diocaesios ejusdem Provinciae ad comparandum coram Vobis in Ecclesia Catholica Sancti Pauli London decimo quarto die Aprilis proxim futur vel alibi prout melius expedire videritis cum omni celeritate accommoda modo deâ—ito convocari facias ad tractandum consentiendum concludendum super premissis aliis quae tibi clarius exponentur tunc ibideÌ„ ex parte Nostra Et hoc sicut Nos et Statum regni Nostri ac honorem et utilitatem Ecclesiae praedictae diligitis nullatenus omittatis Teste meipso apud Westmonast vicesimo die Februarii Anno regni nostri quintodecimo Before I proceed to my Observations on the precedent writs I shall crave leave to inform and satisfie the ingenuous Readers in 2. particulars to prevent their causelesse censures 1. That the usual writs in some Clause Rolls to the Spiritual Lords were for Brevitie sake purposely omitted and in the Consimiles literae and eodem modo c. after the transcripts of the writs of Summons here inserted especially those of King Edward the 2. the paticular Numbers of the Bishops Abbots Priors and Spiritual Lords then summoned to those Parliaments mentioned in the Eodem modo c. were casually left out though entred by their names in the Clause Rols by reason of an c. and vacant spaces in the written Copy for their numbers through hast forgotten to be filled up before they were printed off which caused some Errors and Omissions of the true number of Bishops Abbots Priors in the Eodem modo c. from p. 14. to 32. which I think necessary here to rectifie and supply rather than in an Errata at the end of this Breviate and that in this brief manner Claus. 30 E. 1. m. 12. dorso Consim literae diriguntur I Karliol Episc. 14 Bishops more and 44 Abbatibus Claus. 30 E. 1. m. 9. dorso Consim literae c. Iohanni Karliol Episcopo to 14 other Bishops 44 Abbots Magistro Militiae Templi in Angl. Magistro Ordine de Semplingham Priori Hosp Sancti Iohannis â— Ierusalem in Anglia In both these Rolls there is a writ Thomae Arch. Eborum with this special clause after impensuri Vos saltem Procuratorem idoneum cum sufficienti potestate ad dictos diem et locum et vestro nomine designatis Et hoc nullatenus omittatis Anno 32 E. 1. m. 2. dorso Rex c. Archiepiscopo Cant. c. Quia pro quibusdam negotiis c. as in that of this Roll in the next Section to the Lords Praemunientes c. T. Rege apud Brustwike 12 die Novembr Eodem modo c. 18 Episcopis besides Electo London vel ejus Vices gerâ—nti ipso agente in partibus transmarinis Decano et Capit beati Petri Ebor. Custodibus Spiritualitatis Archiepiscopatus Eborum sede vacante 74 Abbatibus Magistro Mil. Templi Sâ—mplingham Priori Hosp S. Iohan Ierus Claus. 34 E. 1. m. 2. dors Rex c. W. c. Arch. Ebor. Quia super ordinatione et stabilimento terrae nostrae Scotia c. as in the next Section to the Prince Praemunientes c. Teste ut ibâ— Eodem modo scribitur mucatis mutandis 18 Episcopis 28 Abbatibus Claus. 1 E. 2. dors 19. Eodem modo scribitur 18 Episcopis 55 Abbatibus Priori Hosp. S Johan Jerus Magistro Mil Templi Claus. 1 E. 2. dors 11. Eodem modo mandatum est 15 Episcopis 12 Abbatibus 3 Prioribus And dors 8. 12 Episcopis 14 Abbatibus 2 Prioribus Claus. 2 E. 2. dors 11. Eodem modo scribitur Archiepisc Ebor. 16 Episcopis Custodi Spirit Episc. Bathon et Wellen sede vacante 51 Abbatibus 1 Priori Claus. 3 E. 2. dors 17. Eodem modo mandatum est W Archiepisc. Ebor. A. Patriarch Ierus et Episcopo Dunelm 15 Episcopis L. Bathon et Wellen electo et confirmato electo et confirmato Bangoren without Abbots or Priors in the Roll. Claus. 4 E. 2. dors 2. Eodem modo scribitur mutatis mutandis quoad Decanos et Capit et Priores et Capit Archiepiscopo Ebor 16 Episcopis 52 Abbatibus 1 Priori Claus. 5 E. 2. dors 17. Consim literae diriguntur 11 Episcopis 3 Vic. Gen. Episc. in remotis agente 29 Abbatibus Claus. 7 E. 2. dors 27. Eodem modo mandatum est Custod Archiep Cantuar. et London sede vacante 16 Episcopis 45 Abbatibus 3 Prioribus Magistr Ord. dâ— Sempringham And dors 15. Custod Arch Cant 16 Episcopis 41 Abbatibus 3 Prioribus Mag. Ordinis de Sempr. Claus. 8 E. 2. dors 29. Eodem modo mandatum est Arch. Ebor. 18 Episcopis A. Assaven electo confirmato 46 Abbatibus 2 Prioribus Magist Ord. de Sempr. Claus. 9 E. 2. dors 22. Eodem modo mandatum est Arch Ebor 19 Episc. 46 Abbatibus 3 Prioribus Claus. 11 E. 2. m. 14 dors Rex c. W. c. Archiepisc Cantuar. c. Quia super diversis et arduis negotiis Nos c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Lincoln tenere et vobiscum c. Praemunientes c. T. Rege apud Westm. 20 die Novembr Eodem modo mandatum est Arch Eborâ— 17 Episcopis D. Dublin Archiepiscopo 45 Abbatibus 3 Prioribus Mag. Ord. de Sempr. And dors 8. W. Arch Ebor 17 Episcopis D. Dublin Archiepiscopo 45 Abbatibus 3 Prioribus Mag Ord de Semp. Claus. 12 E. 2. dors 29. Eodem modo mandatum est W. Arch Ebor â—8 Episcopis D. Dublin Arch. 42 Abbatibus 3 Prioribus Mag Ord de Sempr. And dors 11. W. Arch Ebor. 17 Episcopis 51 Abbatibus 3 Prioribus Mag Ord de Sempr. Claus. 13 E. 2. dors 13. Eodem modo mandatum Arch. Ebor 16 Episcopis 28 Abbatibus 3 Prioribus Magâ— Ord. de Sempr. Claus. 14 E. 2. dorseâ— 23. Rex c. W. c. Archiepisc Cant c. Quia super diversis c. Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm die Lunae in Octab. S. Michaelis prox futur teneri c. without any Praemunientes c. T. R. apud Westm. 5 die Augusti Per ipsum Regem Eodem modo mand W. Arch. Ebor 18 Episcopis I. Winton electo confirmato 28 Abbatibus Mag Ord. de Sempr. 3 Prioribus And dorso 5. Archiepiscopo Ebor. 19 Episcopis 51 Abbatibus 2 Prioribus Mag Ord de Sempr. Claus. 16 E. 2. dors 26. Eodem modo scribitur W. Archiepisc. Cant c. 19 Episcopis 28 Abbatibus 4 Prioribus Claus. 17 E. 2. dors 27. Rex c.
to the Archbishops of Canterbury York or any other Bishop in the Clause Rolls be they writs either of Summons to a Parliament Council or Convocation or of Adjournment or Prorogation are usually entred at large which I have abbreviated with an c. where the form and clauses are the same with those I transcribe at large And the writs which follow the first issued to the rest of the Bishops are but briefly entred for the most part with an Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis or Consimiles Literae or Consimilia Brâ—via diriguntur subscriptis viz. c. unless it be where there are different Clauses in some of the writs varying from those to the first Bishops which Clauses recited at large I have here printed when they occurre in the Rolls 13. That the writs of Summons to Parliaments directed to the Archbishops and Bishops are of various forms differing very often one from the other not only in their recitals of the particular causes of summoning them but in sundry special and unusual clauses as I have touched in the recital of them and shall more largely insist on in my General Obsâ—rvations in the close of this Part of my Register That the writs of Summons to Councils and Convocations issued to the Archbishops and Bishops are usually different one from another not only in form and specialâ— Clauses but likewise from the writs of Summons to Parliaments unless where the word Concilium is used for a Parliament There being no Praemuniâ—ntes c. in any writs of Summons to Councils of State but only to Parliaments and that not alwayes but aâ— the Kings pleasure and no general Summons of all the Archbishops Bishops Abbots and Priors holding by Barony to all Councils of State but only of such and so many of them as the King and his Counsil thought meet when as they were usually all summoned to Parliaments 14. That the writs of Summons to Convocations of the Clergy were directed only to the two Archbishops or their Vicars Generals to summon all the Bishops Abbots Priors and Clergy of their respective Provinces to them not alwayes on a certain day or place as in writs for Parliaments and Great Councils but at such time or place as they deemed most convenient without any particular writs at all issued to any other Bishops Abbots Priors or Clergy men as in Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils where though they had all particular writs of Summons yet the King oft times issued special writs to the two Archbishops to summon all the Bishops Abbots Priors and Clergy within the several Diocesses of their Provinces to appear at the Parliaments Councils and Convocations to prevent all negligence defects or faylers in their Summonâ— and excuses for not appearing whereby the affairs of the King and kigdom might be prejudiced 15. That â—he number of Abbots and Priors summoned to our Parliaments was somtimes more somtimes less as I have briefly touched relating their number in the grosse for brevity sake where I find them particularly mentioned in the Rolls The names of those Abbots and Priorr who were ordinarily or extraordinarily summoned to Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils with the reasons of this incertainty in their numbers by subsequent exemptions because they held no Lands by Barony or Knights service from the King but only in Frankalmoigne or by act of special grace or through vacancy by death or otherwise those who please may read at large in Mr. Seldens Titles of Honor Book 2. ch 5. Sect. 22 23 25. p. 732. to 735. and more particularly in the ensuing Alphabetical Table of their names and Summons I shall here only present the Readers with 3. Kalendars of their names out of the Clause Rolls as I finde them there recorded The 1. List is that in the Clause Roll of 49 H. 3. m. 11 dorso in Cedula where the writ at large being directed to R. c. Episcopo Dunolm c. as it is here transcribed p. 5 6. immediately after the writ this Catalogue of the Bishops Abbots Priors and Deans names summoned to it follows in this form Eodem modo mandatum est Episcopo Karliol Abbati Sanctae Mariae Eborum Priori Dunolm Priori Sanctae Trinitatis Eborum Abbati de Seleby Abbati de Furness Abbati de Fontibus Abbati de Royvall Abbati de Melsa Archiepiscopo Eborum Priori de Parco Abbati de Rupâ— Abbati de Bella Lauda Priori de Bridlington Priori S. Oswaldi Abbati de Rufford Priori de Blida Priori de Thurgarton Priori Karliol Abbati de Wyteby Priori de Giseborne Decano Eborum Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis Episcopo London Episcopo Wynton Episcopo Exon. Episcopo Wygorn Episcopo Lincoln Decano Exon. Decano de Well Episcopo Elien Episcopo Sarum Episcopo Coventr et Litchf Episcopo Cicâ—str Electâ— Bath et Wellen. Decano Sâ—rum Decano Lincoln In forma praedict a scribitur Abbatibus Prioribus subscriptis sub hac data Teste Rege apud Wodest XXIIII die Decembr Abbati Sancti Edmundi Abbati de Wautham Abbati de Sancto Albano Abbati de Glaston Abbati de Rading Abbati de Cirencestr Priori de Merton Abbati de Oseney Priori Sanctae Fresewid Oxon. Abbati de Missenden Abbati de Waverle Priori Elien Priori Norwicen Abbati Cestr. Abbati Salop. Abbati de Hulmo Abbati de Bardene Priori de Lenton Abbati de Bello Priori Ordinis de Sempliâ—gham Priori de Watton Electo de Evesham Abbati Westm. Priori Hospitalis Sancti Iohannis Ierusalem in Anglia Magistro Militis Templi in Anglia Abbati de Ramesey Abbati de Burgo Abbati de Thorn Abbati de Crouland Abbati Colecestr Priori de Dunstaple Abbati de Bello loco Abbati de Parco Lude Abbati de Stanlegh Abbati de Lilleshull Abbati de Buttlesden Priori de Betuveâ—r Priori de Lews Abbati de Clervaus Priori de Stodley Abbati S. Augustin Cantuar Abbati de Cercesey Priori Sanctae Trinitatis Cantuar. Abbati de Hida Winton Abbati de Middleton Abbati de Cerne Abbati de Abbotisbury Abbati de Tavistocks Priori de Huntingdon Abbati de Sulebey Abbati S. Augustini Bristol Abbati de Malmesbery Abbati de Milchene Abbati de Abingdon Abbati S. Petri Gloucestr Abbati de Persour Abbati de Winchecombe Priori de Coventr Abbati de O elveston Abbati de Teukesbury Priori de Swinesheued Priori de S. Neoto Abbati de Wardon Abbati Sancti Iacobi Northampt Abbati de Leicestr Abbati de Kirkested Priori de Eton. Priori de Cruceroys Abbati de Kirkestall Abbati de Tame Abbati de Bermundesy Priori de Barnewell Abbati de Meryvall Priori Sancti Swithin Winton Abbati de Lesenes Priori de Ledes Priori de Lauda Priori de Spalding Priori Sancti Barthol London Priori de Kenelworth Priori de Nuttell Abbati de Vâ—lle Dei. Abbati de Croxton Here you see 36 Priors inâ—ermixed promiscuously with 65 Abbots one of them only Abbot Elect but not installed the Bishops
nostrumque deliberatum consensum et consâ—â—iium hiis quae mediante Domino ibidem contigerit utiliter ordinari una cum aliis impendendi Ulteriusque faciendi in praemissis et eà concernentibus quod juris fueriâ— et rationis Promittentes Nos ratum firmum et gratum sub Ypotheca reâ—um quos et ligare posâ—umus habituri quicquid dicti PROCURATORES NOSTRI VEL EORUM ALTER in praemissiâ— et ea contingentibus duxerint vel duxerit faciend In cujus rei â—estimonium â—igillum nostrum commune praesentibus est appensum Dat. in Domo nostro Capitulari Bathon 26. That it appears by the Clauses and contents of sundry Praemised Writs as likewise by the Protestations of the Clergy and their Distinct Aydes and Subsidies from the Temporalty granted in Parliaments to our Kings by dâ—â—â—erent Acts of Parliamenâ— exâ—ant in our Printed Statute Books as well as Parliament and Statâ—te Rolls that the King and Temporal Lords and Commons in Parliament could not legally impose any Aydes Subsidies or Taxes whatsoever on the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Deans Chapâ—ers Archdeacons and inferiour Clergy oâ— England without their own special Grants and Consents in their Coâ—vocations it being contrary to the Great Charters of Henry the 1. King John and Henry the 3. Chap. 1. yea to the Freedom Rights Liberties of the Church confirmed by them and to all other Acts confirming Magna Charta and to a particular Act Rot. Parl. anno 8 H. 4. â— 36. exempting them from making Contributions with the Laity Therefore they cannot do it now upon the self same grounds they having as full as large an interest in their Rights freedoms Libeâ—ties and those Grand Charâ—ers Statutes confirming them as any of the Laity have in theirs Yet when they obstinately refused to grant King Edward the first a necessary Ayde for the defence of the Realm in two successive Parliaments one after the other against their allegiance and duty only because Pope Boniface by his Constitution had prohibited under pain of excommunication Ne Talliae vel Exactiones à Clero per seculares Principes quocunque modo exigentur vel eis solvantur de rebus Ecclesiae the King thereupon did put them out of his protection to redeem which many of the Clergy by themselves and many of them by Mediators gave the King the fifth part of their goods notwithstanding the Popes Inhibition which is thus related by Matthew Westminster Anno 1296. p. 407 408. Die Sancti Hillarii celebravit Archiepiscopus Concilium suum cum Coepiscopis suis Suffraganeis Londini in Ecclesia Sancti Pauli Quibus tractantibus per dies octo super postulatione regia non invenerunt iter rectum nec modum exclusivae sententiae si aliqui vel quaeâ—ito colore vel aliquo titulo quippiam contulissent etiam si plurimi clerici aulici curialeâ—que accessiâ—â—ent qui postulatis consilium dederanâ— favorem Quae omnia Regi per Episcopos aliósve nuncios funt relata Qui statim mutatus in crudelem perversa regali aequalitate in tyrannidem licentiatis suis famulis obviantium cleâ—icorum religiosorumque virorum quasi modo hostili equitaturas â—ibi arripere meliores prohibitis insuper placitatoribuâ— in lege sua peritis coram Baronibus de Scaccario seu ante quemvis â—lium Justiciarium secularem pro personis Ecclesiasticis allegare Ecclesiasticos ministros censuit sua pace inâ—ignos Mandavit etiam singulis ordinatis sponte offerre sibi suorum proventuum quintam partem aâ—t invitè cedere omnibus bonis suis. Huic mandato primitus obtemperaverunt quidam â—onsorati in curia regali praelati in cura verò animarum Pilati manifesti ut inducerent pari modo animos caeterorum Quo facto seisita sunt protinus per manus Vicecomitum omnia bona clericorum mobilia immobilia super laicum feodum inventa aâ—quâ— fisco regio titulata cum superabundanti molestia suis ablatis libertatibus qâ—as praedecessores reges Christianitatis conservatores Ecclesiis contulerant authores bonorum Et quod nequius est ferendum appreciabantur ipsorum facultates emptoribus quantocius expoâ—endae nec securi audebant clerici equitare nisi in majori conventu propter militum in clâ—ricos violentiam à rege licentia data Sed omniâ— bona Archiepiscopi mobilia immobiâ—ia capta sunt in manu regis Ipse quidem sustinuit patientè◠Igâ—â—ur Clero siâ—ut supradictum est passo in corpore pasâ—us est Rex in animo Hinc dolor et metus omnium Praelatorum Hiâ—â—mque in perplexitate maxima constituti sunt ut si quicquam concederent sententiam excommunicationis incurrerent ipso facto et si non darent non effugerent immisericordes manus ipsorum praedonum His madefacti adversitatibus pro se ipsis anxii pro grege sibi commisso incoâ—solabiliter moestificati tanquam non habente alimoniam ingruente fame necessario seculum reperere quaesierunt protectionem regis facultatibus suis ratiociâ—io magno redemptis Yet notwithstanding all the Clergy procured special Absolutions from this Poâ—e from that Excommunication they conceived they had incurred by this their Ayd granted to the King against his Constitution though done only through force and such fear as might happen even to a constant man as I observe by certain Instruments of Absolution remembred by none of our Historians but registred in the Leiger Book of the Priory of Bath out of which I have transcribed them as not unworthy publike knowledge Venerabili in Christo Patri Dei gratia Archiepâ—sâ—opo Cantuar. vel ejus Vicario in Spiritualibus Frater Gentilis miseratione divinâ— Ecclesiae Sancti Martini in Montibus Presbyter Cardinalis salutem et synceram in Domino caritatem Ex parte Johâ—nnis de Godmer perpetui Vicarii Ecclesiae de Chedâ—ern Bathon Wellen. Diocaes Nobis oblata petâ—tio continebat Quod ipse olim per vim metum qui cadere posset in constantem invitus Ministris seâ— Collectoribuâ— illustris Regis Angliae contra novae Constitutionts tenorem Sanctissimi Patris Domini Bonefacii divina providentia Papae 〈◊〉 Tallias sive Collec tas per solvit per quod sententiam Excommunicationis incurrit in tales generaliter promulgataem et sic ligatius non tamen in contemptum Clavium in suis Ordinibus ministravit et alias se ingressit divinis Super quibus supplicari feâ—it humiliter siâ—i de absolutionis beneficio et dispensationis gratia per sedem Apostolicam salubriter provideri Nos igitur auctoritate Domini Papae cujus Penitentiariae curam gerimus circumspectioni vestrae committimus quatenus si ita est ipsum Vicarium à dictae excommunicationis Sententia â—uxtae formam Ecclesiae absolvatis Proviso attentè quod idem Vicarius super hoc mandatis Domini Papae et Romanae Ecclesiae semper parebit et faciet illam poenitentiam quam sibi duxerit injungendâ—m eoque ad tempus prout
tenentur pacem manu tenere non bellum Et quod BARONIAE EORUM ab eleemosynis puris stabiliuntur unde servitium militare non debent nisi certum nec novum incipient Sextus Item petitum est ut Clerus communiter aâ—quietaret novem millia marcarum quas Episcopus Roffensis Laurentius Episcopus Bathoniensis Willielmus Abbas Westmonasterii Richardus mutuo receperunt à mercatoribus domini Papae in curia Romana quando fuerunt ibidem pro Regiis negotiis exâ—ediendis Responsio Ad hoc respondebatur quod nunquam consentiebant mutuationi tanti debiti nec unquam inde sciebâ—nt unde in nullo tenentur illud adquietare Septimus Item petitum est ex parte Papae ut fiâ—ret praedicatio in omni festinatione de cruce per totum regnum ad expugnandâ—m populum quem curia providere vel ad crucem perpetâ—am redimendum Responsio Ad hoc respondebatur quod populus tâ—rrae per bellum in magna parte perimitur si modo cruce signarentur pauci vel nulli ad defensionem patriae remanerent Unde manifestum est quod Legatus vellet naturalem terrae progeniem exulare ut alienigenae liberius conquirere possint terram Octavus Item dicebatur quod Praelati tenebantur ad omnes petitiones vellent nollent propter juramentum de Coventre ubi juraverunt quod domino Regi auxiliarentur modis omnibus quibus possent Responsio Ad hoc responderunt quod quando juramentum fecerunt non intelligebant de alio auxilio quam Spirituali consilioque salubri By which demands and answers not unsutable nor unseasonable for the consideration of our present times it is apparent that the Clergy ought not to be taxed by the Laity for their Ecclesiasticall Baronies and Temporal Lands in Parliament but only by themselves much less then for their Spiritualties and Benefices and that their BARONIES held of the King obliged them to sit and serve in Parliaments yet did not bind them to serve the King in person in his wars nor to foment any wars between him and his Subjects but rather to advise him to maintain peace not wars By Matthew Westminsters relation That the Archbishop of Canterbury who the year before had all his Temporalties and goods seised into the Kings hands for refusing to grant a Subsidy to the King for fear of Pope Boniface the 8. his Constitution to the contrary together with the rest of the Clergy being put out of the Kings protection upon this occasion was this year restored to the Kings grace and favor atque REDDITA SIBI BARONIA SUA And by this Protestation of the Bishops Abbots Priors and Clergy in the Parliament of 11 Rich. the 2. Rotul Parliamenti parte 1. nu 2. Artic. 34. De Iure et consuetudine Regni Angliae ad Archiepiscopum Cantuariensem qui pro tempore fueriâ— nâ—â—non caeteros Suffraganeos Comfraires Compatres ABBATES ET PRIORES ALIOSQVE PRAELATOS QVOSCUNQVE PER BARONIAM DE DOMINO REGE TENENTES PERTINET IN PARLIAMENTIS REGIIS QUIBUS CUNQUE UT PARES REGNI PRAEDICTI PERSONALITER INTERESSâ— ibidemque de Regni Negotiis ac aliis tractari 〈…〉 cum caeteris decti Regni Paribus et aliis I 〈…〉 INTERESSENDI 〈…〉 consulere et tractare ordinare statuere et diffinire ac caetera facere quae Parliamenti tempore ibideâ—â— invenient facienda Of which those who please may finde many other Testimonies in my Plea for the Lords p. 151. to 158. 221. to 290. and in Mr Seldens Titles of Honor Part. 2. Chapter 5. Section 17. to 26. 27 It is observable that when any Archbishop died after the writ of Summons to Parliament issued to him with a Praemunientes c. and before the return and execution thereof the King thereupon issued a new Writ of Summons to the Guardian of the Spiritualties of the Archbishoprick with a Praemunientes to summon the Dean Chapter Archdeacon and Clergy of the Province with a particular writ to the Dean and Chapter of his Church to appear at the said Parliament as is evident by these two memorable writs in Claus. 9 E. 2. m. 20. dorso Rex Custodi Spiritualitatis Archiepiscopatus Eborum sede vacante salutem Quia nupâ—r tempore quo Parliamentum nostrum usque Lincoln in Quindena Sâ—â—ncti Hillarii prox futur summoneri mandavimus bonae memoriae W. pro tunc Archie piscopo loci praedicti jam de â—uncto quod in propria persona sua dicto Parliamento nostro interesser ac quod praemuniri faciet Decanum et Capitulum Ecclesiae suae beâ—ti Petri Ebor. totumque Clerum suae Dioc quod dicti Decanus et Archidiaconi in propriis persâ—nis suis dictumque Capitulum per unnm et dictus Clerus per duos Procuratores idoneos dicto Parliamento similiter interestent ad tractandum ibidem Noblâ—cum super negotiis Nos et Statum Regni nostri â—â—ngâ—â—tibus pro quibus dictum Parliamentum mandavimus Convocari Nos nolentes per mortem praefati Archiepiscopi dicta mandata nostra differri set ea potius per vos executioni debito demandari Vobis mandamus quod Vos in propria persona vestra dictis die et loco intersitis Praemunientes praedictos Decanum et Capitulum Archidiaconos totumque Clerum praedictum quod iidem Decanus et Archididiaconi in propriis personis suis dictumque Capitulum per unum ac dictus Clerus per duos Procuratores dicto Parliamento nostro in Quindena praedicta intersint Ad tractandum ibidem Nobiscum super Negotiis praedictis in forma supradicta et ad consentiendum hiis quae â—unc ibidem de Communi Consilio contigerit ordinari Et hoc nullatenus omittatis T. Rege apud Clipston 17 die Januarii Per ipsum Regem Rex dilectis sibi in Christo Decano et Capitulo Ecclesiae beati Petri Ebor salutem Quia nuper c. ut supra Et quod praemuniri faciet vos Archidiaconos totumque Clerum suae Diocaes quod praefati Decanus et Archidiaconi in propriis personis vestris dictumque Capitulum per â—â—um et praedictus Clerus per duos Procuratores dicto Parliamento nostro similiter interessetis ad tractandum ibidem c. Nos nolentes c. Vobis mandamus quod vos praefatus Decanus in propria persona vestra dicto Parliamento in Quindena praedicta intersitis Et vos dictum Capitulum per unum Procuratorem sufficientem sitis similiter ad trâ—ctandum ibidem c. Teste ut supra Per ipsum Regem 28 That no private Prelates and Clergy men could grant a Subsidy to binde the rest of the Clergy for the necessary defence of the Church King kingdom against invading Enemies without the general Consent of the Archbishops and all the Clergy summoned in Convocation within their respective Provinces as is most apparent by this memorable writ to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the like to the Gardian of the Spiritualties of the
Archbishoprick of York wherewith I shall close up this Section and my Observations on it Claus. 9 E. 2. m. 17. Rex venerabilâ— in Christo Patri W. eadem gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuar. c. salutem Pro firmo credimus et tenemus quod ad ea quae regni nostri salva ionem et â—opulâ— Nobis commissi tranquillitatem et quietem respiâ—iunt cum Dei adjutorio feliciter promovenda mauus velitis extendere liberalitâ—r adjuvantes Quidam itaque Praelati et alii de Clero Provinciae vestre convocaâ—i quos ad interessendum Parliamento nostro apud Lincoln fâ—â—imus summoneri ibidem ex parte nostra super Subsidio nobis pro guerra nostra Scotiae faâ—â—â—nda requisiti ad urgentem necessitatem in hac parte inevitabile periculum quod tam Ecclesiae Anglicanae quam Nobis et toti poputo nostro ex Scotorum inimicorum et rebellium nostrorum qui pluries Râ—gnum nostrum hostiliter sunt ingressi depraedationes inoâ—ndia homicidia at alla dampna quamplunima intulâ—runt perpetrando obstinat a malitia potâ—rit imminere nisi â—orum nequitiae citius et potenâ—â—cus cum Dei adjutorio resistatur suae considerationis intuitum dirigentes ad Subsidium Nobis ex causa praedictâ—s faciendum quatenus voâ—is absentibus cui subsuâ— â—t in quorundam aliorum tam Praelatorum quam Religiosorum et caeterorum de Clero dictae Provinciae absentia potuerunt unanimiter consenserunt Ita tamen quod tam ipsi quam alii de Clero vestrae Provinciae qui in dicto Parliamento praâ—entes non fuerunt coram vobis ad tractandum et consentiendum vestra auctoritate interveniente de certo Subsidio Nobis ut praemittitur faciendo in loco debito convocentur Vestram igâ—â—ur Paternitatem reverendam de qua fiduciam gerimus plâ—niâ—rem requirimus et rogamus quatinus omnes Pralatos tam Religiosos quam alios caterosque de Clero Provinciae vestrae supradictae quod sint coram Vobis apud Londâ—n die Mâ—rcurii prox post Quindenam Pasch. prox futur ad ultimum ad tractand in vestra praesentia et una vobiscum consentiend super Subsidio memorato convocari faciatis 〈…〉 Subsidio nomine nostro audiendam it nobis post moduÌ„ reportandam Teste Rege apud Lincoln 17 die Febr. Eodem modo mandatum est Custodi Spiritualitatis Archiepiscopatus Eborum sede vacante mutatis competenter mutandis excepto quod Clerum Eborae Provinciae venir◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ipso apud Eborum à diâ— Paschae in unâ—m mensem c. Teste ut supra What ever else concerns the Prelates Abbots Priors Convocation and Clâ—ry is reserved for its proper placâ— in subsequent Sections SECTION II. Of the several writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils directed to the Temporal Lords as The King of Castel the Prince of Wales Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts Lords Barons and other Great men of the Lords House whereof there are several forms and varieties with Observations on them SOme pretended Antiquaries not well versed in our Records in their late printed Discourses of The Antiquity of the Parliaments of England p. 22. 24. 88. 89. meeting with a Transcript of ancient writs issued to Earls Barons and Great men holding lands of the King by Knight service to repair to him at a certain time and place cum equis et armis for his defence against Enemies or Rebels in times of warrs insurrection or danger have injudiciously conceived these writs to be Writs of Summons to Parliaments or confounded them promiscuously with them affirming That they find these writs recorded AMONG THE PARLIAMENT ROLLS of 14. or 15. E. 3. and therefore thought good to remember them When as there are â—o such writs extant in any Parliament Rolls in the Tower nor any Writs of Summons to Parliaments or Great Councils entred in our Parliament Rolls as they ignorantly publish but only in the Dorse of the Clause Rolls quite different and distinct from the Rolls of our Parliaments as the meanest Novice in Records can ascertain them Upon the like mistake some have conceited these ensuing writs of Claus. 45 47 H. 3. to be writs of Summons to Parliaments and Great Councils when as the writs themselves declare the contrary that they were only Summons to assist the King against Enemies and Rebells with horses and arms and all their power not to counsel advise or grant any aydes of money to him in Parliament Rex Willielmo de Bello Campo de Aumel salutem Mandamus Vobis in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod omnibus aliis praetermissis ad Nos sitis London in craftino Apostolorum Simonis et Iudae absque dilatione ulteriori CUM EQUIS ET ARMIS ET CUM POSSE VESTRO tam de servitio vestro Nobis dâ—bito quam de subventione amicorum vestrorum pro quibusdam urgentibus â—â—egotiis personam nostram specialiter et Statum Coronae nostrae tangentibus Et hoc sicut de vestra fidâ—litate et dilectione confidentiam gerimus specialeâ—â—ullatenus omittatis Quia SUBVENTIONEM quâ—m Nobis et Coronae nostrae praeter servicium Nobis debitum ad praesens feceritis in consequentiam trahi nolumus nec vobis per hoc ullo tempore derogari Taliter vos habeatis in hac parte quod dicto die absque defalta ad Nos sitis ita quod vobis exinde in perpetuo teneamus ad grates Teste Rege apud Turrim London 18 die Octobris Eodem modo mandatum est Phil Basset and 107. Barons and great men holding by knights service there registred by name After which this writ ensues in the same Dorse Rex Abbati de Burgo Sancti Petri salutem Mandamus vobis in fide et dilectione quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod omnibus aliis praetermissis mittaris Nobis Servitium vestrum quod Nobis debetis ita quod sitis ad Nos in crastino Sancti Martini absque defalto pro quibusdam urgentibus negotiis personam nostram specialiter et statum regni nostri tangentibus Et hoc sub debito fidelitatis qua Nobis â—enemini nullatenus omittatis Teste ut supra Eodem modo mandatum est to 36 Abbots more whose names are there listed in the Roll Then follows this entry Isti subscripti vocati sunt ad crastinum Apostolorum Simonis Iudae CUM EQUIS ET ARMIS Thomas de Chauro with 16. more there named after him Mandatnm est Vicecomiti Essex quod summoneri faciat omnes illos de Honoribus de Redleg et Castro Baynard et de Hundredo de Rochford quod veniant ad Regem ad â—undem diem cum servicio suo Regi debito The like writs issued to divers others in this and other Membranaâ—s of this Roll of 45 H. 3. to ayde the King against the Barons then in rebellion against him and reduce them to their obedience as is evident by this writ
to the Earl of Flanders though not particularly expressed in the precedent writs Rex Comiti Flandriae salutem Quiae Magnates nostri NOBIS ALIQUANDIU REBELLES EXTITERINI propter quod nisi citius resipiscant aliud consilium Nos opponere oportebit dilectionem vestram requirimus et rogamus quatinus taliter vobis providere velitis quod ad Nos centum Milites et tot servientes ad arma bene munitos Nobis miâ—tere possitis Taliter vos habentes in hac parte quod specialiter vobis teneamur ad gratias Teste Rege apud Windesor 22 die Augusti In 47 H. 3. there issued these ensuing writs to sundry Noblemen and others to aid the King against the Welshmen then in rebellion against him to suppress their Rebellion and reduce them to obedience Rex Rogeto de Bigot Comiti Norâ—â— Mariscallo Angliae salutem Mandamus vobis sub debito fidelitatis et homagii quibus Nobis teneminiâ— et sicut ea quae de nâ—bis tâ—nâ—tis diligitis quod in festo beati Petri ad Vincula prox futur sitis apud Wigorn. CUM EQVIS ARMIS et cum servitio vestro Nobis debito parati exinde Nobiscum proficisci in expeditionem nostram contra Lewellinum filium Griffini et complices suos REBELLES NOSTROS et ita decenter in hac necessitate nostra ibidem vâ—niatis ut dictorum NOSTRORUM REBELLIVM versutia adeò potenter reprimatur quod Nobis et Vobis cedat ad honorem et exinde vobis ad grates teneamur speciales Teste Rege apud Westm. 25. die Maii. Eodem modo mandaium est to 133. Nobles and others whose names are there recorded The like writs of Summons against the Scots Welsh French and other Enemies and Rebels frequently occurre in the Clause Rolls of King Iohn Henry 3. and Edward 1 2 3. Rich. 2. and other Kings which have no Analogy with writs of Summons to Parliaments or Great Councils wherewith some Ignorant Antiquaries would conjoyn them as Homogeneal which I thought â—it to premise to avoid all mistakes of this kinde It is evident by this Clause in the writs iâ—â—ued to the Bishops Claus. An. 6. Iohannis Regis m. 3. dorso â—orecited p. 2 3. vestrum expedit habere consilium et ALIORUM MAGNATUM terrae nostrae QUOS AD DIEM ILLVM ET LOCUM FECIMVS CONVOCARI that King Iohn issued forth writs of Summons to the Temporal as well as Spiritual Lords to summon them to the Parliamentary Council then held at London though neither the form of the writs by which they were then summoned nor any list of their names be entred in that or any other Roll now extant And by this Clause in the writ of Summons to the Archbishop of York Claus. 26 H. 3. m. 13. dorso ad tractandum Nobiscum una cum CAETERIS MAGNATIBUS NOSTRIS QUOS SIMILITER FECIMUS CONVOCARI it is most apparent that the Temporal Lords and great men were likewise called to the Parliamentary Great Council then assembled at London by writ though there be no entry of those writs nor catalogue of their names in that or any other Rolls to be found but only the single writ to one Archbishop All the antientest writs of Summons of our Temporal Lords to Great Councils being utterly lost through negligence or perished through the rust or consumption of time the very first writ of Summons to them and Kalendar of their names now remaining is that of 49 H. 3. dors 11. Cedula already recited at large p. 5 6. one and the self-same form of writ verbatim being then directed both to the Temporal and Spiritual Lords though they usually differed in after times in some special clauses After the Eodem modo mandatum est and Catalogue of the Bishops â—bbots Priors Deans and Ecclesiastical persons names then summoned to that Parliamentary Council by the self-same writs there followed this list of the Temporal Lords and Barons Item in forma praedicta mandatum est COMITIBUS et aliis subscriptis dat de Wodestok Comiti Leicestr Comiti Gloucestr Com. Norff Mariscallo Angliae Comiti Oxon. Comiti Dâ—rby Radulpho Cameys Rogero de Sancto Iohanne Hugoni le Despencer Justic. Angliae Iohanni Filio Iohannis Willo de Munchensey Nicho. de Segrave Iohi de Vescy Rado Basset de Drayton Henr. de Hasting Galfrido de Lucy Roberto de Ros. Iohanni de Eyvil Ade de Novo-Mercato Waltero de Colevyll Willielmo Maryun Rogero Bertram Rado Basset de Sapcote Gilberto de Gaunt This Parliamentary Council was summoned soon after the great bloudy battel at Evesham wherein the Barons who opposed K. Henry were totally routed Simon de Montford their General and many others of of them slain in the field and the rest scattered to settle the peace and tranquillity of the Realm as the writ informs us the most of the Barons and Great men upon on this occasion being omitted out of the Summons though many more Abbots Priors and Clergymen were summoned to it than to any other succeeding Parliament whatsoever to supply the places of the Barons then in actual rebellion and give the greater reputation to this Assembly as I apprehâ—nd The 2. writ of summons to the Earls and Temporal Lords is this of Claus. 23 E. 1. m. 9. dorso which I shall transcribe at large though entred with an c. in the Roll with reference to the Bishops writs ut supra Rex dilecto et fideli suo Edmundo fratri suo Com. Lanc. salutem Quia super quibusdam arduis negotiis Nos et Regnum nostrum ac Vos caeterosque Procetes et Magnates de eodem regno quae sine vestra et â—orum praesentia nolumus expediri Parliamentum nostrum tenere et vobiscum super hiis colloquium habere volumus et tractatum Vobis mandamus in fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod sitis ad Nos apud Westm. primo die mensis Augusti prox futuro vel saltem infra tercium diem subsequentem ad ultimum nobiscum super dictis negotiis tractaturi et vestrum consilium impensuri Et hoc nullo modo omittatis Teste me ipso apud Album Monasterium 24 die Iulii Per Breve de Privato Sigillo Eodem modo mandatum est singillatim per Brevia Clausa Comitibus Baronibus subscriptis viz. 12 Earls and 53 Barons and Great men of the Temporalty whose names because tedious to repeat after every writ I shall present you with in a short Table in the Observations for brevity sake The 3. writ is that recorded in Clause Anno 23 E. 1. m. 3. dorso Rex dilecto Consanguineo et fideli suo Edmundo Comiti Cornub. salutem Quia super remediis contra pericula quae toto Regno nostro hiis diebus imminent providendis Vobiscum et cum caeteris Regni nostri Proceribus habere volumus Colloquium et Tractatum Vobis mandamus in fide et dilectione
et inde percipiet omnes reditus et exitus sicut Dominicos reditus suos Et cum ventum fuerit ad consulendum Ecclesiam debet Dominus Rex mandare poâ—iores personas Ecclesiae et in Capella ipsius Regis debet fieri electio assensu ipsius Regis et Concilio personarum regni quas ad haec faciendum advocaverit et IBIDEM FACIET ELECTUS HOMAGIVM FIDELITATEM REGI SICVT LIGIO DO MINO SVO de vita sua et de membris et de honore terreno salvo ordine suo priusquam consecretur Indeed Angelus de Clavasio in his Summa Angelica Tit. Homagium and other Canonists hold it to be Symonie and unlawfull prore ' spirituali puia Beneficio Ecclesiastico HOMAGIUM EXIGERE But our Lawes resolve it an antient Legal duty and Service Of which see more in Spelmanni Glossarium Tit. Fidelitas Homagium in William Somners Glossarium Tit. Homagium and in Bracton Britton and Fleta 4. That this clause in the writs to the Temporal Lords in fide homagio implies they were all or most Barons by tenure And whereas Sir Ed. Cook and Sir Henry Spelman assert That of antient time the temporal Lords were commanded by the Kings writ thus to appear In fide et homagio quibus Nobis tenemini and in the reign of Edward 3. in fide et ligeantia and sometimes in fide et homagio but at this day constantly in fide et ligeantia because at this day there are no feudal Baronies in respect whereof Homage is to be done which in 21 E. 3. was the true cause of this alteration If this observation of theirs That in fide et homagio feodales propriè respiciat Barones denoting only such Barons who were Barons by tenure or Barony for which they did their Homage and swore Fealty and Allegiance to the King then this is a most convincing argument that all the Lords and Barons summoned before 11 E. 3. were Barons only by tenure not by writ alone because they were all regularly summoned to appear in fide et homagio not in fide et ligeantia 2ly It is a clear mistake that this alteration of homagio into ligeantia was made in 21 E 3. for it was not till 25 E. 3. pars 1. dors 5. in fide et homagio being used both in the writs of 21 22 23 24 E. 3. 3ly The reason of this alteration could not be this they rendâ—r because all or most of the Lords and Barons then summoned did not hold of the King by Barony but were Barons only by writ not tenure First because all the writs to the Prince of Wales â—and Earls then summoned who held of the King by Homage and Barony issued in this form in fide et ligeantia to them as well as to the inferiour Lords and Barons 2ly Because the self-same Prince Earls Lords summoned in this form in 25 E. 3. in the very next years of 26 E. 3. d. 14. and 27 E. 3. d. 12. were twice summoned again iâ— fide homagio et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini and 28 E. 3. d. 26. in fide et homagio after in 29 E. 3. d. 8. 7. 31 E. 3. d. 21. 1. they are summoned in fide et ligeantia but yet in 32 E. 3. d. 14. 36 E. 3. d. 16. 37 E. 3. d. 22. 38 E. 3. d. 3. 39 E. 3. d. 2. 42 E. 3. d. 22. 43 E. 3. d. 24. 46 E. 3. d. 9. all the writs to the Prince Earls Lords and Barons run again in fide et homagio only and some between and after them in fide et ligeantia only though issued to the self-same persons or their heirs Therefore ligeantia in these and subsequent writs is put only as a Synonima signifying only Homagium as the coupling them together in two writs in fide homagio et ligeantia and the placing of Homagio thus interchangeably for ligeantia and ligeancia for homagio evidence beyond contradiction The rather because there is the highest promise and bond of Allegiance expressed in the very words and form of homage done to the King as the words I become your man from this day forwards of life and member and of earthly worship and unto you shall be true and faithfull and bear you faith and this clause saving the faith that I owe unto our Soveraign Lord the King when done to a common person import and Glanvil l. 9. c. 1. Bracton l. 2. c. 35. Fleta l. 3. c. 16. Sir Edward Cook in his 1 Institutes on Littletons Chapter of Homage Sir Hen. Spelman and Somner in their Glossaries Tit. Homagium Fidelitas at large demonstrate Therefore homage may be properly stiled ligeantia and be put in lien of homagio as doubtless it is in all those writs that use it 3ly I find sundry Homages for Dutchies Earldoms and Baronies done to our Kings by the Duke of Aquitain the Dâ—ke of Hereford Henry Percy the Duke of Norfolk and other Peers who were then and afterwards summoned in fide et ligeantia not homagio and I doubt Sir Edward Cooke and those of his opinion can hardly name any Dukes Earls Vicounts Lords or Barons summoned to Parliament under Henry the 3. R. 2. H. 4 5 9. or E. 4. who was not a Lord by Tenure or Barony as well as by Patent or a special writ of creation the very names of their Baronies as Sir Edward Cooke and Mr. Selden inform us being usually expressed in all later writs of Summonâ— Therefore this their conjecture of altering the writs from homagio to ligeantia because they held not by homage must needs be erronious and groundless in my judgemenâ— and the assertions of such who hold that the Kings bare general writs of summons issued to those who held not by Barony did create them and their issues Barons if they sate in Parliament without any special creation by some Clauses in the writs or by Paâ—ent grounded on this mistake must vanish into smoke else that Clause of creation in the writ to Sir Henry Bromfleet Cl. 27 H. 6. d. 24. would have been both superfluous and ridiculous 5ly That this clause in fide et homagio or in fide ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini is sometimes omitted out of the writs of Summons to the Prince of Wales and other times inserted into them 6ly That the Prince of Wales in the writs of Summons and adjournment is sometimes stiled Princeps Walliae only sometimes Princeps Aquitaniae et Walliae other times Princeps Walliae Dux Cornubiae et Comes Câ—striae when all these titles were conferred on him by the King 7ly That in the writs issued to Dukes Earls and Temporal Lords of the Kings Progeny royal bloud and alliance they are usually stiled Carissimo filio nostro Fratri Regis Fratri nostro Avunculo Regis Avunculo nostro Nepoti nostro Consanguineo nostro c. and the other Earls and Temporal Lords
they specially confided to the King and his Counsil at Westminster not to the Parliament there to confer and treat with them concerning the relief of Ireland and their passage to or sending men of Arms speedily into Ireland to resist suppress the Irish Rebels who much infested wasted and endangered it as the whole frame and contents of the writs themselves and the marginal Notes in the Rolls De Consillo Summonito De Veniendo ad Consilium c. resolve beyond all contradiction Which Ioseph Holland and others not considering in their Antiquity of the Parliaments of England p. 23. 88. have published these two grosse mistakes together viz. That in the time of Edward the thâ—â—â— therâ— was a writ then in use De admittendo â—ide dignas ad colloquium c. It is recorded amongst the Summons of Parliament 35 E. 3. that there is a writ De admittendo fide dignos ad Colloquium And amongst the Earls and Barons there is retorned Mâ—ry Countesse de Norff Alianoxa Countesse de Ormond Philippa Countesse de March Agnes Countesse de Pembroke and Katherine Countesse of Athol When as these Countesses were not recorded nor retorned amongst the Earls and Barons in any Summons to Parliament nor were they required to send or come to any Parliament or Parliamentary Council nor is thâ—re any writ in this or any other Roll De admittendo fide dignas or dignos ad Colloquium as they confidently affirme But they were only summoned by writ to send men of Arms into Ireland with other Lords Gentlemen Clergymen who had Lands and Possessions there as these Countesses all had for to defend and recover the same from the Irish Enemies and commanded Aliquos vel aliquem de quibus vel de quo specialiter confiditis MITTATIS apud Westm. c. Which MITTATIS these Pseudo-Antiquaries have metamorphosed into a writ DE ADMITTENDO fide dignas ad Colloquium By which grosse perversion they have evidenced themselves and their Treatises not to be fide digni in these and other particulars relaâ—ing to our Parliaments wherewith they have deceived both themselves and others who adore these their Oversights for Oracles 16ly That when any of the Earls Lords or Nobles were imployed in the Wars in France Scotland Ireland or any other service for the King in forein parts they were omitted out of the lists of Summons to Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils and if any writs in such cases issued to them they were usually revoked cancelled and entries thereof made upon the Clause Rolls This is evident by Claus. 11 E. 3. 25. dors 11. where I find these 2. Presidents in the lists of the Lords and Barons names Thomae Wake de Lydett VACAT QUIA IN OBSEQUIO REGIS Henry de Grey VACAT QUIA IN OBSEQUIO REGIS After which at the end of all the writs of Summons to the Sheriffs Warden of the Cinque-ports and Kings Counsel follows this entry of writs to some Earls Lords and Gentlemen besides those first mentioned after the Spiritual Lords then summoned Rex dilecto fideli suo Willo de Bohun Com. Northamton salutem Quia tam super urgentissimis c. ut supra in brevi directo Hent Com. Lâ—ncastr usque in finem Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis viz. Thomae Com. Norffâ—er Mariscallo Angliae Avunculo Regis Willielmo de Monteacuto Comitâ— Sarum Rico. Comiti Arundell Hugoni de Audâ—le Comiti Gloucestr Roberto de Ufford Comiti Suff. Gilberto de Umfravill Comiti de Anegos Ranulpho de Dacre Bartho de Burghersh Johanni de Segrave Egidio de Badlesmere Rado de Nevill Johanni de Tybtofte Rico. Talebot Henr. de Percey Rado de Stafford Thomae de Berkele Antonio de Lucy Et Memorand quod Brevia istis Magnatibus immediate praescriptis directa de essendo ad PARLIAMENTUM praedictum remissa fuerunt Cancellar ET PRO EO QVOD QVIDAM EX EIS IN PARTIBUS SCOTIAE QUIDAM EX EIS IN PARTIBUS TRANSMARINIS IN OBSEQUIO REGIS EXISTVNT ADNUâ—LAND So Claus. An. 12 E. 2. pars 2. dors 32. There is this entry made in the lists of Summons Humfrido de Bohun Comiti Hereford VACAT QUIA IN OBSEQUIO REGIS And Cl. 2. R. 2. d. 29. Iohi de Nevill de Raby in partibus Aquitan If any Baron or Lords name were in the list of Summons and he not actually summoned there was then a Vacat entred in the Roll as in Claus. 11. E. 3. p. 1. dors 8. Iohi de Sutton de Holdernesse VACAT QUIA NON FUIT SUMMONITUS And if he died before the Parliament then his death was entred upon the Roll as Claus 9. E. 3. d. 28. Iohi de Clynton MORTUUS EST. 17ly That when any Temporal Lords or Prelates had writs of Summons to Parliament issued to them in times of warr and danger whilst they were imployed in the Warrs against the Scots in the North or parts of Scotland if they could not desert the Warrs and attend personally in Parliament without danger and prejudice to the Publike they had then writs of countermand sent them not to recede from the parts where they were in Service notwithstanding their Summons to Parliament For which I find this memorable president in Claus. 30 E. 1. d. 7. De non recedendo à partibus Scotiae Rex dilecto sideli suo Iohanni Segrave salutem Licet â—uper vobis mandavimus quod omnibus aliis praetermissis ad Parliamentum quod apud London in prox festo Sancti Michaelis duximus Statâ—end PERSONALITER INTERSITIS NOLUMUS TAMEN quod praetextu mandati praedicti partibus Scotiae seu Marchiae ejus in quibus estis in obsequio nostro constituti ALIQUALITER RECEDATIS T. Rege apud Losele XI die Septembris Consimiles literae diriguntur Alexandro Balliolo Edmundo de Hastinges Willo de Lâ—â—u Seniori Waltero de Huntercumbe Eodem modo mandatum est Roberto de Clifford quod a partibus in quibus nunc est NULLATENUS RECEDATIS To which I shall subjoyn this later President of Cl. 6. E. 2. d. 12. Rex dilecto fideli suo Waltero de Fauconberg salutem Licet nuper vobis mandaverimus quod omnibus aliis praetermissis essetis ad Nos tertia Dominica Quadragesimae prox futur apud Westm. ibidem Nobiâ—scum cum Magnatibus Proceribâ—s regni nostri super diversis negotiis Nos et statum ejusdem Regni tangenâ—ibâ—s tractaturi veâ—trumque consilium impensuri pro securiori tamen custodia et majori tuitione partium vestrarum contra Scotos inimicos et Rebelles nostros vobis mandamus quod a partibus praedictis sine mandato nostro vos nullatenus transferatis Teste Rege apud Westm. 20 die Febr. Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis viz. Ranulpho de Nevill Willo de Vavasour Willo de Ros de Hamlake Marmiduco de Twenge Nicho. de Meivill Ade de Everingham Thomae de Multon de Egremond Thomae de Multon de Gillesland Ingelramo de
Gynes As for the Bishops in such cases they were by other special writs authorized to make Proctors to supply their places though summoned by the original writs to appear personally in Parliament and not by Proxies as in Claus. 20 E. 3. pars 2. d. 22. and Claus. 46 E. 6. d. 11. forecited p. 51. 52. 58. 18ly That if the King either Summoned or prorogued a Parliament to a certain day and place by his writs commanding the Earls Lords and other great men personally to appear in Parliament at that day and place and then by reason of other emergent occasions could not meet them or hold the Parliament at the time and place prefixed he then usually discharged them all from their attendance by a subsequent wrir Of which we have this pregnant example Claus. 5. E. 2. d. 17. Rex dilecto consanguineo fideli suo Thomae Comiti Lancast. salutem Licet nuper Vobiscum volentes ac cum Praelatis caeterisque Magnatibus Regni nostri supra Negotiis Nos statum dicti Regni tangentibus habere Colloquium Tractatum ordinassemus Parliamentum nostrum tenere apud Westm. prima Dominica Quadragesimae prox fuâ—ur Vobisque mandassemus quod dictis die loco PERSONALITER INTERESSETIS ad tractand Nobiscum cum Praelatis Magnatibus praedictis super negotiis antedictis Quia tamen PROPTER ALIQUAS CAUSAS ad locum praedictum dicto die ACCEDERE NON VALEMUS Vobis significamus QUOD AD DICTOS DIEM ET LOCUM PRAEMISSA OCCASIONE VOS ACCEDERE NON OPORTET Teste Rege apud Eborum 20. die January Consimiles Literae dirigunter subscriptis viz. to 6. Earls more and the rest of the Lords summoned with them to appear personally at this Parliament 19ly That sometimes the Temporal Lords as well as Prelates were more strictly and peremptorily required and adjured with greater earnestnesse to appear Personally in Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils then they were at other seasons without admitting any excuses or making any Proxies because through their absence and want of their personal presence when summoned the Parliaments were oft adjourned to some other time the businesse of the King and Kingdoms retarded delayed to the publike praejudice and the Parliaments sometimes dissolved without concluding any thing the Lords and Commons there assembled refusing to do or grant any thing when any of the chief Lords and Prelates were absent 20. That no Spiritual or Temporal Lords could absent themselves from Parliaments when duly summoned thereunto without a reasonâ—ble and just excuse nor make any Proxies or Proctors to supply their places but when specially authorized and licensed to do it in or by the writs of Summons or other special writs much leâ—â—e than could they be forcibly secluded the House when summoned by writ as some of late times have most violently been by those who were raised to defend both their persons and the privileges of Parliament 21. That armed Guards Forces and Troops of Soldiers in or near the Places where Parliaments are assembled and kept are altogether inconsistent with the Customs Vsage Freedom and Privileges of Parliament prejudicial obstructions to their proceedings and a great oppression to the people Vpon which account not only the Earls Lords and Barons are sometimes in the writs of Summons specially prohibited under grievous forfâ—itures and penalties to repair to the Parliament With men of Arms and multitudes of people and to come only cum dicenti comitiva de hominibus bonae discretionis et consilii et NON CUM HOMINIBUS AD ARMA sub forisfactura omnium quae Nobis forisfacere poteritis Claus. 2 E. 3. m. 31. dorso But our Kings likewise by special writs and Proclamations at the very first meeting of their Parliaments usually prohibited all sorts of men under pain of forfeiâ—ing all they might forfeit not to wear any privy Coat of plate or go Armed or carry any Warlike weapons within any City or Suburbs thereof where their Parliaments saâ—e during all the time of their Session that so the Parliaments and Memberâ—s might not be thereby disturbed interrupted over awed or terrified as those who please may read at large in the Statute of 7 E. 1. Rastals Abridgment Armour 1. 1 E. 2. c. 3. 6 E. 3. rot Parl. n. 3. Parl. 2. n. 2. Parl. 3. at York n. 3. 415. â— 3 E. 3. Parl. 1. n. 2. Parl. 2. n. 2. 14 E. 3. n. 2. 15 E. 3. n. 2. 17 E. 3. n. 3. 18 E. 3 n. 2. 20. E. 3. n. 1. 2 â— E. 3. n. 1. 25 E. 3. Parl. 1. n. 58. Parl. 2. n. 4. and Cook 4. Instit. p. 14. Such a Proclamation as this issued before the Parliament held at New Sarum An. 2. E. 3. as is evident by the Articles of improachmâ—nt against Roger Mortymer Earl of March in the Parliament of 4E 3. Rot. Parl. n. 1 2. and 28 E. 3. n. 9 10â— Who amongst othe Articles was impeached condemned and executed as a Traytor for comming armed to the Parliamenâ— at Salsbury against the Kings Proclamation with divers of his confederates whereby sundry of the Nobles were so terrified that they came not to the Parliament and the Bishops there asseâ—bled had the dores of the house wherein they sate in Counsel broke open upon them by armed men and were there threatned to lose both life and members if they should be so hardy to say or do any thing against his will and ordinances whereby he procured himself to be made Earl of March caused the King to give him many Lands and Tenements to the disinherison of his Crown and excited him to ride armed against the Earl of Lancaster and other Peers of the Realm to Winchester as they were comming towards the King to the said Parliament at Salisbury whereupon they were inforced to reâ—ire to their own Countries to eschue the perils that might happen which much greived them that they could not speak with their king not counsel him as they ought After which the Parliament of 5 R. 2. as appears by n. 1. was interrupted and adjourned because the Duke of Lancaster and Earl of Northumberland being at variance resorted to iâ— with multitudes of men armed in warlike manner of which great complaint was made and the Parliament deferred till the King his Counsil and other Lords had examined and reconciled the differences between them and removed their forces Fit presidents for future times to imitate after so many outrages and forcible assaults upon the Parliament and their Members by Souldiers and others of late times beyond all presedents in former ages to the totall dissolution both of our Parliaments and their privileges unlesse carefully regained reestablished by strictest Laws exemplary Punishments and severest prohibitions of all armed forces in or near unto the places where future Parliaments shall assemble who by the just judgment of God upon the former Parliament which against the Custom Freedom and Privilege of Parliaments making use of armed
mercenary Guards and Soldiers for their defence hath been unexpectedly affronted assaulted forced dissipated yea destroyed by them and made their basest Slaves and Captives may learn to avoid all such extravagances and oversights in succeeding ages 22. It is observable and most evident by comparing the births of our Princes of Wales and Earls of Chester recorded in our Histories wiâ—h the dates of their first wâ—its of Summons to Parliamâ—ntâ— that Edward of Carnarvan the first Prince of Wales was first summoned by writ to Parliament when he was but 19. years old that Edward the eldest Son of King Edward the second as Earl of ChesteÌ„r was first summoned by writ to Parliament when he was scarce 9. years of age that Edward the black Prince of Wales was summoned when he was not 20. and Richard his Son Prince of Wales called by writ to Parliament when he was not full 9. years old The Kings eldest and youngest â—ons being usually summoned to Parliaments during their Minorities though others are seldom summoned till their full age even as King Henry the 6. rode triumphantly to and sate in State in Parliament in his Queen-mothers lap before he was full 12. months old 23. I observe that in Claus. 27 E. 1. d. 6. 16. Adomarus de Valencia was summoned and listed among the Earls without the Title of Earl annexed to his name being then as I conceive Earl of Pâ—mbroc and so stiled in succeeding Summons And in Claus. 50 E. 3. pars 2. d. 6. Thomas de Wodestoke Constabularius Angliae and Henry de Percy Marescallus Angliae are listed amongst the Earls without any Title of Earls yet in the next writ of Summons Claus. 1. R. 2. d. 31. 37. Thomas de Wodestoke is stiled Com de Buck et Constab. Angliae and Henry de Percy Com. Northumb. in the list of the Earls and therefore I apprehend they were Earls in 50 E. 3. as our Histories Heraulds report them though not so stiled â—n-the Roll of Summons 24. That the names of the Kings Counsil Justices and other Officers â—ummoned to Parliaments only as Assistants are sometimes inserted into the Eodem modo mandatum est and Confimiles literae next after the the Lords and Barons name without any space line or distinction between them sometimes with a lines distance or small space only from them sometimes they are distinguished from the Lords and Barons by the words Milites or Clâ—ricis Consilii Iâ—stâ—â—iar added in the Margin and a small space between them as in Claus. 5 E. 2. d. 17. Cl. 2 E. 1. and sometimes they are inâ—exmixed with the Lords and Barons names and listed amongst themâ— as in Claus. 8 E. 2. d. 35. Roger de Brabazon and 7 others of them areâ— named amongsâ—â—th Lords and Barons and so in Claus. 3 E. 3. d. 19. Claus. â— E. 3. p. 2. d. 7. In the Clause Roll of 25 E. 1. d. 25. the word Milites is inserted in the Margin over aâ—ainst the Names of the Judges and Kings Counsil in the Eodem modo and in Claus. 5 E. 2. d. 17. Clericis consilii Iusticiar is written in the Margin to distinguish them from the Lords and Barons but in no Rolls besides without the word Barones superadded to the Barons and Greatmen in the catalogue of their names 24. That although the word BARO and BARONES in the Clause Rolls of King Iohn Henry the 3dâ— Edward 1. 2. Histories Great Charters and Statutes in their reigns be frequently used applied to all the Temporal Lords of Parliament yet in all the Clause Rolls and Writs of Summons I have seen no particular persons amongst them are summoned by the Title of Barons but only the Barons of Greystok Graystoke or Craystoke and the Barons of Stafford In the Clause Rolls of Ed. 1 3 so of Rich. 2. H. 4. 5. and 6. writs are frequently issued Iohanni BARONI de Greystoke Willo BARONI de Greystoke Rado BARONI de Greystoke as they are sâ—iled in the Eodem modo yet in other writs lists rolls in the Eodem modo the direction to these very Barons is many times Iohanni de Craystoke or Greystoke Willo Rado de Greystoke without the addition of BARONI annexed to them which Title is totally omitted in all the Roâ—â—s of Edw. the 4th as the ensuing Alphabetical and Chronological Table with my Table to the Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower will more particularly inform you So in the Rolls of King E. 1. 3. mentioned in the following Table the directions in sundry writs in the â—odâ—m modo are Edmundo Rado BARONI de Stafford and in other writs to the one of them he is stiled only Rado de Stafford BARONI being omitted in his Title BARO being given â—o none for ought I can find in any lists of summons but to these 2. Barons of Greystoke and Stafford alone 25. That in my best observation â— the Title or Addition of MILES or CHIVALER was not given to any Temporal Lords or Barons in any writs or lists of Summons to Parliament before Claus. 49 E. 3. dorse 4. 6. 50 E. 3. pars 2. d. 6. wherein summons issued Willielmo le Morle Chivaler Willielmo de Aldeburgh Chivaler Iohanni de Well Chivaler Hugoni de Dacre Chivaler after which it grew more common under King Rich. the 2. Henry 4. and 5. when many of the Temporal Lords and Baâ—ons had this addition given them sooner or later those who wanted it in one two three four or more writs of Summons at first before they were Knighted receiving it in subsequent writs after they were Knighted After the beginning of King Henry the 6. and during the reign of Edw. the 4th there was scarce any Temporal Lord in the lists of summons but was stiled Chivaler or Miles being all genetally Knighted for their greater honour Of all the Temporal Lords I find onely one namely Tho. de la Ware constantly stiled MAGISTER Tho. de la Ware in all writs of summons to him from 23 R. 2. â—05 H. 6. as the enâ—uing Table will inform you the true and only reason whereof I apprehend to be this that before the temporal Dignity of a Lord or Baron descended to him he had been a Clergyman in sacred Orders this Title Magister being alwayes prefixed before the Names of all of the Kings Council who were Clergy-men in their summons to Parliament as Assistaâ—ts to the Lords House as the writs and Table in the next Section will inform youâ— not to distinguish him from the Lords who were Knights as some mistake because none of the other Lords who were not Knights had this Title Magister given to them but he alone Now whereas in the summons of 1 E. 4. Iohn de Audley is stiled Armiger I conceive it mistaken by the Clerks for Chlr. he being ever â—â—iled Chivaler not Armiger in the summons of 49 H. 6. d. 6. 2 E. 4. d. 3. 6 E. 4.
of which we have a late memorable president in m Thomas Arundel of Wardour who being created by the Charter of the Emperour Rodolph the 2. COMES SACRI IMPERII una cum universa prole atque posteritate legitima mascula et faeminea in infinitum both for his eminent service in the wars against the Turks and the Nobleness of his Family yet it was with this special saving in his Paten Serenissimae tamen Principis et Dominae Elizabethae Reginae Angliae c. IURIBUS AC SVPERIORIT ATIBUS SEMPER ILLAESIS ET SALVIS yet the Queen with the English Barons would not acknowledg him for an Earl nor Baron in England upon any terms the Queen resolving That she would by no means permit any of her sheep or subjects to wear the badge or follow the whistle of any forein Shepherd or Prince but only her own In the dâ—bate of which case it was alleged by the English Peers Soâ—ius Principis esse NON ALTEâ—RIUS CUIUSCUNQUE suis Subditis dignitates destribuere juxta illud Valeriani Imperatoris Ea sit tantum dignitas quae nobis jubentibus sustinetur Ejusmodi titulos honorarios nec à Subditis accipiendos nec à Principe admittendos Principis enim Majestati et Subditorum obsequio multum detrahi si honores ab exteris accipere permittantur tacitum enim sidei pactum inter honorantem et honoratum intercedere videri Hujusmodi titulos illecebras esse occultas ad animos subditorum à suis principibus abstrahendos c. That Reginald Mohun created Earl of Somerset by the Pope in the reign of Henry the 3. was never acknowledged to be an Earl by the King and Lords nor Robert Curson created a Baron of the sacred Empire by Maximilian the Emperor acknowledged to be a Baron in England by King Henry the 8. or his Nobles till he created him a Baron himself by his Charter without giving him a voice in Parliament as King Iames created this Thomas Arundel such a Baron by Patent ut unbratâ—lem Baronis et Comitis Sacri Imperii titulum maturè obrueret Some say the Queen committed Arundel for receiving this dignity from the Emperor but William Marâ—yn assures us that Sir Nicholas Clifford and Sir Anth Shirley whom the French King for their Service in the wars received into the Order of S. Michael were laid in prison at their coming home charged to resign their robes and see that their names were blotted out of the French Commentaries It is the general received opinion of all Lawyers Civil Canon Commonâ— Heraulds and others who have written of Nobility that none but Emperors or Kings can create Dukes Earls Marquesses Lords Barons and Peers and that only within their own Dominions A Rege enimemanâ—â— it origo Dâ—gâ—itaâ—um Temporalium A Rege et Principe prostâ—uâ—t â—t derivantur tanquam a fonte omâ— es Magistratus et Dignitates qâ—ia in eo sunt omnes dignitatum thesauri recondâ—i Ad Regem solum spect at creare Comites Barones Princeps solus magnas Dignitates confer at Non dicâ—ur vera Nobilitas vel Baro ex infâ—udationâ— nisi â— Principe as they all unanimously resolve Hence Baldus and Alciat define a Baron to be one who hath merum justumquâ— imperium in aliquo Castro Oppidione CONCESSIONE PRINCIPIS In Bâ—hâ—mia Moravia â—ilesia Lusatia and other Provinces iâ—corporated to it Summam pâ—testâ—em obtinet Rex et non solum NOBILES 〈…〉 ET BARONES CREAT quemadmodum in Silesia ad quatuor primarios BARONATUS nâ—mo admittitur nisi vel ab IMPERATORE VEL REGE BOHEMIAE BARO CREATUS â—VERIT writes Nolden and Dubravius informs as that one Honora primum inter BARONES autoritate Caesaris Henâ—ici H. the 1. adâ—um PROCERUM gradum proveb batur quae nunc BARONES a quercu in Bohemia appellantur Franciscus Capiblancus resolves BARONUM nomine Comites aliâ—sque Titularios compraehendi nos dicimus Nam istud verbum BARO est scala et caput DIGNITAIV MREGALIUM And thence he inferrs Dignitas BARONALIS cum sit Dignitas et caput dignitatum sp cificè est tribuenda A PRINCIPE cujus est eas confâ—â—re cum ab eo fluant et refluant In France such Feiffs as are at the Kings pleasure and by his license erected into Baronies are the only Territories that give the Title of a BARON and the Lord thereof is stiled A BARON per le Conge du Prince as Mr. Selden proves out of Simon Marion Pâ—oydey 9â— who addes That when A BARONY came to the King of France by escheat or otherwise the Kings giâ—t of the BARONY by Charter made the Patentee A BARON without other Rules of Creation After which he proves by the Code of King Henry the 4. that the Titles and Honours of a Duke Marquess Earls and BARONY and their prerogatâ—ve A SOLO REGE TRIâ—â—I POSSVNT And in Spain all their great Dignitie and Titles of Nobility are not only originally derived from the King but most of them upon every death are received again FROM THE KING though not by any Charter of new Creation yet by the Kings acknowledgement of them by adding the titular Name to the heir who by his own name only without the addition of his Title signifies to the King the death of his Ancestor Therefore doubtless none but our Kings and Queens alone can create Earls Lords or Baronâ— of Parliament in England there being no one presidâ—nt in Anâ—iquity nor in any Emâ—ire or Kingdom in the world that I remember to the contrary and this I conceive to be most clearly resolved in and by the Statuâ—es â—f 27 H. c. 24 31 H. 8. c. 10. 28. That one of the first Bâ—rons created by Patent whose Patent is yet exâ—ant waâ— Iâ—hn de Beauchamp Stewâ—rd of the Houshold to King Râ—chard the 2. whose Patent runs in this form Richardus c. Sciatis quod pro bonis et gratuitis servitiis quae dilectus et fidelis Mâ—les noster Iohannes de Beauchamp de HOLT Senescallus hospitii nostri nobis impendit ac loco per ipsum tempore Coronationis nostrae hucusque impensis et quem pro Nobis tenere poterit in fururum IN NOSTRIS CONSILIIS PARLIAMENTIS necnon pro Nobili et fideli genere unde dâ—scendiâ— et pro suis magnisicis sensu et circumspectione ipsum Iohannem INUNUM PARIUM Aâ— BARONVM REGNI NOSTRI ANGLIAE PRAEFECIMUS Volentes quod IDEM IOHANNES HAEREDES MASCULI DE CORPORE SUO EXEUNTES STATVM BARONIS SVSTINEANT DOMINI DE BEAUCHAMP BARONES DE KIDERMINSTER NUNCUPENTUR In cujus c. datum 10 Octobris I finde this Iohn Beauchamp only once mentioned in the List of Summons in Claus. 11 R. 2. dors 24. dated 27 die Decembris within 3. moneths of his creation where he is stiled only Iohanni Beauchamp de Kiderminster but neither Dominus de Beauchamp nor
BARO de Kiderminster After which in the summons of 27 H. 6. till 12 E. 4. one of his posterity was summoned by the stile of Iohn Beauchamp Miles DOMINUS DE BEAUCHAMP without the Title of BARO de Kiderminster expressed in any of the Rolls For the various significations of the word Baro and the several kinds or degrees of Barons you may at leisure consult Bartholomeus Cassanaeus his Catalogus Gloriae mundi pars 8. Consid. 15. Calvini Lexicon Juridicum tit Baro Sir Henry Spelmans Glossarium De Baronibus Diatribe William Somners Glossarium tit Baro Baronia and Mr. Seldens Titles of Honour part 2. ch 5. sect 51 52 ch 2. sect 4 5 6 7 8. ch 1. sect 21 22. ch 4. sect 6 7. ch 5. sect 5. ch 6. sect 2. ch 7. sect 2. and the several Authors there quoted 29. That I finde no president of any person created a Baron by special writ but only one whereby Henry Bromfleet Knight and the heir males of his body were created Barons of Vescy by this writ entred after the Names of the Temporal Lords in the summons of Claus. 27 H. 6. m. 26. dorso Rex dilecto et fidelissimo Henrico Bromsâ—eet Miliâ—i salutem Cum c. ut supra usque ibi Tractatum et tum sic Vobis in fide et ligeantia quibus Nobis tenemini c. ut supra nullatenus omittatis Volumus enim VOS HAEREDES VESTROS MASCULOS de corpore vestro legitimè exeuntes BARONES DE VESCEY EXISTERE T. â—ege apud Westm. vicesimo quarto die Januarii of a different date from that in the other summons This special writ and clause of creation had been meerly void and nugatory had the general writ alone ennobled him and his Posteritie and them Lords and Barons of Parliament Yet notwiâ—hstanding this special writ creating him BARON of Vescy it is observable that in all the subsequent writs of summons of 28 29 31 33 38 H. 6. nd 1 3 7 E 4. he is alwaies stiled DOMINUS but never BARO de VESCY in any one List or Roll. I find in the Cl. Rolls of 49 H. 3. 23 E. 1. 6. 7. 8 E. 2. Iohn de Vescy first and after him William de Vescy summoned amongst other temporal Lords By which it is evident that there were Lords and Barons of Vescy though not so stiled in the Rolls under these 3. Kings who were summoned to Parliaments But after the summons of 8 E. 2. there is no mention of them in any Rolls the Barony escheating for want of issue male or by attainder as is probable till Sir Henry Bromfleet and his issuâ— males were created Barons thereof by the premised writ A sufficient evidence thâ—t no general writ of summons created any Gentlemen who were summoned to Parliaments Barons unless they held Lands by Barony and were Barons by Tenure there being no Clause or words in the general ordinary writs of Summons creating any persons summoned Earls Lords or Barons or giving them these Titles unless they were Earls Lords and Barons by Patent or Tenure before their Summons the writs fliâ—ing them onely such as they were when issued to them and conferring no new Dignity or Title on them as I have 1 elswhere proved at large 30. That the most ordinary writs of Summons boâ—h to the Spiritual and Temporal Lords Sherifs and others use only the words Magnates or Proceres Magna ibus Proceribus jointly or one of them alone without the other to expresse the Temporal Lords and Nobles without the word Barones or Baronibus which very rarely occurâ— in any writs except only in the wâ—its to the Sherifs Câ—aus 24 E. 3. d. 7. and the writs of Cl. 28 E. 1. d. 3. Claus. 5 E. 3. d. 25. 12 E. 3. pars 2. d. 32. wherein the word BARONES is mentioned in some of them and this Clause Cum Comitibus BARONIBUS caeteris Proceribus or Magnatibus Regni nostri used in others of them upon extraordinary occasions buâ— in no writs besides to my best remembrance which run usually Cum Praelatis et caeteris Proceribus or Magnatibus or Proceribus et Magnatibus dicti regni tractaturi vestrumque Consilium impensuri without the word BARONIBUS Which being not so much as once mentioned in these ordinary but only in 2. or 3. extraordinary writs it is most evident to all that the issuing of such writs to any Knights Esquires or Gentlemen to summon them to Parliaments can neither create nor constitute them Barons by writ because they neither stile them nor any of the Lords and Nobles but those two forementioned â—arons nor use the word BARO at all but only Proceres or Magnates 31. It is evident by all these writs That the antient temporal Earls Lords Barons are most essential necessary constitutive Members of our English Parliaments and Great Councils to which they alwaies were and ought of right to be summoned and that no Parliament may or ought to be summoned or held without them since both the writs to themselves as likewise to the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors Sherifs of Counties and Particular Cities and Corporations which are Counties within themselves the Wardens of the Cinque Ports Justices and other Assistants in the bodies and essential parts of them at least once twice or more frequently thus recite Quia c. ordinayimus quoddam Parliamentum apud Weâ—â—m c. CUM PROCERIBUS or MAGNATIBUS or MAGNATIBUS ET PROCERIBUS dicti regni nostri tenere c. personaliter intersitis Nobiscum et cum caeteris or cum PROCERIBUS MAGNATIBUS or MAGNATIBUS PROCERIBUS praedictis super dictis negoâ—iis tractaturi vestrumque Consilium impensuri Which I having more largely evidenced in my Plea for the Lords and House of Peers shall here no further insist on 32. That sometimes the King summoned some particular Bishops and Lords to treat with him about publike businesses by writ much like to a summons to Parliament without summoning other Lords for which take this president in lieu of more Cl. 6 E. 2. d. 5. Rex venerabili in Christo Patri eadem gratia Bathon et Wellen. Episcopo salutem Quia pro diversis arduis negotiis Nos et terram Vasconiae tangentibus in brevie ad partes Franciae concedente Domino sumus profecturi ac vobiscum super aliquibus quae Nos tangunt ante passagium nostruÌ„ ad partes praedictas habere volumus Colloquium et tractatum Vobis mandamus in fide et dilectione quibus Nobis tenemini firmiter injungentes quod omnibus aliis praetermissis sitis ad Nos apud Cant. die Jovis prox ante festum Ascensionis Domini prox futur super praemissis Nobiscum tractaturi Et hoc sicut Nos et honorem nostrum diligitis et indignationem nostram vitare volueritis nullatenus omittatis T. Rege apud Westm. 3. die Maii. Consim Breve dirigitur Dom. H. Wynton Episcopo The like Episcopo
Norwich Waltero de Thorp Gilberto de Middleton T. ut supra to come to the King apud Dover another day 33 It is most apparent by these respective Clauses twice recited in all antient and modern writs of summons to the Spiritual Temporal Lords 4 or 5 times in the writs of Prorogation Resummons to them hereafter cited Section 7. Vobiscum cum caeteris Praelatis or cum Praelatis et caeteris Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni habere volumus or proponimus Colloquium Tractatum Vobis mandamus c. quod personaliter ad dictos diem locum intersitis Nobiscum et cum caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni super dictis negotiis tractaturi vestrumque Consilium impensuri which make not the least mention of their sitting treating or consulting with the Knights Citizens Burgesses or Commons of the Realm or of theirs with the Lords And by the like Clauses in the writs of Summons to the Kings Counsil and in the writs issued to Sheriffs for electing Knights Citizens and Burgesses The first part whereof recites Quia nos de avisamento et assensu Consilii nostrâ— c. quoddam Parliamentum nostrum apud W. c. tâ—neri ordinavimus et ibidem cum Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus dicti regni nostri ColloquiuÌ„â—abere et Tractatuâ— without mentioning any Conference or Treaty at all of the Commons jointly with the Prelats Lords Great men in the Parliament who by the writ are to be elected reâ—urned summoned impowred only Ad faciendum et consentiendum hiis quae tunc ibidem de Communi Consilio regni nostri or Praelatorum Magnatum Procerum dicti regni nostri divina favente Clementia contigerit ordinari That the Lords and Commons nevâ—r sate and consulted together as one intire House in the Parliaments of England since their first Summons to our Parliaments but that theâ— alwaies sate and consulted asunder one from the other Therfore Sir Edw. Cook his over-confident Assertion without any real ground of Authority or reason in his 4. Institutes p. 4. Certain it is that at the first both Houses â—ate together as it appeareth by Modus tenendi Parliamentum which directly avers the contrary Sect. 15 16 17 27. and by 5 E. 3. n. 3. other places of the same Roll and in 6 E. 3. in divers places it appeareth that the Lords and Commons sate together when as both those Parliament Rolls and others unâ—er Ed. 3. expresly evidence the contrary as I have elsewhere fully evidenced must be exploded as Apochryphal and enumerated amongst his other mistakes 34 That the Temporal Lords could not impose any Tax Aid or Subsidy upon the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors and Spiritual Lords or Clergy without or against their particular grants or assents in Convocation no more than the Spiritual Lords and Clergy could impose any Aids or Taxes upon the Temporal Lords and Commons as I have formerly evidenced p. 113. to 120. 148 149 153 154 155. For further evidence whereof I shall hereunto subjoyn this ensuing memorable writ casuallâ— omitted out of the first Section pag. 31. where it should have been placed Clauâ— 4 â—d 3. m. 3. dorso Rex venerabili in Christo Paâ—ri S. eadem gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuar. totius Angliae Primati salutem A vestra memoria non excidit ut speramus qualiter nuper apud Elâ—ham in praesentia vestra et aliorum Praelatorum et Procerum de regno nostro quos tunc ibidem pro magnis et arduis nego â—iis nostris fecimus congregari exposita â—uerunt inter alia negotia contingentia Nos et Regem Franciae et post diligentem tractatum inde habitum tam vobis quam ipsis videbatur quod pro pace habenda cum ipso Rege esset omnibus modis et viis quibus poâ—sumus exhaeredâ—tionis periculo obviare insistend Et si forâ—an ideÌ„ Rex vias Pacis rationabiles recusarâ—t et ad exhaeredationem nostram quoad Ducatum praedictum et alias terras quas habemus subDominio suo niâ—eretur quod ad defensionem nostram contra ipsuÌ„ cuÌ„ Dei adjutorio vires nostras opponere deberemuâ— Eâ— ad hoc tam vos quam câ—â—â—eri Praelaâ—i 〈◊〉 Magnates tunc ibidem existen praebuistis consilium â—et promisistis opem et auxilium opponere oportunium Et suâ—er hoc concordatum existiâ— quod Parâ—iamentum nostrum apud Wynton ad diem Dominicam prox ante festum Sancti Gregorâ—i Papae prox prae eriâ—um summoneri fâ—cerimus Verum quia in eodem Pâ—rliamento expositis negotiis supradictis habitaque deliberaâ—ione super modo et forma defensionis contra potentiam ipsius Regis si forsan dictas terras nostras invadere voluerit apponendo petitoque sigillatim a qâ—â—liber Praelâ—to et Magnate CUIVSMODI SUBSIDIUM NOBIS IN EODEM EVENâ—U FACERE VOLEBAT ac Comitibus et BARONIBUS voluntatem in ea parte Nobis benevole exponenâ—ibus dicti Praelati responderuâ—â— quod propâ—er absentiam vestram eorum responsum tunc facere nequiverunt sed IN CONVOCATIONE ea de causa facienda taliter facere volebant quod inde contentari deberemus Nos igitur ad pericula et dampna quae non solum nobis sed etiam vobis et toto regno nostro evenire poterunt si praefatus Rex Nobis guerram movere voluerit ut est dictum nisi de bona et forti resistenâ—ia providaâ—uâ— â—â—bitae considerationis inâ—uitum diâ—igentes attendenâ—es quoque quod ad hoc non solum ex Ligeantiae debiâ—o sed etiam pro tantis et tam ineâ—â—imabi ibus evitandis periculis Vos et caeteri Praelati â—atuâ—qâ—e Clerus regni nostri manus apponere tenemini adjuâ—rices Vobis mandamus rogantes quaâ—inus ad diem Lunae prox post sestum Sanctorum Tiburtâ—â— Valeriani prox futur convenire fac omnes Praelatos tam Religiosos quam alios totumquâ— Câ—erum vestrum Cantuar. Provinciae coram Vobis eisque dicta negotia et peâ—icula imminentia seriosius exponere studeatis Inducentes eos modis et viis quibus expedire videâ—iâ—is quod tantae necessitatis articulo TALE NOBIS SUBSIDIVM FACIANT pro tantis periculis evitandis quod per vestrum et ipsorum subventionem jura et honorem nostri et totius regni nostri conservare ipsosque et totum populum nostrum ab hostium incâ—rsibus â—ueri et protegere valeamus domino nobis assistente Mittemus autem ad vos ad â—iem et locum praedictos quosdam de fidelibus nostris ad praemi sa prosequenda â—ieri curanda prout eis tunc ex parte nostra injungetur Teste Rege apud Winton 18 die Marcii Anno Regni nostri quarto 35. That the Lords in Pâ—rliament were the usual Iudges not only in all Crâ—minal and Civil Causes and writs of Error but likewise in all cases of Precedency and Controversies concâ—rning Peers and Peerage as
is evident not only by the memorâ—ble prâ—sidents of 3 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 10. to 14. 27 H. 6. rot Parl. n. 19. 14 E. 4. rot Parâ— n. 25. in Controversies of this Nature there recorded but by these two presidents of laâ—er times remembred by Mr. Cambdeâ— In the Parliament of 39 Eliz. Anno 1597. Thomas Baron de la Ware peâ—iâ—ioned the Queen to be restored to his anciâ—nt place and â—eat in Parliamenâ— whose case was this His father William by judgement of Parliâ—ment in the reign of Edward the 6. for endeavouring to poyson his Unkle the Lord de la Ware to gain his inheritance and honour was disabled to enjoy any inheritance or honour that might descend to him by his Unkles death Afterwards in Queen Maries reign he was condemned of High Treason and not long after intirely restored as if he had not been condemned Being disabled by his first Sentence to inherit his Unkles honor upon his death he was by Queen Elizabâ—ths special Favour and Letters Patents created Baron de la Ware de novo and sat only as a younger Baron then newly created during his life After his death his son petitioning to enjoy the place of his Ancestors in Parliament the Queen referred the business to the Lords in Parliament who finding the judgement against William his Father to be only personal and not to bind his children and that the judgement given against him under Queen Mary was no obstacle both because he could not lose that Dignity and Honor by it which then he had not his Unkle being then alive and because he was soon after intirely restored and for that the anâ—ient Dignity and Barony was not extinct by his new Creation but only suspended during his life being not vested in him at the time of his late Creation the Lords thereupon locum â—i avitum ADJUDICAVERUNT inter Barones Willoughbeium de Eresby Berkleium in quo ritè locatur In the same Parliament it was resolved by the Lords in the case of Thomas Howard Baron of Walden Knight of the Gâ—rter who being sick and unable to come to the House himself Baron Scroop as his Proxy was brought into the Lords House in his Parliamentary Robes between two Barons the chief King of Arms going before him where presenting his Patent and Creation when the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal had read it he was placed below all the rest of the Barons though he were the younger son of a Duke whose sons by an Order of Parliament made in the 6. year of King Henry the 8. ought to take place of all Viscounts and other Barons which the Lords then resolved to be intended out of Pâ—rliament but they ought to sit in the Parliament house only according to the time of their being created Barons as Mr. Cambden relates out of the Lords Iâ—urnal 36. That the Prelates Earls Barons and Great men of the Realm are the Proper Iudges of all Causes and Controversies there debaâ—ed between the King and his people and are all bound by Oath as well as the King to observe defend and maintain the rights of the Realm and Crown of England and that more especially by their Oath of Fealty and Homage whereby they were tied to the King and charged to appear when summoned in the writs of summons as you may read more at large before in Spelmans Glossarium Tit. Fidelitas Homagium ligeantia and in Mat. Paris who records Aâ— 1209. that K. Iohn caepit HOMAGIA de omnibus hominibus liberè tenentibus et etiam duodecim annorum pueris quos omnes post FIDELIT ATEM FACTAM in osculum pacis recepit ac demâ—sit Et Wallenses quod anteactis temporibus fuâ—raâ— inauditum venientes ad Regem HOMAGIA fecerunt ibidem licet tam divitibus quam pauperibus esset oâ—erosum Then passing into Ireland with a great Army there came to Dublin to meet him plus quà m viginti Reguli illius regionis qui omnes timore maximo perterâ— iti HOMAGIUM ILLI ET FIDELITATEM FECERUNT as the highest Obligation of their future Loyalty fidelity and subjection to him Upon which Account Homage is frequently stiled HOMAGIUM LIGEUM LIGEANTIA LIGANâ—IA by Bracton l. 2. c. 35. f. 79. Glanvil l. 7. c. 10. Guliclmus Neubrigensis Hist. l. 2. c. 37. Chron. Iohannis Bromton col 1005. Fleta l. 3. c. 16. Britton ch 68. De Homages Custumar Vetus Normanniae c. 43. Cooks 7 Rep. Calvins case f. 7. 1. Instit. f. 65. a. Hornes Myrrour des Iustices ch 35 36 37 38. Spelmans Glossarium Homagium Ligeantia because iâ— most strictly unites and binds the King and his Subjects together hunc ad protectionâ—m justum Regimen illos ad reverentiam tributa et dâ—bitam Subjectionem â—t obedâ—â—ntiam as they resolve whereupon the Lords are enjoyned in their writs of summons personâ—lly to appear in Parliaments and Great Councils in fide homagio QUIBUS NOBIS TENEMINI as I formerly observed 37. That the nâ—mbers of Earls Barons Temporal Lords and Great men summoâ—ed to our Parliaments and Great Councils andentred after the Eodem modo and Consimiles literae in the Rolls and Liâ—ts of Summons are oft times very various and different there being many more of them summoned to some Parliaments and Great Councilâ— than to others as you may easily discern by comparing their Numbers which I have here presented you with in the grosse after every writ the Prince of Wales himself the Duke of Lancaster and other Dukes and Earls as well as inferior Lords Barons and Great men being left out of some Lists of Summons one two or three Parliaments and Great Councils together or more and then inserted again into others the true reasons whereof I apprehend to be these ensuing 1. Their absence in forein parts or elsâ—where in the warrs or â—pon other special services of the King in which cases no wrâ—ts of Summons issued to them and if their names were entred in the Lists of the summons they were usually cancelled or rased out of them witness the forecited entrys in the Lists oâ— Claus. 11 E. 3. pars 2. dors 11. And Claus. 12 E. 3. pars 3. dors 32. 2ly Their abode beyond the Seas upon their own particular occasions Both which causes frequently happened during the wars with France Scotland and Ireland and whiles our Kings and Nobles had any Lands and Possessions in France Aquitain Normandy Anjow Picardy and other parts beyond the Seas Many of the Earls Lords Barons Great men and our Kings themselves being oft times by reason of Warrs Treaties Embassies and defence of their Inheritances absent in forein parts when Parliaments were summoned and held in England by the Custos Regni or Commissioners at which times I generally finde there were fewer Earls Barons and Noblemen summoned to our Parliaments and Great Councils than in times of Peace or when our Kings were personally present in
England most of the Earls and Temporal Lords attending on them in person in their wâ—rrs and voyages into forein parts as on Ed. 3 H. 4 5 6. 3ly The Civil wars hapning now and then between the King Lords and Barons upon which occasion some of the Temporal Lords whiles in open hostility and rebellion against the King were now and then as I conjecture left out of the Lists of Summons because they could not be conveniently summoned or would not appear upon any summons if sent them 4ly The attainders or Outlawries of some Earls Lords and Barons of High Treason for their wars Insurrections Rebellions or other Treasons against the King which disabled themselves and their Posterities to be summoned to Parliaments till pardoned or restored by the King to theiâ— honours bloud Lordships Baronies and Lâ—nds 5ly The Alieâ—ation of some Baronies by teâ—ure by sales gifts marriages escheats or otherwise from one person name family to another whereby the former Barons only by Tenure were no more summoned after such Alienations but the new Tenants who purchased or possessed them 6ly The deceases of some Earls Lords and Barons without heirs males of their Bodies or the Infancy or nonage of their heirs males at the time of their deathâ— who usually had no writs of summons till their full age though the Prince of Wales and Kings own sons were sometimes summoned to Parliaments during their Minority as will appear by comparing the dates of their wriâ—s with the time of their births mentioned in our Historians but few Nobles else were summoned during their Minority for ought appears Minors being unfiâ— to be Senators Counseâ—lors Judges in the Supremest Council Judicaâ—ure of the Realm as I have elsewhere proved 7ly Our Kings Liberty and Prerogative who though obliged by the anâ—ient Laws and customs of the Realm the Conâ—â—iâ—utions of Clarindon the Great Charter of King Iohn Ad habendum COMMUNE CONSILIUM REGNI aâ— Auxiliis assidendis et de Scutagiis assidendis 〈◊〉 faciemus Archiepiscopos Episcopos Abbates COMITES MAIORES BARONES REGNI SINGILLATIM PER LITER AS NOSTRAS c. ex debito Iustitiae as Sir Edward Cook informs us to summon EVERY ONE OF THE TEMPORAL LORDS BY DESCENT OR CREATION being of full age by writs to our Parliaments when held yet they have likewise a Freedom and Prerogative to create New Earls Lords Barons by special Writs or Patents or to Summon what particular Gentlemen and others of Parts and Abilities they please to their Parliaments and Great Councils to counsel and advise them as the exigency of their affairs shall require and they and their Counsel shall think necessary pro hac vice tantum or so oft as they deem necessary without creating them Earls Lords or Barons for life or inheritance by their general writs of Summons as I have elswhere evidenced 38. That the Eodem modâ— mandatum est c. And Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis in the Clause Rolls are for the most part general without defining the Degrees and Qualities of the persons underwritten except Dukes and Earls specified by their Titles but few else besides them And sometimes special As Eodem modo mandatum est Comitibus et Baronibus subscriptis Consimile mandatum habent singuli Comites BARONES MILITES subscripti Consimiles Literae diriguntur Comiâ—â—bus BARONIBUS MILITIBUS SUBSRIPTIS So as it is a difficult matter certainly to define by the large list of names which of them were real Lords and Barons of Parliament and which not except those only who were usually summoned and listed in the Rolls amongst the Lords and Barons and their posterity after them or such who are expresly stiled either Barons or Lords in the writs or lists of names of which I shall give you one instance In the summons of Claus. 5 E. 2. m. 25. dorso in the Eodâ—â— modo mandatum est Comitibus et Baronibus subscriptis there is this List of names with a particular distinction made of their Degrees in the Margin declaring all in that Catalogue to be Earls and Barons and in no Roll else upon my best observation Guidoni de Bello Campo Comiti Warr. Adamaro de Valenâ— Comiti Pembr Hâ—mfrido de Bohun Comiti Heref. Essex Iohanni de Warenna Comiti surr Edmundo Comiti Arundel Roberto de Veer Comiti Oxon. Hugoni de Veer Hugoni le Dispenser Iohanni de Hastings Ioh. de Gifford de Brimesfeld Willo Martyn Iohanni de Ferrar. Willo de Mareschall Roberto de Clifford Iohanni de Somery Roberto Fil. Paganâ— Iohanni Botetourte Roberto fil Walteri Pagano Tybetot Bartho de Badlesâ—ere Iohanni de Segrave Pho. de Kyâ—e Edmundo Deincourt Iohanni de Grey Rico. de Grey Iohanni la Ware Willo de Echingham Thomae de Furnivall Iohanni de Clavering Peero Corbet Rado Basset de Draiton Iohanni Dengaine Engayne Fulconi Lestrange Willo le Latymer Fulconi fil Warrini Roberto de Ufford Iohanni de Bello Campo de Somerset Hugoni de Courtenay Rado de Gorges Henr. de Lancastr Mauricio de Berkele Thomae Bardolfe Roberto de Monte altâ— Iohanni de Mohâ—â— An exact Alphabetical and Chronological Table of all Dukes Earls Marquesses Princes of Wales and forein Kings summoned to the Great Councils and Parliaments of England from 49 H. 3. to 23 E. 4. with the numbers of the Parliaments years and dorses of the clause Rolls of each King when there were two or more Parliaments in one year to which they were summoned or resummoned by Writs of Prorogation p. in the parentheâ—is signifying the part d. the dorse and the next figures the membranaes of the dorse or dorses wherein they are recorded The other dorses you may find in the forecited Writs A ALbemariae Thomas Duke of Albemarl or Aumarle Uncle to K. R. d 2. summoned to Parl. 9 R. 2. Edward Duke thereof 21 23 R. 2. 1 H. 4. Thomas Duke of Clarence Earl of Albemarle so stiled in his summons 1 2 3 4 H. 5. Aâ—â—gos Angos Danegoâ— or Anguish Gilbert de Vmfravil Earl thereof summoned to Parl. An. 25 d. 25. 27 d. 16 18. 28 d. 3. 17. 30 d. 9. 12. 33 â—4 â—5 Ed. 1. 1 d. 11. 19. Ed. 2. Robert de 〈◊〉 Earl thereof summoned 2 3. 12 d. 11. 29. 1â— 14 d. 5. 2. 15 16 17 18. d. 5. 21 23. 34 â— 2. Gilbâ—â—t de Umfrâ—vil 6 d. 4 9 19. 36. 7 8 9. d 8. 28. 10 d. 1 5. 12 13 d. 1. 28. 14 d. 23 33. 15. 16 d. 13 39 17 18 20 21 22 d. â— 7. 〈◊〉 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 d. 7 8. â—1 d. 2. 21. 32 33 34 d. 4. 35. 36 37 38 39 42 43 44 46 47 49 d. 4 6. 50 E. 3. 1 d. 37. 2 d. 13 29. 3 d. 13 29. 3. d. 32 R. 2. All these 3 Umfravils though the Title of their Earldom was Scotish were all originally English Barons of Prodhow Kime in Lancashire
11 d. 32. 12 d 2. H. 4. 1 d 9. 37. 2 d 16. H. 5. William de la Pool Earl thereof summoned 9 d 18 10 d 10. 11 d 16. 13 d 2. 20 d 27. Made and summoned as Marquess of Suffolk 23 d. 21. 25 d. 24. summoned as Duke of Suffolk 27 d 24. 28 d. 26. H. 6. Iohn Duke thereof summoned 49 d 6. H. 6. 6 d 1. 9 d 3. 12 d 41. 22 23 d 10. E. 4. Surrey Iohn de Warrenna Earl thereof summoned 23 d 9. 27 d 9. 16. 18. 28 d 3. 17 30 d 8. 13. 34 d 2. E. 1. 1 d 8. 11. 19. 2 d 11. 14. 20. 3 d 16. 17. 5 d 11. 17. 25. 6 d 3. 31. 7 d 16 27. 8 d 29. 35. 9 d 22. 11 d 8. 12. 14. 12 d. 11. 29. 13 d 13. 14 d 5. 29. 15 d 16. 17 d 27. 18 d 15. 21. 34. 20 d 4. E. 2. 1 p. 2. d 11. 16. 2 d 11. 15. 23. 31. 4 d 13. 32. 42. 5 d 7. 25. 6 d 4. 9. 19. 36. 7 p 2. d 3. 8 d 18. 9 d 8. 28. 10 d 1. 5. 11 p 1. d 8. 15. p 2. d 11. 40. 13 p 2. d 1. 28. 14 p. 1. d. 23. 33. 15 p. 1. d. 37. 16 p. 1. d. 39. p. 2. d. 13. 22. 17 p. 1. d. 25. 18 p. 1 d. 14. 20 p. 1. d. 22. 21 p. 1. d. 28. E. 3. Thomas Holland Duke of Surry summoned 21 p. 1. d. 27. 23. d. 3. R. 2. 1 d. 37. H. 4. V ULâ—on Liâ—â—â—l the Kings Son Earl thereof summoned 34 d. 4. E. 3. sent into Ireland with an Army 35 E. 3. d. 33. 36. E. 3. d. 42. W WAles Edward eldest Son of Ed. 2. Prince of Wales c. summoned 30 d 8. 13. 32 d. 2. 33 d. 10. 31. 34 d. 2. E. 1. Edward eldest Son of Ed. 3. Prince of Wales c. summoned 24 p. 2. d. 3. 25 p. 1. d. 5. 26 d. 14. 27 d. 12. 28 d. 26. 31 d. 2. 34 d. 4. 42 d. 22. 44. d. 1. 46 d. 9. 10. 47 d. 13. E. 3. Richard ` Prince of Wales stiled the Kings Son though his Grandchild onely summoned 50 p. 2. d. 6. E. 3. Henry Prince of Wales c. summoned 1 2 p. 1. d. 3. 3. d. 17. 5 p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4. 7 d. 30. 9 11 d. 32. 12 d. 2. 14 d. 22. H. 4. Edward eldest Son of E. 4. Prince of Wales summoned 22 23. d. 10. E. 4. Warenne Iohn Earl thereof summoned 23 d. 3. 24 d. 7. E. 1. Warwick William de Bello-campo Beauchamp Earl thereof summoned 23 d. 3. 9. 24 d. 7. 25 d. 25. E. 1. Guido de Bello Campo Earl thereof summoned 27 d. 16. 18. 28 d. 3. 17. 30 d. 8. 13. 32 d. 2 33 d. 21. 35 d. 13. E. 1. 1 d. 11. 19 2 d. 11. 14. 20 3 d. 16. 17. 4 d. 1 5 d. 11. 17. 25. 6 d. 3. 31. 7 d. 16. 17. 8 d. 35. E. 2. Thomas de Bello-campo Earl thereof summoned 4 d. 13. 32. 41. 5 p. 1. d. 7. 25. p. 2. d. 7. 6 d. 9. 19. 24 36. 7 p. 2. d. 32. 1â— p. 2. d. 1. 28. 14 p. 1. d. 33. 16 p. 1. d. 39. 17 p. 1. d. 14. 21 p. 1. d. 32. p. 2. d. 3. 7. 23 p. 1. d. 23. 24 p. 2. d. 3. 25 p. 1. d. 5. 26 p. 1. d. 14. 27 d. 12. 28 d. 26. 31 d. 21. 32 d. 14. 34 d. 4. 36 d. 16. 42 d. 22. 34 d. 24. 44 d. 1. 46 d. 4. 49 d. 4. 6. 50 p. 2. d. 6. E. 3. 1. d. 37. 2 d. 13. 29. 3 d. 32. 4 d. 32. 5 d. 40. 6 d. 37. 7 d. 10. 37. 8 d. 35. 9 d. 46. 10. d. 42. 11 d. 13. 24. 12 d. 42. 13 d. 5. 14 d. 42. 15 d. 37. 16 d. 23. 17 d 30. 18 d. 23. 20 p. 1 d. 15. 23 d. 3. R. 2. 1 d. 37. 2 p. 1. d. 3. H. 4. Richard Earl thereof summoned 5 p. 1. d. 28. p 2. d. 4. 6 7 d. 30. 9 d. â— 11 d. 32. 12 d. 2. 14 d. 22. H. 4. 1 d. 9 37 2 d. 16. 4 d 16. 8 d. 2. H. 5. 1 d. 22. 2 d. 18 3 d. 3. 6 d. 4. 7 d. 2. 10 d. 10. 11 d. 10. 13 d. 2. 15 d. 18. 29 d. 41. 31 d. 36. 33 d. 36. 49 d. 6. H. 6. 1 d. 31. 2 d. 3. 6 d. 1. 9 d. 3. E. 4. Westmerland Ralf de Nevil Earl thereof summoned 21 p. 1. d. 27. 23 d. 3. R. 2. 1 d. 37. 2 p. 1. d. 3. 3 d. 17. 5 p. 1 28. p. 2. d. 4. 6 7 d. 30. 8 d. 2. 11 d. 32. 12 d. 2. 14 d. 22. H. 4. 1 d. 5. 37. 2 d. 16. 3â— d. 15. 4 d. 16. 5 d. 11. 7 d. 9. 8 d. 2. 9 d. 13. H. 5. 1. d. 22 2 d. 26. 3 d. 9 7 d. 2. 9 d. 18 10 10. 11 d. 10. 12 d. 1. 13 d. 2. 15 d. 18 18 d. 33. 20 d. 27. 23 d. 21. 25 d. 24. 27 d. 24. 28 d 26. 29 d. 41. 31 d. 36. 33 d. 36. 38 d. 30. 49 d. 6. H. 6. 1 d. 35. 2 d. 3. 6 d. 1. 9 d. 3. 12 d. 41. 22 23 d. 16. E. 4. Wigorne Worcester Thomas de Percy Earl thereof summoned 23 d. 3. R. 2. 1 d. 37. 2 p. 1. d. 3. 3 d. 17. Richard Earl thereof summoned 8 d. 2. H. 5. Iohn Earl thereof summoned 28 d. 26. 29. d. 41. 31 d. 36. 33 d. 36. H. 6. 2 d. 3. E. 4. Edward Tibetot Earl thereof summoned 6 d. 4. E. 4. Wilts Wiltshire Wiltes Iames Earl thereof summoned 28. d. 26. 29 d. 41. 31 d. 36. 33 d. 36. 38 d. 30. H. 6. Iohn Earl thereof summoned 12 d. 41. E. 4. Winton Winchester Hugh le Dispencer Earl thereof summoned 16 d. 26. 17 d. 27. 18 d. 5. 15. 21. 34. 19 d. 27. E. 2. Y YOrk Edmond Duke thereof summoned 9 d. 45. 10 d. 42. 11 d. 13. 24. 12 d. 42. 13 d. 5. 14 d. 42. 15 d. 37. 16 d. 23. 17 d. 3. 30. 20 p. 1. d. 15. 21 p. 1. d. 27. 23 d. 3. R. 2. 1 d. 37. 2 p. 1. d. 3. 3 d. 17. 5 p. 1. d. 28. p. 2. d. 4. 7 d. 30. 8 d. 2. H. 4. Edward Duke thereof summoned 9 d. â— 11 d. 26. 12 d. 3. H. 4. 1 d. 9. 37. 2 d. 16. H. 5. Richard Duke thereof summoned 11 d. 10 13 d. 2. 18 d. 3. 20 d. 27. 23 d. 21. 25 d. 24. 27 d. 24. 29 d. 41. 31 d. 36. 33 d. 36 H. 6. An Exact Alphabetical and Chronological Table of all the Temporal Lords Baâ—ons Viscounts and Great Men summoned to Parliaments and Great Councils in England from 49. H. 3. till 23. E. 4. with the years dorses of the Clause Rolls in each Kings Reign and Numbers of the Parliaments to which they were summoned p. in the Parenthesis signifying the part of the Clause Roll of the year
Parliamentum nostrum apud Lincoln mittatis Ita quod sint ibi in Octabis Sancti Hillarii prox futur ad ultimum Nobiscum cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super praemissis tractaturi suumque consilium impensuri Et hoc sicuâ— Nos honorem ac commodum Regni nostri diligitis nullatenus omittatis T. Rege ut supra Eodem modo mandatum est Cancellar et Universitati Cantebr quod mittant ad dictum Parliamentum duo vel tres de discretioribus et magis in â—ure scripto expertis c. Then follows a writ to sundry Abbots Priors Deans and Chapters with the same recital Quia super Iure Dominio c. as in the last De mittendiâ— Chronic ad Parliamentum c. of which in its due place more fully The occasion and result whereof and of sending these Lawyers from the Universities to the Parliament you may read at large in Matthew Westminster Anno 1302. p. 419. to 438. and in Thomas de Walsingham Hist. Angl. p. 32. to 58. Before I proceed to the ensuing Writs I shall here observe 1. That this recital Quia super jure Dominio quae Nohis in regno Scotiae competit c. is not mentioned at all in the Writs of Summons to the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors temporal Lords Justices or Sheriffs of Counties but only to the Clergy-men of the Kings Counsil Vniversities and to those Abbots Priors Deanes and Chapters who were to search and send their Chronicles to the Parliament that had any thing in them concerning the Kings right to Scotland 2ly That for the Honour of my Quondam nursing Mother the University of Oxford she is here preferred before the Vniversity of Cambridge and her Chancellor and she enjoyned to send 4. or 5. of the discreâ—test and most exact Lawyers of the said University to the Parliament to treat with the King and the rest of his Counsil concerning his ancient right and dominion to the Realme of Scotland whereas the Chancellour and Vniversity of Cambridge are commanded to send only 2. or 3. such Lawyers of it for that purpose 3ly That these Lawyers sent from the Universities upon this special occasion were only extraordinary assistants there being no such president of any thus sent to succeeding Parliaments The 6. Writ of this kind is in Claus. 30. E. 1. d. 13. Rex dilectoâ— fidelissimo suo Rogero la Brabazun salutem Quia super quibusdam arduis negotiis Nos totum Regnum nostrum specialiter tangentibus Vobiscum Cum caeteris de Consilio Nostro habere Volumus colloquium tractatum Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes quod in Octabis Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptistae prox futur ad ultimum apud Westm. omnibus modis personaliter intersâ—â—is Nobiscum superâ—dictis negotâ—is tractatur vestrumque consilium impensur hoc nullatenus omittatis T. Rege ut supra p. 13. Consimiles literae diriguntur subscriptis viz. 33. more Judges and others mentioned in the former Catalogues Anno. 34. E. 1. dors 2. There is no Writ to the Assistants entred in the Roll but 16. of them only Justices and Clergy-men are named in the Eodem modo after the Lords and great men with aâ—little space between their names for distinction sake The next Writ of this kind is thus briefly registred Claus. 1. E. 2. dors 19. Rex dilecto fideli suo Rogeroâ— le Brabazun salutem Quia super quibusdam c. ut supra usquâ— ibi vobiscum cum caeteris fidelibus nostris c. Magnatibus c. Teste Rege ut supra p. 14. 15. eodem modo scribitur subscriptis viz. 29. more Justices Clerks and others In Claus. 1. E. 2. d. 9. There is no Writ but after the Earles and Barons Writ and names followes this entry Eodem modo mandatum est subscriptis viz. Willielmo Iuge and 36. others whereof 2. only were Clergy-men The next Writ is in Claus. 1. E. 2. dors 8. Rex dilecto fideli suo Rogero de Brabazon salutem Quia c. ut supra p. 15. Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes quod dictis die loco omnibus aliis praetermissis personaliter intersitis ibidem Nobiscum Cum caeteris de Consilio Nostro super dictis negotiis tractatur vestrumque consilium impensur hoc nullatenus omâ—ttatis T. R. apud Westm. x. Die Martii Consimiles literae diriguntur to 35. others Justices and Lay-men and but to 2. Clerks In Claus. 2. E. 2. d. 14. 11. 20 Schedula there are 4. Writs of the same forme with the last The 1. to Roger de Brabazon and 34. others whereof one only was a Clerk the 2. to him and 16. others whereof 7. were Clerks the 3d. to him and 22. others whereof 6. were Clerks and two others Escheators the one ultra Trentam the other citra Trentam The 4th to him and 6. more the one of them a Clerk The next Writ is in Claus. 4. E. 2. dors 1. somewhat different from the former Rex dilecto fideli suo Willielmo de Bereford salutem Quia super diversis arduis negotiis Nos Statum Regni nostri specialiter tangentibus in instanti Parliamento nostro die Dominica prox ante festum Sancti Laurentii prox futur fecimus summoneri Vobiscum cum caeteris de Consilio nostro Colloquium habere volumus tractatum Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super praemissis tractaturi Vestrumque consilium impensur Et hoc nullatenus omittatis T. ut supra â—p Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis viz. 16. Lay-men more Claus. 5. E. 2. d. 17. The Kings Counsill Clerks and Judges are thus entred in the eodem modo scribitur subscriptis after the Earles and Lords with a lines space between them and this distinction made between them in the margin of the Roll. Iohanni de Sandale Iohanni de Merkingfeld Waltero de Norwico Iohanni Abell Magistro Ricardo de Abyndon Magistro Iohan. de Everdon Magistr Roberto de Pickering Magistro Iohanni de Nassington senior Rogero Brabazon Willielmo de Bereford Gilberto de Roubury Stephano de Malo Lacu Waltero de Thorp Magistro Tho. de Cobham Magistro Golberto de Middleton Magistro Tho. de Loggore Willielmo de Goldington Iohan. de Chaynell Roberto de Cliderhow Iohan. de Foxle Roberto de Reâ—ford Willielmo de Ormesby Henrico de Stourton Henr. le Scroop Iohan. de Benstede Iohan. de Insula Lamberto de Trikingham Iohan. de Miâ—ford Henr. de Guldeford Iohan. de Doncastr Willielmo Inge Henr. Spigurnel In Claus. 6. E. 2. d. 31. There is such a Writ to Roger le Brabazon as the fore rehearsed with Vobiscum caeteris de Consilio nostro c. twice repeated in it and an eodem mâ—do mandatum est to 42
besides most of them in the preceding Catalogues subâ—data â—pud Windesore 14. die Februar when as the writs to the spiritual and temporal Lords bear date thence 8. die Januar. Claus. Anno 7. E. 2. d. 27. There is a like writ issued to Roger le Brabazon and 29 others I find this memorable writ issued to Willielmo de Bereford Chief Justice of the Common Bench Claus. 9. E. 2. d. 20. varying from the first there issued to him and the rest of the Counâ—ill Rex dilecto fideli suo Willielmo de Bereford Quia Volumus Vobiscum una cum caeteris de Consilio nostro in Parliamento nostro quod apud Lincoln in Quindena Sancti Hillarii prox futur secimus summoâ—eri super Negotiis Nos tangentibus habere Colloquium Tractatum Vobis mandamus firmiterâ— injungentes quod magis ardua negotia coram Vobis sociis vestris in instanti termino Sancti Hillarii cum omni deliberatione qua poteritis expediatis Ita quod sitis in dicto Parliamento nostro viz. sexto die post Quindenam supradictam ad tractandum ibidem nobiscum cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super negotiis antedictis Onerantes dilectos fideles nostros Lambertum de Trikingham Iohannem Bacun Justiciarios nostros Socios vestros de Banco praedicto quod residua negotia in Banco preaedicto expediant cum festinatione qua poterunt sucundum legem consuetudinem Regni nostri Et hoc nullatenus omittatis T. Rege apud Clipston 27. die Decembris I find this memorable Writ recorded in Claus. 7. E. 2. dors 25. Rex dilecto fideli suo Iohanni de Insula salutem Cum pro diversis arduis negotiis Nos Statum Regni nostri tangentibus ordinavimus Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. die Dominica prox post festum Sancti Matthei Aposteli prox futur tenere Vobiscum cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super dictis negotiis habere Colloquium Tractatum per quod vobis mandavimus quod dictis die loco interlitis Nobiscum cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super dictis negotiis tractatur Ac jam intelligimus quod vos unà cum quibusdam aliis ad Assisas tam in Episcopatu Dunolm quam in diversis Com. versus partes boriales capiend certos dies statim post dictam diem Dominicam praefixistis unde plurimum miramur praesertim cum per captiones Assisarum si durante dicto Parliamento nostro procederent negotia nostra in eodem tractanda possent non mediocriter perturbari Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes quod omnibus hujusmodi captionibus Assisarum omnibus aliis praetermissis dicta die Dominica apud Westm. modis omnibus intersitis Nobiscum cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super negotiis praedictis tractatur Et hoc sicut indignationem nostram grave dampnum vestrum vitare volueritis nullo modo omittatis T. Rege apud Windesore sexto die Septembris Per Breve de Privato Sigillo Eodem modo scribitur subscriptis viz. Thomae de Fisheburn Hugoni de Louthre Ricardo de Berningham Ade de Middleton Iohanni de Dancastr exceptis illis Verbis tam in Episcopatu Dunolmens quam From which writ is apparent 1. That the Justices of Assises were usually summoned by writ to Parliaments as Members of the Kings Counsil as the words cum caeteris de Consilio nostro thrice repeated in it and in other writs demonstrate 2ly That their summons by writ to attend and counsell the King in Parliament was a super sedeas to them to take Assises during the Parliament and their proceeding to take Assises notwithstanding inconsistent with their attendance in Parliament yea a contempt and offence punishable by the King 3ly That the Assises and Suits of private persons ought to give place to publick affaires of the King and kingdome in Parliament and to be deferred when they may hinder or disturbe the affaires of Parliament or keep any Members or Assistants from their personal attendance in them when summoned to them In the Clause Roll of 8. E. 2. dors 35. There is no Writ at all to the Kings Justices and Counsill but in the Eodem modo I find sundry of them here and there promiscuously inserted amongst the Barons names and not after them as usually in other Rolls sc. Iohanni de Hotham Waltero de Norwico Iohanni de Foxle Rogero la Brabazon Gilberto de Roubery Willielmo Iâ—ge Iohanni de Insula Henr. le Scrop Henr. Spigurnel Iohanni Benstede Lamberto de Trikingham alwayes listed amongst the Justices and Kings Counsil in precedent Rolls and in 7 E. 2. d. 27. the very next before this and those succeeding it In Cl. 8. E. 2. d. 29. the Counsil are coupled together with the Barons in the Eodem modo mandatum est without any writ with a space of distinction between them all of them after the Lords without intermixture with them being in all 33. In Cl. 9. E. 2. d. 22. They are named only in the eodem modo with a small distance after the Lords being in all 34. without any special writ entred In Claus. 12. E. 2. d. 29. in Cedula There is no special writ to any of the Counsil entred but only a list of their names in the Eodem modo being 24. in number 2. of them escheators Vltra citra Trentam others of them Deacons Archdeacons Clergy-men and Iustices with Magistro Iohanâ— de Walewayn Thesaur Regis And likewise in Claus. 12. d. 11. they are listed in the same manner being but 25. whereof two were the Escheators fore-named And in Claus. 13 E. 2. dors 13. they are listed in the same form being 25. and in Claus. 14 E. 2. d. 29. where they are 32. Claus. 14. E. 2. d. 5. there issued a writ in the usual form Willielmo de Bereford and 37 others whereof 2. were Escheators and the Dean and a Canon of Yorke two others Cl. 15 E. 3. d. 16. there is the like writ sent to him and 33. more Cl. 16. E 2. d. 26. the like writ to him and 22. others And Cl. 19 E. 2. d. 7. the like writ to him and 22. besides the Dean of Yorke being one of them as in most of the precedent lists Cl. 20 E. 2. d. 4. the writ issued Waltero de Norwico and 22. more In Clause 1 E. 3. pars 2. d. 16. there is this writ issued somewhat different from the precedent Rex dilecto et fideli suo Waltero de Norwico salutem Quia super magnis et arduis negotiis Nos et statum Regni nostri tangentibus Vobiscum et cum Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus ac cum caeteris de Consilio nostro apud Lincoln in crastino Exaltationis Sanctae Crucis prox futur Colloquium habere ordinavimus et Tractatum Vobis mandamus firmiter injungentes quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictis die et loco
CAETERIS DE CONSILIO NOSTRO super dictis Negotiis tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri et hoc nullatenus omittatis Teste ut supra Without any Eodem modo to others Claus. 47 E. 3. d. 13. there is a writ issued to him with a different recitall as p. 67. and a personaliter intersitis Nobiscum et cum caeteris de Consilio nostro with Consimilia Brevia to 6 more Justices The like writ to him is in Clause 48 E. 3. dors 24. with Consimilia Brevia to 8 others whereof two are Masters These writs are entred after those to the Sheriffs and before the writs to the Warden of the Cinque-ports as the like writ to him is Claus. 50 E. 3. pars 2. dors 6. with Consimilia Brevia to 8 moâ—e the two last Mro Iohanni Barnet and Mro Nicho de Chaddeston as in the last before The next writs of this nature are in Claus 1 R. 2. dors 37 Claus 2 R. 2. d 13. both directed Iohanni Cavendish Capitali Justiciar suo and 11 others in both Rolls with a personaliter intersitis Nobiscum cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super dictis negotiis tractaturi c. But that of Claus 3 R 2 dors 32. runs thus Quod omnibus aliis praetermissis dictiss die loco personaliter intersitis Nobiscum CUM CAETERIS PRAELATIS MAGNATIBUS ET PROCERIBVS Regni nostri DE CONSILIO NOSTRO tractaturi vestrumque Consilium impensuri c. The like Ordinary writ issued to Cavendish and 9 others Claus 4 R 2 dorso 32 After which this form of writ is registred Rex dilecto Servienti suo David Hannemere salutem Quia de avisamento c. usque tractatum tunc Mandamus firmiter injungentes c quod diâ—tis die et loco personaliter intersitis ad faciendum pro Nobis et expeditione negotiorum nostrorum quod ad tunc ibidem fuerit faciend et hoc Nullatenus omittatis Teste Rege apud Westm 26 die Augusti In the Clause Roll of 5. R. 2. dorso 40. The writ entred is directed Roberto Tresilian Capitali Justic suo and 7 more Claus. 6 R 2. pars 1. d. 4. 7. to him and 8 others in both dorses Claus. 7 R. 2. d. 10. 17. to him and 7. others in both Claus. 8 R. 2. d. 35. to him and 10. besides Claus. 9 R. 2. d. 45. to him and 9 more Claus. 10 R. 2. d 42. to him and 12 others Claus. 11 R. 2. d. 24. to him and 11 more Claus. 12 E. 3. d. 42. the writ issued Waltero Clopton Capitali Iustic suo and 7 others Claus. 13 R. 2. pars 1. d. 6. Cl. 14 R. 2 d. 42. to him and 12 more Cl. 16 R 2. d. 37. to him and 12 others whereof the chief Baron of the Exchequer was one Clause 16 R. 2. d 23. to him and 11 others and d 32 to him and 12. more Claus. 17 R. 2. d. 30. to him and 12 others Cl. 18 R. 2. d 23. to him and 10 besides Claus. 20 R. 2. d. 11. to him and 11 more Cl. 21 R 2. d. 27. and Cl. 23 R. 2. d. 3. to him and 11 others The writ in Claus 1 H 4 d. 37. is directed Waltero Clopton Capitali Iustic suo and 12 others and still to the Chief Justice for the time being throughout his reign all or most of the rest of the Assistants being Justices whose names you may find in the ensning Table The writ in Claus 1 H 5 dors 9. issued Willielmo Hankeford Capitali Iustic suo c. But that in dors 37 Willielmo Gascoyne Capitali Iusticiario suo and 11 others most or all Justices and so throughout his reign In Henry the 6. his reign Claus. 1 H. 6. dors 22. the writ is directed Willo Hankeford Capitali Iustic suo and 10 more Justices and so in other years to the Chief Justice for the time being and other Justices In Cl. 1 E 4. d. 34. the writ issued Iohi Markham and 12 Justices and Lawyers besides and so throughout his reign to the Chief Justice and Justices for the time being and few else besides them Of later times both the Chief Justices Chief Baron and all the Kings Justices Barons of the Eschequer Serjeants at Law the Mr of the Rolls some Masters of the Chancery have been usually summoned as Assistants to counsell and advise both the King and Lords in all matters of Law and difficulty wherein their advice is necessary as also to carry messages Bills and Orders from the Lords to the Commons House and return answers from them upon such occasions when they please to return answers by them and not by Messengers of their own Usefull Observations upon the precedent Writs to and concerning the Kings Counsil summoned to Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils IT is observable 1. That in many antient Rolls and Lists of Summons to Parliaments and Parliamentary Councils there is no mention of any writs or summons at all to any of the Kings Counsil Justices Officers or others as there is in those forecited as namely in the summons in Claus 49 H. 3. d 11. 23 E 1. d. 2 3 4. 24 E. 1. d. 7. 25 E. 1. d. 6. 27 E. 1. d. 9. 16. 28 E. 1. d. 16 17. 30 E. 1. d. 9. 32 E. 1. d. 2. Cl. 33 E. 1. d. 8. Cl. 35 E. 1. d. 13. Cl. 3 E. 2. d. 16 17. 7 E. 2. d. 16. 9 E. 2. d. 22 18 E. 2. d. 5. 21 34. 20 E. 2. d. 4. Cl. 5 E 3. pars 2. d. 7. 1â— E. 3. p. 1. d. 15. 16 E. 3. pars 1. d. 39. 16 E. 3. pars 2. d 13. 29 E 3. d. 7. 32 E. 3. d. 14. 33 E. 3 d. 10. 34 E. 3. d. 35. 49 E. 3. d. 4. to omit others Which Parliaments it seemes were held without any of the Kings Counsil or Justices summoned to them or else the Clerks through negligence or slothfullness omitted the entries of their Writs or names in all these Rolls of Summons Therefore they are no essential Members of the Parliaments or Great Councils of England which may be held without them being none of the 3. Estates 2ly That there is no mention at all made of them in the usual ordinary writs to the Spiritual or Temporal Lords Sheriffs and Wardens of Cinque-ports in these most material clauses Parliamentum nostrum tenere Voâ—iscum ac â—um Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus dicti regni nostri Angliae Colloquium haâ— bere volumus tractatum Or the personaliter intersâ—â—is Nobiscum ac cum dictis Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti Regni super dictis Negotiis tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri which have never this Clause cum â—aeteris de Consilio nostro inserted into them Therefore they are no essentiall constitutive Members of our Parliaments or Great Councils but Assistants only to the King and Lords as there is occasion 3ly That those of the
Kings Counsil summoned to Parliaments and Great Councils by the precedent writs were sometimes very many in number somtimes very few and alwaies more or less at the Kings meer pleasure In the first writ and list of summons extant they were no less than 40 in some others above 30 in most under 20 usually in later times but 10 11 12 13 or 14 sometimes but 4 5 6 or 7 once or twice but one Sometimes most of them were Deans Archdeacons and other Clerks or Clergymen who had alwaies the Title MAGISTRO praefixed to their names both in the writs and lists of their names other times the major number were Justices Laymen and but two or three Clerks In later times the Clergymen were wholly omitted or very rarely inserted and that when they were Treasurers or Temporal Officers to the King An unanswerable apparent Argument and demonstraon that they were no essential Members of our Parliaments or Great Councills since the King might thus summon more or fewer of them or which of them he thought fittest and omit all or any or as many of them as he would at his pleasure out of the summons 4ly That in all lists of Summons of this kinde the Kings Chief Justices and other Justices of his Courts at Westm and Chief Baron were constantly summoned in more or less numbers and the Kings Serjeants very frequently yea the writs of Summons entred in the Rolls were for the most part issued to the Kings Chief Justice because there was most use of the Justices and learned Lawyers advice and counsel in Parliaments in all matters of Law there debated inâ—writs of Error there pending in the penning of New and altering explaining or repealing of former Statutes in Pleas of the Crown and other cases criminal or civil heard and determined in Parliaments than there was of inferiour Clergymen of the Counsil the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Priors and Spiritual Lords there present as Members being sufficiently able to advise the King and Temporal Lords in all Ecclesiastical matters there debated or treated of especially when assisted with the Clerks of the Convocation usually summoned without any Clergymen of the Kings Counsil 5ly That by the King and his Counsil Vs and Our Counsil Vs and the rest of our Counsil aliis ac caeteris de Consilio nostro in the precedent and other writs in the Clause Rols the Rolls of Parliament the afetrcited Statutes and other Acts of Parliament the Kings Justices and others summoned to Parliaments and Great Councils as his Counsil not as Spiritual or Temporal Lords are properly meant and intended not the Lords of the Kings Privy or continual Council nor yet the Lords in Parliament or Parliament it self the Parliament in the writs of Summons to the Bishops in the Clause of Praemunientes Decanum Capitulum Archidiaconos totumque Clerum vestrae Dioc c. and in the writs to the Sheriffs Wardens of the Cinqueports being usually stiled Commune Consilium Regni nostri as the Clause Ad consentiendum hiis quae tunc ihidem de Communi Consilio regni nostri contigerit ordinari inserted into the last part of these Writs informes us And so is it stiled in the writ prescribed by the Statute De non ponendis in Assisâ—s Anno 21 E. 1. in other Writs grounded upon Acts of Parliament in the Register of Writs and Natura Brevium Or the Kings Common or General Council as in the Stat of Vouchers 18 E. 1. in the Statutes of Wast de Defensione Iuris An 20 E 1. and other printed Acts and long before this in Pat. 1 Joh Râ— m. 3 n. 3. Pat. 1 H 3. m. 3. Pat. 3 H 3. ps 2. m. 6. and sundry other writs and Patents in his reign 6ly That although Sir Edward Cooke and others make this the chief or sole distinguishing Claâ—se or proprium quarto modo between the writs of Summons to the Lords and Members of the Lords House and Assistants that the one are always summoned quod in propria persona intersitis Nobiscum ac cum dictis or caeteris Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus dicti regni nostri super dictis negotiis tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri The others only summoned quod personaliter intersitis Nobiscnm et cum caeteris de Consilio nostro super dictis negotiis tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri Yet this is not a general truth For 1. in sundry forecited writs to the Kings Counsil Justices and Assistants this clause Et cum caeteris de Consilio nostro c. is totally omitted though it be in most of them and intersitis Nobiscum only or intersitis Nobiscum et cum dictis Praelatis Magnatibus et Proceribus super dictis negotiis tractaturi vestrumque consilium impensuri without any cum caeteris de Consilio nostro inserted in lieu thereof yet with this distinction not formerly observed by any to my knowledge that in the writs to the Spiritual and Temporal Lords the words alwayes run thus in the first Clause of the writs Vobiscum ac cum CAETERIS Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus dicti Regni nostri to a Spiritual Lord and Vobiscum cum Praelatis ac CAETERIS Magnatibus et Proceribus c to a Temporal Lord and thus in the mandatory part dictis die et lâ—co personaliter intersitis Nobiscum ac cum CAETERIS Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus if to a Prelate and if to a Temporal Lord Nobiscum ac cum Praelatis et CAETERIS Magnatibus et Proceribus Praedictis super dictis negotiis tractaturi c. the word Caeteris is alwaies omitted in the writs to the Justices and other Assistants of the Counsil in both these clauses because they are no Spiritual nor Temporal Lords of Parliament nor summoned as such and cum Praelatis Magnatibus Proceribus without caeteris being only used in their writs both where cum caeteris de Consilio nostro is inserted into their writs after the word Proceribus or elsewhere and where it is totally omitted So that the omission of the word caeteris in this place and manner in all writs to the Justices and other Assistants and the inserting it as aforesaid into the writs of the Spiritual and Temporal Lords is the principal distinguishing word that puts a difference between them not this Clause alone Nobiscum cum aliis de Consilio nostro twice inserted into the writs of Prorogation and Resummons both to the Temporal and Spiritual Lords as well as to the Justices and Assistants Claus 33 E. 1. d. 9 10. which I shall recite at large in its due Section 7ly That in the writs of Summons to the Kings Counsil they are never licensed to appear by Proxies or Attorneys as the Spiritual and Temporal Lords sometimes are but in proper person alone 8ly That such of them who were Deans Archdeacons or Clergymen have alwaies the Title MAGITRO prefixed to their names both in
the writs and lists of summons by which they are distinguished from the Laymen mentioned in those writs and lists And that one Bishop elect summoned amongst the Bishops to Parliament was yet summoned as one of the Kings Counsil by an other writ What ever else is worthy Observation touching these writs or lists of persons summoned I have noted already in the precedent recitals of them 9ly That though the Kings Justices and others of his Counsil summoned to our Parliaments were no real essential Members of them but rather Assistants to the King and Lords yet they had a very great hand power authority not only in making Ordinances Proclamations desciding all weighty controversies regulating most publike abuses and punishing all Exorbitant Offences out of Parliament in the Star-chamber and elsewhere Coram Rege et CONSILIO SVO as is evident by 19 E. 3. Fitzh Judgement 24. 20 Asâ— 14. Br. Dures 12. 39 E. 3. f. 14. b. Brook Judges 13. Judgment 117. 43 Ass. 15. 38. Register pars 1. f. 191. b. pars 2. f. 124. b. 125. a. 13 E. 4. f. 9 10. 27 H. 6. 5. b. 2 R. 3. f. 2. 10 11. 1 H. 7. f. 3. 4. Brooke Parliament 37. 105. Fitz. Parl. 2. 135. An Exact Abridgement of the Records in the Tower p. 157 169 197 426 428 459 460 560 591 638 641 651. Lambardi Archaion p. 108. to 116. and the records there cited transcribed by Sir Edward Cook in his 4 Institutes c. 5 Cromptons Jurisdiction of Courts f. 29. c. de Court de Starr-chamber et matters avant LE COVNSELL LE ROY Ashes Tables Courts 2. and the Lawbooks Statutes there cited with others anon remembred but likewise in receiving answering all sorts of Petitions determining adjudging all weighty doubtfull cases pleas yea in making Acts Ordinances Statutes and transacting all weighty affaires concerning the King or kingdome even in Parliaments themselves when summoned to them by the premised writs which being not commonly known to the Kings Counsill or others nor insisted on nor cleared up by Sir Edward Cooke or any others who have written of our PARLIAMENTS I shall briefly and satisfactorily illustrate by these four following particulars 1. By sundry Petitions upon several complaints and occasions presented and directed to the King and HIS COUNSELL OR SAGE OR GOOD COUNSEL in sundry of our antient Parliaments entred in the Clause and Parliament rolls more especially in Claus. Anno 1. E. 3. pars 1. 2. Where multitudes of Petitions are thus directed A nostre Signâ—ur le Roy et ASON COVNCILL Au BON COVNCIEL nostre Signior le Roy c. Which Petitions were usually answered and determined sometimes By the KING and His COVNSELL joyntly other times by His COVNSEL alone and sometimes by the King with the assent or advice of his COVNSEL as these entries Coram Rege CONSILIO concessum est emendatum per agard de toute LE COVNSELL soit le COVNCIEL certifie Coram CONSILIO NOSTRO in praesenti Parliamentâ— venire faciatis scriptum praedictum ad faciend inde ulterius quod per idem CONSILIVM NOSTRVM ibidem CONTIGERIT ORDINARI Videtur CONSILIO Il semble AV COVNCIEL que ce est bone affaire Veniat Inquisitio CORAM CONSILIO Place at Dom. Regi CONSILIO SVO ordinare with the like most frequently occurring in these Petitions and the answers to the proceedings and resolutions upon them abundantly evidence 2. By this subscription or addition to many Writs Patents Charters in the Clause Patent Charter and Parliament Rolls per ipsum Regem Consilium in Parliamento being all made issued granted approved entred by Order of the King and those of His COUNSIL in Parliament 3. By the Placita coram ipso DOMINO REGE ET EJUS CONSILIO AD PARLIAMENTA SUA AD PARLIAMENTUM SUUM c. recorded in the Parchment Book of Pleas in the Tower of London â— Wherein the Proceedings and the Judgments on them were given sometimes by the Kings COVNSELL alone sometimes by the King and his COUNSELL and other times by the King with the advice of the Archbishops Bishops Abbots Barons and others or the rest of His COUNSELL and sometimes Fines and Recognizances were acknowledged before the COUNSELL in Parliament To instance in some particulars In the Placita coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio ad Parliamenta sua post festum Sancti Hillarii et etiam post Pascha Anno 18 E. 1. Willielmus de Wasthull quaeritur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio per quandam petitionem against a deceit and covin in levying a fine Iohannes Comes de Dewe venit coram Rege et ejus Consilio ad Parliamentum suum post Pascha c. petiit c. So Domino Regi et ejus Consilio Johannes Episcopus Wynton alias coram Auditoribus quaerelarum monstâ—avit c. Petrus Maulore venit coram Domino Rege et ejus Consilio ad Parliamentum c. et petiir c. Dominum Regem et ejus Consilium certiorari faciant Querela Willielmi de Valentia Consilio Domini Regis in Anglia dum Rex suit in Vasconia Macolomus de Harlegh monstravit Consilio Regis per quandam petitionem c. So Placita Parliamenti apud Clipston Asherugg c. Anno 18 E. 1. Margeria de Mose uxor Thomae de Weyland Ricardus filius ejusdem Thomae monstraverunt Domino Regi et ejus Consilio c. coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio venerunt praedicti Cemites Gloucestr Hereford Quod ipsi habeant corpora eorundem Comiâ—um coram ipso Domino Rege et Consilio suo c. ad faciendum et recifiendum id quod Dominus Rex de Consilio suo duxerit ordinandum Prior de Goldelyne queritur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio de hoc c. Memorandum quod Recordum quod Episcopus Wynton et socii sui miserunt coram Consilio de magno placito Abbatis de Rupl c. Robertus Bardolph habet diem per adjornamentum in pleno consilio c. Maria quae fuijâ—uxor Willielmo de Brewosa petiit coram Domino Rege et ejus Consilio versus Willielmum c. medietatem manerii de Wykeham c. Placita coram Rege et Consilio suo ad Parliamentum suum post Pascha apud London Anno 21 E. 1. Willielmus de Mere c. et Reginaldus do Legh coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio allocuti ad rationem positi de hoc c. Stephanus Rabez Vicecomes Leicestr Warwic coram ipso Domino Rege et ejus Consilio arrenatus ad rationem positus de hoc c. Placita coram ipso Domino Rege et Consilio suo ad Parliamentum suum post festum Sancti Michaelis Ann. 21 E. 1. Malcolinus de Harley Eschaetor Domini Regis citra Trentam monstravit Domino Regi et ejus Consilio c. et super hoc
sua facienda aut redditu suo vel secundum quod The saurarius et Barones de Scaccario melius viderint expedire De tempore autem Iudeorum quo ipsi tenementa illa tenuerunt non videtur Domino Regi aut ejus consilio quod alicui petenti debet responderi cum iidem Capitales Domini semper suerant et esse debuerant sufficientes et potentes ad servitia et consuetudines sibi debita petenda et pro eisdem distringenda si quid aretro fuit vel cum ipsi Iudei fortè satisfecerunt de hoc quod modo petitur et inde habeant acquietancias Et si quid a retro fuerit hoc fuit per negligentiam et stultitiam eorundem Dominorum Capitalium quorum negligentia merito â—ibi ipâ—is imputanda et cum dicitur Vigilantibus et non dormientibus jura subveniunt The second is the case of the Prior of Bridlington before the King and his Counsil the same Parliament Prior de Bridelington allocutus coram ipso Domino Rege et consilio suo de hoc quod cum quidam Bonamy nuper Iudeus Eborum mutuasset eidem Priori Trescenta Lìbras Sterlingorum solvendas eidem Iudeo ad Gulas Augusti Anno regni Regis nunc vicessimo Et idem Iudeus ante terminum praedictum Per commune Exilium Iudeorum de regno isto exularet per quod praedictum debitum simul cum omnibus aliis bonis quae fuerant ejusdem Iudei in Anglia et quae in regno remanserunt post eorum Exilium in quorumcunque manus fuerunt ipsius Domini Regis Catalla fuerunt et ipsi Domino Regi reddi debuissent Praedictus Prior debitum praedictum quod fuit c. esse Catall Dom. Regis ad terminum statutum ipso Domino Regi non solvit nec ipsum Dominum Regem aut suos inde premunit Immo totaliter concelavit detinuit adhuc detinet in lesionem fidei sui qua Domino Regi tenetur ad grave dampnum ipsius Domini Regis c. Et Prior bene cognoscit quod Praedecessor suus immediatus pecuniam praedictam de praedicto Iudeo mutuavit termino praedicto solvendam quod ipse ratione mutui illius adhuc ad solutionem pecuniae illius tenetur Set dicit quod Iohannes Archiepiscopus Eborum qui nuncest in tertia septimana Quadragesima proximò praeterito ad domum suam de Bridelington prout ad officium suum pertinet visitavit inter caetera in visitatione sua ibidem inventa quaesivit de debitis domus in quibus idem Prior quibus pro quo tenebatur ita quod tunc inuenit quod domus praedicta praedicto Iudeo indebitabatur in pecunia praedicta et statim in Capitulo ipso Priori injunxit quod pecuniam illam solveret ejusdem valecto tunc ibidem praesenti ad festum Nativitatis Sanctae Mariae proximum quem valectuÌ„ idem Archiepiscopus dicebat esse Attornatum praedicti Iudaei Et ipse Prior prout ratione obedientiae suae tenetur praecepto praefati Archiepiscopi obedivit eandem pecuniam tunc solvere promisit Et quia idem Prior cognoscit quod praedicta pecunia praedicto Iudeo debebatur nec ei solvebatur ante exilium Iudeorum quicquid remansit de eorum debitis catallis in Regno post eorum exilium Domini Regis fuit Consideratum est quod Dominus Rex recuperet praedictam pecuniam ut Catalla sua versus praedictum Priorem Et dictum est praedicto Priori quod non exeat è villa priusquam Domino Regi de praedicta pecunia satisfecerit Et quia praedictus Archiepiscopus praedicto Priori injunxit quod catalla Domini Regis praedicto vallecto solveret ad dampnum Domini Regis similiter quia Dominus Rex intellexit quod Archiepiscopus praedictus quoddam scriptum obligatorium per quod praefatus Prior praedicto Iudaeo tenebatur in debito praedicto contra fidem Domino Regi debitam Sacramentum fidelitatis suae à praedicto Iudâ—o emit aut perquisivit ad elongandum Dominum Regem de Catallis suis praedictis ibi appropriando malitiosè Praeceptum est Vicecomiti Eborum quod venire faciat praedictum Archiepiscopum coram Domino Rege à die Sancti Michaelis in Quindecim dies ubicunque c. ad respondendum Domino Regi de receptione praedicta Et similiter quod praedictum scriptum ut dicitur remanet in custodia Abbatis Sanctae Mariae Eborumâ— aut Prioris Sancti Andreâ— Eborum ideo praeceptum est Vicecomiti praedicto quod venire faciat eosdem Abbatem Priorem ad terminum praedictum ad respondendum de eodem scripto Hereupon the Sheriff summoned the Archbishop Ad respondendum Domino Regi de hoc quod nunc Prior de Bridelington et ejusdem loci conventus per scriptum suum obligatorium tenebatur cuidam Bonamy quondam Iudeo Eborum in Trescentis libris sterlingorum certis terminis solvendorum et idem Iudeus Per Commune Exilium Iudeorum de Regno isto ante solutionem praedictae pecuniae sibi factaÌ„ Exuleret praedictus Archiepiscopus de Curia Romana rediens apud Paris cum praedicto Iudaeo conventionem mercatum faciens praedictum debitum quod fuit est Catalla Domini Regis ab eo emit post in visitatione sua ad Prioratum praedictum facta eidem Priori et Conventui per obedientâ—am injungit quod pecuniam praedictam cuidam Valecto ipsius Archiepiscopi aut nuncio praefati Iudaei certo termino solverent contra fidelitatem in qua Domino Regi tenentur in alienationem pecuniae Domini Regis ad dampnum Domini Regis mille librarum c. Et praedictus Archiepiscopus modo venit super hoc facto praedicto CORAM DOMINO REGE ET CONSILIO SUO arenatus expresse dicit Quod nunquam cum praedicto Iudaeo aliquam conventionem fecit seu mercatum de pecunia praedidicta sibi adquirenda set revera dicit quod in visitatione sua ad domum praedictam invenit et per Prioâ—em et Conventum ejusdem domus sibi ostensus fuit quod domus illa indebitabatur praedicto Iudeo de praeâ—icta pecunia Et idem ad salvationem animarum suaâ—um prout tenebatur eidem Priori et Conventui dixit quod pecuniam illam salva conscientia retinere non possent et quod sic facerent quod animas suas salvarent set quod nunquam eis injunxit quod pecuniam illam sibi aut alâ—i nomine praedicti Iudei solverent paratus est se acquietare si placuerit DOMINO REGIET EJUS CONSILIO Et Dominus Rex super hoc de gratia sua speciali et ad instantium MAGNATUM DE CONSILIO SUO licet per patriam de jure inquirere posset veritatem praemissorum concessit praedicto Archiepiscopo quod in fide in qua ei tenetur veritatem praemissorum
terras illas et tenementa statim in manuÌ„ suam seisivit et postea ipsum Manerium de Werk ipsi Willielmo dedit Et hoc paratus est verisicare tam pâ—o Domino Rege quam pro seipso si petentes praedicti in petitione sua praedicta audiri debent c. Et quia habito super praemissis diligenti tractatu per ipsum Dominum Regem et totum Consilâ—um expressè recordatum est quod dictus Robertus de Ros per multa tempora ante principium istius ultimae guerrae contra Homagium Fidelitatem et Ligeantiam suam de ipso Domino Rege traditiosè et felonicè se elongavit et Inimicus ipsius Domini Regis manifestè devenit parti Scotorum adhaerendo tunc Inimicorum et Rebellionum Domini Regis existentium nec unquam postea in vita sua ad pacem Domini Regis rediit set inimicus â—â—â—s obiit visisque articulis et conditionibus contentis in Ordinatione per ipsum Dominum Regem facta in eaâ—dem ultima guerra hominibus de terra Scotia et concessione de redditione terrarum suaruÌ„ eisdem facienda quam de aliis in eadem Ordinatione contentis et virtute cujus Ordinationis petentes praedicti modo tenementa praedicta petunt Uidetur Domino Regi et Consilio suo quod petentes praedicti ratione illius Ordinationis seu redditionis in Petitione sua praedicta audiri non debent Propter quod Concordatum est et consideratum per ipsum Dominum Regem et Consilium suum quod praedictus Willielmus eat inde sine die c. Et quod praedicti petentes nichil capiant per Petitionem suam praedictam c. After which upon the suit of the Petitioners to King Edward the 2. in the 4. year of his reign being in Scotland there issued two several writs to Gilbert de Roubyry to search the Rolls of Parl. and certify the Tenor of the Petitions aforesaid and the Answers given thereunto and proceedings thereupon coram dicto Patre nostro Edw. 1. et Consilio suo in Parliamentis suis faâ—ta because this Iohn Salveâ—n coram Nobis et Consilio nostro prosecutus fuerit petenda c. that the King would receive his homage for the moity of the lands descended to his wife as one of the Coheirs of Robert de Ros and restore the same unto him For Judgements given in Parliament upon Petitions or Complaints by the King Lords and Kings Counsil joyntly you may peruse Nicholas de Segraves case in Cooks 3 Instit. p. 7 8. and My Plea for the Lords p. 361. with others there cited I shall here for brevity recite only two Memorable ones The 1. in the Placita in Parliamento apud London in crastino Epiphaniae Anno regni Edwardi 1. vicesimo the long great and famous case between Humfry de Bohun Earl of Hereford and Essex and Gilbert de Clare Earl of Gloucester and Hertford who invaded one anothers lands by force and arms in a warlike manner and committed many rapines burnings murders and enormities against the Kings peace and prohibition after many Inquisisitions and debates touching this business before Justices assigned and afterwards before the Kings Counsil and then before the King and his Counsil by these passages often mentioned in the record Concordatâ—m est per DOMINUM REGEM CONSILIUM Decretum est PER CONSILIUM Videtur CONSILIO DOMINI REGIS per dictum DOMINUM REGEM CONSILIUM c. evidentâ—r compertum est twice repeated Quod corpora eorum habeat coram DOMINO REGE EJUS CONSILIO ad voluntatem ipsius Domini Regis audiendam et faciendam et recipiendum id quod DOMINUS REX DE CONSILIO SUO DUXERIT ORDINANDUM fully evidence At last both the Earls Voluntati Domini Regis se omnino submiserunt ut de eorumque libertatibus faciat quod sibi placuerit Whereupon Dominus Rex super hoc non voluntariè tantumniodo imo proâ—t de jure et secundum legem et consuetudinem regni fuerit faciendum et etiam per Consilium Archie-piscoporum Cpiscoporunâ— Comitum et Baronum caeterorumque De Consilio suo existentium facere volens in praemissis et ut voluntas sua justa sit et rationabilis proâ—t decet eorumque Assensum in praemissis petiit et Consilium Propter quod habito tractatu â—oram ipso Domino Rege et Consilio suo super praedictis tam ipso Domino Regi quam caeteris Praelatis et Magnatibus et singulis de Consilio suo videâ—ur quoad Comitem Gloucestriae quod libertas sua praedicti c. pro se et haeredibus suis forisfacta est ratione delicti praedicti c. Dictum est eidem Comiti Gloucestriae per considerationem et Iudicium Archiepiscoruâ—â— Episcoporum Comitum Baronum et totius consilit Domini Regis quod libertas sua praedicta c. totumque regale in eisdem terris remaneânt Domino Regi et haeredibus suis ut forisfacta tota vita ipsius Comitis Gloucestriae et idem Comes retorâ—etur prisonae et inde redimetur ad voluntatem domini Regis et etiam quod praedictus Comes Hereford recuperet versus eum Centum libras pro dampnis praedictis Et similiter quoad praedictum Comitem Hereford â—o quod videtur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio habito super hoc tractaâ—â— diligenti quod libertas sua in terris suis de Brekennoâ— c. ratione delicti praedicti forisfacta esset Dictum est eidem Comiti Hereford per considerationem et judicium Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum Comitum et Baronum et totius Consilii Domini Regis quo libertas sua praedicta remaneat Domino Regi et haeredibus suis forisfacta de ipso Comite Hereford et haeredibus suis imperpetuum et corpus suum prisonae retornetur et inde redimetur ad voluntatem Domini Regis Et quia videtur Domino Regi et ejus Consilio quod transgressio de qua idem Comes Hereford convictus est non est ita carcans nec tantam poenam requirit quantum et facta transgressio praedicta de qua praedictus Comes Gloucestriae convincitur and because he had espoused the Queens kinswoman therefore the forfeiture was mitigated and ordered to continue to the King and his heirs during the Earls life only After these Earls had continued in prison for some time the Earl of Gloucester finem fecit Domino Regi pro Decem Mille Marc. pro Transgre sâ—ione praedicta and put in 5 Noble men for his pledgeâ— And the Earl of Hereford likewise finem fecit Domino Regi pro Tâ—ansgressione praedicta pro Mille Marcis et reâ—ipitur per plegios who are named in the Record After which Ioâ—â— de Crepinghes and others of the Earls Assistants in these riotous Misdemeanors ad instantiam Praelatorum Comitum Baronum et aliorum de Consilio sus who
moved the King to shew mercy to them were put to several fines The 2. is in the Placita coâ—amâ—ipso Rege Consilio suo ad Parliamentum suum post Pascha apud London Anno 21 E. 1. the Archbishop of Yorkes case Johannes Archiepiscopus Eborum attachiâ—tus fuit ad respondendum Damino Regi de plaâ—iâ—o quare cum placita de Imprisonamento et aliis Transgressionibus in regno Regiâ— contra pacem Regis factis ad Regem coronam et dignitatem suam specialiter pertineant Idem Archiepiscopus per Johannem Priorem de Bolton in Cravene Commissarium suum in venerabilem Patrem Antonium Episcopum Dunolm dum nuper in partibus Borialibns in obsequio Regis juxta laâ—us suum per praeceptum ipsius Regis sub protectione extitit pro eo quod Ballivi esusdem Episcopi Willielmum de Wrleton 〈◊〉 Johannem Roman apud Dâ—nolm inventos ceporunt et imprisonaverâ—nt Excommunicationis sententiâ—m in Regis contemptum et Coronae dignitatis suae laesionem contra reverentiam Regis in hac parte debitam in dispectum ipsius Regis viginti Mille librarum fecit fulminari et illam Excommunicationem demandari Propter quod idem Rex taâ—um contemptum tantum irreverenti 〈◊〉 sibi illatamâ—ransire impunitam sustinere non valens maxime cum tam ipse Rex quam praellictus Episcopus quanium in ipso suit praefato Willielmo Johanni de imprisonamento praedicto celeris justitiae complementum juxta regni consueâ—udinem semper fuerunt parati exhibere c. After the Archbishops Plea thereto and a long debate of the business in Parliament Videtur Domino Regi in pleno Parliamento praedicto Comitibus Baronibus Iusticiariis similiter toti Consilio ipsius Domini Regis quod praedictus Archiepiscopus quantum in ipso fuit nitebaâ—ur occupare usurpare super Coronam Regiam et Dignitatem in casuâ—isto deliberationes imprisonatorum contra legem et consuetudinem regni et Contra â—â—dem in qua idem Archiepiscopus Domino Regiet Coronae suae astringitur ad exhaeredationem Doâ—â—ni Regis et haeredum suorum manifestam Propter quod per Comites Barones et Iusticiarios et dinnes alios de Constlio ipsius Domini Regis concordatum est quod praedictus Archiepiscopus committatur prisonae pro offensa transgressione praedictis Et super hoc ante Iudicium pronunnciatum licet unanimiter de consilio praedictorum Magnatum et aliorum concordatum fuisset tenendum in hoc casu et similiter in casibus consimilibus imperpetuum praedictus Archiepiscopus Maguates et alios de Consilio ipstus Domini Regis rogavit quod pro eo Dominum Regem requirerent ut Ante Pronuntiationem Judicit ipsum ad gratiam suam admitteret Et Dominus Rex ad instantiam eorundem Magnatum de gratia sua speciali hoc idem ipso Archiepiscopo concessit Et idem Archiepiscopus humiliter supplicavit quod possit de omnibus praemissis alto basso Voluntati Domini Regis se submittere Which the King assenting to at the Lords request Dictum est eidem Archiepiscopo sub gravi forisfactura quod non recedat à Parliamento isto â—onec super praemissis Domini Regis audivit voluntatem Postea venit praedictus Archiepiscopus et fecit finem Domino Regi pro Transgressione praedicta pro quatuor millibus marcarum per scriptum suum obligatorium 5 others being bound with him for due payment thereof to the King It is observable that in all these Pleas Proceedings Judgments there is no mention at all of the Knights Citizens Burgesses or Commons in Parliament no sharâ—rs in them but only of the King Archbishops Bishops Earles Barons Justices and Kings Counsell 4ly The power of the Kings Counsell and Judges in Parliament is evident by sundry Prefaces to and passages in our printed Acts of Parliament as namely by the preface of the printed Statute of Bigamie 4. Octoâ— An. 4. Ed. 1. In the presence of certain Reverend Fathers Bishops of England and OTHERS OF THE KINGS COVNSELL the Constitutions underwritten were recited after heard and published before the King and HIS COVNSELL forasmuch as ALL THE KINGS COVNSELL AS WELL IVSTICES AS OTHERS DID AGREE that they should be put in writing for a perpetual memory and that they should be stedfastly observed c. By the exposition of the Statute of Gloucester An. 6. E. 1. made by the King and HIS IVSTICES By the Statute of Morâ—main An. 7. E. 1. which recites Wee by the advice of our Prelates Lords Barons and other our Subjects BEING OF OVR COVNSELL have provided made and ordained c. By the Statute of Acton Bnrnell 13. E. 2. Forasmuch as Merchants c. The King for himself and BY HIS COVNSELL hath ordained and established c. The Prologue to the Statute of Wesâ—m 2. An. 13. E 1. Whereas of late our Lord the King the 6. year of his reigne calling together the Earles Prelates Barons and HIS COVNCELL at Glocester c. so as there were writs of summons then issued to them all though not entred in the Clause Rolls of 6. Ed. 1. nor any other now extant By the Statute of Merchants An. 13. E. 1. The King and HIS COVNSELL at his Parliament holden at Acton Burnell the 11. year of his reigne â—ath Ordained establishments thereupon for the remedy of such Merchants which Ordinances and establishments the King commandeth that they shall be firmly kept throughout the Realme By the Statute of Wast Anno 20. E. 1. Other Instices with the more part OF THE KINGS COVNSELL were of the contrary opinion c. Wherefore our Lord the King in his full Parliament in the 20th year of his reigne by A GENERALL COVNSELL hath ordained c. Articuli super Chartas An. 28. E. 1. c. 2. Neverthelesse the King and HIS COVNSELL do not intend by reason of this estatute to diminish the Kings Right for the ancient Prises due and accustomed And ch 20. Notwithstanding all these things c. both the King and HIS COUNSELL and all they that were present at the making of this Ordinance will and intend that the right and prerogative of his Crown shall be saved to him in all things The Statute for Escheators Anno 29. E. 1. At the Parliament of our sovereign Lord the King By his Counsell it was agreed and also commanded by the King himself c. according to advice of c. Treasurer to the King Chancellor and other of the Counsell there present before the King c. By the New Statute of Quo Warranto 30 E. 1. Cum nuper in Parliamento nostro aâ—uâ— Westm. per Nos et Consilium nostrum provisum sic et Proclamatum quod Praelati Comites Barones alii c. By the Ordinance for Inquests 33. E. 1. It is agreed and ordained by the King aud all his Counsell c. By Ordinatio pro statu Hyberniae An.
them made in this party be firmly holden The offenders against the Ordinance of Fish made in 31. E. 3. c. 2. are to be attached and detained in Prison as Rebels and Transgressors till the King and HIS COUNSEL have ordained of them that right requireth after the quality of their Trespasse 34. E. 3. c. 21. By assent of the King and of HIS COUNSEL passage was granted of Wools and other Merchandises of the Staple to Denizens contrary to the Ordinance of the Staple that only Merchants Aliens and no Merchants Denizens should transport them which passage was confirmed by Parliament and this Act. 35 E. 3. Upon doing us and OUR COUNSELL TO UNDERSTAND c. It was adjudged by US AND OUR COUNSEL that the Fishers of herrings at Great Yermouth should be free to sell their herrings to all people that will come to the faire of Yermouth without disturbance of their host or any other and accordingly enacted by this Parliament The printed Pardon granted by the King in Parliament An. 36. E. 3. was prayed by the Commons to be shewed to the Kiâ—g and to HIS COVNSELL and to the other Lords ere passed according to the tenour of the Commons Petition 37 E. 3. c. 15. Clotâ— makers and Drapers shall be constrained by any manner way that best shall seem to the King and his Counsel that the Ordinance of new Apparell be in no point broken 37 E. 3. c. 18. enacts That those who make false suggestions to the King be sent with the said suggestions before the Chancellor Treasurer and His Counsil and that they there finde surety to pursue their suggestions and incurr the same pein that the other should have had if he were attainted in case that his suggestion be found evil 38 E. 3. c. 11. enacts That all Merchants Denizens may pass into Gascoigne and bring in Wines from thence without any disturbance or impeachment Alwayes provided to the King that it may be lawful to him whensoever it is advised to him or to His Counsil to ordain of this article in the manner as best shall seem to him for the profit of him and his Commons 38 E. 3. c 3. Provisors and Offendors against this Act who do not present themselves before the King or His Counsil within two moneths after that they are thereunto warned c. shall be punished according to the Statute of 27 E. 3 and otherwise as to the King and His Counsil shall best seem to be done without any grace pardon or remission And Cap. 5. if any person maliciously or falsly make any pursute against any person as a Provisour and be thereof duly attainted he shall be duly punished at the Ordinance of the King and His Counsil and nevertheless he shall make gree and amends to the party grieved The Statute of 42 Edward 3. c. 3. made upon a Petition of the Commons in Parliament beginning thus Plese a nostre Seigneur le Roy son BON COVNSEL pur droyt governement de son peuple Ordeigner Which complains that diverse upon false and malicious suggestions have been taken and caused to come before the Kings Counsil by writ and other command of the King upon grievous pein against the Law To these I might superadd the Statutes of 1 R. 2. c. 4. 3 R. 2. c 3. 5 R. 2. c. 2. Stat 2. 6 R. 2. Stat. 2. c. 1. 8 R. 2. c. 4 10 R. 2. c. 11. 11 R. 2. c. 2 6 7 12. 12 R. 2. c. 1 2 10. 13 R. 2. c. 2. 18. Parl. 2. c. 3. 16 R. 2. c. 5 17 R. 2. c. 5 6 7. 1 H. 4. c. 6 7 9 13. 4 H. 4. c. 4 23 30. 1 H. 5. c. 6. 2 H. 5. c. 8. Parl. 2. c. 2. 9 H. 5. c. 3 5. 1 H. 6. c. 1 5. 2 H. 6. c. 6. 4 H. 6. c. 5. 8 H. 6. c. 13 27. 10 H. 6. c. 3 4. 14 H. 6. c. 2. 27 H. 6. c. 11. 31 H. 6. c. 1. â—3 H. 6. c 3. 14 E. 4. c. 1 2. 17 E. 4. c. 1. 3 H. 7. c. 1. 4. 4 H. 7. c. 4. 11 H. 7. c. 7. 25. 19 H. 7. c. 1. 13 18. By all which and other Acts as likewise by Mr. William Lambards Archaion p. 118. to 216. compared with Cooks 4 Institutes c. 5. and the records in My Plea for the Lords p. 273 330 331 385 390 398 399 418 419 420 505 507. the Authority Power Jurisdiction use proceedings of the Kings Counsil and Justices both in and out of Parliaments is fully explained declared to which I shall subjoyn two memorable records for a Conclusion hereof Claus 37 H. 3. dors 7. Rex Ricardo Comiti Cornubiae salutem Alias allocuti sumus Episcopum Sarum quod intenderet Consilio nostro praebuit se difficilem propter quod ad praesens nolumus habere alios Consiâ—â—arios quà m ordinavimus sicut scitis sed cum aliqua difficultas emerserit super Iudicium reddendum vel aliis communibus negotiis taâ—â— gentibus legem terrae bene placet Nobis quod ad hoc intendat cum à Vobis interpellatus ad ipsum vocandum cum hujusmodi necessitas evenerit plenam Vobis concedimus potestatem Teste Rege apud Portsmouth 7 die Augusti By this record it is evident That the Kings Counsil in those dayes usually gave judgement in cases of difficulty and other common cases concerning the Law of the realm calling those who were learned in the Laws for Assistants therein Of which amongst many others we have a memorable president in the Pleas of Mich. 53 54 H. 3. rot 37. in the case of Assise of Mortdauncester brought by Alexander King of Scots against Iohn de Burgo for the Mannor of Westlye with its appurtenances before G. de Preston and other Justices in Eyre who determining nothing therein thereupon King Hen writ to the Justices to proceed to a speedy determination or else to adjourn it coram Nobis et Consilio nostro in Quindena Michaelis which they did When the King of Scots appearing by his Attorney and Iohn de Burgo in person before S. de Litlebyr Sociis suis Iusticiariis de Banco Rich de Middleton then the Kings Chancellor Thomas Basset Robert Augulon and Mr. Richard Staneâ— they resolved that the writ of Mortdancester would not lie in that case claiming both as heirs to one Ancestor but because the King of Scots title to it was as heir to Margaret wife of Hubert de Burgo they said to Iohn de Burgo that he should shew cause Quare praedictus Rex Scotiae praedictuÌ„ Manerium habere non debeat And so much touching the Counsils power and jurisdiction in former times Whose excessive power in later ages incroaching upon the Ordinary Courts of Justice Freeholds Liberties Properties of the Subjects to their great oppression and vexation thereupon in the late Parliament of 16 Caroli Cap. 10. there was an excellent Act made For Regulating the Privy Counsill and for taking
Henry la Warre 12 14 H. 4. 1 H. 5. William Westbury 5 7 9 10 13. 18 20 23 H. 6. Iohn de Westcote 6 d. 17. E. 2. William de Weston 17 19 E. 2. 2 d. 23. 31. E. 3. Philip de Willoughby Decan Lincoln 23 d. 9. Cancell Scac. Regis 28 d. 3. 17. 30 d. 9 10. 32 E. 1. Richard de Willoughby Willughby 3 d. 19. 4 d. 19. 41. 5. d. 7. 25. 6 d. 9 10 30. 7 8 9 10 d. 1. 5. 11 d. 11. 40. 12 13 d. 1. 28. 14 d. 23. 33. 20 22 d. 7. 32. 23 24 25 26 31 d. 2. 21 E. 3. Robert de Wodehouse 14 d. 5. 23. 15 16 E. 2. Archidiac Richmond 3 d. 19. Thesaurarius Regis 4 d. 19. 41. 5 d. 7. 25. 12 13 d. 1. 28. 14 d. 23. 33. 16 17 E. 3. William de Wychyngham 42 43 44 47 49 50 E. 3. 1 2 R. 2. Magister Gerrard de Wyspanes Archidiac Richmond 2â— d. 9. 28 E. 1. X WIlliam Yelverton 23 25 27 28 29 31. 33 38 Miles 49 H. 6 1 2 6 9 E. 4. Magister Thomas Younge 34 d. 4. 36 37. Offic. Cur. Cancellar 39 42 43 44 47 49 E. 3. Thomas Younge 49 d. 6. â— 6. 6 9 E. 4. Z MAgister William de la Zousche Decanus Ecclesiae beatae Mariae Ebor. Thesaurarius Regis 11 d. 11. 12 13 d. 1. 28. 14 d. 23. 33. E. 3. Where the Dorses are for brevity omitted in any years of this or any the precedent Tables after a particular name you may readily find them in the precedent Sections in the writs to the Prelats Temporal Lords and Counsil which are all entred together in the self-same Rolls and Dorses when they all occurr General useful Observations on and from the precedent Writs of Summons mentioned in the premised Sections and the 7. Sections next ensuing in the second part following them HAving thus presented you with 3 distinct Sections or Squadrons of Writs of Summons to our Parliaments Great Councils and Convocations issued to Arch-bishops Bishops Abbots Priors and other Ecclesiastical Lords the P. of Wales Dukes Earls Barons Temporal Lords and great men of the Realm the Kings Counsil Iustices with some useful particular Observations on them in each Section I shall for a close of this first part of my breif Register Kalender and Survey of them superadd some general necessary Observations on and Conclusions from them and the 7. next following Sections which I intended to have annexed to this first part of my Register but now shall reserve for the second for the further information of the Readers the benefit of Posterity and rectifying some Oversights in sundry printed trivial Discourses of our English Parliaments First From the manifold rare delightful Varieties Forms Diversities and distinct kinds of Writs of Sommons transcribed out of the Clause Rolls in a Chronological method Vaâ—ied from time to time by our Kings their Chancellors Counsellors and Officers who formed them as there was occasion without the privity or direction of their Parliaments before the Statutes of 7. H. 4. c. 15. 6. H. 6. c. 4. 8. H. 6. c. 7. 23. H. 6. c. 11. 15. which ordered some new clauses to be inserted only into the VVrits for Election of Knights of Shires and none else for preventing and rectifying abuses in such elections but prescribed no set unalterable future formâ— for those or any other Writs of Sommons leaving the King and his Counsil at Free Liberty as before to vary and alter them as they saw just cause The Judicious Readers may clearly discern what little credit is to be given to Reverend Sir Edward Cookes obâ—ervation in his slight discourse Touching the VVrits of Sommons of Parliament which are to be found in the close Rolls from time to time Which begins thus Aâ—d it is to be Observed that the substance of the VVrits ought to continue in their Original Essence without any Alteration or Addition unlesse it be by Act of Parliament For if Original VVrits at the Common Law can receive no Alteration or Addition but by Act of Parliament A multo Fortiori The Writs of the Sommons of the Highest Court of Parliament can receive no Alteration or Addition but by Act of Parliament c. But had this great Oracle of the Law diligently considered the manifold varieties of the Writs of Sommons to Parliaments With their several Alteraions and Additions made from time to time upon emergent occasions without any Act or Order of Parliament Or had he remembred old Bractons and his own distinction of these two different sorts of Original VVrits in the places he refers us to in his margin viz. Brevia Originalia quaedam sunt formata sub suis casibus de cursu De communi Concilio totius Regni concessa et Approbata quae quadem Nullatenus mutari poterint absque consensu et voluntate â—orum quaedam Magistralia et saepe variantur secundum varietatem casuum factorum et quaerelarum and that by the Masters and Clarks of the Chancery themselves according to the variety of every Mans case as himself and the Statute of VVestm 2. c. 23. resolve us without any Act or common consent in Parliament And then judiciously pondered that Writs of Sommons to Parliaments are all of this latter kind only Migistraliâ— and frequently varied according to the several varieties of the causes Publick grievances Dangers Emergences Businesses Complaints occasioÌ„ing their Sommoning expressed usually in these Writs different Prologues he would certainly never have made such a strange erronious Observation as this upon these Writs contradicted by so many Presidents on record in all former ages nor alleaged such a pittiful mistaken Argument a multo Fortiori and such Authorities to justifie it Which diametrically contradict both his reason and observation the Writs of Sommons being all of them Magistralia not Formata sub suis Casibus as the miserably mistook them to be Therefore if such Magistral Writs are ofâ—â—imes varied according to the variety of cases facts and complaints in particular mens cases by the Clerks of Chancery and Cursitors themselves without Act of Parliament a multo fortiori may Writs of Sommons to Parliaments of the self same kind which concern the great weighty affairs of the King Kingdom and Church of England be varied altered by the King himself with the Advise of his Great Officers Judges Council according to the variety of emergent occasions requiring Parliaments to be called without any Act or consent of Parliament authorizing it notwithstanding Sir Edwards groundlesse Assertion to the contrary though prefaced with and it is to be observed as I conceive it will henceforth be for a great mistake although formerly believed as an undoubted Truth upon his Ipse dixit whose venerable reputation hath canonized many of his Apochryphal conceipts which have dangerously seduced most Students and Professors of the Law with others who peruse his Institutes for whose better Information and Vindication of
the truth alone I have upon all just occasions both detected and corrected his formerly undiscerned Errors and this here insisted on I hope without just offence to any of his surviving Friends or Progeny if they consider the duty and protestation of every ingenuous Christian and Chronographer thus briefly expressed by St. Paul 2 Cor. 13. 8. We can do nothing against the truth but for the truth Secondly It is observable that the word Parliamentum is but once used or mentioned in any Writ of Sommons Act Statute Charter Patent or other Record that I have yet seen either before or during the Reigns of King Iohn or Henry the 3d. but only the word Concilium Commune Concilium Colloquium Tractatum placitum magnum c. which frequently occur and are alwayes used in them to expresse that Assembly of the States by which in after times and now is usually called Parliamentum The very first mention and use of this word in any Writ or Record I have perused is in the Writ of Sommons to the Cinqueports Cl. 49. H. 3. d. 11. soÌ„moning theÌ„ ad instans Parliamentum nostrum The next is in the Writ of Prorogation of the Parliament Cl. 3. E. 1. 20. in dor where it is twice thus meÌ„tioned in the Writ Generale Parliamentum nostrum eodem Parliamento and once in the Margin Do veniendo ad Parliamentum And this Writ assures us that it was used in the Original Writs of Sommons to this Parliament though not extant compared with the printed Prologue to the Acts therin established The Writs of Sommons from 3. to 23. E. 1. being not extant in the Rolls the next use of this word I find is in the Writâ— of Sommons Prorogation in Clauâ— 23. E. 1. dorse 9. Cl. 28. E. 1. d. 3. 17. Cl. 30. E. 1d 7. 9. Cl. 32. E. 1. d. 1. Cl. 33. E. 1. d. 9. 10. 21. Claus. 34. E. 1. d. 2. and Claus. 35. E. 1. d. 13. In all which Writs under King Edward the first not onely Colloquium Tractatum but also the word Parliamentum is mentioned and also thus expressed in the Margin of the Rolls De Parliamento tenendo Deveniendo ad Parliamentum De Parliamento Prorogando And so is it likewise in the Writs de expensis Militum qui venerunt ad Parliamentum Regis clau 28. E. 1. dors 12. cl 29. E. 1. d. 17. cl 33. E. 1. d. 15. cl 34. E. E. 1. d. 11. and cl 35. E. 1. d. 14. In the Writs and Rolls of Sommons and De expensis Militum Burgensium under Edward the 2d it is commonly used and mentioned as the premises evidence Yet I find Parliamentum totally omitted again in sundry other Writs of Sommons and Prorogations and the words Colloquium Tractatum Commune Consilium only made use of in them as in cl 23. E. 1. d. 2. 4. cl 24. E. 1. d. 7. cl 25. E. 1. d. 25. cl 27. E. 1. d. 9. 16. 28. cl 28. E. 1. d. 3. cl 1. E. 2. d. 11. 19. cl 2. E. 2. d. 11. 13. 14. 20. cl 9. E. 2. d. 17. and in some other succeeding Rolls yet in the Margin over against these Writs I find in divers of these Rolls De Parliamento tenendo De veniendo ad Parliamentum Summonitio Prorogatio Parliamenti written though the words Parliamentum be not extant in the Writs themselves The first use of the word Parliamentum in any Act or Statute in my Observation is in the Prologuâ— to the Statutes of Westminster 1. An. 3. E. 1. which it stiles Son Primer Parliament general apres Son coronement The next usage of it is in 7. E. 1. Rastal Armour 1. Wherein it is twice mentioned After which I find it used in the Prologue of Westminster 2. 13. E. 1. and c. 24. In the Statute of Merchants 13. E. 1. The Statutes De Quo warranto De terris vendendis emendis 18. E. 1. The Statute of Waste for Heirs end of Defending Rights 20. E. 1. The Statutes De non ponendis in Assisis and De Malefactoribus iâ— parcis 21. E. 1. The Statute of Persons appealed 28. E. 1. And the Prologue to Articuli super cartas the same year The Statutes De Escheatoribus 29. E. 1. The New Statutes of Quo warranto 30. E. 1. Ordinatio Forestae 33. E. 1. De asportatis Religiosorum c. 1. In most succeeding Prologues to all Statutes and divers Acts ever since King Edward the 1. it is commonly and frequently used as also in our Historians in that age In the Prologue to Articuli Cleri An. 9. E. 2. there is this observable Recital Sciatis quod cum Dubum temporibus Progenitorum nostrorum Regum Angliae in diver sis Parliamentis suis similiter postquam Regni gubernacula suscipimus In Parliamentis nostris c. Ac nuper in Parliamento nostro apud Lincoln c. Attributing this title of Parliamentum not only to the Parliamentâ— held under Edward the 2d and first but to General Councils of State and Conferences held by our Kings Lords great Men in the Reigns of their Progenitors who were totally unacquainted with this Word and never used it for ought I can yet discover It is agreed by all who have written of the Antiquity or use of our English Parliaments that the word Parliamentum is no proper Latin word for that we call a Parliament but Colloquium Tractatus commune Concilium Regni nostri still reteined in the Writs of Sommonâ— as well since the use of the word Parliamentum grew common as before in was inserted into such Writs That it is originally a meer French Word first introduced amongst us by the Norman Monkes or being taken from the French who stiled the publick conventions of their Kings and Princes a Parliament in their own Language and coyned this new Latin word Parliamentâ—m out of it But when and by whom it was first introduced and used in England is a great dispute amongst truly judicious Antiquaries Many there are who conceive it to be used in the Sâ—xons time and long before the reign of King Henry the 3d because many Latin and English Historians and Chronologers who have written since the Reign of King Henry the 3d. do sometimes give the title of Parliamentum Parliament to our great Councils and Assemblies of the King and of the spiritual and temporal Lords in those ancient times in their relations of them But this questionless is a gross mistake since not one of all their great Councils in any of their Titles Prologues Laws Cannons Edicts Acts recorded by Brompton Lambard Sir Henry Spelman Wheâ—lock Fox and others nor any of our Historians living and writing in those times before the later end of King Henry the 3d. as Gildas Beda Aâ—helwerdus Asser Menevensis Ingulphus Willielmus Malmes buriensis Eadmerus Florentius Wigorniensis Simeon Dunâ—lmensis Aelredus Abbas Henry de Huntindon Sylvester Gyraldhes Gulielmus
Neubrigeusis Simeon Richardus Hagustaldensis Radulphus de Diceto Roger VVendover Thomas Spotte Gervasius Doroberniensis Tilburiensis VVillielmus Stephanides Gualterus Mapes Gualterus Coventriensis Richardus Heliensis Thomas Stubs Petrus Henâ—am nor yet Glanvill Bracton Andrew Horn and other Lawyers flourishing under H. the 2. and 3. do once use or apply this word Parliamentum to any one Grand parliamentary Council which they alwayes call by other Names for ought I can yet discover upon my best search and inquiry The very first of all our Writers or Historians in my Observation who made use of this word and applyed it to the Common Councils of our Realm is Matthew Paris flourishing about the midsts and dying before the end of King Henry the 3d. Anno. 1259. the 43. of his Reign He in his Historia Angliae from the beginning of the Conquerors Reign till the year 1246. the 30th of Henry the 3d. alwayes made use of the words Concilium Concilium magnum Colloquium Tractatus and the like to expresse all Parliamentary Great Councils and State Assemblies held in England near the space of 200. years before he Writ and never of Parliamentum But in Anno gratiae 1246. and 1247. and in no other years before or after he useth this word five or six times only in these insuing passages Anno 1246. Convenit ad Parliamentum Generalissimum totius Regni Angliae totalis Nobilitas Londini c Over against which the Publisher not he adds in the Margin Parliamentum habitum Londini After which he subjoynes Convenientibus igitur ad Parliamentum mâ—moratum totius Regni Magnatibus Then followes Et postea in Anglia in Parliamento Regis ubi congregata fuerat totius Regni tam Cleri quam Militiae Generalis Vniversitas deliberatum c. Yet in the very next page he returns to his old term again Die vero translationis Thomae Martyris habitum est magnum Concilium inter Regem Regni Magnates apud VVintoniam Over against which his continuer or publisher hath placed this marginal Note Parliamentum habitum apud VVinton The like he doth in p. 560. 561 687 714. and elsewere inserting in the Margin Parliamentum Generale c. When as Matthew Paris useth it not but Concilium only or the like in his Text. In his History of the next yeer 1â—47 He proceeds thus Dominus Rex Francorum Regni sui Nobiles tam Cleri quam Populi generaliter Edicto Regio fecit convocari ut Ad Parliamentum communiter convenientes ardu negocia Regni sui statum contingentia diligenter deliberando contrectarent And Five pages after Dominus Rex H. 3. jussit omnem totius Regni Nobilitatem convocari c. Oxoniis Praelatosautem maxime Ad hoc Parliamentum vocavit arctius Applying the word Parliamentum to these Assemblies of the King Lords and Nobles both in France and England held this year about the weighty affairs of their respective Kingdoms In his Additamenta to the last Addition of his History printed at London p. 170. he useth the word Parliamentum only once and that in another sense For the conference and discourse of Monkes with one another after their repasts then prohibited the black Monkes by special Order as an impediment to their contemplations and prayers In no places else of his History or other printed pieces do I find he made use of this word Indeed the continuer of his History from the yeer 1258. to the end of King Henries Reign 1273. whom Iohn Bale informâ— us to be VVilliam Rishanger flourishing under King Edward the 1. 2. when this word Parliamentum grew coÌ„mon both in Writs of Sommons Statutes vulgar Speech makes frequent use thereof in his History applying it to great Councils of the Realm in the latter end of Henry the 3d. both in the Text and Margin as in Page 788 933. 935. 938. 940. 948. 960. 967. 974. of his continuation Editione Tiguri 1589 and so doth Matthew Westminster who continued the History of Matthew Paris flourishing under the Reign of King Edward the third when this word Parliamentum was commonly used in all Writs of Summons Statutes Writers and Vulgar speech makes frequent use thereof applying it to the Great Councils of State towards the latter end of King Henry the third in his Flores Historiarum Londini 1570. pars 2. p. 206 207 223 254. 261. 280 296 300 317 345. and in subsequent Pages to the Parliaments held under King Edward the first Henry de Knyghton a Canon of Leicester flourishing under King Richard the 2. de Eventibus Angliae l. 1. c. 3. l. 2. c. 10 12 15. Col. 2318 2387 3446 2455. applies this word to the Great Councils held under the Danish and other Kings before the Reign of Edward the 1. Canutus vixit per 20. annos postea celebravit Parliamentum apud Oxoniam c. Ranulfus Consul Cestriae cum Rege Stephano concordatus est Set tito post in Parliamento apud Northamptoniam delose captus est c. Anno 1261. Rex Hen. 3. convocato Parliamento suo Oxoniae questionem movit Magnatibus suis. Tenuit Rex H. 3. Parliamentum suum apud Merleberg Anno Regni sui 52. ad exhibitionem communis justitiae multa fecit statuta quae dicuntur statuta de Marleberg The Author of the Chronicle of Brompton who writ after the beginning of King Edward the 3. doth the like in these passages according to the language of the age wherein hee writ Edgarvis Rex Parliamentum suum apud Salisbiriam convocavit Post haec Canutus apud Oxoniam Parliamentum tâ—nuit c. cito post in Parliamento suo apud Wintoniam Rex Edwardus Confessor omnes Magnates ad Parliamentum tunc fuerunt Anno 1164. Rex Henricus 2. Parliamentum apud Westâ—inst tenuit Rex Angliae Richardus 1. congregatus Episcopis Comitibus Baronibus Regni sui Parliamentum Londoniae super hoc habuit Tractatum Rex Johannes Parliamentum suum usque Lincolniam convocaverat So doth Radulphus Cicestrensis Thomas of Walâ—â—ngham who writ under K. Henry the 6. and after them Fabian Caxton Polydor Virgil Grafton Speed Stow Holinshed Daniel Baker and other of our late Historians Whereupon their injudicious credulous Readers of all sorts conceit not onely the words Parliamentum Parliament but even the thing it self as since constituted of Knights Citizens and Burgesses as well as of the King spiritual and temporal Lords Nobles Barons and Great Men to have been in common use both under our Saxon Danish Norman and English Kings long before the Reign or 49. year of King Henry the 3. when as neither the name nor thing it self as now compacted was either known to or used by any Aniquaries Councils Records Historians or English Writers before Mat. Paris that I have yet seen or heard of From whence to omit other Arguments with the Writs de Expensis Militum
Burgensium levandis mentioned in the Modus tenendi Parlamentum though in no Records before Claus. 28. E. 1. it indeniably appears that this absurd ridiculous Modus so much magnified followed relied upon by Sir Edward Cook in sundry of his Books as a most ancient authentick Record both known and used in Edward the Confessors time For Certain rehearsed before William the Conqueror by the discreet men of the Realm and by him approved and used who kept a Parliament according to its Prescription which the Book of 21. E. 3. f. 60. hee cites to prove it directly contradicts After which King H. the 2. fitted and transcribed this Modus into Ireland in a Parchment Roll for the holding of Parliaments there Which no doubt hee did by the advice of his Iudges c. That this Modus was seen by the makers of Magna Charta Anno 9. H. 3. c. 2. concerning the reducing of ancient Reliefs of intire Earldemos Baronies Knights fees according to such proportions as is contained in the Modus which they could not have done so punctually if they had not seen the same all which hee asserts with so much confidence as if hee had been an eye-witness thereof himself though most gross untruths is in verity a late spurious Imposture written long after the Reign of King Henry the 3. and Edward the 1. himself confessing that some part thereof is cited in he should have said taken out of the Parliament Roll of Anno 11. R. 2. and other Records of Parliament and not compiled before the latter end of King R. the 2. The word Parliamentum being not onely used many hundred times almost in every line throughout this Modus and not the words Concilium or Collequium but likewise intituling and denominating the very Treatise it self which grew not into such Vulgar use till after the Reign of King Henry the 3. under King Edward the 3. and succeeding Kings as appears by Thomas Walsingham Hist Angliae p. 5 8 12 13 17 25 28 32 34 35 36 37 38 40 41 42 44 45 46 70 71 76 77 78 81 82 83 88 96 105 110. Ypodigma Neustriae p. 68 69 71 72 73 82 83 87 88 98. Henry de Knyghton and was totally unknown to and not used by any Lawyers States-men Clerks Writers of our English Annals before the Reign of King Henry the 3. Which I much wonder Sir Edward Cook who writes that after diligent search hee could finde nothing against this Modus and demands Quis vituperaâ—it and some others of ou Antiquaries observed not being so palpable an Imposture as Mr. Selden Archbishop usher and others have discovered it to be Indeed I found one Roll in the Tower Anno 9. E. 2. stiled Modus Parliamenti which upon its first view I conceited might have some affinity with or at least give some colour to this forged Modus but upon perusal it proved onely a Roll of the Proceedings in the Parliament of 9. E. 2. farre different from this Modus and having no affinity with it yet peradventure the Author of this Imposture borrowed his Title from it Besides the late introduction of the word Parliamentum into England doth likewise discover Sir Edward Cooks other pretended ancient Manuscript of the Monastery of St. Edmonds which hee much cried up yet never would send judicious Sr. Henry Spelman to peruse perchance lest hee should detect its Novelty and Imposture to be of no such Antiquity as hee conceited it to be written in King Cnutes Reign or not long after it but after Henry the 3. his Reign since the words Parliamentum in suo publicâ— Parliamento tunc in eodem Parliamento personaliter existentibus were not grown in use till Edward the 1 2 3. and the whole clause hee prints out of it in his Preface to his 9. Reports prove it to be written under one of these three Kings Reigns if not after them as the Modus was By both which you may easily discern how little insight this great Lawyer had in Histories Antiquities or Records as to be cheated besotted with such Impostures and bottom his Discourses of our Parliaments upon such spurious rotten Foundations as these 3. That no Oath nor Engagement whatsoever was antiently imposed on the Members of the Lords or Commons House to debar or seclude any of them from sitting or voting much less were any of them suspended or forcibly kept out of either House till they had taken any new-invented Oath prescribed them onely by a prevailing party without a Legal Act of Parliament ratified both by the Kings Lords and Commons in an orderly manner such inforced seclusive Oaths being inconsistent both with the Freedome Priviledges Rights of old English Parliaments The Parliament of 1. Eliz. c. 1. upon the abolishing of Popery and restitution of the Protestant Religion having by unanimous consent of the three States made and prescribed an Oath of supremacy for the preservation of the ancient Rights and Royalties of the Crown of England and of the persons of the Queen her heirs and successors against the usurpations claimes practices of the Bishop of Rome and his confederates on all Arch-Bishops Bishops Arch-Deacons Clergy-men and temporal officers By reason of the manifold Plots and Treasons of the Pope and Papists against the Queens person Crown and Realm the Parliament of 5. Eliz. c. 1. thought fit to prescribe this Oath for the better detection of persons popishly affected not onely to all Readers Barresters Graduates in the Universities Schoolmasters Sheriffs and other inferiour Officers but likewise to all future Knights Citizens and Burgesses of Parliament enacting That every person who shall bee hereafter elected or appointed a Knight Citizen Burgess or Baron of the five Ports for any Parliament or Parliaments hereafter to be holden shall from henceforth before hee shall enter into the Parliament House or have any voice there openly receive and pronounce the said Oath before the Lord Steward for the time being or his Deputy or Deputies for that time to be appointed And that hee which shall enter into the Parliament House without taking the said Oath shall be deemed no Knight Citizen Burgess nor Baron for that Parliament nor shall have any voice but shall be to all intents constructions and purposes as if hee had never been returned or elected Knight Citizen Burgess or Baron for the Parliament and shall suffer such pains and penalties as if hee had presumed to sit in the same without Election return or authority Provided that this Act nor any thing therein shall not extend to compel any temporal person of or above the degree of A Baron of the Realm to take or pronounce the Oath abovesaid nor to incur any penalty limited by this Act for not taking or refusing the same This is the first Act ever imposing an Oath upon any Members before their sitting and voting in the Parliament House wherein five things are observable 1.
yet for preventing the misunderstanding of posterity and of strangers and for satisfying the scruples of others not acquainted with the nature of this Treaty and the manner of their proceedings which may arise upon their comming into England and their treating in time of Parliament That neither by our treaties with the English nor by seeking our Peace to be established in Parliament nor any other action of ours do wee acknowledge any dependence upon them or make them Iudges to us or our Laws or any things that may import the smallest prejudice to our Liberties But that wee come in a free and brotherly way by our Informations to remove all doubts that may arise concerning the proceedings of our Parliament and to joyn our endeavours in what may conduce for the peace and good of both Kingdomes no otherwise than if by occasion of the Kings Residence in Scotland Commissioners in the like Exigence should be sent thither from England Thirdly It is point-blank against the solemn League and Covenant ratified and confirmed in the most sacred and publick manner The 3 Article whereof taken with hands lifted up to heaven and subscribed by the Parliaments of both Kingdomes and all others well-affected in both Realms doth thus preserve the distinct Priviledges of the Parliaments of both Realms in these words We shall with the same sincerity reality and constancy in our several vocations endeavour with our estates and lives mutually to preserve the Rights and Priviledges of the Parliaments and the Liberties of the Kingdomes of England and Scotland which are likewise distinguished from each other in every other Article the Prologue and Conclusion of the League and Covenaâ—t and all Ordinances that confirm it 4. As if this were not sufficient it is directly contrary to the Declaration of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament 17 April 1646. of their true intention inviolably to maintain the Ancient and Fundamental Government of the Kingdome by King Lords and Commons the Government of the Church securing the people against all arbitrary Government and maintaining a right understanding between the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland according to the Covenant and Treaties To the Commons printed Answers to the Scots Commissioners Papers 28 of November 1646. Yea to the Lords and Commons Houses joynt Declaration the 29. of Iune 1646. In all which they do professedly declare assert argue resolve the absolute Independency distinct Rights Iurisdictions of the Kingdomes and Parliaments of England and Scotland from the very Articles of the solemn League and Covenant and Treaties between both Kingdomes and other Evidences grounds reasons positively asserting That the Parliament and Kingdome of England is and ought to bee the sole and proper Iudge of what may bee for the good of this Kingdome and that the Kingdome and Parliament of Scotland neither have nor ought to have any joynt-concurrent share or interest with them therein nor right of joynt-exercise of interest in disposing the person of the King in the Kingdome of England And that the self-same liberty and priviledge alwaies had been admitted and ever shall bee carefully and duly observed by them and the Parliament and Kingdome of England to the Kingdome and Parliament of Scotland in all things that concern that Kingdome And that it was not the intention of the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England nor of the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland in sending Propositions to the King in the name and in the behalf of both Kingdomes by joynt-consent that any construction should be made therefrom as if either Kingdome had any interest in each others Propositions or in the Legislative Power of each other concerning any of the said Propositions but that it remaineth distinct in each Kingdome and Parliament respectively And that notwithstanding any joynt-proceedings upon the said Propositions either Kingdome hath power of themselves to continue repeal or alter any Law that shall be made upon the said Propositions for the good and government of either Kingdome respectively And both Houses did therein declare that they are fully resolved to maintain and preserve inviolable the solemn League and Covenant and the Treaties between the Kingdomes of England and Scotland Now the calling and incorporating of Scotish and Irish Peers Knights Citizens and Burgesses into the Parliaments of England as Members Voters Legislators together with the English to oblige both England Scotland and Ireland against the ancient unquestionable distinct fundamental Rights Priviledges of the Kingdomes Parliaments people both of England Scotland and Ireland all whose Parliaments Rights Priviledges Liberties will be totally subverted by it as well as our English is so contradictory so repugnant to and inconsistent with all and every of these recited Acts Ordinances Declarations clauses of the solemn League and Covenant to the Great Charter of King Iohn all ancient Writs of Summons to English Irish or Scotish Parliaments all Acts for Electing Knâ—ghts Burgesses and concerning Parliaments formerly established in all these three Kingdomes as distinct that no conscientious Heroick Englishman Scot or Inhabitant of Ireland who cordially affects the honour maintenance preservation of his own native Countries Kingdomes or Parliaments fundamental Rights Priviledges Liberties or makes conscience of violating the Articles of this solemn League and Covenant hee hath formerly taken and subscribed in the presence of Almighty God Angels and Men with this protestation wee shall not suffer our selves directly or indirectly by whatsoever combinatien perswasion or terror to be divided or withdrawn from it either by making defection to the contrary part or by giving our selves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality but shall all the daies of our lives constantly continue therein against all opposition and promote the same according to our Power against all Lets and Impediments whatsoever and this wee shall do in the sight and presence of Almighty God the searcher of all hearts with a true intention to perform the same as wee shall answer the contrary at the great day when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed can ever in conscience justice reason policy or prudence submit thereto but is bound to oppose and resist with all his power for the premised Reasons 6. Because the proportioning and distribution of the thirty persons to be elected for Scotland and the thirty others for Ireland and incorporating of these sixty Scotish and Irish Knights Citizens and Burgesses into the Parliaments of England was not projected effected approved ratified by the free full and joynt-consents of the respective Parliaments of England Scotland and Ireland but onely by about twenty or thirty Army-Officers in a private Cabinet Conventicle at Whitehall without yea against their privities and consents by their Instrument of Government which they then published 16 Decemb 1653. Artic. 9 10 11. having not the least shadow of any Legal Power or Authority to oblige our 3 distinct Kingdomes Nations Parliaments much less to subvert and abolish them by new melting them into
King being both Caput Principium finis Parliamenti as Modus tenendi Parliamentum Sir Edward Cooke and others resolve our Parliaments living and dying with our Kings and determining when summoned and sitting by the Kings decease since they can neither treat nor confer with him of any businesses concerning him or his Kingdome nor be his Parliament after his death as the Parliaments of 1. H. 4. rot Parl. n. 1. 2. 3. 1. H. 5. rot Parl. n. 16. 4. E. 4. f. 44. Cooks 4. Instit. p. 46. adjudge the Parliament of 23. R. 2. dissolving by this resignation of the Crown and the Parliaments of 14 H. 4. and 24. Iacobi being dissolved by their respective deaths as their Judges and Parliaments resolved and the Parliament of 18. Caroli by the self same reason as I have elsewhere evidenced seeing hee could neither vobiscum cum caeteris Magnatibus Proceribius Regni nostri colloqaium habere Tractatum super diversis arduis negocâ—is Nos Regnum nostrum coâ—tingentibus nor the Commons do and assent hiis quae tunc ibidem per Nâ—s c. ordinari contigerit super negotiis antedictis as the Writs of Summons and Prorogation prescribe 8. That when ever there was a Custos Regni during the Kings absence in forraign parts or a Protector during his Minority the Writs of Summons and Prorogation issued alwaies in the Kings stile name and by his authority and direction and the Teste onely in the Custos or Protectors name with a per ipsum Regens per ipsum Regem Consilium or per ipsum Regem Custodem consilium subjoyned 9. That when our Kings could not be personally present at any Parliament by reason of their wars sickness extraordinary occasions absence in forraign Parts or minority they held them by a Custos Regni or Commissioners authorized by special Commissions issued to them in the Kings name under his Great Seal to hold these Parliaments in his Name and Stead which were publickly read at the beginning of the Parliament and entred in the Parliaments Rolls for which I shall present you with these presidents onely omitting all others of this kind agreeing with them or varying little from them in form or substance The first is this Anno 13. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 4. Edwardâ—s Dei gratia Rex Angliae Dominus Hiberniae Dux Aquitaniae Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Comitibus Baronibus omnibus aliis ad instans Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm. summonitum conventuris salutâ—m Cum dilectus fidelis noster Edwardus Dux Cornubiae Comes Cestr. filius noster carissimus Custos Regni nostri propter quaedam negocia sibi incumbentia sit ad praesens Parliamentum praepeditus quo minus isto die Iovis in Octabis Sti. Hillarii apud locum praedictum vale at personaliter interesse de circumspectionis industriae magnitudine venerabilis Patris Iohannis Archiepiscopi Cantuar. totius Angliae Primatis discretorum virorum Magistri Willielâ—i de le Zouche Decani Ecclesiae beati Petri Ebor Thesaurarii nostri Ricardi de Willoughby Iohannis de Stonore Iohannis Decani Sti. Pauli plenam fiduciam reportantes ipsos quatuor tres aut duos eorum ad inchoand continuandâ—m Parliamentum praedictum nostri dicti filii nostri nomine ad faciend ea quae Pro Nobis per praedictum filium nostrum facienda fuerint usque adventum filii nostri ibidem Deputamus Assignamus Et ideo vobis mandamus quod iisdem Archiepiscopo The saurario Rico. Iohi. Iohi. quatuor tribus duobus eorum intendentes sit is in praemissis in forma praedicta Teste Edwardo Ducâ— Cornub. Comite Cestr. filio nostro carissimo Custode Angliae apud Langle XIX die Ianuarii Anno Regni nostri tertio decimo The second is thus registred Annâ— 25. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 1. 2. Edwardus Dei gratia Rex Angliae Franciae Dominus Hiberniae Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Comitibus Baronibus Militibus omnibus aliis ad instans Parliamentum nostrum apud Westm Summonitum conventuris salutem Cum Nos ex certis caâ—sis sumus ad partes transmariâ—as profectâ—ri per quod ad primum diem dicti Parliâ—menti forte non poterimus interesse Nos in casu quod citra dictum diem non redeamus Leonello filio nostro carissimo ad inchoand Nomine nostro Parliamentum praedictam ad faciend ea quae pro Nobis per Nos faciâ—ndâ— fuerint usque adventum nostrum ibidem plenam tenore praesentiuâ—â— committimus potestatem Et ideo Vobis mandamus quod eidem filio nostro intendentes sitis in praemissis in forma praedicta In cujus rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri â—ecimus patentes Teste mâ—ipso apud Turrim London 20. die Januarii Anno Regni nostri Angliâ—â— 24. Regni vero nostri Franciae undecimo Per ipsum Regem The third is thus recorded in the Parliament Roll of 51. E. 3. n. 1. with this Prologue Enle 15a sâ—int Hilar c. que fuist le primer jour de ce present Parlement trâ—z nobles pâ—issent Sir Richard Prince de Gales Duc de Cornwelle Couâ—te de Cestr. auxint les Prelets Seigneurs Justices Comenes auters que fuerent venuz per Sommons de ce present Parlement sesemblerent en le palayes de Westm. en le Chambre de peinte illoeques en lour presence le dit Prince alos seent in my lieu de uly Cestassavâ—ir en la place du Roy mesâ—es nostre le dit Seigâ—ieur le Roy esteant meismes benemont venier en sa proper persone envoy ast en dit Parlement returnes ses Literes patents â—oâ—z son grant Seale enseales en la form que ensuant Edwardus Dei gratia c. Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Prioribus Ducibus Comitibus Baronibus militibus omnibus aliis in instanti Parliamento conventuris salutem Cum ex certis cansu sumâ—s ad prâ—â—sâ—ns praepâ—diti ita quod ad primum diem Parliamenti praedicti ad locum praedictum personaliter non poterimâ—s interesse de circumspectionis industriae magnitudine carissimi filii nostri Ricardi Principis Wallia Duciâ— Cornubiae Comitis Cestr plenam fiduâ—iam reportantes eidem filio nostro ad Parliamentum praedictum nostro nomine inchoand ad faciend 〈◊〉 quae pro Nobis per â—os ibidem faciend fuâ—runt plenâ—â—m tenorsâ— praesentium committimus poâ—estatâ—m Et ideo vobis mandamus quod eidem Principi intendentes fitis in praemissis in forma praedicta In cujus Rei c. Teste meipso apud Havering 26. die Jan. Anno Regni nostri Aâ—gliae 51. Franciae 38. The fourth is thus entred Rot. Parl. An. 1. H. 6. n. 1. Fait assavoir 〈◊〉 commâ—ncâ—ment del Parlement tenuz le Lundy prochein de â—aâ—t le feste de Seint Martyn I'aâ— del
Faith Homage Allegiance they owe unto the King to appear in proper person in their Parliaments and that with a Quanunque excusationâ— cessant◠〈◊〉 salvationem Regni nostri Ecclesiae Anglicanae expeditionem dictorum negotiorum diligitis Nullatenus omittatis c. as the Writs enjoyn them And the Writs de Expensis Militum Burgensium levandis issued only after each Parliament ended not before allowing every Knight Citizen Burgesse and Baron of the Ports his wages In Ueniendo Morando et Redeundo both in coming to continuing at and returning from the Parliament when dissolved forfeited by his departure thence without special license It must needs be the highest contempt against the Kings authority the greatest injury affront to the persons summoned and those for whom they serve as Trustees or Attornies the most audacious apparent violation of the Priviledges and Freedome of Parliaments for any person or persons whatsoever by meer armed force or other Machiavillian practises to suspend or seclude any Lord or other Member duly summoned elected retorned from sitting voting and discharging his trust in the Parliament House Which the King and all his loyal subjects are bound in publick Justice carefully to prevent as is evident not only by the forecited passages and Records p. 27. 28 177. 219. to 222. but by these two memorable Writs and Patents purposely issued for this purpose in the case of the Archbishop of York There happening many differences between the Archbishops of Canterbury and York in former times about carrying up their Crosses before them in one anothers Provinces when summoned to Councils and Parliaments to the great disturbance of the publick peace and proceedings in Parliament oft interrupted prorogued adjourned by this meanes and their absenting themselves from them when summond out of their own Provinces the Parliament at York as some others before it being adjourned upon this occasion Anno. 6. E. 3. as the Writ of Prorogation to the Archbishop of Canterbury Claus. 6. E. 3. m. 4. dorso recites hereupon the King to prevent the like inconveniencies and Archbishops absence issued this special writ to the Archbishop of Canterbury not to prejudice or interrupt the Archbishop of York or his servants for carrying his Crosse before him within his Province nor to enforce them to lay it down in coming to continuing at and returning from this Parliament at Westminster to which he was summoned Rex Venerabili in Christo Patri eadem gratia Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi totius Angliae Primati Salutem Cum dudum tempore celebris memoriae Domini Edwardi nuper Regis Angliae patris nostri inter tunc Archiepiscopum Cantuar. praedecessorem vestrum Venerabilem Patrem Willielmum Archiepiscopum Ebor-Angliae Primatem pro malis dissensâ—onibus quae saepius ex bajulatione Crucis Praedecessorum vestrorum in Eboracensi Provincia Cruciâ— Archiepiscoporum Eborum in Provincia Cantuariensi oriebantur sedandis pacificandis fuisset in praesentia ipsius Paâ—ris nostri Praelatorum aliorum Magnatum de Regno nostro plurimorum ut pro certo dedicimus ordinatum Quod praefatus Praedecessor vester successores sui ad Parliamenta Tractatus dicti Patris nostri Haeredum suorum quae infra dictam Ebor. Provinciam teneri contigerint praefatus Eboracensis Archiepiscopus ipsius successores ad hujusmodi Parliamenta Tractatus infra dictam Camuar Provinciam tenenda ad mandatum ipsius Patris nostri haeredum suorum venientes Cruces suas ante se erectas portarent absque perturbatione inibi facienda NE REGIA ET COMMUNIA REGNI N. GOTIA EA OCCASIONE IMPEDIENTUR ac praefatus Archiepiscopus Eborum ad Parliamentum nostrum quod apud Westmon in crastino Nativitatis Mariae Virginis prox futur tenere ordinavimus ad tractandum Nobiscum ac cum Praelatis Magnatibus Regni nostri super diversis arduis negotiis Nos Statum Regni nostri contingentibus jam de mandato nostro sit venturus Nos nolentes nostra Regni nostri negotia occasione dissensionum hujusmodi aliqualiter retardari sed volentes concordiam praedictam quantum ad Nos attinet firmiter observari Vobis injungendo mandamuâ— quod eidem Archiepiscopo Eborum seu hominibus suis super bajulatione Crucis ejusdem Archiepiscopi ante se infra vestram Provinciam in veniendo ad dictum Parliamentum ibidem moran do exinde ad propria redeundo non inferatis seuper alios inferri vel procurari aliqualiter faciatis dampnum vituperium impedimentum aliquod seu gravamen contra formam concordiae memoratae Teste Rege apud Kyderminster xviil die Augusti Anno Regni sui sexio And lest any others by the Archbishop of Canterburies instigation and menaces of excommunication should instigate any Officers or others as his Predecessors had done to interrupt the Archbishop of York or his servants and deny them meat drink or lodging for their monies for carrying his Crosse erected before him within the Province of Canterbury the King directed this special Inhibition and Mandate to them of the same tenour and date with the Writ to the Archbishop by these Letters Patents Rex Vicecomitibus Majoribus Ballivis omnibus aliis fidelibus suis tam infra libertates quam extra ad quos c. salutem Cum Venerabilis Pater Willielmus Archiepiscopus Ebor. Angliae Primas ad Parliamentum nostrum quod apud Westm. in crastino Nativitatis beatae Mariae Virginis prox futur tenere ordinavimus de mandato nostro sit venturus Vobis mandumus quod eidâ—m Archiepiscopo aut hominibus suis in personis aut rebus eorum super bajulatione Crucis ipsius Archiepiscopi ante se in veniendo ad dictum Parliamentum nostrum ibidem morando exinde ad propria redeundo non inferatis seu quantum in vobis est ab aliis inferri permittatis dampnum impedimentum aliquod seu gravamen sed eis potius salvum securum conductum cum per destrictum vestrorum local transitum fecerint suis sumptibus habere faciatis quotiens quando per ipsos seu eorum aliquoâ— super hoc ex parte nostra fueritis requisiti In cujus rei c. has literas fieri fecimus Patentes usque ad festum Omnium Sanctorum prox futur duraturas Teste Rege apud Kyderminster 18. die Augusti Anno Regni sui sexto Per Breve de Privato Sigillo If our Kings had then so great a care that neither of these two Prelates nor their successors nor any other of his officers or subjects by their instigation should interrupt or disturbe each other about this great controversie of Crosse-bearing within each others Province in coming to residing at or returning to any Parliaments to which our Kings and their heires should legally summon them nor seclude each other from sitting in them upon any pretence or difference between them Then by the self same reason
fear and well expect by way of divine and human retaliation that their very New erected House of Lords when once established having the power of Judicature if not of the Army in them to preserve themselves from the like Usurpations of the Commons over them in after ages will upon the first opportunity Vote down by this their president the whole House of Commons and quite suppresse it for the future as Vselesse dangerous factious Tumulâ—uous seditious arbitrary Tyrannicall oppressive to the people degenerated from its ancient duty bounds moderation as not only some of our late Kings but of those new intended Lords have publickly branded proclaimed it to be in late printed Declarations and constitute all future Parliaments only of a House of Lords and Great men of the Realme assisted with the Counsell and Iustices without any Knights Citizens Burgesses Barons of Ports or House of Commons according to all ancient long continued Presidents in former ages before 49. H. 3. when for ought appeares the Commons were first admitted and called unto Parliaments out of meer grace by the Kings Writs Or at least the disinherited ancient Nobility in case they regain their pristine Rights of Session Judicature in Parliament without the Commons assistance of which there is no absolute future improbability may by way of Justice and retaliation set the Commons House quite aside for their late transcendent breaches abuses of their Trusts towards them in secluding and voting them quite down against their Writs Indentures Duties Oathes by which they have legally forfeited all their Priviledges and right of Parliamentary session according to this received Maxime in all Lawes Privilegium amittat qui improbabili temeritate quod non accepit usurpat sua authoritate non legitime utitur sed abutitur potestate Which weighty consideration though seconded with none else should engage all Commoners to pursue the golden rule precept of Christ himself as well in point of prudence conscience Justice as morality towards the old Lords Matth. 7. 12. Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you do ye even so to them for this is the Law and the Prophets For with the same measure that ye meat withall it shall be measured to you again as Luk. 6. 38. Iudg. 1. 6. 7. Psal. 137. 8. Rev. 13. 10. c. 16. 5. 6. Ezek. 35 10. 11. 14. 15. Obad. 15. 16. Ioel. 3. 6. 7. 8. Gen. 9. 6. Mat. 26. 52. Iam. 2. 13. do all infallibly resolve us as well as late experiments 21. That the first and principle things specified in the Writs of summons as the prime ends for which Parliaments are summoned is to debate and consult of quaedam specialia ardua negotia Nos et Statum regni nostri et etiam Iura Salvationem et Defensionem Coronae nostrae Regiae as well as Regni nostri et Ecclesie Anglicanae specialiter intime contingentibâ—s And all Knights Citizens Burgesses Barons of Ports elected returned to serve in Parliament in the Commons House receive plenam sufficientem potestatem pro se et Communitate Comitatuum Civitatum Burgorum et Portuum from those Commonalties who elect them only ad faciendum consentiendum his quae tunc ibidem de communi Consilio Comitum Baronum or dicti Regni nostri contigerit ordinari super Negotiis antedictis quod hoc breve or prout breve illud in se exigit requirit as the express words of the Sheriffs returns and their Indentures evidence Therefore their enacting any thing by themselves alone without the Earls Barons and Lords House or Majoritie of their Fellow Commoners or against their Counsell Votes advice to the prejudice destruction subversion of the Kings Person State Kingdom and the Prerogative Rights of his Royal Crown and Dignity which they were purposely summoned by the King and authorized intrusted only by their Electors Commonalties people to preserve support and defend and to do and consent to nothing else inconsistent with or repugnant to these ends is the highest prevarication treacherie violation of their Trusts Duties that can possibly be imagined deserving the most exemplarie punishments And those Republicans who lately acted in this kind to the destruction of the King kingdom the prerogatives Rights of the Crown Parliament Lords and Monarchie of England upon this pretext that they were intrusted impowred thus to doe by the people and those who did elect them are the most notorious Impostors Prevaricators Infringers Peruerters Falsifiers of their trusts and power in this kinde that ever England yet produced as all the forecited Writs compared with their their retorns unanimously resolve against their false absurd pretences to the contrarie wherewith they have endeavoured to blinde and cheat the people in whom they verbally voted placed the Soveraign power only by this forged hypocritical pretext actually to usurp appropriate it to themselves as their Trustees and Representatives presently thereupon in all their new published Knacks Papers intitling themselves alone not the people the SUPREAM AUTHORITY OF THE NATION making the people greater Slaves and Uassalls to them in respect of their Lawes Lives Members Liberties Freeholds Franchises Properties Estates than ever they were in any age under Beheaded King Charles or the worst of all our Kings and Lords who never acted half so arbitrarily tyrannically in everie kinde as they their Committees High Courts of Iustice Counsils of State Major Generals Excise-men and other Officers have done since their late Exorbitant Anti-parliamentary Vsurpations Innovations Proceedings under the disguise and Notion of the Parliament of England without A KING HOUSE OF LORDS or the secluded MAIORITY OF THE COMMONS HOUSE it self the forced absence seclusion of all and everie of which 3. made them no real Parliament at all but an Anti-Parliamentary Conventicle and all their miâ—intitled Acts Ordinances meer Nullities both in Law and Conscience fit to be enternally exploded by the whole English Nation and all future new Parliaments to prevent the like pernicious Extravagances in after ages which have involved us in so manie various Miseries Warrs Perplexities Fears Dangers Oppressions Factions Troubles Changes Unsettlements and Confusions which without Gods insinite mercie presage nought else but total and final Desolation both to our Church State and Nations Our Law-books resolve the Parliament to be a Corporation consisting of the King as thief head the Lords as the Superior and the Commons as inferior Members who ought mutually to preserve each others interests and unite their counsells for the publike good without any seisure or encroachment upon one another For as there is nothing but giddiness torture distemper consumption restlesness sickness inactivity maimedness confusion in the body natural whiles the head or chief joints bones parts of it are inverted dislocated fractured severed and kept out of joynt and no other means left when thus distorted to restore it to rest health soundness activitie and prevent its dissolution by