with a windy c. a cheveral word which might be stretched as men would measure it Of this c. which has made so much noise in the world I shall now say nothing Somewhat is here subjoyn'd by our Author in 〈◊〉 thereof the rest made up by the Observator Only I shall make bold to ask him why he observ'd not this c. when the Oath was first under consideration or why he signified not his dissent when it came to the vote and shewed some reasons which might move him to object against it It had been fitter for a wise and judicious man to signifie his dislike of any thing when it might be mended then to joyn with others in condemning it when it was past remedy But Mala mâ—ns malus animus as the saying is The Convocation had no ill intent in it when they passed it so though some few out of their perverseness and corrupt affections were willing to put their own sense on it and spoil an honest-meaning Text with a factious Gloss. But let us follow our Author as he leads the way and we shall finde that Ibid. Some Bishops were very forward in pressing this Oath even before the time thereof For whereas a liberty was allowed to all to deliberate thereon until the Feast of Michael the Arch-angel some presently pressed the Ministers of their Diocesses for the taking thereof It seems by this that our Author was so far from taking notice of any thing done in the Convocation when the Canon for the Oath was framed that he never so much as looked into the Canon it self since the Book came out He had not else dâ—eamt of a liberty of Deliberation till the Feast of St. Michael the Arch-angel which I am sure the Canon gives not The Synod did indeed decree that all Archbishop and Bishops and all other Priests and Deacons in places exempt or not exempt should before the second day of November next ensuing take the following Oath against all innovation of Doctrine or Discipline By which we see that the Oath was to be given and taken before the second of November but no such thing as Liberty of Deliberation till the Feast of St. Michael And therefore if some Bishops did press the Clergy of their several and respective Diocesses assoon as they returned home from the Convocation they might well doe it by the Canon without making any such Essay of their Activity if providence as our Author most wisely words it had not prevented them If any of the Bishops did require their Clergy to take the Oath upon their knees as he says they did though it be more then was directed by the Canon yet I conceive that no wise man would scruple at it considering the gravity and greatness of the business which he was about But then Ibid. The Exception of Exceptions was because they were generally condemned as illegally passed to the prejudice of the fundamental Liberty of the Subject whereof we shall hear enough in the next Parliament Not generally condemned either as illegally passed or as tending to prejudice of the Subjects Rights I am sure of that Scarse so much as condemned by any for those respects but by such whom it concern'd for carrying on of their Designs to weaken the Authority of the Church and advance their own But because our Author tells us that we shall finde enough of this in the following Parliament we are to follow him to that Parliament for our satisfaction And there we finde that Mr. Maynard made a Speech in the Committee of Lords against the Canons made by the Bishops in the last Convocation in which he endeavoured to prove that the Clergy had no power to make Canons without common consent in Parliament because in the Saxon times Laws and Constitutions Ecclesiastical had the confirmation of Peers and sometimes of the People to which great Councels our Parliaments do succeed Which Argument if it be of force to prove That the Clergy can make no Canons without consent of the Peers and people in Parliament it must prove also that the Peers and People can make no Statutes without consent of the Clergy in their Convocation My reason is because such Councels in the times of the Saxons were mixt Assemblies consisting as well of Laicks as of Ecclesâ—asticks and the matters there concluded on of a mixt nature also Laws being passed as commonly in them in order to the good governance of the Common-wealth as Canons for the Regulating such things as concern'd Religion But these great Councels of the Saxons being divided into two parts in the times ensuing the Clergy did their work by themselves without any confirmation from the King or Parliament till the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the eighth And if the Parliaments did succeed in the place of those great Councels as he sayes they did it was because that antiently the Procurators of the Clergy not the Bishops only had their place in Parliament though neither Peers nor People voted in the Convocations Which being so it is not much to be admired that there was some checking as is said in the second Argument about the disuse of the general making of such Church Laws But checking or repining at the proceeding of any superior Court makes not the Acts thereof illegal For if it did the Acts of Parliaments themselves would be reputed of no force or illegally made because the Clergy for a long time have checkt and think they have good cause to check for theiâ— being excluded Which checking of the Commons apâ—ears not only in thosâ— antiâ—nt Authors which the Gentleman cited but in the Remonstrance tendred by them to King Henry the Eighth exemplified at large in these Animadversions lib. 3. n. 61. But because this being a Record of the Convocation may not come within the walk of a common Lawyer I shall put him in minde of that memorable passage in the Parliament 51. Edw. 3. which in brief was this The Commons fâ—nding themselves aggrieved as well with certain Constitutions made by the Clergy in their Synods as with some Laws or Ordinances which were lately passed more to the advantage of the Clergy then the common people put in a Bill to this effect viz. That no Act nor Ordinâ—nce should from thenceforth be made or granted on the Petition of the said Clergy without the consent of the Commons and that the said Commons should not be bound in times to come by any Constitutions made by the Clergy of this Realm for their own advantage to which the Commons of this Realm had not given consent The reason of which is this and 't is worth the marking Car eux ne veulent estre obligez a nul de vos Estatuz ne Ordinances faitz sanz leur Assent because the said Clergy did not think themselves bound as indeed they were not in those times by any Statute Act or Ordinance made without their Assent in the Court of Parliament
hundred thousand pound which the King desired to borrow of them upon good security so peny wise and so pound foolish was that stubborn City Fol. 107. Which we shall refer to the subsequent time and place fitting But of those in their due place hereafter Our Author had found fault with the Observator for saying that the King had not done well in excluding the Bishops from their Votes in Parliament and that there was some strange improvidence in his Message from York June 17. where he reckons himself as one of the three Estates a Member of the House of Peers But why he thus condemneth the Observator we must seek elsewhere which is a kinde of Hallifax Law to hang him first and afterwards to put him upon his Tryal Seek then we must and we have sought as he commandeth in subsequent time and place fitting in their due place hereafter as the phrase is varied But neither in the latter end of the year 1641. when the Bishops were deprived of their Votes in Parliament nor in all the time of the Kings being at York Anno 1642. can we finde one word which relates to either of those points In which our Author deals with the Observator as some great Criticks do with their Authors who when they fall on any hard place in Holy Scripture or any of the old Poets or Philosophers which they cannot master adjourn the explication of it to some other place where they shall have an opportunity to consider of both Texts together Not that they ever mean to touch upon it but in a hope that either the Reader will be so negligent as not to be mindeful of the promise or else so charitable as to think it rather a forgetfulness then an inability in the undertaker Fol. 115. To these he was questioned by a Committee and in reason â—ustly sentenced The party here spoken of is Doctor Manwaring then Vicar of the Parish of St. Giles in the Fields his Crime the preaching of two Sermons in which he had maintained that the King might impose Taxes and Subsidies on the Subject without consent in Parliament and that the people were bound to pay them under pain of Damnation his Sentence amongst other things that he should be Imprisoned during the pleasure of the Parliament pay a thousand pound Fine unto the King and be made uncapable of all Ecclesiastical Preferments for the time to come which heavy Sentence our Author thinks to have been very justly inflicted on him though the Doctor spake no more in the Pulpit then Serjeant 〈◊〉 in Queen Elizabeths time had spoke in Parliament By whom it was affirmed in the Parliament of the 43 of that Queen that He marvell'd the House stood either at the granting of a Subsidy or time of payment when all we have is her Majesties and she may lawfully at her pleasure take it from us and that she had as much right to all our Lands and Goods as to any Revenue of the Crown and that he had presidents to prove it For which see the Book called The Free-holders grand Inquest pag. 62. But some may better steal a Horse then others look on as the saying is the Serjeant being never questioned and the poor Doctor sentenced and justly as our Author makes it to an absolute ruine if the King had not been more merciful to him then the Commons were From Dr. Manwaring our Author proceeds to the Observator for saying that Doctrinal matters delivered in the Pulpit are more proper for the cognizance of the Convocation or the High Commission then the House of Commons which though it may consist most times of the wisest Men yet it consists not many times of the greatest Clerks For saith he Fol. 116. That the Preacher is Jure Divino not to be censured but by themselves smells of the Presbyter or Papist But Sir by your good leave neither the Presbyter nor the Papist stand accused by our Orthodox Writers for not submitting themselves their Doctrines and Opinions to the power of Parliaments who neither have nor can pretend to any Authority in those particulars That which they stand accused for is that they acknowledge not the King to be the supream Governor over all persons in all causes as well Ecclesiastical as Civil within his Dominions and consequently decline his Judgement as incompetent when they are called to answer unto any charge which is reducible to an Ecclesiastical or Spiritual nature How stiff the Papists are in this point is known well enough by their refusing to take the Oath of Supremacy And for the peremptoriness of the Presbyterians take this story with you One David Blake at a Sermon preached at St. Andrews in the time of King Iames had cast forth divers Speeches full of spight against the King the Queen the Lords of Councel and Session and among the rest had called the Queen of England an Atheist a Woman of no Religion For which being complained of by the English Ambassador he was cited to appear before the King and his Councel on the tenth of November Aâ—no 1596. Which being made known to the Commissioners of the last general Assembly it was concluded that if he should submit his Doctrine to the Tryal of the Councel the liberties of the Church and Spiritual Government of the House of God would be quite subverted and therefore that in any case a Declinator should be used and Protestation made against these Proceedings This though it was opposed by some moderate men yet it was carried by the rest who cryed out it was the cause of God to which they ought to stand at all hazards thereupon a Declinaâ—or was formed to this effect That howbeit the Conscience of his Innocency did uphold him sufficiently against the Calumnies of whomsoever and that he was ready to defend the Doctrine uttered by him whether in opening the Words or in Application yet seeing he was brought thither to be judged by his Majesty and Councel for his Doctrine and that his answering to the pretended Accusation might import a prejudice to the Liberties of the Church and be taken for an acknowledgement of his Majesties Iurisdiction in matters meerly Spiritual he was constrained in all humility to decline â—udicatory Which Declinator being subscrib'd by the Commissioners and delivered by Blake he referred himself to the Presbytery as his proper Iudges And being interrogated whether the King might not judge of Treason as well as the Church did in matters of Heresie iâ— said That speeches delivered 〈◊〉 Pulpiâ—s albert alledged to be 〈…〉 could not be judged by the King till the Church 〈…〉 therâ—of What became after of this 〈…〉 may â—inde it in Arch-Bishop Spotswoods History of the Church of Scotland Had Dr. Manwaring done thus and the Observator justified him in it they had both favored of the Presbyter or Papist there 's no question of it But being the Observator relates onely to the proceedings in Parliament and incroachments of the House of
have produc'd those arguments by which some shameless persons endeavoured to maintain both the conveniency and necessity of such common Brothel houses Had Bishop Iewel been alive and seen but half so much from Dr. Harding pleâ—ding in behalf of the common women permitted by the Pope in Rome he would have thought that to cal to him an Advocate for the Stews had not beeen enough But that Doctor was nor half so wise as our Author is and doth not fit each Argument with a several Antidâ—te as our Author doth hoping thereby by but vainly hoping that the arguments alleadged will be wash'd away Some of our late Criticks had a like Design in marking all the wanton and obscene Epigrams in Martial with a Hand or Asterism to the intent that young Scholars when they read that Author might be fore-warn'd to pass them over Whereas on the contrary it was found that too many young fellows or wanton wits as our Author calls them did ordinarily skip over the rest and pitch on those which were so mark't and set out unto them And much I fear that it will so fall out with our Author also whose Arguments will be studied and made use of when his Answers will not Fol. 253. Otherwise some suspect had he survived King Edward the sixth we might presently have heard of a King Henry the ninth Our Author speaks this of Henry Fitz Roy the Kings natural Son by Elizabeth Blunt and the great disturbance he might have wrought to the Kings two Daughters in their Succession to the Crown A Prince indeed whom his Father very highly cherished creating him Duke of Somerset and Richmond Earl of Nottingham and Earl Marshal of England and raising him to no small hopes of the Crown it self as appears plainly by the Statute 22 H. 8. c. 7. But whereas our Author speaks it on a supposition of his surviving King Edward the sixth he should have done well in the first place to have inform'd himself whether this Henry and Prince Edward were at any time alive together And if my Books speak true they were not Henry of Somerset and Richmond dying the 22. of Iuly Anno 1536. Prince Edward not being born till the 12. of October An. 1537. So that if our Author had been but as good at Law or Grammar as he is at Heraldry he would not have spoke of a Survivor-ship in such a case when the one person had been long dead before the other was born These incoherent Animadversions being thus passed over we now proceed to the Examination of our Authors Principles for weakning the Authority of the Church and subjecting it in all proceedings to the power of Parliaments Concerning which he had before given us two Rules Preparatory to the great business which we have in hand First that the proceedings of the Canon Law were subject in whatsoever touched temporals to secular Laws and National Customs And the Laitie at pleasure limited Canons in this behalf Lib. 3. n. 61. And secondly that the King by consent of Parliament directed the proceedings of the Ecclesiastical Court in cases of Heresie Lib. 4. n. 88. And if the Ecclesiastical power was thus curbed and feâ—â—ered when it was at the highest there is no question to be made but that it was much more obnoxious to the secular Courts when it began to sink in reputation and decline in strength How true and justifiable or rather how unjustifiable and false these two principles are we have shewn already and must now look into the rest which our Author in pursuance of the main Design hath presented to us But first we must take notice of another passage concerning the calling of Convocations or Synodical meetings formerly called by the two Archbishops in their several Provinces by their own sole and proper power as our Author grants fol. 190. to which he adds Fol. 190. But after the Statute of Praemunire was made which did much restrain the Papal power and subject it to the Laws of the Land when Archbishops called no more Convocations by their sole and absolute command but at the pleasure of the King In which I must confess my self to be much unsatisfied though I finde the same position in some other Authors My reasons two 1. Because there is nothing in the Statute of Praemunire to restrain the Archbishops from calling these meetings as before that Act extending only to such as purchase or pursue or cause to be purchased or pursued in the Court of Rome or elsewhere any such translatations Processes Sentences of Excommunication Bulls Instruments or any other things whatsoever which touch the King against him his Crown and his Regality or his Realm or to such as bring within the Realm or them receive or make thereof notification or any other Execution whatsoever within the same Realm or without c. And 2. because I finde in the Statute of the submission of the Clergy that it was recognized and acknowledged by the Clergie in their Convocation that the Convocation of the said Clergie is always hath been and ought to be assembled always by the Kings Writ And if they had been always call'd by the Kings Writ then certainly before the Statute of Praemunire for that the whole Clergy in their Convocation should publickly declare and avow a notorious falsehood especially in a matter of fact is not a thing to be imagined I must confess my self to be at a loss in this intricate Labyrinth unless perhaps there were some critical difference in those elder times between a Synod and a Convocation the first being call'd by the Archbishops in their several and respective Provinces as the necessities of the Church the other only by the King as his occasions and affairs did require the same But whether this were so or not is not much material as the case now stands the Clergie not assembling since the 25 of King Henry the eighth but as they are convocated and convened by the Kings wâ—it only I only adde that the time and year of this submission is mistook by our Author who plâ—ceth it in 1533. whereas indeed the Clergy made this acknowledgement and submission in their Convocation Anno 1532. though it pass'd not into an Act or Statute till the year next following Well then suppose the Clergy call'd by the Kings Authority and all their Acts and Constitutions ratiâ—ied by the Râ—yal assent are they of force to binde the Subject to submit and conform unto them Not if our Author may be judge for he tels us plainly Fol. 191. That even such Convocations with the Royal assent subject not any for recusancy to obey their Canons to a civil penalty in person or property untill confirmed by 〈◊〉 of Parliament I marvel where our Author took up this opinion which he neither finds in the Registers of Convocation or Records of Parliament Himself hath told us fol. 190. that such Canons and Constitutions as were concluded on in Synods or Convocations before the
passing of the Statute of Praemunire were without any further Ratification obligatory to all subjected to their jurisdiction And he hath told us also of such Convocations as had been called between the passing of the Statute of Praemunire and the Act for Submission that they made Canons whiche were binding although none other then Synodical Authority did confirme the same Upon whiâ—â—â—remisses I shall not fear to raise this Syllogism viz That power which the Clergy had in their Convocations before their submission to the King to binde the subject by their Canons and Constitutions without any further Ratification then own Synodicall Authority the same they had when the Kings power signified in his Royal assent was added to them but the Clergy by our Authors own confession had power in their Convocations before their submission to the King to binde the Subject by their Canons and Constitutions without any further ratification then their own Synodical Authority Ergo they had the same power to binde the Subjects when the Kings power signified by the Royal assent was added to them The Minor being granted by our Author as before is shewed the Major is only to be proved And for the proof hereof I am to put the Reader in minde of a Petition or Remonstrance exhibited to the King by the House of Commons Anno 1532. in which they shewed themselves agrieved that the Clergy of this Realm should act Authoritatively and Supremely in the Convocations and they in Parliament do nothing but as it was confirmed and ratified by the Royal assent By which it seems that there was nothing then desired by the House 〈◊〉 â—ommons but that the Convocation should be brought down to the same level with the Houses of Parliament and that their Acts and Constitutions should not binde the Subject as before in their Goods and Possessions untill they were confirmed and ratified by the Regal power The Answer unto which Remonstrance being drawn up by Dr. Gardiner then newly made Bishop of Winchester and allowed of by both Houses of Convocation was by them presented to the King But the King not satisfied with this Answer â—â—solves to bring them to his bent leâ—t else perhaps they might have acted something to the hindrance of his divorce which was at that time in agitation and therefore on the 10 of May he sends a paper to them by Dr. Fox after Bishop of Hereford in which it was peremptorily required That no Constitution or Ordinance shall be hereafter by the Clergy Enacted Promulged or put in Execution unlesse the Kings Highness do approve the same by his high Authority and Royal assent and his advice and favour be also interponed for the execution of every such constitution among his Highnesse Subjects And though the Clergy on the receipt of this paper remov'd first to the Chappel of St. Katherines and after unto that of St. Dunstan to consult about it yet found they no Saint able to inspiâ—e them with a resolution contrary to the Kings desires and therefore upon the Wednesday following being the 15 of the same Moneth they made their absolute submission binding themselves in Verbo Sacerdotii not to make or execute any Canons or other Synodical Constitutions but as they were from time to time enabled by the Kings Authority But this submission being made unto the King in his single person and not as in conjunction with his Houses of Parliament could neither bring the Convocation under the command of Parliaments nor render them obnoxious to the power thereof as indeed it did not But to the contrary hereof it is said by our Author that Fol. 194. He viz. the King by the advice and consent of his Clergy in Convocation and great Councel in Parliament resolved to reform the Church under his inspection from grosse abuses crept into it To this I need no other Answer then our Author himself who though in this place he makes the Parliament to be joyned in Commission with the Convocation as if a joynt Agent in that great business of Reforming the Church yet in another place he tels us another tale For fol. 188. it will appear saith he and I can tell from whom he saith it upon serious examination that there was nothing done in the Reformation of Religion save what was acted by the Clergy in their Convocations or grounded on some Act of theirs precedent to it with the Advice Counsel and Consent of the Bishops and most eminent Churchmen confirmed upon the Postfact and not otherwise by the Civill Sanction according to the usage of the best and happiest times of Christianity So then the Reformation of the Church was acted chiefly by the King with the advice of the Clergy in their Convocation the confirmation on the post-fact by the King in Parliament and that by his leave not in all the Acts and Particulars of it but in some few only for which consult the Tract entituled The Way and Manner of the Reformation of the Church of England Now as our Author makes the Parliament a joynt Assistant with the King in the Reformation so he conferreth on Parliaments the supreme Power of ratifying and confirming all Synodicall Acts. Fol. 199. The Parliament saith he did notifie and declare that Ecclesiasticall power to be in the King which the Pope had formerly unjustly invaded Yet so that they reserved to themselves the confirming power of all Canons Ecclesiastical so that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament But certainly there â—is no such matter in that Act of Parliament in which the submission of the Clergy and the Authority of the King grounded thereupon is notified and recorded to succeeding times nor any such reservation to themselves of a confirming power as our Author speaks of in any Act of Parliament I can knowingly and boldly say it from that time to this Had there been any such Priviledge any such Reservation as is here declared their power in confirming Ecclesiastical Canons had been Lord Paramount to the Kings who could have acted nothing in it but as he was enabled by his Houses of Parliament Nor is this only a new and unheard of Paradox an Heterodoxie as I may call it in point of Law but plainly contrary to the practice of the Kings of England from that time to this there being no Synodical Canons or Constitutions I dare as boldly say this too confirmed in Parliament or any otherwise ratified then by the superadding of the Royal assent For proof whereof look we no further then the Canons of 603 and 640 confirmed by the two Kings respectively and without any other Authority concurring with them in these following words viz. We have therefore for Us our Heirs and lawful Successors of our especial Grace certain knowledge and meer motion given and by these pâ—esents do give our Royal assent according to the foâ—m of the said Statute or Act of Parliament aforesaid to all and every of
resolved to joyn them with the rest of his members Fryers Monks and Cardinals and our Author being a great favourer of the Presbyterians must not take notice of this scandal especially considering that Papacy and Praelacy are joyn'd together in the language of the present times and therefore fit to go together in this Annotation Fol. 68. In this Parliament Dr. Harsnet Bishop of Chichester gave offence in a Sermon preached at Court pressing the word Reddite Caesari quae sunt Caesaris as if all that was levied by Subsidies or paid by Custom to the Crown was but a redditum of what was the Kings before This Parâ—â—ament is placâ—â— by our Author in the year 1613. but 〈◊〉 Parliament in the sitting whereof Bishop Haâ—â—â—et 〈◊〉 the Sermon above mentioned was held by Proâ—ogation in the year 1609. and afterwards dissolved by Proclâ—mation in December of the year next following Concerning which Sermon King Iames gives this account to the Lords and Commons assembled before him at White-hall March 23. and therefore sâ—ith he That Reverend Bâ—shop here amongst you though I hear by divers he was miâ—â—aken or not well understood yet did he preach both learnedly and 〈◊〉 ancient this point concerning the power oâ— a King for what he spake of a Kings power in abstracto is most true in Divinity for to Emperors or Kings that are Monarchs their Subjects bodies and goods are due for their defence and maintenance But if I had been in his place I would only have added two words which would have cleared all for after I had told as a Divine what was due by the Subjects to their Kings in general I would then have concluded as an English man shewing this people that as in general all subâ—ects were bound to relieve their King so to exhort them that as we lived in a setled state of a Kingdom that was governed by his own fundamental Laws and Orders that according thereunto they were now being assembled for this purpose in Parliament to consider how to help such a King as now they had and that according to the antient form and order established in this Kingdom putting so a difference between the general power of a King in Divinity and the setled and established state of this Crown and Kingdom and I am sure that the Bishop meant to have have done the same if he had not been straiâ—ned by time which in respect of the greatness of the present Preaching befoâ—e us and such an Auditory he durst not presume upon 〈◊〉 that the doctrine of the Bishop being thus justified and explained by King Iames and the Parliament continuing undissolved till December following we have no reason to believe that the Parliament was dissolved upon this occasion and much less on the occasion of some words spoken in that Parliament by Bishop 〈◊〉 of which thus our Author Ibid. Likewise Dr. Neile Bishop of Rochester uttered words in the House of Lords interpreted to the disparagement of some reputed zealous Patriot in the House of Commons â— In this passage I have many things to excepâ— against As 1. That this Patriot is not nam'd to whoâ—e disparagement the words are pretended to be uttered And 2. that the words themselves are not here laid down and yet are made to be so hainously taken that to sâ—ve the Bishop from the storm which was coming â—owards him the King should principally be occasion'd to â—â—ssolve that Parliament 3. That Dr. Neile is here call'd Bishop of Rochester whom twice before viz. sel. 64. 67. he makes to be Bishop of Coventry and Leiâ—hfield And 4. That the words here intimated should be spoken in Parliament Anno 1613. whereas by giving Dr. Neile the Title of Rochester it should rather be referred to the Parliament holden by prorogation till the last of December Anno 1610. when it was dissolved and then dissolved as appears by the Kings Proclamation for not supplying his necessities and other reasons there expressed whereof this was none Fol. 70. Some conceive that in revengâ— Mr. John Selden soon after set forth his Book of Tithes wherein he Historically proveth that they were payable jure humano and not â—therwise Whether the acting of the Comedy called Ignoramus might move Mr. Selden at the first to take this revenge I enquire not here though it be probable it might that Comedy being acted before King Iames Anno 1614. and this Book coming out about two years after Anno 1616. But here I shall observe in the first place our Authors partiality in telling us that Mr. Selden in that book hath proved Historically that Tithes are payable 〈◊〉 humano and not otherwise whereas indeed he undertook to prove that point but proved it not as will â—ppear to any which have read the Answers set out against him I observe secondly our Authors ignorance in the Book it self telling us within few lines after that the first part of it is a meer Iew of the practice of Tithing amongst the Hebrews the second a Christian and chiefly an English man whereas indeed that part thereof which precedes the manner of Tithing amongst Christians hath as much of the Gentil as of the Iew as much time spent upon examining of the Tithes paid by the Greeks and Romans as was in that amongst the Hebrews Thirdly I must observe the prejudice which he hath put upon the Cause by telling us in the next place that though many Divines undertook the Answer of that Book yet sure it is that never a fiercer storm fell on all Parsonage Barn since the Reformation then what this Treatise raised up And so our Author leaves this matter without more ado telling us of the Churches danger but not acquainting us at all with her deliverance from the present storm neither so violent not so great nor of such continuance as to blow off any one Tile or to blow aside so much as one Load of Corn from any Parsonage barn in England For though this History gave some Countrey Gentlemen occasion and matter of discourse against paying Tithes yet it gave none of them the audaciousness to deny the payment So safe and speedy a course was took to prevent the mischief which since our Author hath not told us as had he plaid the part of a good Historian he was bound to do I will do it for him No sooner was the Churches Patrimony thus called in question but it pleased God to stir up some industrious and learned men to undertake the answering of that History which at the first made so much noise amongst the people Dr. Tillesly Archdeacon of Rochester first appeared in the Lists managing that part of the Controversie which our Author cals a Christian and an English-man relating to old Chartularies and Infeodations The three first Chapters which Dr. Tillesly had omitted concerning the payment of Tithes by the Iews and Gentiles were solidly but very smartly examined and confuted by Mr. Mâ—ntague at that time Fellow of Eaton Colledge and afterwards Lord
Chappel of King Henry the seventh Had it not been for these and some other passages of this nature our Author might have lost the honoâ— of being took notice of for one of the Clerks of the Convocation and one not of the lowest fourm but passing for some of those wise men who began to be fearful of themselves and to be jealous of that power by which they were enabled to make new Canons How so Because it was feared by the judicious himself still for one lâ—st the Convocation whose power of medling with Church matters had been bridled up for many years before shâ—uld now enabled with such power over-act their parts especially in such dangerous and discontented times as it after followeth Whâ—ly fore-seen But then why did not WE that is to say our Author and the rest of those wise and judicious Persons fore-warn their weak and unadvised Brethren of the present danger or rather why did they go along with the rest for company and follow those who had before out-run the Canons by their additional Conformity How wise the rest were I am not able to say But certainly our Author shew'd himself no wiser then Walthams Calf who ran nine mile to suck a Bull and came home a thirst as the Proverb saith His running unto Oxford which cost him as much in seventeen weeks as he had spent in Cambridge in seventeen years was but a second Sally to the first Knight-Errantry Fol. 168. Next day the Convocation came together c. when contrary to general expectation it was motioned to improve the present opportunity in perfecting the new Canons which they had begun I have not heard of any such motion as our Author speaks of from any who were present at that time though I have diligently labour'd to inform my self in it Not is it probable that any such motion should be made as the case then stood The Parliament had been diâ—â—olv'd on Tuesday the 5 oâ— May. The Clergy met in Convocation on the morrow after expecting then to be dissolved and licenced to go home again But contrary to that general expectation in stead of hearing some news of his Majesties Writ for their dissolution there came an Order from the Archbishop to the Prolocutor to adjourn till Saturday And this was all the business which was done that day the Clergy generally being in no small amazement when they were required not to dissolve till further Ordeâ— Saturday being come what then A new Commission saith he was brought from his Majesty by vertue whereof WE were warranted still to sit not in the capacity of a Convocation but of a Synod I had thought our Author with his wise and judicious Friends had better hearkened to the â—enor of that Commission then to come out with such a gross and wilde absurdity as this is so fit for none as Sir Edward Deering â—nd for him only to make sport within the House of Commons At the beginning of the Convocation when the Prolocutor wâ—s admitted the Archbishop produc'd his Maâ—esâ—ies Commission under the Great Seal whereby the Clergy was enabled to consult treat of conclude such Canons as they conceiv'd most expedient to the peâ—ce of the Church and his 〈◊〉 service But this Commission being to expire with the end of the Parliament it became void of no effect assoon as the Parliament was dissolved Which being made known unto the King who was resolv'd the Convocation should continue and that the Clergy should go on in compleating those Canons which they had so happily began he caus'd a new Commission to be sent unto them in the same words and to the very same effect as the other was but that it was to continue durante beneplacito only as the other was not It follows next that Ibid. Dr. Brownrig Dr. Hacket Dr. Holdsworth c. with others to the number of thirty six earnestly protested against the continuance of the Convocation It 's possible enough that Dr. Brownrig now Lord Bishop of Excester Dr. Hacket and the rest of the thirty six our Author being of the Quorum in his own understanding of the word might be unsatisfied in the continuance of the Convocation because of some offence which as they conceiv'd would be taken at it But if they had protested and protested earnestly as our Author tells us the noise of so many Voâ—es concurring must needs be heard by all the rest which were then assembled from none of which I can leaâ—n any thing of this Protestation Or if they did protestâ—o â—o earnestly as he sayes they did why was not the Protestation reduced into writing subscâ—ibed wiâ—h their hands in due form of Law and so delivered to the Register to remain upon Record amongâ— the other Acts of that House for their indemnity Which not being done rendreth this Protest of theirs if any such Protest there were to signifie nothing but their dislike of the continuance But whereas our Author tells us that the whole â—ouse consisted but of six score persons it may be thought that he diminisheth the number of 〈◊〉 purpose to make his own party seem the greater For in the lower â—ouse of Convocation for the Province of Canterbury iâ— all paâ—ties summon'd do appear there are no fewer then two and twenty Deans four and twenty Prebendaries fifty four Archdeacons and forty four Cleâ—ks representing the Diocesan Clergy amounting in the total to an hundred foâ—ty four persons whereof the thirty six Protestors if so many they were make the fourth part only Howsoever all parties being not well satisfied with the lawfulness of their continuance his Majesty was advertis'd of it who upon conference with his Judâ—es and Councel learned in the Laws caus'd a short Writing to be dâ—wn and subscribed by their several hands in these following words viz. at White-hall May the 10. 1640. the Convocation being called by the Kings Writ is to continue till it be dissolved by the Kings Writ notwithstanding the dissolving of the Parliament Subscribed by Finch Lord Keeper Manchester Lord Privy Seal Littleton chief Justice of the Common Pleas Banks Attourney General Whitfield and Heath his Majeâ—â—iâ—s Serjeants Which writing an Instrument our Author calls it being communicated to the Clergy by the Lord Archbishop on the morrow after did so compose the mindes of all men that they went forwâ—â—ds very cheerfully with the work in hand the principal of those whom oâ—r Author calls Dissenters bringing in the Canon oâ— preaching for conformity being the eighth Canon in the Book as now they are plac'd which was received and allowed of as it came from his hand without alteration Howsoever our Author keeps himself to his former folly shutting up his extravagancie with this conclusion Fol 169. Thus was an old Convocation converted into a new Synod An expression borrowed from the speech of a witty Gentleman as he is called by the Author of the History of the Reign of King Charles and since by him declar'd to be the Lord George
But that which could not be obtain'd by this checking of the Commons in the declining and last times of King Edw. 3. was in some part effected by the more vigorous prosecution of King Hen. 8. who to satisfie the desires of the Commons in this particular and repress their checkings obtained from the Clergy that they should neither make nor execute any Canons without his consent as before is said so that the Kings power of confirming Canons was grounded on the free and voluntary submission of the Clergy and was not built as the third Argument obâ—ecteth on to weak a foundation as the Popes making Canons by his sole power the Pope not making Canons here nor putting his Rescripts and Letters decretory in the place of Canons but only as a remedy for some present exigency So that the Kings power in this particular not being built upon the Popes as he said it was it may well stand That Kings may make Canons without consent of Parliament though he saith they cannot But whereas it is argued in the fourth place that the clause in the Statute of Submission in which it is said that the Clergy shall not make Canons without the Kings leave doth not imply that by his leave alone they may make them I cannot think that he delivered this for Law and much less for Logick For had this been looked on formerly as a piece of Law the Parliaments would have check'd at it at some time or other and been as sensible of the Kings encroachments in executing this power without them as antiently some of them had been about the disuse of the like general consent in the making of them Fol. 180. In the next place our Author tells us that Mr. Maynard endevoured also to prove that these Canons were against the Kings Prerogative the Rights Liberties and Properties of the Subject And he saith well thâ—t it was endevoured to be proved and endeavoured only nothing amounting to a proof being to be found in that which follows It had before been voted by the House of Commons that the Commons are against fundamental Laws of this Realm against the Kings Prerogative propâ—â—â— of the Subject the Right of Parliament and do tend to faction and sedition and it was fit that some endeavours should be used to make good the Vote But this being but a general charge requires a general answer only and it shall be this Before the Canons weâ—e subscribed they were imparted to the King by the Archbishop of Canterbury and by the King communicated to the Lords of the Councel who calling to them the assistance of the Judges and some of the Kings Councel learned in the Laws of this Realm caus'd the said Canons to be read and considered of the King being then present By all which upon due and mature deliberation the Canons were approv'd and being so approv'd were sent back to the Clergy in the Convocation and by them subscribed And certainly it had been strange that they should pass the approbation of the Judges and learned Lawyers had they contained any thing against the fundamental Laws of the Land the property of the Subject and the Rights of Parliament or been approv'd of by the Lords of his Majesties Conncel had any thing been contained in them derogatory to the Kings Prerogative or tending to Faction and Sedition So that the foundation being ill laid the superstructures and objections which are built upon it may be easily shaken and thrown down To the first therefore it is answered that nothing hath been more ordinary in all former times then for the Canons of the Church to inflict penalties on such as shall disobey them exemplified in the late Canons of 603. many of which extend not only unto Excommunication but even to Degradation and Irregularity for which see Can. 38. 113. c. To the second That there is nothing in those Canons which determineth or limiteth the Kings Authority but much that makes for and defendeth the Right of the Subject for which the Convocation might rather have expected thanks then censure from ensuing Parliaments To the third That when the Canon did declare the Government of Kings to be founded on the Law of Nature it was not to condemn all other Governments as being unlawful but to commend that of Kings as being the best Nor can it Logically be infer'd that because the Kingly Government is not received in all places that therefore it ought not so to be or that the Goveâ—nment by this Canon should be the same in all places and in all alike because some Kings do and may lawfully pâ—t with many of 〈◊〉 Rights for the good of their Subjectâ— which others do 〈◊〉 may as lawfully retain unto themselves â—o the fourth That the Doctrine of Non-Resistance is 〈…〉 the words of St. Paul Rom. 〈…〉 condemn the Canon in that behalf 〈…〉 Word of God upon which it is 〈…〉 fifth and last That the Statute 〈…〉 that the dayes there mâ—ntion◠〈…〉 dayes and no other relâ—tes only to the 〈…〉 some other Festivals whiâ—h had been formerly 〈…〉 in the Realm of England and not to the 〈…〉 Church from ordâ—ining any other Holy 〈…〉 causes in the times to come Assuredly 〈…〉 Lawyer would have spoke more home 〈…〉 could the cause have born it Floquentâ—m 〈…〉 in the Oraâ—oâ—s language And therefore 〈…〉 on the heads of the Arguments â—s our 〈…〉 them to us I must needs think that they were 〈◊〉 fitted to the sense of the House then they were 〈…〉 own What influence these arguments might have on the House of Peers when reported by the Bishop of 〈◊〉 I am not able to affirm But â—o far I 〈…〉 our Author that they lost neither 〈…〉 came from his moâ—th who as our Author sayes 〈◊〉 back friend to the Canons because made 〈…〉 and durance in the Tower A piece of 〈…〉 I did not look for The power of 〈…〉 thus shaken and endangered that of 〈…〉 and the Bishops Courts was not 〈…〉 one being taken away by Act of 〈…〉 other much weaâ—ened in the 〈…〉 a clause in that Act of which 〈…〉 Fol. 182. Mr. 〈…〉 should so supinely suffer themselves to be surprised in their power And well might Mr. Pim triumph as having gain'd the point he aim'd at in subverting the coercive power and consequently the whole exercise of Ecclesiastical Jâ—risdiction But he had no reason to impute it to the â—inger of God or to the carelesness of the Bishops in suffeâ—ing themselves to be so supinely surpris'd For first â—e Bishops saw too plainly that those general words by which they were disabled from inflicting any pain or penalty would be extended to Suspension Excommunication and other Ecclesiastical censures But secondly they saw withall that the stream was too strong for them to â—ive against most of the Lords being wrought on by the popular party in the House of Commons to pass the Bill Thirdly they were not without hope that when the Scots Aâ—my was disbanded
it But for the Protestation which gave the first hint to those bold demands which afterwards were made by some of the Commons it was this that followeth The Protestaâ—ion of the Commoâ—s Iaâ— 19. 1621. THe Commons now assembled in Parliament being justly occasioned thereunto concernâ—â—◠〈…〉 Lâ—bâ—rties Franchises and Priviledges 〈…〉 among others here mentioned do 〈…〉 Protestation following That the Liberâ—â—◠〈…〉 Priviledges and Jurisdiction of Parliament are the Ancient and undoubted Birth-right and inheritance of the Subjects of England and that the arduous and urgent affaires concerning the King State and defence of the Realm and of the Church of England and the maintenance and making of Laws and redresse of mischief and grievances which daily happen within this Realm are proper subjects and matter of Counsel and debate in Parliament And that in the handling and proceeding of those businesses every member of Parliament hath and of right ought to have Freedom of Speech to propound treat reason and bring to conclusion the same And that the Commons in Parliament have likewise Liberty and freedom to treat of the matters in such order as in their judgements shall seem fittest And that every Member of the said house hath like Freedom from all impeachment imprisonment and molestation other then by censure of the house it self for or concerning any speaking reasoning or declaring any matter or matters touching the Parliament or Parliament businesses And that if any of the said Members be complained of and questioned for any thing done or said in Parliament the same is to be shewed to the King by the advice and assent of all the Commons assembled in Parliament before the King give credence to any private Information Fol. 523. Hereupon the Members became Subjects again This I conceive to have been spoken by the Author in the way of Irony as in the same way of Irony the Members of the House of Commons were sometimes called by King Iames the Five hundred Kings For otherwise our Author knows as well as any that the Members are as much Subjects in the time of their sitting as they are or can be after the time of their Dissolution Fol. 527. And though Tiberius beheaded Cremutius for words onely That Cremutius Cordus was impeached in the Senate for words onely is affirmed by Tacitus But that he was beheaded for it by Tiberius is affirmed by none that Author telling us that having made his Defence in the open Senate and returning home Abstinentiâ— vitam finivit He ended his life by a wilful abstinence from food Nor was 〈◊〉 sentenced by the Senate to any other punishment then that his Books should be publickly burnt Libros per Aediles cremandos censuere Patres which was done accordingly the shame grief whereof made him end his life as before is said Fol. 528. But in a word their great Wealth was one notable baâ—â— to the Popes and the Gulf of other Orders Hospitallers Knights of the Rhodes and St. Johns All these together smack this Order and swallowed their Riches at one time by consent of all the Princes in Christendom where they had their Habitations Where were our Authors Wits when these words fell from him Hospitallers Knights of Rhodes and of St. Iohns all these together and yet all these together make one Order onely as Marcus Tullius Cicero made one onely Orator Called by these several names for several reasons called Hospitallers because they had the charge of the Hospital at Ierusalem erected for relief of Pilgrims to that holy place Secondly Knights of St. Iohns because founded in the Church of St. Iohn in Ierusalem and dedicated unto him as their Patron Saint Thirdly 〈◊〉 of the Rhodes from the setled place of their â—abitation after their expulsion out of Palestin from the year â—â—09 till the year 1522. when forc'd to leave that Island by Solâ—man the Magnificent they retired unto the Isle of Malta from whence now denominated Fol 529. From whom Digby had knowledge of that Kings Progâ—ess towards â—he North of Spain to Lerma a Town in Bisâ—ay That Lerm is scituate towards the Northern parts of Spain I shall reaâ—ily grant and yet not as a Town of Bisâ—ay but of old Castile scituate not far from Burgos the chief of that Province So also by a like error in Topography St. Andrews Saint Anderos the Spaniards call it is made to be a part of Biscay 〈◊〉 530. whereas indeed it is a well known Haven of the Realm of Leon and Oviâ—do neighboring on the Sea to Bisâ—ay â—ut no part thereof And now we are thus fallen on the Coast of Spain I should â—ake notice of the Procuration which is said by our Author â—o be left with the Earl of Bristol for impowring him to Espouse the Infantâ— within ten days after the Dispensation came from Rome fol. 552. But hereof thâ—re hath so much been said by the Observator on the History of the Reign of King Charls published by Haimon L'Strange Esq and the defence of those Observatiâ—ns against the Pamphleter that nothing needs be added here on that occasion Fol. 567. Indeed the Savoy Ambassador there said That the â—ntention of the King of Spain was for a cross match with France for himself â— It is not to be doubted but that the Spaniard tryed all ways and used all Artifices to divert the Treaty of a Marriage between the Prince of Wales and a Daughter of France But I cannot look upon it as a thing conceivable that he should pretend to any such cross Alliance for himself as is here alledged He had before married the eldest Sister who was still alive and therefore could not pretend to the yonger also And if it was not for himself as indeed it was not it cannot be imagined that he could give himself any hopes of it for any of his yonger Brethren there being so vast a disproportion between the Heir apparent of England and any yonger Brother of the House of Austria The Ambassador of Savoy might act something in order to the service and Designs of the Catholick King which could not be advanced by any such suggestion as is here laid downs And therefore our Author might have done very well to have spared his pains in giving us such a reason for the Interruption which was made in the Treaty of this Marriage by the Agents of the King of Spain as indeed cannot stand with reason And thus far have I gone in running over the most materiaâ— errors and defects of Mr. Sandersons Compleat History as he calls it of Mary Queen of Scotland and King James her Son the sixth of that name in Scotland and the first in England before the coming out of that large and voluminous piece entituled A compleat History of the Life and Reign of King Charls from his Cradle to his Grave in the doing whereof I proposed unto my self no other ends then first to vindicate the truth and next to do some right to the Author himself whom I
some of the 〈◊〉 of those who had possest themselves of the Crown â—ands in his â—athers Minority in which course he might hope to finde good success without noise or dangeâ— And â—f this may be called the adding of fuel to the fiâ—e of 〈…〉 King will finde a safe way to recover his own 〈…〉 from him by power and pride unless he do 〈…〉 strong hand which findes no resistance For which good serâ—ice if he were afterwards Knighted and made second Secretary of Estate the principal being called Lord Secretary in the stile of that Kingdom it was no more then he had worthily deserv'd for his sound Advice â—rom the Title and the Introduction proceed we next unto the History it self in which the first mistake we meet with 〈◊〉 the placing of the â—uneral of King Iames on the 14 of May which Mr. H. L. in his History of the Reign of King Chaâ—ls had 〈…〉 on the fourth in both erronâ—ously alike But the 〈◊〉 of the â—ormer History hath corrected his error by the 〈…〉 and placed it rightly on the seventh which the 〈…〉 Historian might have done also having so thorowly 〈…〉 all the Passages in those Observations 〈…〉 land had nothing but foul weather triste lugubre Coelum when she was at the Sea and the worst of foul weathers from the time of her landing to the very minute of her death The like tempestuous landing is observed to have happened to the Princesse Catharine daughter of Ferdinand and If bellâ— Kings of Spain when she came hither to be married to Prince Arthur eldest Son to King Henry 7 which afterwards was lookt on as a sad presage of those Calaâ—â—ities which hapned to that pious but unfortunate Lady in the last part of her life And certainly such presages are neither to be rejected as superstitious nor too much relied on as infallible such a middle course being to be steeâ—'d in such conjecturals as is advised to be held in Prophetical or presaging dreams not wilfully to be slighted nor too much regarded â—ol 6. The Parliament to be subordinate not coordinate with the Prince c. though King Charles unadvisedly makes himself a member of the house of Peers which the Parliament would never acquit him A passage which the Author likes well enough and hopes the Reader will do the like as it comes from himself but will not let it go uncensured in the Oâ—servator It is noted in the Observations p. 62. that the King having passed away the Bishops votes in Parliament did after by a strange improvidence in a Message or Declaration sent from York the 17. of Iune reckon himself as one of the three Estates which being once slipt from his pen and taken up by some leading men in the Houses of â—â—â—â—ament it never was let fall again in the whole agitatiâ—n of those Controversies which were bandied up and down between them Our Author says the same thing though in fewer words and yet corrects the Observator for taâ—ing notice of the Kings strange impâ—ovidence in a message 〈…〉 Iune 17. where he reckons himself as one of the 〈…〉 member of the House of Peers Fol. 10â— for which he 〈◊〉 to call him to a further account in 〈…〉 and so perhaps he may in a second edition of his History there being no such thing to be found in this 〈◊〉 Councels are privy and publick his Privy Councel by his own 〈…〉 electionâ—â— publick his Parliament Peers and people In these words there are two things to be enquired after first why the Bishops are not named as Members of this publick Councel and secondly why the people are admitted art thereof That the Bishops are to be accounted of as necessaâ—y members of this publick Councel appeareth by the 〈◊〉 writ of Summons by which they are severally and respectively called to attend in Parliament In which it is declared that the King by the advice of his Privy Councel hath called a Parliament unto this end ut cum Pralatis 〈…〉 Regâ—â— Colloquium haâ—eret that he for his part might confer with the Prelatâ— Peers and great men of the Realm and that they for their parts super dictis Negotiis tractarenâ— coâ—â—ilium suum impenderent should debate of all such difficult matters concerning the preservation of the Church and State as the King should recommend unto them and give their faithful Counsel in them accordingly So that the Author dealt not well with the Bishops in excluding them from being a part of the Kings publick Councel and putting the people in their room who never were beheld as members of it till so made by our Author the Commons being called to Parliament to no other purpose but ad consenâ—iendum faciendum to give consent and yield obedience to all such things as by the great Councel of the Kingdom 〈◊〉 communi Concilio Regni nostri shall be then ordained But if our Author say that he includes the Bishops in the name of Peers though I allow his meaning and am able to defend him in it yet I must still except against his expression because not plain and full enough to the vulgar Reader Ibid. But 〈◊〉 Iames altered that course aâ— best able of any his Predecessors to speak for him self It was indeed the common usage of the Kings of England to speak to their people in â—arliament by the mouth of the Chancellors not that they were not able to tell their own tales and express their own meâ—ning but that it was held for a point of State not to descend so much beneath themselves as to play the Orators Yet somtimes as they saw occasion they would speak their own mindes in Parliament and not trouble their Chancellors as appears by that speech of King Henry 7. when he resolved to engage himself in a war with France a copy whereof we have in the History of his Reign writ by the Lord Viscount St. Alban which he thus beginneth My Lords and you the Commons when I purposed to make a war in Britain by my Lieutenant I made declaration thereof to you by my Chancellor But now that I mean to make war upon France in person I will declare it to you myself c. Fol. 96. But King Iames thinking himself an absolute Master in the Art of speaking and desirous that his people should think so too in the opening of all his Parliaments and the beginning of each Session and many occasions on the by used no tongue but his own Which though it might seem necessary at the opening of his first Parliament to let the Lords and Commons see how sensible he was of that Affection wherewith the whole body of the Nation had imbraced his coming to the Crown yet the continual use thereof made him seem cheaper in the eyes of the People then might stand with Majecty Nor was this all the inconvenience which ensued upon it for first it put a necessity upon his son and â—â—â—cessor of doing the like to whom it
would otherwise have been imputed for a Defect that he was not able or for a Crime as if he thought himself too great to speak to his people and secondly it put the Commons on a â—og of following the Kings example not onely in making long speeches but of printing them also of which more hereafter Ibid. His place being 〈…〉 of King William Rufus where he is to 〈◊〉 totius Regni 〈◊〉 Our 〈◊〉 speaks this of the Speaker of the house 〈…〉 but he speaks without Book the Commons noâ— being called to Parliament in the time of Rusus as all our 〈…〉 agree â—oyntly He that was called 〈◊〉 〈…〉 might be a speaker of the Parliament though not of 〈…〉 in regard hâ— delivered the kings minde to the 〈◊〉 and Peers of that great Counsil and theirs 〈◊〉 to him Which office was commonly performed by the lord Chancellor of the Kingdom who is therefore 〈◊〉 the Speaker of the house of Peers And when the Commons had the Honour to be called to Parliaments they also had their Spâ—akâ— to perform the same Offices betwixâ— the King and them as the Lord Chancellor performed between the King and the Peers who theâ—forâ— was as still he is at the Kings Nomination and appointment admitted rather then elected on that nomination by the house of Commons It was not properly and Originally the Speakers Office to sit still in the Chair and â—earken to those trim Oratioâ—s which the Gentlemen of the House were pleased to entertain the time and themselves with all but to signifie to the people the Command 〈◊〉 thâ— King and to present unto the King the desire of his people It â—s from speaking not from hearing that he takeâ— his name though none have spoken lesse in thaâ— House since the time of King Iames then the Speaker himself as if he were called Speaker by that figure in Rhetorick by which Lucus is said to take its name a non lucenâ—â— Fo◠◠〈…〉 in the Prince Elector to 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Bohemia so no â—ustice in the House of 〈◊〉 to 〈…〉 Palatinate from him Neither so not so 〈…〉 Prince Elector had no coulour to accept of thâ— Kingdom of 〈◊〉 at our Author plainly saies he had not then was iâ— no inâ—ustice in the House of Austâ—â—a to â—ade conquer and detain the 〈◊〉 from him as our Author plainly saies it was In the last of these two propositions the Author shall confute himself and save me the Labour he telling us within few lines after that an 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 Then for the first of the two propositions I must needs tell him that the Prince Elector had not only some colour to accept the Crown of â—â—mia but a fair one too The kingdom of Bohemia according to the fundamental constitutions of it was elective meerly And though the Electoâ—â—used constantly to keep them selves to the royal family except onely in the case of George Pogibrachio yet they reserved a latitude unto themselves of chusing one rather then another many times pretermitting the eldest son of the former King and pitching on a younger brother and sometimes on some other more remote from the Crown But Mathias the Emperor being childlesse adopted Ferdinand of Gâ—ats the next Heir male of the House of Austria for his Son and successor and caused him without any formal election as the Bohemâ—ans did pretend to be Crowned King of that Kingdom and put him into the actual possession of it in his own life time But after his decease the Bohemians rejecting Ferdinand as not lawfully chosen elected Frederick the fift Prince Palatine of the Rhene for their King and Soveraign as lineally deâ—cended from Ladislaus 2. King of Poland and Bohemiâ— from whom the House of Astria also do derive their Claim â—o that his Action was not so precipitae and his ground more justifiable in accepting that Crown then our Author hath been pleased to make it Fol. 163. And had King Iames espoused that quarrel as all generally did expect he would have done he might with far lesse charges have assured the possession of that Crown or at the least have preserved the 〈◊〉 from the hand of Ruin then he did put himself unto by sending Embassadors to excuse the one and mediate the restitution of the other In which last point I grant him to have been for some years deluded not onely by the Emperour but the K. of Spain but that he was deluded by the Spaniards also in the businesse and treaty of the Match I by no means grant and could sufficiently prove the contrary if it had not been already done in the Observations on the former History But our Author hath not yet done with the Spaniard telling us that Ibid The Crown of Spain hath enlarged her bounds these last 60. years more than the Ottoman Not so neither The House of Austria within sixty years from the time that our Author writ this part of the History hath been upon the losing hand the Kingdom of Portugal with all the appendixes thereof being revolted from that Crown as also are the Countries of Catalonia and Rousillon in the Continent of Spain it self the lower Palatinate surrendred to its lawful Prince according to the Treaty at Munster and many of his best Towns if not entire provinces in the Netherlands extorted from him by the French besides the seven united Provinces which within the compasse of that time have made themselves a free state and are now rather confederates with that King then Subjects to him whereas upon the other side the Ottomans within that compasse of time have regained Babylon and all the Countrey there about from the hands of the Persians and conquered a great part of the Isle of Candy from the State of Venice Ibid. The Kings Mercer infected and fled no purple velvet to be had on the suddain and so the colour of his Robes was changed by necessity This passage is brought in out of season as not relating to the Parliament but the Coronation The Author of the former History had told us out of Mr. Prinne that the King upon the day of his Coronation was arraied in white Sattin contrary to the custom of his Predecessors who were clothed in purple which change although the King affected to declare the innocency of his heart or to expresse that Virgin purity wherewith he came unto the marriage betwixt him and his Kingdoms yet our Author would fain have it to be done upon necessity and not upon designe or choice How so Because saies he the Kings Mercer being infected and fled there was no purple velvet to be had on the suddain But first though the Kings Mercer was infected and fled yet there were other Mercers in the City who could have supplied the King with that commodity Secondly at the time of the Coronation the infection had been much abated the Air of London being generally corrected by a very sharp winter and most of the Citizens returned again to their former dwellings amongst
Commons in matters Doctrinally delivered without the least diminution of the Kings Authority in Ecclesiastical Causes there is nothing of the Presbyter or the Papist to be charged upon him as the Historian to create him the greater odium would fain have it to be Fol. 115. But how suddenly the Commons House 〈◊〉 upon the Lorâ—s liberties excluding the words the Lords Spiritual and Temporal in the very grant of the Bill of Subsidies c. And to say truth the Lords were but serv'd in their own kinde who having so unworthily joyn'd with the Commons in devesting the King from whom they deriv'd all their Honors of his just Prerogatives are now assaulted by those Commons and in danger of losing their own Rights which by the favor of the King or his Predecessors were conferr'd upon them which might have given them a sufficient warning but that there was a Spirit of Inâ—atuation over all the Land not to joyn with them any more in the like Designs against the King whose Authority could not be diminisht without the lessening of their own nor any Plot carried on toward his Destruction by which they would not be reduc'd to the same condition with the rest of the People But Quos Iupiter vult perdere dementat prâ—us so it prov'd with them Fol. 123. His body brought to York House and after sumptuously intombed at Westminster in St. Edwards Chappel The Church of Westminster was indeed founded by King 〈◊〉 the Confessour whom they called sometimes by the name of St. Edward the King 〈◊〉 that part of it that lies betwen the crosse Isle and the Chappel of King Henry 〈…〉 best known by the name of the Chappel of 〈◊〉 by reason of the many Kings and Queens which are there 〈◊〉 In a side Isle or inclosure whereof the Dukes body was Sumptuously interred with this glorious Epitaph which in honour of his invincible fidelity to his gracious Masters for I am otherwise a meer stranger to all his Selatious I shall here Subjoyn P. M. S. Vanae multitudinis improperium hic jacet Cujus tamen Hispania Prudentiam Gallia Fortitudinem Belgia Industriam Tota Europa mirata est Magnanimitatem Quem Daniae Sweciae Reges integerrimum Germaniae Transilvaniae Nassautiae Princip Ingenuum Veneta Reipublica Philobasileia Sahaudiae Lotharingiae Duces Politicum Palatinus Comes Fidelem Imperator Pacificum Turca Christianum Papa Protestantem Experti sunt Quem Anglia Archithalassum Cantabrigia Cancellarium Buckinghamia Ducem habuit Verùm siste viator quid ipsa Invidia Sugillare nequâ—t audi Hic est ille Calamitosae virtutis Buckinghamius Maritus redamatus Pater amaâ—s Filius obsequens Frater amicissimus Affinis Beneficus Amicus perpetuus Dominus Benignus Optimus omnium servus Quem Reges adamarunt optimates honorarunt Ecclesia deflevit Vulgus Oderunt Quem Iacobus Carolus Regum perspicacissimi intimum habuerunt A quibus Honoribus auctus negotiis onustus Fato succubuit Antequam par animo periculum invenit Quid jam Peregrine Aenigma mundi moritur Omnia fuit nec quidquam habuit Patriae parens hostis audiit Deliciae idem querela Parliamenti Quidum Papistis bellum infert insimulatur Papista Dum Protestantium partibus consulit Occiditur à Protestante Tesseram specta rerum humanarum At non est quòd serio triumphet malitia Interimere potuit laedere non potuit Scilicet has preces fundens expiravit Tuo ego sanguine potiar mi Iesu dum mali pascuntur meo Fol. 127. But the Religious Commons must reform Gods causâ— before the Kings nor would they be prescribed their Consultations but resolved to remit the Bill of Tunnage and Poundage at pleasure This is another new incroachment of the House of Commons that is to say the poasting off of the Kings businesse and the publick concernments of the State till they had either lessened his prerogative weakned the Authority of the Church or advanced the interest of the people Which resolution of not being prescribed their Consâ—ltations became at last so fixt amongst them that when the King had frequently recommended to them his Message of the 20. of Ianuary Anno 1641. So necessary for the setling of the peace of the Kingdome they returned answer at the last that it was an infringing of their Priviledges to be pâ—est with any such Directions Fol. 128. And King Iames commended them over to the Synod of Dort and there asserted by suffrage of those Doctors and were afterwards commended to the Convocation in Ireland Our Authour takes this Errour from the former Historian but takes no notice of the correction of it by the Observator though it â—ppears by his citation in the margin that he had consulted with those Observations in this very point And therefore I must let him know since otherwise he will not take notice of it that this is a strange Hysteron Proteron setting the Cart before the Horse as we use to phrase it The Convocation in Ireland by which the Articles of Lambeth were incorporated into the Articles of that Church was holden in the Year 1615. the Synod of Dort not held till three years after anno 1618. and therefore not to Dâ—rt first and to Ireland afterwards The like mistake in point of time we finde in our Authour fol. 134. where speaking of that wilde distemper which hapned in the House of Commons on the dissolving of the Parliament Anno 1628. he telleth us That the effects of those Malignities flew over Seas and infected the French Parliaments about this time where that King discontinued the Assemblies of the three Estates upon farre lesse Provocations Whereas he lets us know from the Observator within few lines after that those Assemblies of the three Estates in Francâ— were discontinued by King Lewis thâ— 13. and a new form of Assembly instituted in the place thereof Anno 1614. So that the malignity of those distempers which happened in the Parliament of England Anno 1628. could not about that time passe over the Seas and infect the French Parliaments which had been discontinued and dissolved 14. years before Fol. 133. This was ratiâ—ied by the Contract of this Nation which the Conquerour upon his admittance had declared and confirmed in the Laws which he published Our Author speaks this of an hereditary Freedom which is supposed to have been in the English Nation from paying any Tax or Tallage to the King but by Act of Parliament And I would fain learn so much of him as to direct me to some creditable Authour in which I may finde this pretended contract between the Norman Conquerour and the English Subject and in what Book of Statutes I may finde these Laws which were publisht by him to that purpose The Norman Conquerour knew his own strength too well to reign precariò to ground his Title on his admittance by the people or to make any such contract with them by which he might more easily win them
to that admittance He won the Kingdome by his sword and by that he kept It. 'T is true that the people did petition him for a Restitution of the Laws of Edward the Conâ—essor in which such an immunity from extraordinary Taxes might be granted to them But I cannot finde that either he or William Rufus who succeeded did ever part with so much of their powet as not to raise money on the Subject for their own occasions whensoever they pleased And it is true also that both King Hen. 1. and K. Steven who came to the Crown by unjust or disputable Titles did flatter the people when they first entred on the Throne with an hope of restoring the said Laws but I cannot finde that ever they were so good as their words nay I finde the contrary The first of our Kings which gave any life to those old Laws was King Hen. 2. the first granter of the Magna Charta which notwithstanding he kept not so exactly as to make it of any strength and consequence to binde his Heirs But the Commons having once tasted the sweetnesse of it and with the Lords in a long war against King Iohn from whom they extorted it by strong hand and had it confirmed unto them at a place called Running Mead near Stanes Anno 1215. Confirmed afterward in more peaceable times by King Hâ—n 3. in the Ninth year of hiâ— Reign But so that he and his Successors made bold with the Subject notwithstanding in these money matters till the Statute de Tallagio non concedendo was past by Edward of Carnarvon eldest Son to King Edward the third at such time as his Father was beyond the Seas in the war of Flanders which being disâ—llowed by the King at his coming home seems to have been taken off the File to the intent it might not passe for a Law for the time to come nor is it to be found now in the Records of the Tower amongst the Laws of that Kings time as are all the rest But from the generall position touching the hereditary freedom of the Eâ—glish subject from Taxes and Tallage not granted and confirmed by Parliament our Authour passeth to such Râ—tes and Impositions as are laid on Merchandize of which he telleth us that Ibid. Moâ—â—ly these upon Merchandise were taken by Parliament six â—r twelve per pound fâ—r time and years as they saw cause for defence of the Sea and afterwards they were granted to the King for life and so continued for divers descents Our Authour had before told us that the Merchant in â—ormer times usually gavâ— consent to such taxes but limited to a time tâ— the ratification of the next following Parliament to be cancelled â—r confirmed By which it seems that the Kings hands were so tied up that without the consent of the Merchant or Authority of the Parliament he could impose no tax upon â—ny Merchandise either exported or imported But cerâ—ainly whatever our Authour saies to the contrary the King might impose rates and taxes upon either by his sole prerogative not troubling the Parliâ—ment in it nor asking the leave of the Merchant whom it most concerned Which Taxes being accustomably paid had the name of Customes as the Officers which received them had the name of Customers Concerning which we finde no old Statute or Act of Parliament which did enable the King to receive them though some there be by which the King did binde himself to a lesser rate then formerly had been laid upon some commodities as appears by the Statute of the 14. of King Edward 3. where it is said that neither we nor our Heirs shall demand assesse nor take nor suffer to be taken more custome for a Sack of Wool of any English man but half a mark only And upon the Woolfels and Lether the old Custome And the Sack ought to contain 26. stone and every stone 14. pound By which it seems that there had been both Customes and old Customes too which the Kings of England had formerly imposed on those commodities now by the goodnesse of this King abated to a lesser summe and deduced to a certainty The like Customes the Kings of England also had upon forreign Commodities 〈◊〉 namely upon that of wine each Tun of Wine which lay before the Mast and behinde the Mast bâ—ing duâ— unto the King by Câ—stome receiv'd accordingly sic de câ—teris But being these old Customes were found insufficient in the times of open hostility betwixt uâ— and France both to mâ—intain the Kings Port and to enable him to guard the Seas and secure his Merchants a Subsidie of Tâ—nnage and Poundage impos'd at a certain rate on all sorts of Merchandize was granted â—â—rst by Act of Parliament to King Hen. 6. and afterward to King Edw. 4. in the 12. Year of his Reign and finally to all the Kings successively for term of life Never denied to any of them till the Coâ—mons begâ—n to think of lessening the Authority Royall in the first Yâ—ar of King Charles whom they had engaged in a War with the King of Spain and meâ—nâ—â—o make use of the advantage by holding him to hard meats till they had brought him to a necessity of yeelding to any thing which they pleased to ask For in the first Pâ—rliament of his Reign they past the Bill â—or one Year only which for that cause was rejected in the House of Lords In the 〈◊〉 Parliament they were too busie with the Duke to do any thing in it And in the first Session of the third theâ— drew up a Remonstrance against it as if the King by passâ—â—g 〈◊〉 Petition of Right had parted with his Interest in that Imposition Nor staid they there but in the â—umultuous end of the next Session they thundred out their Aâ—athema'sâ—ot â—ot only against such of the Kings Ministers as should act any thing in the levying of his Subsidie of Tunnage and Poundage but against all such as voluntarily should yield or pay thâ— same not being granted by Parliament as betrayers of the Liberties of England and enemies to this Common-wealth And though the King received it but not without some losse and difficulty from the first year of his Reign to the sixteenth current yet then the Commons being backt with a Scottish Army resolved that he should hold it not longer but as a Tenant at will and that but from three Moneths to three Moneths neither And then they past it with this clogge ' which the King as his case then stood knew not how to shake off viz. that it must be declared and enacted by the Kings Authority â—nd by the Authority of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament Thâ—t it is and hath been the ancient Right of the Subjects of this Realm that no Subsidy Custome Impost or other charge whatsoever ought or may be laid or imposed upon any Merchandise exported or imported by Subjects Denizenâ— or Aliens without common consent in Parliament As for the Imposition raised on
Lindsey Lord High Constable â— Our Author borrows this Error as he does some others from the former History and makes it worse by an addition of his own For first The Earl of Lindsey was not made High Constable upon this occasion nor did he act there in that capacityâ—â— He had been made High Constable to decide the difference between the Lord Rey and David Ramsey which being an extraordinary case was likely to be tried by battle But in this case there was no need of any such Officer the Triall being to be made by proofs and Evidences the verdict to be given by the Lords of Parliament and sentence to be pronounced by the Lord High Steward all â— things being to be carried and transacted in due form of Law Secondly The Court being broken up which was before the passing of the Bill of Attainder in the end of April the Office of Lord High Steward expired also with it And therefore when our Authour speaks of a Request which was made unto the King in Parliament that the Earl of Pembroke should be made Lord High Steward in the place of the Earl of Arundel then absent fol. 430. he either speaks of a Request which was never made or else mistakes the Lord Steward of the Kings houshold which place might possibly be desired for the Earl of Pembroke not long before turn'd out of the Office of Lord Chamberlain for the Lord High Steward of the Kingdome And now we are fallen on his mistakes touching these great Officers I shall adde another It being said in our Authours unfigured Sheets that the King having signed the Bill of Attainder sent Sir Dudly Carlton Secretary of State to acquaint him what he had finished An errour too grosse and palpable for our Authour to be guilty of considering his Acquaintances in the Court and relations to it which may perswade me to beleeve that these unfigured Sheets patcht in I know not how between fol. 408. and 409. should be none of his But whether they be his or not certain I am that there was no Secretary at this time but Sir Henry Vane Windebank being then in France and his place not filled with the Lord Falkland till the Christmas after Sir Dudly Carlton Lord Imbercourt and Vicount Dorchester was indeed Secretary for a while but he died upon Ashwednesday in the year 1631. which was more then nine years before the sending of this message and I perswade my self the King did not raise him from the grave as Samuel was once raised at the instance of Saul to go on that unpleasing errand Sir Dudly Carlton whom he means being Brothers son unto the former was at that time one â—f the Clerks of the Councel but never attained unto the place and honour of a principall Secretary Our Authour having brought the businesse of the Earl of Strafford toward a Conclusion diverts upon the Authour of the Observations on the former History to whom he had been so much beholden for many of the most materiall and judicious Notes in the former part of his Book and he chargeth thus Fol. 406. I conceive it convenient in more particular to clear two mistakes of our Authours concerning the Articles of Irâ—land and the death of the Earl of Strafford reflecting upon the late most Reverend Prelate the Archbishop of Armagh Primate of all Ireland whilest he was liuing and worse pursued since his decease somewhat too sharp also upon D. Bernard What Fee or Salary our Authour hath for this undertaking I am noâ— able to determine but if he be not well paid by them I am sure he hath been well paid by another who in his Answer to D. Bernards Book entituled The â—udgement of the late Primate of Ireland Ac. hath fully justified the Observator against all the exceptions which either our Authour or D. Bernard or the Lord Primate himself have made against him in these two points Which being extrinsecall as to the matter of this History shall not be repeated the Reader being desired if he want any further satisfaction to look for it there All I shall here observe is this that our Authour grounds himself in his whole Discourse of that businesse upon somewhat which he had in writing under the hand of the said Lord Primate and more which he hath took verbatim out of the said Book of D. Bernards who being both parties to the Suit ought not to be admitted for Witnesses in their own behalf And yet our Authour having driven the matter to as good a conclusion as he could from such faulty Premises conceives an hope that by the â—ight of those Testimonies he will be of more moderation notwithstanding he hath there shewn much disaffection to the Primate in endeavouring to his utmost to evade divers of those particulars either in giving the worst sense of them or turning them to other ends But as I can sufficiently clear the Observator from bearing any disaffection to the Lord Primates person and the equal Reader may defend him from the imputation of giving the worst sense of any thing which he found in the Pamphlet called The Observator observed or turning it to other ends then was there intended so am I no more satisfied by this tedious nothing touching the Articles of Ireland or the death of the Earl of Strafford as they reflect upon the Archbishop of Armagh then I was before As little am I satisfied with the following passage in the last Folio of the unfigured Sheets viz. That D. Iuxon Bishop of London resigned his Office of Treasurer of England into the hands of five Commissioners more sufficient then he could be Our Authour might have spared these last words of disparagement and diminution and yet have left his Proposition full and perfect But taking them as they come before me I must first tell him that the Lord Bishop of London resigned not his Office of Treasurer into the hands of any Commissioners but only into the hands of the King who not knowing at the present how to dispose of it for his best advantage appointed some Commissioners under the great Seal of England to discharge the same And next I would have him tell me what great sufficiency he found in those Commissioners which was not to be found in the Bishop of London how many of his debts they paid what improvement they made of his Revenue what stock of money they put him into toward the maintaining of the Warre which not long after followed In all which particulars the Bishop of London had very faithfully performed his part though not as to the Warre of England to the great honour of the King and content of the Subject But to look back upon some passages in the businesâ—e of the Earl of Strafford which are not toucht at by the Observator or his alteridâ—m the first we meet with is a very pretty devise of the Bishop of Lincoln to cheat the poor Gentleman of his head by getting a return of the
he ushers in the last with this short Apology Contra morâ—m â—â—storiae liceat quaeso inserere c. Let me saith he I beseech you insert these following verses though otherwise against the Rule and Laws of History But what alass were eighteen or twenty verses compared with those many hundred six or seven hundred at the least which we finde in our Author whether to shew the universality of his reading in all kinde of Writers or his faculty in Translating which when he meets with hard Copies he knows how to spare I shall not determine at the present Certain I am that by the interlarding of his Prose with so many Verses he makes the Book look rather like a Church-Romance our late Romancers being much given to such kinde of Mixtures then a wellâ— built Ecclesiastical History And if it be a marter so inconvenient to put a new piece of cloth on an old garment the putting of so many old patches on a new piâ—â—e of cloth must be more unfashonable Besides that many of these old ends are so light and ludicrous so little pertinent to the business which he has in hand that they serve onely to make sport for Children ut pueris placeas Declamatio fias and for nothing else 5. This leads me to the next impertinency his raking into the Chanel of old Popish Legends writ in the daâ—ker times of Superstition but written with an honest zeal and a good intention as well to raise the Reader to the admiration of the person of whom they write as to the emulalation of his vertues But being mixt with some Monkâ—â—h dotages the most learned and ingenious men in the Church of Rome have now laid them by and it had been very well if our Author had done so to but that there must be something of entertainment for the gentle Reader and to inflame the reckoning which he pays not for But above all things recommend me to his Merry Tales and scraps of Trencherâ— jests frequently interlaced in all parts of the History which if abstracted from the rest and put into a Book by themselves might very well be serv'd up for a second course to the Banquet of Iosts a Supplement to the old Book entituled Wits Fits and Fancies or an Additional Century to the old Hundred Merry Tales so long since extant But standing as they do they neither do become the gravity of a Church-Historian nor are consistent with the nature of a sober Argument But as it seems our Author came with the same thoughts to the writing of this present History as Poets anciently addrest themselves to the writing of Comedies of which thus my Terence Poeta cum primum animum ad scribendum appulit Id sibi negâ—tii credidit solum dari Populo ut placerent quas â—ecisset fabulas That is to say Thus Poets when their minde they first apply In looser verse to frame a Comedy Think there is nothing more for them to do Then please the people whom they speak unto 6. In the last place proceed we to the manifold excursions about the Antiquity of Cambridge built on as weak Authoritie as the Monkish Legends and so impertinent to the matter which he hath in hand that the most Reverend Mat. Parker though a Cambridge Man in his Antiquitates Britanicae makes no business of it The more impertinent in regard that at the fag-end of his Book there follows a distinct History of that University to which all former passages might have been reduced But as it seems he was resolved to insert nothing in that History but what he had some probable ground for leaving the Legendary part thereof to the Church-Romance as mâ—st proper for it And certainly he is wondrous wise in his generation For fearing lest he might be asked for those Bulls and Chartularies which frequently he relates unto in the former Books he tells us in the History of Cambridge fol. 53. That they were burnt by some of the seditious Townsmen in the open Market place Anno 1380. or thereabouts So that for want of otâ—eâ— ancient evidence we must take his word which whether those of Cambridge will depend upon they can best resolve For my part I forbear all intermedling in a controversie so clearly stated and which hath lain so long asleep till now awakened by our Author to beget new quarrels Such passages in that History as come under any Animadversion have been reduced unto the other as occasion served which the Reader may be pleased to take notice of as they come before him 7. All these extravagancies and impertinencies which make up a fifth part of the whole Volumn being thus discharged it is to be presum'd that nothing should remain but a meer Church History as the Title promiseth But let us not be too presumptuous on no better grounds For on a Melius inquirendum into the whole course of the Book which we have before us we shall finde too little of the Church and too much of the State I mean too little of the Ecclesiastical and too much of the Civil History It might be reasonably expected that in a History of the Church of England we should have heard somewhat of the foundation and enlargement of Cathedral Churches if not of the more eminent Monasteries and Religious Houses and that we should have heard somewhat more of the succession of Bishops in their several and respective Sees their personal Endowments learned Writings and other Acts of Piety Magnificence and publick Interess especially when the times afforded any whose names in some of those respects deserv'd to be retain'd in everlasting remembrance it might have been expected also that we should have found more frequent mention of the calling of National and Provincial Synods with the result of their proceedings and the great influence which they had on the Civil State sparingly spoken of at the best and totally discontinued in a maner from the death of King Henry the fourth until the Convocation of the year 1552. of which no notice had been taken but that he had a minde to question the Authority of the Book of Articles which came out that year though publisht as the issue and product of it by the express Warrant and Command of King Edward the sixth No mention of that memorable Convocation in the fourth and fifth years of Philip and Mary in which the Clergy taking notice of an Act of Parliament then newly passed by which the Subjects of the Temporaliâ—y having Lands to the yearly value of five pounds and upwards were charged with finding Horse and Armour according to the propertion of their yearly Revenues and Possessions did by their sole Authority as a Convocation impose upon themselves and the rest of the Clergy of this Land the finding of a like number of Horses Armour and other Necessaries for the War according to their yearly income proportion for proportion and rate for rate as by that Statute had been laid on the
in them the Hierarchy of Bishops so coldly pleaded for as shews he had a minde to betray the cause whilst all things pass on smoothly for the Presbyterians whom he chiefly acts for And this is that which we must look for par my par tout as the Frenchmen say Nor deals he otherwise with the persons which are brought before him then he doth with the Causes which they bring No profest Puritan no cunning Non-conformist or open Separatist comes upon the Stage whom he follows not with Plaudites and some fair Commends when as the Fathers of the Church and the conformable Children of it are sent off commonly in silence and sometimes with censure The late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury so eminently deserving of the Church of England must be rak'd out of his Grave arraigned for many misdemeanors of which none could accuse him when he was alive all his infirmities and weaknesses mustered up together to make him hateful to the present and succeeding Ages when Mr. â—ovâ—'s Treasonable practices and seditious Speeches must needs for footh be buried in the same Earth with him The University of Oxford frequently quarrelled and exasperated upon â—light occasions the late Kings party branded by the odious Title of Malignants not better'd by some froth of pretended Wit in the Etymology The regular Clergy shamefully reproached by the Name of covetous Confoâ—mâ—sts Lib. 9. fol. 98. And those poor men who were ejected by the late long Parliament despitefully called Baals Priests uâ—savory salâ— not â—iâ— to be thrown upon the Dungâ— hill though he be doubtful of the proofs which were brought against them Lib. 11. fol. 207. So many of all sorts wronged and injur'd by him that should they all study their personal and particular Revenges he were not able to abide it And therefore we may jâ—stly say in the Poets Language Si de to◠〈…〉 Namin â— quisâ—ue Deorum 〈◊〉 in 〈…〉 unus erit Which may be Englisht in these words Should all wrong'd 〈◊〉 seek t' avenge their same 〈◊〉 were not enough to bear the shame 9. But nothing does more evidently discover his unfaithful dealing then his repoâ—t of the proceedings in the Isle of â—â—gh between his Majâ—sty and the long Parliament Divines of which he tells us Lib. 11. fol. 235. That his 〈…〉 aâ—â—nâ—wledged their great pains to inform his iudgement according to their perswasions and also took especial notice of thâ—ir civilities of the Application both in the beginning and body of their Reply and having cleer'd himself from some mis-understanding about the Writ of Partition which they speak of puts an end to the business The man who reads this passage cannot choose but think that his Majesty being vanquisht by the Arguments of the Prebyterians had given over the cause and therefore as convicted in his Conscience rendreth them thanks for the Instruction which he had receiv'd and the Civilities they used towards him in the way thereof But he that looks upon his Majesties last Paper will finde that he had Learnedly and Divinely refeâ—'d all their Arguments And having so done puts them in minde of three questions which are propos'd in his former Paper acknowledg'd by themselves to be of great importance in the present controversie without an Answer whereunto his Majesty declar'd that he would put an end to that conference It not being probable as he told them that they should work much upon his Iudgement whilâ—â— they are â—â—arful to declare their own nor possible to reliâ—ve his conscience but by a free dâ—â—laring of theirs But they not able or not daring for fear of displeasing their great Masters to return an Answer to those Questions his Majesty remain'd sole Master of the field a most absolute Conqueror For though the first blow commonly does begin the Quarrel it is the last blow always that gets the Victory But Regium est cum benefeceris male audire It hath been commonly the fortune of the greatest Princes when they deserve best to be worst reported 10. Nor deals he better with the Church then he does with the King concealing such things as might make for her justification and advocating for such things as disturb her order In the last Book we finde him speaking of some heats which were rais'd in the Church about placing the Communion-Table Altar-wise and great fault found for the want of Moderation in those Men who had the managing of that business But he conceals his Majesties Determination in the Case of St. Gregories Novem. 3. 1633. by which all Bishops and other Ordinaries were incouraged to proceed therein and consequently those of inferior rank to defend their actings The Chappel of Emmanuel Colledge in Cambridge is built North and South contrary to the usage of the Primitive times and the Church of England with which King Iames being made acquainted he answered as our Author tells us That it was no maâ—ter how the Chappel stood so the heart stood right Which Tale being told by him and believed by others populum qui sibi credit habet Ovid. in Ep. Hypsiphil as he is like enough to finde many Believers farewel to all external Reverence in the Service of God What need we trouble our selves or others with standing kneeling bowing in the acts of Worship it is no matter in what posture the Body be so the Heart be right What need we put our selves or others to the charge of Surplices and Hoods of Gowns and Cassacks in the officiating of Gods Service It is no matter in what habit the Body be so the heart be right There is another Chappel in Cambridge which was never consecrated whether a Stable or a Dormitory is all one to me At which when some found themselves grieved our Author tells them That others of as great Learning and Religion himself especially for one dare defend that the continued Series of Divine Duties publickly practiced for more then thirty years without the least check or controul of those in authority in a place set apart to that purpose doth sufficiently consecrate the same Stables and Barns by this Argument shall in some tract of time become as sacred as our Churches and if the Brethren think it not enough for their ease to be pent up in so narrow a Room t is but repairing to the next Grove or Coppise and that in a like tract of time shall become as holy as Solomons Temple or any consecrated place whatsoever it be Churches may well be spared pull'd down and their Materials sold for the use of the Saints a Tub by this our Authors Logick will be as useful as the Pulpit unto Edification And that we may perceive that nothing is more precious with him then an irregular unconsecrated and unfurnished Chappel Melvins infamous Libel against the Furniture of the Altars in the Chappels Royal for which he was censur'd in the Star-Chamber must be brought in by head shoulders out of time and place for fear least such an excellent piece of
Puritanical Zeal should be lost to posterity These things I might have noted in their proper places but that they were reseru'd for this as a taste to the rest 12. Et jam finis erat and here I thought I should have ended this Anatomy of our Authors Book but that there is another passage in the Preface thereof which requires a little further consideration For in that Preface he informs us by the way of caution That the three first Books were for the main written in the Reign of the late King as appeareth by the Passages then proper for the Government The other nine Books were made since Monarchy was turned into a State By which it seems that our Author never meant to frame his History by the line of truth but to attemper it to the palat of the present Government whatsoever it then was or should prove to be which I am sure agrees not with the Laws of History And though I can most easily grant that the fourth Book and the rest that follow were written after the great alteration and change of State in making a new Commonwealth out of the ruines of an ancient Monarchy yet I concur not with our Author in the time of the former For it appears by some passages that the three first Books either were not all written in the time of the King or else he must give himself some disloyal hopes that the King should never be restored to his place and Poweâ— by which he might be called to a reckoning for them For in the second Book he reckons the Cross in Baptism for a Popish Trinket by which it appears not I am sure to have been written in the time of the Kingly Government that being no expression sutable unto such a time Secondly speaking of the precedency which was sixt in Canterbury by removing the Archiepiscopal See from London thither he telleth us that the 〈◊〉 is not muâ—h which See went first when living seeing our Age â—ath laid them â—oth alike level in in their Graves But certainly the Government was not chang'd into a State or Commonwealth till the death of the King and till the death of the King neither of those Episcopal Sees nor any of the rest were laid so level in their Graves but that they were in hope of a Resurrection the King declaring himself very constantly in the Treaty at the Isle of Wight as well against the abolishing of the Episcopal Government as the alienation of their Lands Thirdly In the latter end of the same Book he makes a great dispute against the high and sacred priviledge of the Kings of England in curing the disease commonly called the Kings Evil whether to be imputed to Magick or Imaginaâ—â—â—n or indeed a Miracle next brings us in an old Wives Tale about Queen Elizabeth as if she had disclaimed that power which she daily exercised and finally manageth a Quarrel against the form of Prayer used at the curing of that Evil which he arraigns for Superstition and impertinencies no inferior Crimes Are all these Passages proper to that Government also Finally in the third Book he derogates from the power of the Church in making Canons giving the binding and concluding Power in matters which concern the Civil Rights of the Subjects not to the King but to the Lay-people of the Land assemâ—â—â—d in Parliament which game he after followeth in the â—ighth and last And though it might be safe enough for him in the eighth last to derogate in this maner from the Kings supremacy in Ecclesiastical affairs yet certainly it was neither safe for him so to do nor proper for him so to write in the time of the Kinglâ— Govâ—rnment unless he had some such wretched hopes as before we spâ—ke of 〈◊〉 I must need say that on the reading of these Passages anâ— the rest that follow I found my self possest with much indignation and long expected when some Champion would appear in the lists against this Goliah who so reproachfully had defiled the whole Armies of Israel And I must needs confess withal that I did never enter more unwillingly upon any undertaking then I did on this But being â—ollicited thereunto by Letters Messages and several personal Addresses by men of all Orders and Dignities in the Church and of all Degrees in the Universities I was at last overcome by that importunity which I found would not be resisted I know that as the times now stand I am to expect nothing for my Pains and Travel but the displeasure of some and the censure of others But coming to the work with a single heart abstracted from all self-ends and private Interesses I shall satisfie my self with having done this poor service to the Church my once Blessed Mother for whose sake onely I have put my self upon this Adventure The party whom I am to deal with is so much a stranger to me that he is neither beneficio nec injurià notus and therefore no particular respects have mov'd me to the making of these Animadversions which I have writ without relation to his person for vindication of the truth the Church and the injured Clergy as before is said So that I may affirm with an honest Conscience Non lecta est operi sed data causa meo That this imploâ—ment was not chosen by me but impos'd upon me the unresistable intreaties of so many friends having something in them of Commands But howsoever Iacta est alea as Caesar once said when he passed over the Rubicon I must now take my fortune whatsoever it proves so God speed me well Errata on the Animadversions PAge 10. line 17. for Melkinus r. Telkinus p. 20. l. 21. for Queen of r. Queen of England p. 27. l. 6. for Woodeâ— poir r. Woodensdike s p. 42. l. 1. for inconsiderateness r. the inconsiderateness of children p. 121. l. 28. for ter r. better p. 145. l. 2. for statuendo r. statuendi p. 154. l. 22. Horcontnar r. cantuur p. 154. l. 17. for Dr. Hammond r. D. Boke p. 160. l. 1. for his r. this p. 163. l. 28. for Jesuites r. Franciscans p. 189. l. ult for contemn r. confession p. 221. in the Marg. for wether r. with other p. 228. l. 2. for Den r. Dean p. 239. l. 29. for Commons r. Canon p. 271. l. ult for culis r. occulis ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Church History OF BRITAIN LIB I. Of the Conversion of the Britans to the Faith of Christ. IN order to the first Conveâ—sion o◠〈◊〉 Bâ—itish Nations our Author takes beginning at the sad condition they were in beâ—ore the Chrisâ—ian Faith was preached unto them â— And in a sad condition they were indeedâ— as being in the estate of Gentilism and consequently without the true knowledge of the God that made them but yet not in a worse condition then the other Gentiles wâ—â— were not only darkned in their understandings bâ—â—â—o deprav'd also in their Affections as to work all maâ—nâ—er of uncleanness even
Prerogative and Authority to all Emperors Kings Princes and Potentates and all other we have conceiv'd such opinion and have such estimation of your Majesties goodness and vertue that whatsoever any persons not so well learned as your Grace is would pretend unto the same whereby we your most humble Subjects may be brought in your Graces displeasure and indignation surmising that we should by usupation and presumption extend our Laws to your most noble Person Prerogative and Realm yet the same your Highness being so highly learn'd will of your own most bounteous goodness facilly discharge and deliver us from that envy when it shall appear that the said Laws are made by us or our Predecessors conformable and maintenable by the Scripture of God and determination of the Church against which no Laws can stand or take effect Somewhat to this purpose had been before endevoured by the Commons in the last Parliament of King Edw. 3. of which because they got nothing by it but only the shewing of their teeth without hurting any body I shall say nothing in this place reserving it to the time of the long Parliament in the Reign of King Charles when this point was more hotly followed and more powerfully prosecuted than ever formerly What says our Author unto this Findes he here any such matter as that the Laity at their pleasure could liâ—â—â— the Canons of the Church Or that such Canons in whatsoever tâ—uched temporals were subject unto secular Laws and National Customs And hereof I desire the Reader to take special notice as that which is to serve for a Catholicon of general Antidoâ—e against those many venomous insiâ—nations which he shall meet with up and down in the course of this History As for the case in which our Author grounds this pestilent Position it was the Canon made in a Synod at Westminster in the time of Anselm Anno 1102. prohibiting the sale of men and women like brute beasts in the open Market Which Canon not finding presently an universal obedience over all the Kingdom as certainly ill customs are not easily left when they are countenanced by profit occasioned our Author to adventure upon this bold assertion Fol. 24. Indeed St. Davids had been Christian some hundred of years whilest Canterbury was yet Pagan â— Not many hundred years I am sure of that nor yet so many as to make a plural number by the Latin Grammar Kent being conquered by the Saxons who brought in Paeâ—â—nism Anno 455. Converted unto Christianity by the preaching of Austin An. 569. Not much more then 140 years betwixt the one and the other Fol. 29. To whose honor he viz. King Stephen erected St. Stephens Chappel in Westminster neer the place whero lately the Court of Requests was kept Our Author is here 〈…〉 and will not parler le tout as the French men say For otherwise he might have told us that this Chappel is still standing and since the â—â—endry of it to King Edward the sixth haâ—â— been 〈◊〉 for a Parliament House implâ—yed to that purpose by the Common as 〈…〉 be thus reserved I can hardly tell unless it be to prevent such inferences and observations which by some wanton wits might be made upon it Fol. 40. By the same title from his Father Jeffery Plantagenet he possessed fair lands in Anjou and Maine I had thought he had possessed somewhat more in Anjou and Maine then some fair Lands only his Father Ieffery Plantagenet being the Proprietary Earl of Anjou Maine and Toureine not aâ—itular only succeeded in the same by this King Henry and his two sons Richard and Iohn till lost unhappily by the last with the rest of our Estates on that side of the Sea From this Ieffery descended fourteen Kings of the name of Plantagenet the name not yet extinguished though it be impoverished our Author speaking of one of them who was found not long since at the Plow Lib. 2. p. 170. Another of that name publishing a Book about the Plantation of new Albion An. 1646. or not long before Fol. 53. King John sent a base degenerous and unchristian Embassage to Admiralius Murmelius a Mahometan King of Morocco then very puissant and possessing a great part of Spain This Admiralius Murmelius as our Author and the old Monks call him was by his own name called Mahomet Enaser the Miramomoline of Morocco to whom if King Iohn sent any such Message it was as base unchristian and degenerate as our Author makes it But being the credit of the â—ale depends upon the credit of the Monkish Authors to which bâ—ood of men that King was known to be a professed Enemy â—haâ—ing and hated by one anotherâ— it is not to be esteemed so highly as a piece of Apocrypha and much less to be held for Gospel Possible it is that being overlaid by his own subjects and distressed by the 〈◊〉 he might send unto that King for aid in his great extremities And doing this 〈◊〉 this were aâ—â— he did no 〈…〉 and in ignation and 〈…〉 so much as was done afterwards upon far weaker grounds by King Francis the first employing the Turks Forces both by Sea and Land against Charles the fifth But the Monks coming to the knowledge of this secret practise and constâ—â—ing his actions to the worst improv'd the Molehil to a Mountain rendring him thereby as odious to posterity as he was to themselves Fol. 63. I question whether the Bishop of Rochester whose Countrey house at Brumly is so nigh had ever a House in the City There is no question but he had Stâ—w finding it in Southwark by the name of Rochester 〈◊〉 adioyning on the South side to the Bishop of Winchesters minons and out of â—eparation in his time as possibly not much frequented since the building of Bromly House and since converted into Tonements for private persons But since our Author hath desired others to recover the rest from oblivion I shall help him to the knowledge of two more and shall thank any man to finde out the third The first of these two is the Bishop of Lincolns House situate neer the old Temple in Holborn first built by Robert de Chesney Bishop of Lincoln Anno 1147. Since alien'd from that See to the Earls of Southampton and passing by the name of Southampton House The second is the Bishop of Bangors a fair House situate in Shoo-lane neer St. Andrews Church of late time Leased out by the Bishops and not long since the dwelling of Dr Smith Doctor in Physick a right honest and ingenuous person and my very good Friend Of all the old Bishops which were founded before King Harry the eight there is none whose House we have not found but the Bishop of Aâ—aph to the finding whereof if our Author or any other will hold forth the Candle I shall follow the 〈◊〉 the best I can and be thankful for it Fol. 67. And though some high Royalists look on it as the product of subjects 〈◊〉 themselves
the conditions of those times did afford unto him he addeth that Fol. 129. We must attribute the main to Divine Providâ—â—ce blessing the Gospel A name too high to be bestowed upon the Fancies of a private Man many of whose Opinions were so far from truth so contrary to peace and civil Order so inconsistent with the Government of the Church of Christ as make them utterly unworthy to be look'd on as a part of the Gospel Or if the Doctrines of Wickliffe must be call'd the Gospel what shall become of the Religion then establisht in the Reâ—lâ— of England and in most other parts of the Western woâ—ld Were all but Wickliffes Followers relaps'd to 〈◊〉 were they turn'd Jews or had embrac'd 〈◊〉 of Mahomet If none of these and that they 〈…〉 in the faith of Christ delive ed to them in the Gospels of the four Evangelists and other Apostolical Writers Wickliffes new Doctrines could not challenge the name of Gospel nor ought it to be given to him by the pen of any But such is the humor of some men as to call every separation from the Church of Rome by the name of Gospel the greater the separation is the more pure the Gospel No name but that of Evangelici would content the Germans when they first separated from that Church and reformed their own and Harry Nichols when he separated from the German Churches and became the Father of the Familists bestows the name of Evangelium Regni on his Dreams and Dotages Gospels of this kinde we have had and may have too many quot Capita tot fides as many Gospels in a manner as Sects and Sectaries if this world go on Now as Wickliffes Doctrines are advanc'd to the name of Gospel so his Followers whatsoever they were must be called Gods servants the Bishops being said fol. 151. to be busie in persecuting Gods servants and for what crime soever they were brought to punishment it must be thought they suffered only for the Gospel and the service of God A pregnant evidence whereof we have in the story of Sir Iohn Oldcastle accused in the time of King Harry the fifth for a Design to kill the King and his Brethren actually in Arms against that King in the heâ—â— of 20000 men attainted for the same in open Parliament and condemn'd to die and executed in St. Giles his Fields accordingly as both Sir Roger Acton his principal Counsellor and 37 of his Accomplices had been before For this we have not only the Authority of our common Chronicles Walsingham Stow and many others but the Records of the Tower and Acts of Parliament as is confessed by our Author fol. 168. Yet coming out of Wickliffes Schools and the chief Scholar questionless which was train'd up in them he must be Registred for a Martyr in Fox his Calender And though our Author dares not quit him as he says himself yet such is his tenderness and respect to Wickliffes Gospel that he is loath to load his Memory with causless Crimes fol. 167. taxeth the Clergie of that time for their hatred to him discrediteth the relation of T. Walsingham and all later Authors who are affirm'd to follow him as the Flock their Belweather and finally leaves it as a special verdict to the last day of the Revelation of the righteous Iudgements of God From the Scholar pass we to the Master of whom it is reported in a late Popish Pamphlet that he made a recantation of his Errors and liv'd and dyed confoâ—mable to the Church of Rome This I behold as a notorious falshood an imposture of the Romish party though the argument used by our Authoâ— be not of strength sufficient to inforce me to it If saith he Wickliffe was sufficiently reconcil'd to the Roman faith why was not Rome sufficiently reconciled to him Vsing such cruelty to him many years after his death fol. 171. But this say I is no reason of no force at all Wickliffe might possibly be reconcil'd to the Church of Rome and yet the Minâ—sters of that Church to strike a terror into others might execute that vengeance on him after his decease which they had neither power nor opportunity to do when he was alive Quam vivo iracundiam debuerant in corpus mortâ—i contulerunt And hereof we have a fair example in Marcus Antonius de Dominis Archbishop of Spalato who coming into England 1616. did manifestly oppose the Doctrines of the Church of Rome in some learned Volumes But being cunningly wrought on by some Emâ—ssaries of the Romish party in the year 1622. he went baâ—k to Rome was reconcil'd to that Church and writ the e most reproachfully of the Church of England which notwithstanding he was kept prisoner all the rest of his life and his body burnt to ashes after his decease So then it is no such new matter for a dissenting Christian such as Wickliffe and de Dominis were though branded by the nâ—me of Hereticks to be admitted to a reconciliation with the Church of Rome and yet that Church to carry a revengeful minde towards them when occasion serves And all this while we have expected that our Author would have given us a brief summary of Wickliffes Doctrines that by seeing the Piety and Orthodoxie of his Opinions we might have thought more reverently both of him and his Followers But therein our expectation must remain unsatisfied our Author thinking it more agreeable to his Design to hold the Reader in suspense and conceal this from him dealing herein as the old Germans did with those of other Nations who came to wait upon Valeda a great Queen amongst them not suffering any to have a sight of her to keep them in a greater admiration of her parts and Person Arcebantur aspectu quò plus venerationis inesset as it is in Tacitus The wheat of Wickliffe was so soul so full of chaffe and intermingled with so many and such dangerous Tares that to expose it to the view were to mar the market And therefore our Author having formerly honored his Opinions by the name of Gospel and his followers with the Title of Gods servants as before was noted had reason not to shew them all at once in a lump together that we might think them better and more Orthodox then indeed they were But the best is to save us the trouble of consulting Harpsfield and others who have written of them our Author hath given them us at last on another occasion Lib. 5. fol. 208. many of which the Reader may peruse in these Ammadversions Numb 113. Thus having laid together so much of this present Book as relates to Wickliffe and his followers I must behold the rest in fragments as they lye before me Fol. 152. He lies buried in the South Isle of St. Peters Westminster and since hath got the company of Spencer and Drayton Not Draytons company I am sure whose body was not buryed in the South-Isle of that Church but under the North wall
thereof in the main body of it not far from a little dore which openeth into one of the Prebends houses This I can say on certain knowledge being casually invited to his Funeral when I thought not of it though since his Statua hath been set up in the other place which our Author speaks of Fol. 153. The Right to the Crown lay not in this Henry but in Edmund Mortimer Earl of March descended by his Mother Philippa from Lionel Duke of Clarence elder son to Edward the third I shall not now dispute the Title of the House of Lancaster though I think it no hard matter to defend it and much less shall I venture on the other controversie viz. whether a King may Legally be depos'd as is insinuated by our Author in the words foregoing But I dare grapple with him in a point of Heraldry though I finde him better studied in it then in matter of History And certainly our Author is here out in his own dear Element Edmund Mortimer Earl of March not being the Son but Husband of the Lady Philippa Daughter of Lionel Duke of Clarence and Mother of Roger Mortimer Earl of March whom Richard the second to despite the House of Lancaster declared Heir apparent to the Kingdom of England 'T is true this Edmond was the son of another Philippa that is to say of Philip Montacute wife of a former Roger Earl of March one of the founders of the Garter So that in whomsoever the best Title lay if lay not in this Edmond Mortimer as our Author makes it 〈◊〉 154. This is one of the clearest distinguishing 〈…〉 the Temporaâ—â— and Spiritual Lordsâ— that 〈…〉 be tryed per pares by their Peers being 〈…〉 Noâ— shall I here dispute the point 〈…〉 may not challenge to be tryed by his 〈…〉 wheâ—â—er the Bishops were not Barons and 〈◊〉 of the Realm Our Author intimates that they were not but I think they were and this I think on the authority of the learned Selden in whom we finde that at a Parliament at Northampton 〈◊〉 Henry the 2. the Bishops thus challenge their own â—ee age viz. Non sedemus hiâ— Episcopi sed Barones Nos â—â—â—â—nes vâ—s Barones Pares hiâ— sumus that is to 〈◊〉 We 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 as Bishops only but as Barons We are Barons and you are Barons here we sit as Peers Which last is also 〈…〉 in terminis by the words of a Statuâ—e 〈◊〉 Act of Parliament wherein the Bishops are acknowledged to â—e Peers of the Land And for further proof heâ— eoâ— Ihon â—tratford Archbishop of Canterbury if I remember it aright being fallen into the displeâ—sure of King Edward the third and denyed entrance into the House of 〈◊〉 made his Protest that he was Primus 〈◊〉 Regni the 〈◊〉 Peer of the Realm and therefoâ—e not to be 〈…〉 from his place and Suffrage But of this Argument enough iâ— not too much as the case now stands 〈…〉 thing to consider what they have 〈…〉 what they are at this preâ—ent 〈…〉 Reign theâ—e paâ—â— an Act of Paâ—liament by which it was enacted That the Countrey of Wales should be stand and continue for ever from thenceforth incorpoâ—aâ—ed united and annexed to and with this Realm of England And that all and singular person and persons born and to be born in the said principality countrey or dominion of Wales shall have inâ—oy and inhe â—it all and singular Freedoms Liberties Rights Priviledges and Lawes within this Realm and other the Kings Dominions as other the Kings Subjects naturally boâ—n within the same have and injoy and inheâ—â—it And thirdly between the time which our Author speaks of being the 14 year of King Henry the fourth and the making of this Act by King Henry the eighth there passed boâ—e an hundâ—ed and twenty years which intimates a longer time then some years after as out Author words it Fol. 168. I will not complain of the dearness of this Univeâ—sity where seventeen weeks cost me more then seventeen years in Cambridge even all that I had The oâ—dinary and unwary Reâ—der might collect from hence that Oxford is a chargeable place and that all commodities there are exceeding dear but that our Author lets him know that it was on some occasion of distâ—â—bance By which it seems our Author doth 〈◊〉 to the time of the War when men from all 〈◊〉 did repair to Oxford not as a University but a place of safety and the fear Royall of the King at 〈◊〉 time notwithstanding all provisions were so plenâ—â—ull and at such cheap rates as no man had reason to complain of the 〈◊〉 of them No better argument of the 〈◊〉 of the soil and richness of the 〈◊〉 in which Oxford standeth then that the 〈…〉 on the accession of such 〈…〉 at that 〈◊〉 and on that occasion 〈◊〉 Author therefoâ—e 〈◊〉 be thought to relate unto somewhat else then is here expâ—essed and possibly may be that his being at Oxford at that time 〈◊〉 him within the compass of Delinquency and consequently of Sequestration And 〈…〉 hath 〈…〉 son to complain of the Vniversity or the dearness of it but rather of himself for coming to a place so chargeable and destructive to him He might have tarryed where he was for I never heard that he was sent foâ— and then this great complaint against the dearness of that Vniversity would have found no place Fol. 175. Surely what Charles the fifth is said to have said of the City of Florence that it is pity 〈◊〉 should be seen save only on holy-dayes c. Our Author is somewhat out in this in fachering that saying on Charles the fifth Emperor and King of Spain which Boterus and all other Authors ascribe to Charles Archduke of Austria that is to say to Charles of Inspruch one of the younger sons of the Emperor Ferdinand the first and consequently Nephew to Charles the fifth Not is oâ—r Author very right in taking Aquensis for Aix in Provence Fol. 178. Especially â—aith he if as I take it by Aquensis Aix be meantâ— scited in the fâ—rthermost parts of Provence though even now the English power in France was a waning For first the English never had any power in Provence no interest at all therein nor pretentions to it as neither had the French Kings in the times our Author speaks of Provence in thoâ—e dayes was independent of that Crown an absolute Estate and held immediately of the Empire as being a part and member of the Realm of Burgundy and in the actual possession of the Dukes of â—njou on the expiring of which House by the last will and Testament of Duke Rene the second it was bequeathed to Lewis the eleventh of France by him and his successors to be enjoyed upon the death of Charles Earl of Maine as it was accordingly And secondly that Bernard whom the Latine cals Episcopus Aquensis is very ill taken by our Author to be Bishop of Aix He was indeed Bishop of Acqus or
now we feel and see the most bitter consequences And as for the Prelatical party the high Royalists as our Author cals them they conceive the Reformation was not so perfected in the time of that prudent Queen but that there was somewhat left to do for her two Successors that is to say the altering of some Rubricks in the Book of Common-prayer the adding of some Collects at the end of the Letany the enlargement of the common Catechism a more exact translation of the Bible then had been before the setling of the Church upon the Canons of 603. and finally a stricter and more hopeful course for suppressing Popery and for the maintenance both of conformity and uniformity by the Canons of 640. Fol. 187. And now I cannot call King Henry a Batchelor because once marryed nor a marryed man because having no wife nor properly a Widower because his wife was not dead Our Author speaks this of Henry the eighth immediately after his divorce but is much mistaken in the matter King Henry was so averse from living without a Wife that he thought it more agreeable to his constitution to have two Wives together then none at all To that end while the business of the Divorce remained undecided he was marryed privately to the Lady Anne Bollen on the 14 of November Stow puts it off till the 25 of Ianuary then next following by Dr. Rowland Lee his Chaplain promoted not long after to the Bishoprick of Coventry and Lichfield the Divorce not being sentenced till the Aprill following And whereas our Author tels us in the following words that soon after he was solemnly marryed to the Lady Anna Bollen he is in that mistaken also King Henry though he was often marryed yet would not be twice marâ—yed to the same Woman that being a kinde of Bigamy or Anabaptistry in marriage to be hardly met with All that he did in order to our Authors meaning is that he avowed the marriage openly which before he had contracted in private the Lady Anne Bollen being publickly shewed as Queen on Easter Eve and solemnly crowned on Whitsunday being Iune the second Assuredly unlesse our Author makes no difference between a Coronation and a Marriage or between a marriage solemnly made and a publique owning of a Marriage before contracted King Harry cannot be affirmed to have marryed Anne Bollen solemnly after the Divorce as our Author telleth us Fol. 208. Though many wilde and distempered Expressions be found therein yet they contain the Protestant Religion in Oare which since by Gods blessing is happily refined Our Author speaks this of a paper containing many erroneous Doctrines presented by the Prolocutor to the Convocation some few of which as being part of Wickliffs Gospel and chief ingredients in the Composition of the new Protestant Religion lately taken up I shall here subjoyn 1. That the Sacrament of the Altar is nothing else but a piece of bread or a little predie round Robin 2. That Priests have no more Authority to minister Sacraments then the Lay-men have 3. That all Ceremonies accuestomd in the Church which are not clearly expressed in Scripture must be taken away because they are Mens inventions 4. That the Church commonly so called is the old Synagogue and that the Church is the Congregation of good men only 5. That God never gave grace nor knowledge of holy Scripture to any great Estate or rich man and that they in no wise follow the same 6. That all things ought to be common 7. That it is as lawful to Christen a childe in a Tub of water at home or in a Dirch by the way as in a Font-stone in the Church 8. That it is no sin or offence to eat White-meats Egges Butter Cheese or flesh in Lent or other Fasting dayes commanded by the Church and received by consent of Christian people 9. That it is as lawful to eat flesh on Good-Friday as upon Easter day or other times in the year 10. That the Ghostly Father cannot give or enjoyn any penance at all 11. That it is sufficient for a Man or Woman to make their confession to God alone 12. That it is as lawfull at all times to confesse to a Lay-man as to a Pâ—iest 13. That it is sufficient that the sinner do say I know my self a sinner 14. That Bishops Ordinaries and Ecclesiastical Iudges have no Authority to give any sentence of Excommunication or censure ne yet to absolve or loose any man from the same 15. That it is not necessary or profitable to have any Church or Chappel to pray in or to do any divine service in 16. That buryings in Churches and Church-yards be unprofitable and vain 17. That the rich and costly Oâ—naments in the Church are rather high displeasure then pleasure or honour to God 18. That our Lady was no better then another Woman and like a bag of Pepper or Saffron when the spice is out 19. That Prayers Suffrages Fasting or Alms-deeds do not help to take away sin 20. That Holy-dayes ordained and instituted by the Church are not to be observed and kept in reverence in as much as all dayes and times be alike 21. That Plowing and Caâ—ting and such servile work may be done in the same as on other without any offence at all as on other dayes 22. That it is sufficient and enough to believe though a man do no good works at all 23. That seeing Christ hath shed his bloud for us and Redeemed us we need not to do any thing at all but to believe and repent if we have offended 24. That no humane Câ—nstitutions or Laws do binde 〈◊〉 Christian man but such as be in the Gospels Pauls Epistles or the New Testament and that a man may break them without any offence at all 25. That the singing or saying of Mass Mattens or Even song is but a roring howling whistling mumming tomring and jugling and the playing on the Organs a foolish vanity This is our Authors golden Oare out of which his new Protestant Religion was to be extracted So happily refin'd that there is nothing of the Old Christian Religion to be found therein Which though our Author doth defend as Expressions rather then Opinions the Careers of the Soul and Extravagancies of humane infirmity as he doth the rest yet he that looks upon these points and sees not in them the rude draught and lineaments of the Puritan Plat-form which they have been hammering since the time of Cartwright and his Associates must either have better eyes then mine or no eyes at all I see our Author looks for thanks for this discovery for publishing the paper which contain'd these new Protestant truâ—hs and I give him mine Fol. 239. At this time also were the Stews suppressed by the Kings command And I could wish that some command had been laid upon our Author by the Parliament to suppress them also and not to have given them any place in the present History especially not to
the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and to all and every thing in them contained And furthermore we do not only by our said Prerogative Royall and Supreme Authority in causes Ecclesiasticall ratifie confirme and establish by these our Letters Patents the said Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions and all and every thing in them contained as is aforesaid but do likewise propound publish and straightly enjoyne and command by our said Authority and by these our Letters Patents the same to be diligently observed executed and equally kept by all our loving Subjects of this our Kingdom both within the Province of Canterbury and York in all points wherein they do or may concerne every or any of them according to this our Will and Pleasure hereby signified and expressed No other Power required to confirme these Canons or to impose them on the people but the Kings alone And yet I â—row there are not a few particulars in which those Canons do extend to the property and persons of such Refusers as are concerned in the same which our Author may soon finde in them if he list to look And having so done let him give us the like Precedent for his Houses of Parliament either abstractedly in themselves or in cooperation with the King in confirming Canons and we shall gladly quit the cause and willingly submit to his â—er judgement But if it be Obâ—ected as perhaps it may That the Subsidies granted by the Clergy in the Convocation are ratified and confirmed by Act of Parliament before they can be levied either on the Granters themselves or the rest of the Clergy I answer that this makes nothing to our Authors purpose that is to say that the person or property of Refusers should not be subjected to temporal penalty without consent of Parliament For first before the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the 8. they granted Subsidies and other aids unto the King in their Convocations and levied them upon the persons concerned therein by no other way then the usuall Censures of the Church especiall by Suspension and deprivation if any Refuser prove so refractary as to dispute the payment of the sum imposed And by this way they gave and levied that great sum of an Hundred thousand pounds in the Province of Canterbury only by which they bought their peace of the said King Henry at such time as he had caused them to be attainted in the Praemunire And secondly there is a like Precedent for it since the said Submission For whereas the Clergy in their Convocation in the year 1585. being the 27 year of Queen Elizabeth had given that Queen a Subsidy of four shillings in the pound confirmed by Act of Parliament in the usual way they gave her at the same time finding their former gift too short for her present occasions a Benevolence of two shillings in the pound to be raised upon all the Clergy by vertue of their own Synodical Act only under the penalty of such Ecclesiastical Censures as before were mentioned Which precedent was after followed by the Clergy in their Convocation an 1640. the Instrument of the Grant being the same verbatim with that before though so it hapned such influence have the times on the actions of men that they were quarreld and condemned for it by the following Parliament in the time of the King and not so much as checkt at or thought to have gone beyond their bounds in the time of the Queen And for the ratifying of their Bill by Act of Parliament it came up first at such times after the Submission before mentioned as the Kings of England being in distrust of their Clergy did not think fit to impower them by their Letters Patents for the making of any Synodical Acts Canons or Constitutions whatsoever by which their Subsidies have been levied in former times but put them off to be confirmed and made Obligatory by Act of Parliament Which being afterwards found to be the more expedite way and not considered as derogatory to the Churches Rights was followed in succeeding times without doubt or scruple the Church proceeding in all other cases by her â—â—tive power even in cases where both the person and property of the Subject were alike concerned as by the Canons 1603 1640. and many of those past in Q. Elizabeths time though not so easie to be seen doth at full appear Which said we may have leisure to consider of another passage relating not unto the power of the Church but the wealth of the Churchmen Of which thus our Authoâ— Fol. 253. I have heard saith he that Queen Elizabeth being informed that Dr. Pilkington Bishop of Durham had given ten thousand pounds in marriage with his Daughter and being offended that a Prelates daughter should equal a Princesse in portion took away one thousand pounds a year from that Bishoprick and assigned it for the better maintenance of the Garrison of Barwick In telling of which story ouâ— Author commits many mistakes as in most things elâ—e For first to justifie the Queens displeasure if she were displeased he makes the Bishop richer and the Portion greater then indeed they were The ten thousand pounds Lib. 9. fol. 109. being shrunk to eight and that eight thousand pound not given to one Daughter as is here affirmed but divided equally between two whereof the one was married to Sir Iames Harrington the other â—nto Dunch of Berk-shire Secondly this could be no cause of the Queens displeasure and much lesse of the Courâ—ieâ—s envy that Bishop having sat in the See of Durham above seventeen years And certainly he must needs have been a very ill Husband if our of such a great Revenue he had not saved five hundred pounds per annum to prefeâ— his Children the income being as great and the charges of Hospitality lesse then they have been since Thirdly the Queen did not take away a thousand pound a year from that Bishoprick as is here affirmed The Lands were left to it as before but in regard the Garrison of Barwick preserved the Bishops Lands and Tenants from the spoil of the Scots the Queen thought fit that the Bishops should contribute towards their own defence imposing on them an annuall pension of a thousand pound for the better maintaining of that Garrison Fourthly Bishop Pilkington was no Doctor but a Batchelor of Divinity only and possibly had not been raised by our Author to an higher Title and Degree then the University had given him but that he was a Conniver at Non-conformity as our Author telleth us Lib. 9. fol. 109. Lastly I shall here add that I conceive the Pension above mentioned not to have been laid upon that See after Pilkingtons death but on his first preferment to it the French having then newly landed some forces in Scotland which put the Queen upon a necessity of doubling her Guaâ—ds and increasing her Garrisons But whatsoever was the cause of imposing this great yearly payment upon that Bishoprick certain I
read and compared with the Statute he had not needed to have made this Qâ—ere about the true intent and meaning of the Kings Injunction Fol. 386. In the first year of King Edward the sixth it was recommended to the care of the most grave Bishops and others assembled by the King at his Castle at Windfor and when by them compleated set forth in Print 1548. with a Proclamation in the Kings name to give Authority thereunto being also recommended unto every Bishop by especiall Letters from the Lords of the Councel to see the same put in execution And in the next year a penalty was imposed by Act of Parliament on such who should dâ—prave or neglect the use thereof Our Author here mistakes himself and confounds the business making no difference between the whole first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth and a particular form of Administration For the better understanding whereof he may please to know that in the first Parliament of this King there past a Statute Entituled An Act against such as speak against the Sacrament of the Altar and for the receipt thereof in both kindes Upon the coming out whereof the King being no lesse desirous as Fox relates it to have the form of Administration of the Sacrament reduced to the right Rule of the Scriptures and first use of the Primitive Church then he was to establish the same by Authority of his own Regal Lawes appointed certâ—in of the most grave and learned Bishop and others of his Realm to assemble together at his Castle of Windsor there to argue and intreat of this matter and conclude upon and set forth one perfect and uniform Order accoâ—ding to the Rule and use aforesaid which Book was printed and set out March 8. 1548. which is 1547. according to the accompt of the Church of England with a Proclamation of the Kings befoâ—e as by the Book it self appeaâ—â—â— But this Book thus set out and publisht contained nothing but a Form and Order of Adminisâ—ing the Holy Communion under both kinds in pursuâ—nce of the Statute before mentioned and served but as a preamble to the following Liturgy a Bâ—eâ— fast as it were to the Feast insuing The Liturgy came not out till near two years after confirmed in Parliament Anno 2. 3. Edw. 6. cap. 1. and in that Parliament cryed up as made by the immediate aide and inspiration of the holy Ghost Which notwithâ—â—anding some exceptions being taken at it as our Author notes by Calvin abâ—oâ—d and some Zealots at home the Book was brought under a Review much altered in all the parts and offiâ—es of it but whethâ—r â—nto the better or unto the worse let some others judge Fol. 404. At last the great Earl of Warwick deserted his Chaplain in open field to shift for himself Indeed he had higher things in his head then to attend such trifles A man may easily discern a Cat by her claw and we may finde as easily by the scratches of our Authoâ—s pen to what party in the Church he stands most inclined He had before declared for the Dominicans and Rigid Calvinists in some points of Doctâ—ine and now declares himself for the Non-Conformists in point of Ceremony He had not else called the Episcopal Ornaments particularly the Rochet Chimere and Square-cap by the name of trifles such trifles as were not worth the contending for if Resâ—lute Ridley had been pleased to dispense therein The truth is that Hoopers opposition in this particulaâ— gave the first ground to those Combustions in the Church which after followed Calvin extremely stickling for him and writing to his party here to assist him in it And this I take to be the reason why our Author is so favourable in his censure of him fol. 402. and puts such Answers in the mouthes of the Non-Conformist fol. 404. as I can hardly think were so well hammered and accommodated in those early dayes Such as seem rather fitted for the temper and acumen of the present times after a long debating of all particulars and a strict search into all the niceties of the Controversie then to the first beginnings and unpremeditated Agitatious of a new-born Quarrel Fol. 406. Yet this work met afterwards with some Frowns even in the faces of great Clergy-men c. because they concoived these singing Psalms erected in Corrivality and opposition to the reading Psalms which were formerly sung in Cathedral Churches And thoâ—e great Church-men â—ad good reâ—son for what they did wisely foreseeing that the singing of those Psalms so translated in Rythme and Meeter would work some alteration in the executing of the publique Liturgy For though it be exprest in the Title of those singing Psalms that they were set forth and allowed to be sung in all Churches before and after morning and eveniâ—g Prayer and also before and after Sermons yet this allowance seems rather to have been a Connivence then an approbation no such allowance being â—ny wheâ—e found by such as have been most industrious and concerned in the search thereof Secondly whereas â—t was intended that the said Psalms should be only 〈◊〉 before and after morning and evening Prayer and also before and after Sermons which shews they were not to be intermingled in the publique Liturgy in very little time they pâ—evailed so far in most Parish Churches as to thrust the Te Deum the Benedictus the Magnificat and the Nunc dimittis quite out of the Church And thirdly by the practices and endevours of the Puritan party they came to be esteemed the most divine part of Gods publique service the reading Psalms together with the first and second Lessons being heard in many places with a covered head but all men â—itting bare-headed when the Psalm is sung And to that end the Parish Clerk must be taught when he names the Psalm to call upon the people to sing it to the praise and glory of God no such preparatory Exhortation being used at the naming of the Chapters of the dayly Psalms But whereas our Author seems to intimate that the Reading Psalms were formerly sung only in Cathâ—dral Churches he is exceedingly mistaken both in the Rubriâ—ks of the Church and the practice too the Rubricks lâ—â—ving them indifferently to be said or sung according as the Congregation was fitted for it the practice in some Parish Churches within the time of my memory being for it also And this our Author as I think cannot chuse but know if he be but as well studied in the Rules of the Church as in some Popish Legends and old ends of Poetry Fol. 407. Let Adonijah and this Lords example deterr Subjects from medling with the Widows of their Soveraigns lest in the same match they espouse their own danger and destruction I see little reason for this Rule lesse for his examples For first Abishag the Shunamite whom Adonijah desâ—red to have to wife was â—ever marryed unto David and therefore cannot properly be called his Widow And secondly Queen
Katheriâ—e Parr the Widow of King Henry the eighth and wife unto Sir Thomas Seimor the Lord here mentioned is generally charactered for a Lady of so meek a nature as not to contribute any thing towards his destruction Had the Dutchesse of Somerset been lesse impetious then she was or possest but of one half of that aequanimity which carryed Queen Katherine off in all times of her troubles this Lord might have lived happily in the armes of his Lady and gone in peace unto the grave We finde the like match to have been made between another Katherine the Widow of another Henry and Owen Tudor a private Gentleman of Wales prosperous and comfortable to them both though Owen was inferior to Sir Thomas Seimor both in Birth and Quality and Katherine of Valois Daughter to Charles the sixth of France far more superiour in her bloud to Queen Katherine Parr The like may be said also of the marriage of Adeliza Daughter of Geofry Earl of Lâ—vain and Duke of Brabant and Widow to King Henry the first marryed to William de Albeney a noble Gentleman to whom she brought the Castle and Honour of Arundel conâ—erred upon her by the King her former Husband continuing in the possession of their posterity though in severall Families to this very day derived by the Heirs general from this House of Albeney to that of the Fitz-â—lans and from them to the Howards the now Earls thereof Many more examples of which kinde foâ—tunate and succesful to each party might be easily â—ound were it worth the while Fol. 421. This barren Convocation is entituled the Parent of those Articles of Religion forty two in number which are printed with this Preface Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi c. Our Author here is guilty of a greater crime then that of Scandalum Magnatum making King Edward the sixth of pious memory no better then an impious and leud Impostor For if the Convocation of this year were barren as he saith it was it could neither be the Parent of those Articles nor of the short Catechisme which was Printed with them countenanced by the Kings Letters Patents preâ—ixt before it For First the Title to the Articles runneth thus at large viz. Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi Anno 1552 inter Episcopos alios eruditos viros convenerat ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem consensum verae Religionis firmandum Regia Authoritate in lucem editi Which title none durst have adventured to set before them had they not really been the products of that Convocation Secondly the King had no reason to have any such jealousie at that time of the major part of the Clergy but that he might trust them with a power to meddle with matters of Religion which is the only Argument our Author bringeth against those Articles This Convocation being holden in the sixth year of his Reign when most of the Episcopal Sees and Parochial Churches were filled with men agâ—eeâ—ble to his desiâ—es and generally conformâ—ble to the form of worship theâ— by Law established Thiâ—dly the Church of England for the first five years of Queen Elizabeth retained these Articles and no otheâ— as the publick tendries of the Church in poinâ—s of Doctrine which ceâ—tainly she had not done had they been reâ—ommended to her by a lesse Authoâ—ity then a Convocation Fourthly and lasâ—ly we have the testimony of our Author against himself who telling us of the Catechisme above mentioned that it was of the sanâ—e extraction with the Book of Articles addes afteâ—wards that being first composed by a single person it was perusâ—d and allowed by the Bishops and other learned men understand it the Convocation and by Royall Authority commended to all Subjecâ— and câ—mmanâ—ed to all School-masters to teach it their Scholars So that this Catechism being allowed by the Bishops and other learned men in the Convocation and the Articles being said to be of the same extraction it must needs follow thereupon that these Articles had no other Parent then this Convocation The truth is that the Records of Convocation during this Kings whole Reign and the first years of Queen Mary are very imperfect and defective most of them lost and amongst others those of this present year and yet one might conclude as strongly that my Mother died childless because my Christning is not to be found in the Parish Register as that the Convocation of this year was barren because the Acts and Articles of it are not entred in the Journal Book The Eighth Book OR The Reign of Queen MARY WE next proceed unto the short but troublesome Reign of Queen Mary in which the first thing 〈◊〉 occurs is â—ol 1. But the Commons of England who for many yeâ—â—s together had conn'd Loyalty by-heart out of the Staâ—â—â—e of the succession were so perfect in their Lesson that they would not be put out of it by this new started design In which I am to note these things first that he makes the Loyalty of the Commons of England not to depend upon the primogeniture of their Princes but on the Statute of Succession and then the object of that Loyalty must not be the King but the Act of Parliament by which they were directed to the knowledge of the next successor and then it must needs be in the power of Parliaments to dispose of the Kingdom as they pleas'd the Peoples Loyalty being tyed to such dispositions Secondly that the Statutes of Succession had been so many and so contrary to one another that the common people could not readily tell which to trust to and for the last it related to the Kings last Will and Testament so lately made and known unto so few of the Commons that they had neither opportunity to see it nor time to con the same by heart Nor thirdly were the Commons so perfect in this lesson of Loyalty or had so fixt it in their hearts but that they were willing to forget it within little time and take out such new lessons of disobedience and disloyalty as Wiat and his Partizans did preach unto them And finally they had not so well conn'd this lesson of Loyalty in our Authors own judgement but that some strong pretender might have taught them a new Art of Oblivion it being no improbable thing as himself confesseth to have heard of a King Henry the ninth if Henry Fitz-Roy the Duke of Somerset and Richmond had liv'd so long as to the death of King Edward the sixth Fol. 11. Afterwards Philpot was troubled by Gardiner for his words spoken in the Convocation In vain did he plead the priviledge of the place commonly reputed a part of Parliament I cannot finde that the Convocation at this time nor many years before this time was commonly reputed as a part of the Parliament That antiently it had been so I shall easily grant there being a clause in every letter of Summons by which the Bishops were required to attend in
Parliament that they should warn the Clergy of their several and respective Dioceses some in their persons and others by their Procurators to attend there also But this hath been so long unpractic'd that we finde no track of foot-steps of it since the Parliaments of the time of King Richard the second It 's true indeed that in the 8. year of King Henry the sixth there passed a Statute by which it was enacted That all the Clergy which should be called thenceforth to the Convocation by the Kings Writ together with their servants and Families should for ever after fully use and enjoy such liberty or immunity in coming tarrying and returning as the great men Commonalty of the Realm of England called or to be called to the Kings Parliament have used or ought to have or enjoy Which though it make the Convocation equal to the Parliament as to the freedom of their Persons yet can it not from hence be reckoned and much less commonly reputed for a part thereof Fol. 14. Indeed the Queen bare Poole an unfeigned affection and no wonder to him that considereth 1. their Age he being about ten years older the proportion allowed by the Philosopher betwixt Husband and Wife c. In Queen Maries afâ—ection unto Poole and the reasons of it I am very well satisfied better then in the explication which he adds unto it For if by the Philosopher he means Aristotle as I think he doth he is very much out in making no more then ten years to be the proportion allowed by him betwixt the Husband and the Wife For Aristotle in the seventh Book of his Politicks having discoursed of the fittest time and age for marriage both in men and women concludes at last that it is expedient that maidens be married about the age of eighteen years and Men at seven and thirty or thereabouts His reason is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Because they shall then be joyned in wedlock while their bodies be in full strength and shallâ— cease from procreation in fit time Whether so great a dispâ—oportion were allowed of then or that it was a matter of Speculation only and not reducible to practice I dispute not now Only I note that it is twenty years not ten which the Philosopher requires in the different ages of the Man and Wife Fol. 19. Lincoln Diocess the largest of the whole Kingdom containing Leicester c. with parts of Haâ—tford and Warwickshires That the greatâ— Diocess of Lincoln containeth the whole Counties of Bedford Buckingham Huntington Leicester and Lincoln with part of Hartfordshire is confessed by all but that it containeth also some part of Warwickshire I doe very much doubt Certain I am that Archbishop Parker a man very well skilled in the jurisdiction of his Suffragan Bishops assigns no part of Warwickshire to the See of Lincoln dividing that County between the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield and the Bishop of Worcester I see by this our Author is resolved to play at all games though he get by none Fol. 27. The Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies in Service and Sacraments they omitted both as superfluoâ—s and superstitioâ—s Our Author speaks this of the Schismatical Congregation at Franckford who tâ—rn'd the publick Church Liturgy quite out of their Church fashioning to themselves a new form of Worship which had no warrant and foundation by the laws of this Realm And first saith he the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies they omitted both as superfluous and superstitious Superfluous and superstitious in whose opinion In that of the Schismaticks at Franckford our Authors or in both alike Most probably in our Authors as well as theirs for otherwise he would have added some note of qualification such as they thought they judg'd or they suppos'd them according as he hath restrain'd them to their own â—ense in the clause next following viz. in place of the English Confession they used another adjudged by them of more effect Adjudged by them in this not the former sentence makes me inclinable to believe that the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies are both superfluous and superstitious in our Authors judgement not in theirs alone Secondly our Author as we have noted formerly on the second Book of this History reckons the Cross in Baptism used and required to be used by the Church of England among the superstitious Ceremonies and such like Trinckets with which that Sacrament is loaded And if he durst declare himself so plain in this second Book written as he affirms in the Reign of the late King when he might fear to be call'd to an account for that expression there is little question to be made but since Monarchy was turn'd into a State he would give his pen more liberty then he did before in counting the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies is superfluous and superstitious as the Cross in Baptism Thirdly having laid down an abstract of the form of worship contriv'd by the Schismaticks at Franckford he honoreth them with no lower Title then that of Saints and counts this liberty of deviating from the Rules of the Church for a part of their happiness For so it followeth fol. 28. This saith he is the Communion of Saints who never account themselves peaceably possest of any happiness untill if it be in their power they have also made their fellow-sufferers partakers thereof If those be Saints who separate themselves schismatically from their Mother Church and if it be a happiness to them to be permitted so to do our Author hath all the reason in the world to desire to be admitted into their Communion and be made partaker of that happiness which such Saints enjoy And if in order thereunto he counts the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies of the Church to be both superstitious and superfluous too who can blame him for it Fol. 39. Trinity Colledge built by Sir Thomas Pope â—I shall not derogate so much from Sir Thomas Pope as our Author doth from Trinity Colledge naming no Bishop of this House as he doth of others He tells us that he liv'd in this University about 17 weeks and all that time Dâ— Skinner the Bishop of Oxford liv'd there too Dr. Wright the Bishop of Liâ—chfield pâ—obably was then living alâ—o for he deceased not till after the beginning of the year 1643. but living at that time in his own House of Ecclesal Castle Both of them Members of this Colledge and therefore worthily deserving to have found some place in our Authors History And because our Author can finde no learned Writers of this Colledge neither I will supply him with two others in that kinde also The first whereof shall be Iohn Sâ—lden of the Inner Temple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that renown'd Humanitian and Philologer sometimes a Commoner of this House and here initiated in those Studies in which he afâ—erwards attain'd to so high an eminence The second William Chillingworth an able and acute Divine and once a
Lactantius has it Posterity is too soon taught to follow the ill examples of their Predecessors And though he press it not so home as Clesselius did yet when the gap is once set open and the Hedge of Authority torn down bloodshed and war and other acts of open violence will come in of course So that we may affirm of this dangerous Doctrine as the Sorbonists once did of the Iesuites viz. Videtur in negotio sidei periculosa pacis Ecclesiae perturbativa magis ad destructionem quà m ad aedificationem But I have staid too long upon these first Notes I now proceed unto the rest Fol. 54. This Parliament being very active in matters of Religion the Convocation younger Brother thereunto was little employed and less regarded Our Author follows his design of putting matters of Religion into the power of Parliaments though he hath chosen a very ill Medium to conclude the point This Parliament as active as he seems to make it troubled it self so little with matters of Religion that had it done less it had done just nothing All that it did was the Repealing of some Acts made in the time of Queen Mary and setling matters in the same State in which she found them at her first coming to the Crown The Common Prayer Book being reviewed and fitted to the use of the Church by some godly men appointed by the Queen alone receiv'd no other confirmation in this present Parliament then what it had before in the last years of King Edward The Supremacy was again restor'd as it had been formerly the Title of Supreme head which seem'd offensive unto many of both Religioâ—s being changed into that of Supreme Governor nothing in all this done de novo which could entitle this Parliament to such activity in matters of Religion but that our Author had a minde to undervalue the Convocation as being little imployed and less regarded I grant indeed that the Convocation of that year did only meet for forms sake without acting any thing and there was very good reason for it The Bishops at that time were so â—enaciously addicted to the Church of Rome that they chose all except Anthony Kitchin of Landaffe rather to lose their Bishopricks then take the Oath of Supremacy So that there was little or no hope of doing any thing in Convocation to the Queens content in order to the Reformation of Religion which was then design'd had they been suffered to debate treat and conclude of such particulars as had relation thereunto But we shall see when things are somewhat better setled that the activity of the next Convocation will make amends for the silence and unsignificancy of this In the mean time I would fain know our Authors Reason why speaking of the Convocation and the Parlialiament in the notion of Twins the Convocation must be made the younger Brother Assuredly there had been Convocations in the Church of England some hundreds of years before the name of Parliament had been ever heard of which he that lists to read the collection of Councils published by that learned and industrious Gentleman Sir Henry Spelman cannot but perceive Fol. 71. This year the spire of Poles steeple covered with lead strangely fell on fire More modestly in this then when he formerly ascribes the burning of some great Abbeys to Lightning from heaven And so this steeple was both reported and believed to be fired also it being an ordinary thing in our Common Almanacks till these latter times to count the time among the other Eâ—oches of Computation from the year that St. Paul-steeple was fired with Lightning But afterwards it was acknowledg'd as our Author truly notes to be done by the negligence of a Plummer carelesly leaving his Coles therein â—â—nce which acknowledgement we finde no mention of this accident in our yearly Almanacks But whereas our Author finds no other Benefactors for the repairing of this great Ruine but the Queens bounty and the Clergieâ— Benevolence I must needs tell him that these were only accessories to the principall charge The greatest part hereof or to say better the whole work was by the Queen imposed on the City of London it being affirmed by Iohn Stow that after this mischance the Queens Majesty directed her Letters to Sâ—ow Suâ—veâ— the Maior willing him to take order for the speedy repairing of the same And in pursuance of that order besides what issued from the publick stock in the Chamber of London the Citizens gave first a great Benevolence and after that three Fifteens to be speedily paid What the Queen did in the way of furtherance or the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury in the way of help is to be lookt upon as their free voluntary Act no otherwise obliged thereto but as the publick Honour of the Church and State did invite them to it The Maior and City were the parties upon whom the command was laid as most concerned in the Repair of their own Cathedâ—al Which I thought good to put our Author in minde oâ— as a fault of omission only leaving such use as may be made of the Observation to the 〈◊〉 of others Fol. 71. Here I would fain be informed by some learned men in the Law what needed the restoring of those Children whose â—ather was condemned and died only for Heresie which is conceived a personal crime and not tainting the blâ—nd The Parliament this year had passed an Act for the Restitution in bloud of the children of Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterbury for which our Author as it seems can see no reason in regard he was condemned and died only for Heresie For though saith he this Archbishop was first accused of High-Treason yet it afterward was waved and he tryed upon Heretical opinions But in this our Author is mistaken For though Cranmer was condemned and died for Heresie yet he was not condemned for that only nor was the accusation for Treason wav'd as he saith it was but the conviction of him as an Heretick superadded to it Being accused of High-Treason for subscribing though unwillingly to the Proclamation of the Lady Iane he was committed to the Tower on the 15. of September and on the 13. of November following arraigned at the Guildhall in London and there convicted and condemned together with the said Lady Iane the Lord Guilford Dudley her Husband and the Lord Ambrose Dudley her Husbands Brother Of which four the Lady Iane and her Husband only suffered death on that condemnation the Lord Ambrose Dudley being reprieved for a better fortune and the Archbishop reserved for a moâ—e cruell death For the Queen finding it more satisfactory to the Court of Rome to have him burnt for an Heretick then hanged for a Traytor and being implacably bent against him for his activeness in the Divorce thought good to wave her first proceeding and to have him put to death for Heresie But the Attainder holding still good at the Common-Law there was great reason
â—bâ—tted and confirm'd by his following Doctrines the name of Puritan though first found out to denote such as followed Calvin in dissenting from the Hierarâ—hy in Disciplin and Church-government might not unfitly be applyed to such as maintain'd his Doctrines also But of this Argument enough I shall adde only and so proceed to other businesses that Mr. Fox is brougâ—â— in as required to subscribe to the Canons by Archbishop Parker whereas there were at that time no Canons to subscribe unto nor is it the custom of the Church to require subscription unto Canons but unto those only who consented to the making of them Fol. 9â— John Felton who fastned the Popes Bull to the Palace â—f London being takenâ— and refusing to fly was hanged on a Gibbet before the Popes Palace The Bull here mention'd was that of Pope Pius the fifth for excommunicating Qâ—een Elizabeth which this Iohn Felton a 〈◊〉 Papist had hang'd up at the Gates of the Bishop of Londâ—â—s House that the Subjects might take noâ—â—â—e of it and for that fact was hang'd neer the same 〈…〉 he had offended But why our Author should call the Bishop of Londons House by the name of the Popes 〈◊〉 I do very much wonder unless it were to hold 〈◊〉 with the style of Martin Mar-Prelate and the 〈…〉 Faction Amongst whom nothing was more common then to call all Bishops Petty-Popes more particularly to call the Archbishop of Canterbury the Pope of Lambeth and the Bishop of London Pope of London But I hope more charitably then so being more willing to impure it to the fault of the Printers then the pen of our Author I only adde that to make even with this Iohn Felton a zealous Papist another Iohn Felton of the next age a zealous Puritan committed that execrable murther on the Duke of Buckingham Fol. 98. Against covetous Conformists it was provided that no Spiritual Person Colledge or Hospital shall let lease other then for twenty one years or three lives c. No mention in the Statute of Covernous Conâ—ormists I am sure of that and therefore no provision to be made against them the Coverous Conformist is our Authors own I finde indeed that long and unreasonable Leases had been 〈◊〉 by Colledges Deans and Chapters Parsons Vicarâ— and other â—aving Spiritual promotions which being found to 〈◊〉 the causes of Dilapidations and the decay of all Spiritual Livings and Hospitality and the utter impoverishing of all Successors incumbents in the same the Parliament thought it high time to provide against it In all which Bedroll it were strange if we should finde no Non-conformists who had by this time got a great part of the Church Preferments and were more likely to occasion those diâ—apidations then the regular and conformable Clergy these laâ—â—â— looking on the Church with an eye to succession the former being intent only on the present profit And if we mark it well we shall finde that Coverousness and Non-conformity are so married together that it is not easie to divorce them though here the crime of coverousness be wrongfully charg'd on the Conformists to make them the more odious in the eye of the vulgar Reader High Royalists in one place Covetous Conformists in another are no good signs of true affections to Conformity and much less to Royalty Fol. 121. These Prophesyings were founded on the Apostles Precept For ye may all Prophesie one by one that all may learn and all be comforted but so as to make it out they were fain to make use of humane prudential Additions Not grounded but pretended to be grounded on those words of St. Paul the Prophesying there spoke of not being 〈◊〉 be drawn into example in the change of times when 〈…〉 of the Spirit were more restrain'd and limited then they had been formerly For were they gâ—â—â—nded on that Text it had been somewhat sawcily done to adde their own prudential Additions to the direction and dictamen of the holy Spirit A course much favoured as it seems by Archbishop Grindal whose Letter to the Queen is recommended to the welcom of the pious Reader fol. 122. But both the Queen and her wise Councel conceiv'd otherwise of it looking upon these Prophesyings as likely to prove in fine the â—ane of the Common-wealth as our Author hath it Noâ— did King Iames conceive any better of them as appeareth by the conference at Hampton Court in which it was mov'd by Dr. Reynolds chief of the Millenary party That the Clergy might have meetings once every three weeks and therein to have â—â—â—phesying according as the Reverend Father Archbishop Grindall and other Bishops desired of her late Majesty No said the King looking upon this motion as a preamble to a Scottish Presbytery then Iack and Iâ—m and Will and Dick shall at their pleasures ceâ—â—â—re me and my Councel and all our proceedings then Will shall stand up and say It must be thus then Dick shall reply and say Nay marry but we will have it thus And therefore stay I pray you for one 7 years before you demand that of me and then if you finde me 〈◊〉 and fat and my windepipes stuffed I will perhaps hearken to you for if that government be once up I am sure I shall be kept in breath then shall we all of us have work enough both our hands full But let King Iames and Queen Elizabeth conceive what they will our Author hath declared it to be Gods and the Churches cause fol. 130. And being such it is enough to make any man consident in pleading for it or appearing in it Fol. 135. A loud Parliament is always attended with a silent Convocation as here it came to pass The Activity of the former in Church matters left the latter nothing to do A man would think by this that the Parliament of this year being the 23. of the Queen had done great feats in matters of Religion as making new Aâ—ticles of Faith or confirming Canons or something else of like importance But for all this great cry we have little wool our Author taking notice of nothing else which was done this Parliament but that it was madeâ— eason for the Priests or Jesuites to seduce any of the Queens Subjects to the Romish Religion and for the Subâ—ects to be reconciled to the Church of Rome with other matters nor within the power and cognizance of the Convocation But he conceals another Statute as necessary to the peace and safety of the Church and State as the other was By which it was Enacted that if any person or persons should advisedly devise or write print or set â—orth any manner of Book Rime Ballade Letter or Writing containing any false seditious and sâ—anderous matter to the defamation of the Queens Majesty or to the incouraging stirring or moving of any Inâ—â—â—rection or Rebellion within this Realm c. or that shall procure or cause such Book Rime Ballade c. to be written printed published or set
Design 'T is 〈◊〉 the stomack of the Scots were sharp set still crying Give give but never satisfied King Iames as bounâ—â—ful and open handed towards them as they could desire But neitheâ— were they to impudent as to crave nor the King to impotent as to give a whole Bishopâ—ick 〈◊〉 onâ—e especially so rich a Bishoprick as this of Durham But the truth is that George Hume Earl of Dunbar Lord Treasurer of Scotland and highly favour'd by the King having procur'd a grant of all the batable grounds as they then called them upon the Borders of both Kingdoms began to cast his eye upon Norham-Castle and the Lands about it belonging to the See of Durham conceiving it a fit place to command the rest But being a well principled man and a great Minister of that Kings in restoring the Episcopal Government to the Church of Scotland he acquainted Bishop Bancroft with his desires who knowing what great use might be made of him for the good of this Church and being sure enough of the consent of Dr. Matthews then Bishop of Durham he thus ordered the business Whereas the Revenue of Norham-Castle and the lands adjoyning were valued at one hundred twenty pounds per annum in the Bishops Rental it was agreed that the Earl should procure of the King an abatement of sixscore pounds yearly out of the annual pension of a thousand pound which had been said upon that Bishoprick by Queen Elizabeth as before is said Secondly that he should obtain from the King for the said Dr. Matthews and his Successors a restitution of his House in the Strand called Durham-House with the Gardens Stables and Tenements thereto appertaining which had been alienated from that Bishoprick ever since the dissolving of it by King Edward the sixth Thirdly that in consideration hereof Bishop Matthews should make a grant of Norham-Castle and the Countrey adjoyning in Feefarm to the King by him immediately to be convey'd to the Earl of Dunbar And fourthly that his own 〈◊〉 being thus serv'd the said Earl should joyn with Bishop Bancroft and his friends for obtaining from the King an Act of Parliament whereby both he and his successors should be made uncapable of any the like Grants and Alienations for the time to come which as it was the 〈◊〉 Markeâ— that ever Toby Matthews was at so was it the best bargain which was ever driven for the Church of England so â—ar from swallowing up that Bishoprick that it was the only means to save that and preserve the rest And yet perhaps the credible information which our Author speaks of might not relate unto the Bisâ—oprick but the Deaâ—ry of Durham bestowed by that King being then not well studied in the Composition of the Church of England on Sir Adam Newton a Courtier prevalent enough as having been Tutor to Prince Henry the Kings eldest Son And possible it is that the Scots might have kept it in their hands from one generation to another if Dr. Hunt not otherwise to be remembred had not bought him out of it and put himself into the place Fol. 59. And as about this time some perchance overvaluâ—d the Geneva Notes out of that especial love they bare to the Authors and place whence it proceeded so on the other side some without cause did slight or rather without charity did slander the same â— I trow our Author will not take upon him to condemn all those who approve not of the Genevian Notes upon the Bible or to appear an Advocate for them though he tells us not many lines before that they were printed thirty times over with the general liking of the people I hope he will not do the first for King Iames his sake who in the Conference at Hampton-Court did first declare that of all the Translations of the Bible into the English Tongue that of Geneva was the worst and secondly that the Notes upon it were partial untrue seditious and savouring too much of dangerous and traiterous conceits For pâ—oof whereof his Majesty instanced in two places the one on Exod. 1. vers 19. where disobedience to Kings is allowed of the other in â— Chron. 8. 15 16. where Asa is taxed for deposing his Mothâ—r only and not killing her A Note wheâ—eof the Scottish Presbyterians made special use not only deposing Mary their lawful Queen from the Regal Thâ—one but prosecuting â—er openly and under hand till they had took away her life These instances our Author in his Summary of that Conference hath passed over in silence as loath to have such blemishes appear in the Genevians or their Annotations And I hope also that he will not advocate for the rest For let him tell me what he thinks of that on the second of St. Matthews Gospel v. 12. viz Promise ought not to be kept where Gods honour and preaching of his truth is hindered or else it ought not to be broken What a wide gap think we doth this open to the breach of all Promises Oaths Covenants Contracts and Agreements not only betwixt man and man but between Kings and their Subjects Whâ—t Rebel ever took up Arms without some pretences of that nature What Tumults and Rebellions have been rais'd in all parts of Christendom in England Scotland Ireland France the Netherlands Germany and indeed where not under colour that Gods honour and the preaching of the truth is hindered If this once pass for good sound Doctrine neither the King nor any of his good Subjects in what Realm â—oever can live in safety Gods Honour and the preaching 〈◊〉 his Truth are two such pretences as will make void all Laws elude all Oathes and thrust our all Covenants and Agreements be they what they will Neâ—â— I would have our Author tell me what he thinks of this Note on the ninth of the Revelation ver 3. where the 〈◊〉 which came out of the smoak are said to be 〈◊〉 teachers Hereticks and worldly subtil â—relates with 〈◊〉 Fâ—iers Cardinals Patriarchs Archbishops Bishops 〈◊〉 Batchelors and Masters Does not this note 〈◊〉 fasten the name of Locusts on all the Cleâ—â—y of 〈◊〉 Realm that is to say Archbishops Bishops and all 〈◊〉 as are graduated in the University by the name of Doctors Batchelors and Masters And doth it not as plainly yoak them with Fâ—iers Monkâ— and Cardinals pâ—incipal instruments in all times to advance the Popecom I know the words which follow after are alleadged by some to take off the envy of this Note viz. who forsake Christ to maintain false doctrines But the enumeration of so many particulars makes not the Note the lets invidious the said explication notwithstanding because the Note had been as perfect and significant had it gone thus in generals only that is to say by Locusts here are meant false Teachers Hereticks and other worldly subtil men that seduced the people perswading them to foâ—sake Christ to maintain false Doctrine But the Genevians who account Archbishops and Bishops to be limbs of the Pope
secrets of the heart of man Interest tenebris interest cogitationibus nostris quasi alteris tenebris as Minutius hath it The man here mention'd had been in the Confeâ—sion of our Aâ—thor himself Archbishop of Spalato in Dalmatia â— dignity of great power and reputation and consequently of a fair Revenue in propoâ—tion to it He could not hope to mend his Fortunes by his coming hither or to advance himself to a more liberal entertainment in the Church of England then what he had attain'd unto in the Church of Rome Covetousness therefore could not be the motive for leaving his own estate of which he had been possessed 14 years in our Authors â—eckoning to betake himself to a strange Countrey where he 〈◊〉 promise himself nothing but protection and the â—â—eedom of conscience Our Author might have said with more probability that covetousness and not consâ—ience 〈…〉 cause of his going hence no bâ—it of proâ—â—t or preferment being laid before him to invite him 〈◊〉 â—s they were both by those which had the managing 〈…〉 him hence He had given great 〈◊〉 to the Pope by his defection from that Church and no 〈◊〉 councenance to the Doctrine of the 〈◊〉 Churches by his coming oâ—er unto ouâ—s The 〈◊〉 of â—o great a 〈…〉 of that Church was not like to stand And yet he gave greater blows to them by his Pen then by the defection of his Person his learned Books entituled De Republica Ecclesiasticâ being still unanswered In which respect those of that Church bestird themselves to disgrace his person devising many other causes by which he might be mov'd or forc'd to forsake those parts in which he durst no longer tarry But finding little credit given to their libellous Pamphlets they began to work upon him by more secret practises insinuating that he had neither that respect nor those advancements which might incourage him to stay that the new Pope Gregory the fifteenth was his special friend that he might chuse his own preferments and make his own conditions if he would return And on the other side they cunningly wrought him out of credit with King Iames by the arts of Gondomar and lessened his esteem amongst the Clergy by some other Artifices so that the poor man being in a manner lost on both sides was forc'd to a necessity of swallowing that accursed bait by which he was hook'd over to his own destruction For which and for the rest of the story the Reader may repair for satisfaction to this present History Fol. 96. Besides the King would never bestow an Episcopal charge in England on a foreiner no not on his own Countrey-men the Scots This must be understood with reference to the Church of England King Iames bestowing many Bishopricks upon his Countrey-men the Scots in the Realm of Ireland And if he did not the like here as indeed he did not it neither was for want of affection to them nor of confidence in them but because he would not put any such discouragement upon the English who looked on those preferments as the greatest and most honourable rewards of Arts and Industry Quis enim virtutem exquireret ipsum Proemia si â—ollin Fol. 100. All mens mouthes were now 〈◊〉 with discourse of Prince Charles his match with 〈…〉 Infanta of Spain The Protestants grieved thereat fearing that this marriage would be the Funerals of their Religion c. The buâ—â—ness of the match with Spainâ—ath â—ath already been sufficiently agitated between the Authoâ— of the History of the Reign of King Charles and his Observator And yet I must adde someâ—hing to let our Author and his Reader to understand thus much that the Protestants had no cause to fear such a Funeral They knew they liv'd under such a King who lov'd his Soveraignty too well to quit any part thereof to the Pope of Rome especially to part with that Supremacy in 〈◊〉 matters which he esteemed the fairest Flower in the Royal Garland They knew they liv'd under â—â—ch a King whose interest it was to preserve Religion in the same state in which he found it and could not fear but that he would sufficiently provide for the 〈◊〉 of it If any Protestants â—eared the funeral of their Religion they were such Protestants as had been frighted out 〈…〉 as you know who us'd to call the Puritans 〈…〉 under the name of Protestants had â—ontriv'd themselves into a Faction not only against Episcopacy but even Monarchy also And to these nothing was more 〈◊〉 then the match with Spain fearing â—nd perhaps 〈◊〉 fearing that the Kings 〈◊〉 with that Crown might aâ—m him both with power and counsel to suppress those practices which have since prov'd the Funeral of the Church of England But as it seems they 〈…〉 fear was our Author telling us fol. 112. that the 〈…〉 State had no minde or meaning of a match and that this was quickly discovered by Prince Charles at his coming 〈◊〉 How so Because saith he Fol. 112. They demanded 〈…〉 in education of the 〈…〉 English Papists c 〈…〉 nothing For thus the argument seems to stand viz. The Spaniards were desirous to get as good conditions as they could for themselves and their Party Ergo they had no minde to the match Or thus The demands of the Spaniards when the business was first in Treaty seem'd to be unreaâ—onable Ergo they never really intended that it should proceed Our Author cannot be so great a stranger in the shops of London as not to know that Trades-men use to ask many times twice as much for a commodity as they mean to take and therefore may conclude as strongly that they do not mean to sell those wares for which they ask such an unreasonable 〈◊〉 at the first demand Iniquum petere ut aequum obtineas hath been the usual practice especially in driving Sâ—aâ—e-bargains of all times and ages And though the Spaniards at the first spoke big and stood upon such points as the King neither could nor would in honour or conscience consent unto yet things were after brought to such a temperament that the marriage was agreed upon the Articles by both Kings subscrib'd a Proxie made by the Prince of â—ales to espouse the Infanta and all things on her part prepared for the day of the wedding The bâ—each which â—ollowed came not from any aversness in the Court of Spain though where the fault was and by what means occasioned need not here be said But well â—are our Author for all that who finally hath absolv'd the Spaniard from this breaâ—h and laid the same upon King Iames despairing of any restitution to be made of the Palatinate by the way of Treaty Ibiâ— Whereupon King James not only broke off all Treaty 〈◊〉 pain but also called the great Councel of his Kingdom together By which it seems that the breaking off of the Treaty did precede the Parliâ—ment But multa apparent quae non sunt Every thing is not as it seems The Parliament
tels us secondly of Archbishop Abbot in particular That his extraordinary remiâ—ness in not exacting a strict conâ—oâ—mity to the prescâ—â—bed Orders of the Church in point of Ceremony seemed to dissolve those legall ceâ—erminations to their firsâ— principle of indifferency â—nd led in such an habit of inconformity as the future edâ—cation of those tender conâ—cienced men too long discontinued obedience was interpreted an innovation And finally he tels of Archbishop Laud who succeeded Aâ—bâ—t in that See that being of another minde anâ— mettle he did not like that the externall worship of God should follow the fashion of every private fancy and what he did not like in that subject as he was in State so he thought it was his duty to reform To which enâ— in his Metropolitical visitation he cals upon all both Clergy and Laity to observe the Rules of the Church And this is that which our Author calâ— the enjoyning his private practices private perhaps iâ— the private opinion of some men who had declared themselves to be professed enemies to all publicâ— Order Fol. 127. A Commission was granted unto five Bishopâ— Whereof Bishop Laâ—d of the Qâ—orum to suspend Archbishop Abbot from exercising his Authority any longer because uncanonical for casual Homicide Had our Author said that Bishop Laud had been one of the number he had hit it right the Commission being granted to five Bishops viz. Dr. Montain Bishop of London Dr. Neil Bishop of Durham Dr. Buckeridge Bishop oâ— Rochester Dr. Howson Bishop of Oxford and Dr. Lauâ— Bishop of Bathe and Wels or to any four three 〈◊〉 two of them and no more then so Had Bishop Laud been of the Quorum his presence and consent had been so necessary to all their Consultations Conclusions and dispatch of Businesses that nothing could be done without him whereas by the words of the Commission any two of them were impowered and consequently all of them must be of the Quorum as well as he which every Iustices Clerk cannot chuse but laugâ—â— at Nor is there any such thing as a Casual Homicidâ— mentioned or so much as glanced at in that Commiâ—sion the Commission only saying That the saiâ— Archbishop could not at that pâ—esent in his own person attend those services which were otherwiâ—e proper for his 〈◊〉 and Jurisdiction and which as Archbishop of Canterbury he might and ought in his own person to have performed and executed I am loth to rub longer on this sore the point having been so vext already betwixt the Historian and the Observator that I shall not trouble it any further Only I must crave leave to rectifie our Author in another passage relating to that sad Accident for which saith he Ibid. It would be of dangerous consequence to condemn him by the Canons of forain Councels which were never allowed any Legislative power in this Land Which words are very ignorantly spoken or else very improperly For if by Legislative power he means a Power of making Laws as the word doth intimate then it is true That the Canons of forain Councels had never any such power within this Land But if by Legislative power he means a Power or Capability of passing for Laws within this Kingdom then though he use the word improperly it is very false that no such Canons were in force in the Realm of England The Canons of many forain Councels General National and Provincial had been received in this Church and incorporated into the body of the Canon-Law by which the Church proceeded in the exercise of her juriâ—diction till the submission of the Clergy to King Henry the eighth And in the Act confirmative of that Submission it is said expâ—esly That all Canons Conâ—titutions Ordinances and Synodals Provincial as were made befoâ—e the said Submission which be not contrary or repugnant to the Laws Sâ—â—tutes and Cusâ—oms of this Realm nor to the dammage or hurt of the Kings pâ—erogative Royal weâ—e to be used and executed as in â—ormer times 25 H. 8. c. 19. So that unlesse it can be proved that the proceedings in this case by the Canons of forain 〈◊〉 was either contrary or repuâ—â—ant to the Lawes and 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 or to the dammage of the Kings prerogative Royal there is no dangerous consequence at all to be â—ound therein But whereas our Author addes in some following words that ever since he means ever since that unhappy accident he had executed his jurisdiction without any interruption I must needs add that he is very much mistaken in this partilar Dr. Williams Lord elect of Lincoln Dr. Carew Lord elect of Exceter and Dr. Laud Lord elect of St. Davids and I think some others refusing to receive â—piscopal Consecration from him upon that accompt Far more mistaken in the next in which he telleth us that Fol. 128. Though this Archbishop survived some years after yet henceforward he was buried to the world No such matter neither For though for a while he stood confined to his house at Ford yet neither this confinement nor that Commission were of long continuance For about Christmas in the year 1628 he was restored both to his liberty and jurisdiction sent for to come unto the Court â—eceiv'd as he came out of his Barge by the Archbishop of York and the Earl of Dorset and by them conducted to the King who giving him his hand to kisse enâ—oyned him not to fail the Councel Table twice a week After which time we finde him sitting as Archbishop in the following Parliament and in the full exercise of his Jurisdiction till the day of his death which hapned upon Sunday August 4. 1633. And so much for him Fol. 137. My pen passing by them at present may safely salute them with a God speed as neither seeing nor suspecting any danger in the design Our Author speaks this of the Feoffees appointed by themselves for buying in such Impropriations as were then in the hands of Lay-persons I say appointed by themselves because not otherwise authorized either by Charter from the King Decree in Chanâ—â—ery or by Act of Parliament but only by a secrâ—t combination of the Brothâ—rhood to advance their projects For though our 〈…〉 us fol. 136. that they were legally setled in trust to make such Purchaces yet there is more required to a legal settlement then the consent of some few persons â—mongst themselves for want whereof this combinâ—tion wâ—s dissolved the Feoffees in some danger of sentence and the impropriations by them purchased adjudged to the King on a full hearing of the cause in the Couâ—t of Exchequer Anno 1632. Howsoever our Author 〈◊〉 them good speed as neither seeing nor suspecting any danger in their design but other men as wiâ—e as he did not only suspect but see the danger And this our Author might see also if zeal to the good cause had not darkened the eyes of his understanding For first the Parties tâ—usted in the managing of this Design were of such affections
whom he thus upbraideth had been left by their Fatheâ—s From the first part of which calumny the Bishops freed themselves well enough as appears by our Author And from the second since they were too modest to speak in their own commendations our Author might have freed them with one of the old tales which are in his budget And the tale is of a Nobleman in King Harry the eighths time who told Mr. Pacâ— one of the Kings Secretaries in contempt of Learning that it was enough for Noblemens sons to winde their horn and carry their Hauk fair and to leave study and learning to the children of mean men to whom the aforesaid Mr. Pace replyed then you and other Noblemen must be content that your children may winde their horns and keep their Hauks while the children of mean men do mannage matters of Estate And certainly there can be no reason why men that have been verst in Books studied in Histories and thereby made acquainted with the chief occurrences of most States and Kingdomes should not be thought as fit to manage the affairs of State as those who spend their time in Hauking and Hunting if not upon some worse employments For that a Superinduction of holy Orders should prove a Supersedeas to all civil prudence is such a wilde extravagant fancy as no man of judgement can allow of Fol. 188. The next day the 12 Subscribers were voted to be committed to the Tower save that Bishop Morton of Durham and Hall of Norwich found some favour Our Author speaks this of those twelve Bishops who had subscrib'd a Protestation for preserving their Rights and Votes in the House of Peers during the time of their involuntary absence to which they were compelled by threats menaces and some open acts of violence committed on them But in the name of one of the Bishops who found the favour of not being sent unto the Tower he is much mistaken it not being Dr. Hall Bishop of Norwich but Dr. Wright Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield who found that favour at their hands The like Misnomer I finde after fol. 193. where he speaks of William Earl of Bath the Earl of Bath of whom he speaks being nam'd Henry and not William unless he chang'd his name when he succeeded in that Earldom as I think he did not I am sure our Author will not say he did As much he is mistaken also in point of time leaving the Bishops in prison for eighteen weeks whereas they were scarce detained there for half that time For being committed to the Tower in the end of December they were released by an Order of the House of Peers on the fifteenth of February being the next day after the Bill for taking away their Votes had passed in Parliament But then the Commons looking on them as devested of their Right of Peerage and consequently as they thought in the same rank with themselves return'd them to the Tower again and having kept them there some few weeks long enough to declare their power discharged them upon Bail and so sent them home Fol. 195. About this time the word Malignant was 〈◊〉 born as to common use in England and first as a nâ—te â—f disgrace on the Kings Party and because one had had as good be dumb as not speak with the volge possibly in that sense it may occur in our ensuing History Nothing more possible then that our Author should make use of any word of disgrace with which the Kings party was râ—proached And if he calls them formerly by the name of Royalists and High Royalists as he â—ometimes 〈◊〉 it was not because he thought them worthy of no woâ—â—e a Title but because the name of Malignant hâ—d not then been born He cannot chuse but know that the name of Round-head was born at the same time also and that it was as common in the Kings Party to call the Parliamentarians by the name of Round-heads as it was with those of the Parliament Party to call the Kings Adherents by the name of Malignants And yet I 〈◊〉 〈…〉 that the word Round-head as it was fixed as a 〈◊〉 of disgrace on the Parliament party doth not occur on any occasion whatsoever in our Authors History But kissing goes by favour as the saying is and therefore let him â—avour whom he pleases and kiss where he favouâ—eth Fol. 196. By this time ten of the eleven Bishops formerly 〈◊〉 their Protestation to the Parliament were after sâ—me moneths durance upon good Bail given released c. Of the releasing of these Bishops we have spoke already We aâ—e now only to observe such mistakes and errors as relate unto it And first they were not released at or about the time which our Author speaks of that is to say after sâ—ch time as the word plunder had begun to be us'd amongst us Plunder both name and thing was unknown in England till the beginning of the war and the war began not till September Anno 1642. which was some moneths after the releasing of the Bishops Secondly he telleth us that ten of the eleven which had subscribed were released whereas theâ—e were twelve which had subscrib'd as appears fol. 187. whereof ten were sent unto the Tower and the other two committed to the cusâ—ody of the Black-Rod fâ—l 188. And if ten only were releast the other two must be kept in custody for a longer time whereas we finde the Bishop of Norwich at home in his Diocess and the Bishop of Durham at liberty in London they being the two whom he makes so far favour'd by the Parliament as they sâ—apt the Tower Thirdly he telleth us that when all others were releast Bishop Wren 〈…〉 detain'd in the Tower which is nothing so That Bishop was releast upon bail when the other were return'd into his 〈◊〉 as the otheâ—s did and there continued for a time when on a sudden he was snatched 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 in the Isle of Ely carryed 〈◊〉 the Tower and there imprisoned never being brought unto a hearing nor any cause shewn 〈◊〉 his imprisonment to this very day Fourthly Aâ—chbishop Williams after his restoring unto liberty went not into the Kings Quarters as our Authoâ— saith but unto one of his own houses in Yorkshire where he continued till the year 1643. and then came to Oxâ—â—rd not that he found the North too cold for him oâ— the 〈◊〉 but to solicit for renewing of his Câ—mmâ—ndam in the Deaâ—ry of Westminster the time for which he wâ—s to hold it drawing towards an end Fol. 196. Some of the aged Bishops had their tongues so used to the language of a third Estate that more then once they ran on that reputed Rock in their speâ—ches for which they were publickly sâ—enâ— and enjoyned an acknowledgement of their mistake By whom they were so publickly shent and who they were thâ—t so ingenrously acknowledged their mistake as my Author telleth us not so neither can I say whether it be 〈◊〉 or
false But I must needs say that there was small ingenâ—ity in acknowledging a mistake in that wherein they 〈◊〉 not been mistaken or by endeavouring to avoid a reputed Rock to run themselves on a certain Rock even the Rock of scandal For that the English Bishops had their vote in Parliament as a third 〈◊〉 and not in the capacity of temporal Barons will evidently appear by these reasons following For first the Clegy in all other Christian Kingdoms of theâ—e Noâ—thwest pâ—rts make the third Estate that is to say in the German Empire as appears by Thuanus the Historian lib. 2. In France as is affirmed by Paulus Aemilius lib. 9. in Spain as testifieth Bodinus in his De Bepub lib. 3. Foâ— which consult also the General History of Spain as in point of practice lib. 9 10 11 14. In Hâ—ngâ—ry as witnesseth Bonfinius Dec. 2. l. 1. In 〈…〉 by Thuanus also lib. 56. In Denmarkâ— as 〈◊〉 telleth us in Historia 〈…〉 observing antiently the same form and order of Government as was us'd by the Danes The like we finde in Camden for the Realm of Scotland in which antiently the Lords Spiritual viz. Bishops Abbots Priors made the third Estate And certainly it were very strange if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England being a great and powerful body should move in a lower Sphere in England then they doe elsewhere But secondly not to stand only upon probable inferences we finde first in the History of Titus Livius touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry the fifth that when his Funerals were ended the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble together and declared his Son King Henry the sixth being an Infant of eight moneths old to be their Soveraign Lord as his Heir and Successor And if the Lords Spiritual did not then make the third Estate I would know who did Secondly the Petition tendred to Richard Duke of Glocester to accept the Crown occurring in the Parliament Rolls runs in the name of the three Estates of the Realm that is to say The Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons thereof Thirdly in the first Parliament of the said Richard lately Crowned King it is said expresly that at the request and by the consent of the three Estates of this Realm that is to say the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of this Land assembled in this present Parliament and by Authority of the same it be pronounced decreed and declared That our said Soveraign Lord the King was and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England c. Fourthly it is acknowledged so in the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in that Parliament assembled being said expresly and in terminis to represent the three Estates of this Realm of England did recognize the Queens Majesty to be their true lawful and undoubted Soveraign Liege Lady and Queen Adde unto these the Testimony of Sir Edward Cooke though a private person who in his Book of the Jurisdiction of Courts published by order of the long Parliament chap. 1. doth expresly say That the Parliament consists of the Head and Body that the Head is the King that the Body are the three Eâ—tates viz. the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons In which words we have not only the opinion and tesâ—imony of that learned Lawyer but the Authority oâ— the long Parliament also though against it self Thoâ—e aged Bishops had been but little studied in their own concernments and betray'd their Rights if any of them did acknowledge any such mistake in châ—llenging to themselves the name and priviledges of the third 〈◊〉 Fol. 196. The Convocation now not sittingâ— and matters of Religion being brought under the cognizance of the Parliament their Wisdoms adjudged it not only convenient but necessary that some prime Clergy men might be consulted with It seems then that the setting up oâ— the new Assembly consisting of certain Lords and Gentlemen and two or more Divineâ— out of every County must be ascrib'd to the not sitting of the Convocation Whereas if that had been the reaâ—on the Convocation should have been first waâ—ned to reassemble with liberty and safe conducts given them to attend that service and freedom to debate such matters as conduced to the Peace of the Church If on those terms they had not met the substituting of the new Assembly might have had some ground though being call'd and nominated as they were by the Hoâ—se of Commons nothing they did could binde the Clergy further then as they were compellable by the power of the sword But the truth is the Convocation was not held fit to be trusted in the present Designs there being no hope that they would 〈…〉 change of the Goverâ—â—ent or to the abrogating of the Liturgy of the Church of England in all which the Divines of their own nomination were presum'd to serve them And so accordingly they did advancing their Presbyteries in the place of Episcopacy their Directory in the room of the Common Prayer Book their Confession to the quality of the Book of Articles all of them so short liv'd of so little continuance that none of them past over their Probationers year Finally having seâ—v'd the turn amus'd the world with doing nothing they made their Exit with far fewer Plaudites then they expected at their entrance In the Recital of whose names our Author craves pardon for omitting the greatest part of them as unknown to him whereas he might have found them all in the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons by which they were called and impowered to be an Assembly Of which pardon he afterwards presumes in case he hath not marshalled them in their Seniority because saith he Fol. 198. It â—avours something of a Prelatical Spirit to be offended about Precedency I â—ee our Author is no Changeling Primus ad extremum similis sibi the very same at last as he was at the first Certainly if it â—avour of a Prelatical Spirit to contend about Precedencies that Spirit by some Pythagorean Metempsychosis hath passed into the bodies of the Presbyterians whose pride had swell'd them in conceit above Kings and Princes Nothing more positive then that of Travers one of our Authors shining Lights for so he cals him Lib. 9. fol. 218. in his Book of Discipline Huic Discipline omnes Principes submittere Fasces suos necesse est as his words there are Nothing more proud and arrogant then that of the Presbyterians in Queen Elizabeths time who used frequently to say That King and Queens must lay down their Scepters and lick up the very dust of the Churrches feet that is their own And this I trow doth not savour so much of a Prelatical as a Papal Spirit Diogenes the Cynick affecting a vain-glorious poverty came into Plato's Chamber and trampled the Bed and other furniture thereof under his feet using these words Calco Platonis fastum
that he trampled on the pride of Plato To which Plato very gravely answered Sed majori fastu intimating that the Cynick shewed more pride in that foolish action then all the Ornaments of his Chamber could accuse him of Our Author need not travel far for the application it comes home unto him Fol. 203. We listen not to their fancy who have reckoned the words in the Covenant six hundred sixty six c. I must confess my self not to be so much a Pythagorean as to â—â—nde Divinity in Numbers nor am taken with such Mysteries as some fancy in them And yet I cannot chuse but say that the Number of Six hundred sixty six words neither more nor less which are found in the Covenant though they conclude nothing yet they signifie something Our Author cannot chuse but know what pains were taken even in the times of Irenaeus to finde out Antichrist by this number Some thinking then that they had found it in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with reference to the persecuting Roman Emperors Some Protestants think that they had found it in a Dedication to Pope Paul the fifth which was Paulo V to Vice-Deo the numeral letters whereof that is to say D. C. L. V. V. V. I. amount exactly unto six hundred sixty six which is the Number of the Beast in Revelation The Papists on the other side finde it in the name of Luther but in what language or how speld I remember not And therefore whosoever he was which made this Observation upon the Covenant he deserves more to be commended for his wit then condemned for his idleness But much less is our Author pleas'd with their parallel who finding this Covenant to consist of six branches compare it to the terrible Statute of the six Articles made by Harry the eighth And not compar'd so without cause For though I cannot say that the Ordinance which enjoyn'd the Covenant did draw so much bloud from the poor Protestants as that Statute did yet I may warrantably say that there were moâ—e Families undone by the one then lives lost by the other And secondly it may be said I fear too truly that though the Covenant were writ in ink it was seal'd with bloud many thousands of true English Protestants having lost their lives by the coming in of the Scottish Armies drawn into England in pursuance of this Band or Covenant So that the Lashes of each Whip being equal in number oâ—r Author hath no reason to be displeas'd with them that made that Parallel though he may have some reason to himself not to applaud them Fol. 207. Now began the great and general purgation of the Clergy in the Parliaments Quarters c. Some of whose offences were so foul it is a shame to report them crying to justice for punishment And it was time that such a purgation should be made if their offences were so foul as our Author makes them But first our Author might have done well to have satisfied himself in all particulars before he rais'd so foul a scandal on his Chriâ—â—ian Brethren and not to have taken them up upon hearsay or on no better grounds then the credit of the first Century which he after mentions Which modesty he might have learnt 1. From the Author of that scandalous and infamous Pamphlet whatsoever he was desisting from the writing of a second Century as being sensible that the Subject was generally odious And certainly if it were odious in that party to write the same it must be much more odious in our Author to defend the writing He might have learnt it 2. from the most excellent Master in the Schools of Piety and Morality which this Age hath given us even the King himself who as our Author telleth us fol. 208. would not give way that any such Book should be wâ—itten of the vicious lives of some Parliament Ministers when such an undertaking was presented to him But if their Offences were so foul the Writer of the Century had some reason for what he did and our Author hath some reason for what he saith especially if the putting in of one Herb had not spoil'd all the Pot of Pottage But first Qui alterum incusat probri seipsum intueri oportet is a good rule in the Schools of Prudence and therefore it concerns our Author to be sure of this that all things be well at home both in his own Person and in his Family before he throw so much foul dirt in the face of his Brethren In which respect Manutius was conceived to be the unfittest man in Rome as indeed he was to perform the Office of a Censor though most ambitiously he affected and attain'd that Dignity of whom it is affirmed by Velleius Paterculus Nec quicquam obâ—icere poâ—uit Adolescentibus quod non agnosceret Senex that is to say that he was able to object no crime to the younger sort of which himself being then well in years was not also guilty And secondly Non temere de fratre mali aliquid credendum esse was antiently a Rule in the Schools of Charity which our Authoâ— either hath forgotten or else never learned He would otherwise have examin'd the Proofs before he had pronounced the Sentence and not have positively condemned these poor men for such foul offences as cryed to justice for punishment and of such scandalous enormities as were not fit to be covered with the Mantle of Charity But he takes himself up at last with a doubt that there might want sufficient proof to convict them of it Nothing saith he can be said in their excuse if what was the main matter 〈◊〉 crimes were sufficiently proved And if they were not sufficiently proved as indeed they were not no witness coming in upon Oath to make good the Charge our Author hath sufficiently prov'd himself an unrighteous Iudge an Accusator fratrum as we know who is in accuâ—â—ng and condemning them for scandalous enormities and foul offences branding them by the name of Baal and calling them unsavoury Salt not fit to be thrown upon the dunghil yet all this while to be unsatisfied in the sufficiency of the proof Decedis ab Officio Religiosi Iudicis is the least than can be said here and I say no more Only I note what sport was made by that Century then and may be made hereafter of this part of the History in the Court of Rome to which the libellous Pamphlets of Martin-Mar-Prelate publisht in Queen Elizabeths time serv'd for Authentick Witnesses and sufficient evidence to disgâ—â—ce this Church Nor have they spar'd to look upon this whole business as an act of divine Retaliation in turning so many of the Regular and Orthodox Clergy out of their Benefices and Preferments by our new Reformers under colour of some Scandalous Enormities by them committed under pretence whereof so many poor Monks and Fryers were as they say turn'd ouâ— of their Cells with like inhumanity by those which had the first hammeâ—ing
England is much beholding to our Author for making question whether their adhering to the Liturgy then by Law established were not to be imputed rather unto obstinacy and doating then to love and constancy The Liturgy had been lookt on as a great blessing of God upon this Nation by the generality of the people for the spâ—ce of fourscore years and upwards they found it estâ—â—lisâ—t by the Law seal'd by the bloud of those that made it confirm'd by many godly and religious Pâ—inces and had almost no other form of making their ordinary addresses to Almighty God but what was taught them in the Book of Common-Prayer And could any discreet man think or wise man hope that a form of Prayer so univeâ—sally receiv'd and so much esteem'd could be laid by without reluctancy in those who had been so long accustom'd to it or called obstinacy or doating in them if they did not presently submit to every new nothing which in the name of the then disputable Authority should be laid before them And though our Author doth profess that in the agitating of this Controveâ—sie pro and con he will reserve his private opinion to himself yet he discovers it too plainly in the present passage Quid verba audiam cum facta videam is a good rule here He must needs shew his private opinion in this point say he what he can who makes a question whether the adhesion of the people generally to the publick Liturgy were built on obstinacy and doating or on love and constancy But if it must be obstinacy or doating in the generality of the people to adhere so cordially unto the Book of Common-Prayer I marvel what it must be called in Stephen Marshall of Essex that great Bel-weather for a time of the Presbyterians who having had a chief hand in compiling the Directory did notwithstanding marry his own Daughter by the form prescrib'd in the Common-Prayer Book and having so done paid down five pound immediately to the Church-wardens of the Parish as the fine or forfeiture for using any other form of Marriâ—ge then that of the Directory The like to which I have credibly been infoâ—med was done by Mr. Knightly of Fawsley on the like occasion and probably by many others of the same strain also With like favour he beholds the two Universities as he dâ—e the Liturgy and hard it is to say which he injureth most And first beginning with Oxford he lets us know that Fol. 231. Lately certain Delegates from the University of Oxford pleaded their priviledges before the Committee of Parliament that they were only visitable by the King and such who should be deputed by him But their Allegations were not of proof against the Paramount power of Parliament the rather because a passage in an Article at the rendition of Oxford was urged against them wherein they were subjected to such a Visitation Our Author here subjects the Vniversity of Oxford to the power of the Parliament and that not only in regard of that Paramount power which he ascribes unto the Parliament that is to say the two Houses of Parliament for so we are to understand him above all Estates but also in regard of an Article concerning the surrendry of Oxford by which that Vniversity was subjected to such Visitations I finde indeed that it was agreed on by the Commissioners on both sides touching the Surrendry of that City That the Chancellor Masters and Scholars of the University of Oxon and the Governors and Students of Christ-Church of King H. 8. his Foâ—ndation and all other Heads and Governors Masters Fellows and Scholars of the Colledges Halls and Bodies Corporate and Societies of the same University and the publiâ—â—â— Professors and Readers and the Orator thereoâ— and all other persons belonging to the said University or to any Colledges or Halls therein shall and may according to their Statutes Charters and Customs enjoy their antient form of government suboâ—dinate to the immediate Authority and power of Parliament But I finde not that any of the Heads or Delegates of that University were present at the making of this Article or consented â—o it or thoâ—ght themselves oblig'd by any thing contained in it Nor indeed could it stand with reason that they should wave the patronage of a gracious Soveraign who had been a Nursing Father to them and put themselves under the arbitrary power of those who they knew minded nothing but destruction toward them And that the University did not think it self oblig'd by any thing contained in that Article appears even by our Author himself who tells us in this very passage that the Delegates from the Vniversity pleaded their priviledges before the Committee of Parliament that they were only visitable by the King and such as should be deputed by him which certainly they had never done unless our Author will conclude them to be fools or mad-men had they before submitted to that Paramount power which he adscribes unto the Houses Nor did the Houses of Parliament finde themselves impowered by this clause of the Article to obtrude any such Visitation on them And therefore when the Delegates had pleaded and prov'd their priviledges a Commission for a Visitation was issued by the two Houses of Parliament in the name of the King but under the new broad Seal which themselves had made which notwithstanding the University stood still on their own defence in regard that though the Kings name was us'd in that Commission yet they knew well that he had never given his consent unto it Whereupon followed that great alteration both 〈◊〉 the Heads and Members of most Colledges which our Author speaks of Nor deals he much more candidly in relating the proceedings of the Visitation which was made in Cambridge the Visitors whereof as acting by the Paramount power of Parliament he more sensibly favoureth then the poor sufferers or malignant members as he calls them of that Vniversity For whereas the Author of the Book called Querela Cantabrigionsis hath told us of an Oath of Discovery obtruded by the Visitors upon several persons whereby they were sworn to detect one another even their dearest friends Our Author who was out of the storm seeming not satisfied in the truth of this relation must write to Mr. Ash who was one of those Visitors to be inform'd in that which he knew before and on the reading of Mr. Ash his Answer declares expresly that no such Oath was tendred by him to that Vniversity But first Mr. Ash doth not absolutely deny that there was any such Oath but that he was a stranger to it and possibly he might be so far a stranger to it as not to be an Actor in that part of the Tragedy Secondly Mr. Ash only saith that he cannot call to minde that any such thing was mov'd by the Earl of Manchester and yet I â—row such a thing might be mov'd by the Earl of Manchester though Mr. Ash after so many years was willing not
which the Kings mercer might be one for any thing which our Author can assure us to the contrary Thirdly it appears by another passage in our Author himself that there was Purple velvet enough to be had for this occasion he telling us out of Mr. Fullers Church History out of whom he borrows his description of the Coronation that the train of the Kings vest or Royal Robe consisted of six yards of purple velvet Some purple velvet then was to be had at the Coronation though the Kings Mercer were infected and had left the City And finally there was no such need that any such provision should be made on a suddain neither there being ten moneths from the Kings coming to the Crown and his Coronation and as much time for providing a few yards of purple as for preparing all the other royal necessaries which concerned that day Fol. 11. And so accounting to them the disbursmenâ— of his Land and Naval Forces with a clear and even auâ—â—c of the charge and expence to come they were so candid that the Laâ—y gave him without Conditions two Subsidies from Protestants and four from Papists And candid they had been indeed if on so fair an auditing of the Kings Account for all expences as well past as to come they had given unto him such a present supply as would have equalled that account toward the carrying on of the War which themselves projected and given those two Subsidies over and above as a Testimony of their good Affections to his sacred Person But these two Subsidies from Protestants and four from Papists were so short from carrying on that work that there was nothing of â—ngenuity or Candor in it The particular of the Kings Account stood thus viz. 32000 l. for securing of Lâ—eland 47000 l. for strengthning the Forts 37000 l. for the repair of the Navy 99000 l. upon the four English Regiments in the States Countrey 62000 l. laid out for Count Mansfield total 287000 l. Besides which he sent in a Demand of 200000 l. and upwards upon the Navy 48000 l. upon the Ordnance 45000 l. in charges of the Land-men 20000 l. a moneth to Count Mansfield and 46000 l. to bring down the King of Denmark the total of which latter sum amounts to 339000 l. both sums make no less then 626000 l. to which the grant of two Subsidies from Protestants and four from Papists hold but small proportion especially considering to how low a pitch the Book of Subsidies was fallen Our Author tells us somewhere in this present History that in Queen Elizabeths time a single Subsidy amounted to Ninety thousand pound and that in these times whereof he writes a single subsidy of four shillings in the pound amounts but to fifty six thousand only and I am able to tel our Author that in the time of King Henry the eighth a single Subsidy of four shillings in the pound amounted to eight hundred thousand pound sterling as appears by this passage in I. Stowâ— In which we find that the Cardinal he means Cardinal Wolseâ— accompanied with divers Lords both Spiritual and Temporal acquainted the House of Commons with the Kings necessity of waging war against the Emperor Charls the fifth thereupon required a Subsidy of 800000 l. to be raised by 4â— in the pound out of every mans Estate throughout the Kingdome and that it was accorded by the Commons after a long and serious debate upon the matter to give two shillings in the pound which by his calculation did amount to 400000 l. But then he is to know with all that in the raising of Subsidies in that Kings time there was not onely an oath prescribed to the Assessors to give a perfect valuation of all mens estates as far as they could understand them but an oath imposed also on the subjects who were to pay it to bring in a true and just account of their Estates and several penalties injoyn'd if they did the contrary as of late times upon Delinquents as they call them when they were admitted to compound at Goldsmiths and Haberdashers Halls which course held also all the time of King Edwards Reign but being intermitted in Queen Mary and Queen Elizabeths time on good reasons of State the Subsidies were brought so low by little and little that before the death of the last Queen they came not up to an hundred thousand and sunk so sensibly in the time of King Iames that they came not to above sixty thousand or thereabouts so that although the Parliament in the one and twentieth of that King bestowed upon him three Subsidies and three Fifteens when they first ingaged him in this War yet King Charls told them in his first Speech to this very Parliament that those supplies held no Symmetry or proportion with the charge of so great an enterprize And though the charges of the Enterprize which he was in hand with much exceeded his Fathers as much as the addition of a Navy of an hundred and twenty sail could amount unto and that he prest them earnestly at Oxford to a further grant yet nothing more could be obtained but that sorry pittance sufficient onely for advance money for ingaging those Sea and Land Forces which he had provided by means whereof the Expedition proved dishonorable to the King and Kingdom Nor came these two Subsidies so clearly and so candidly from them but that the King was fain to gratifie them in two points which they mainly drove at that 〈◊〉 to say the granting them a publick Fast to begin their Parliament and laying some restraints on the Lords Day which never could be obtain'd from any of his Predecessoâ—s For when such Fasts had first been moved in Queen Elizabeths time and afterwards in all the Parliaments of King Iames till the 21 of his Reign it was answered that there were soâ—many ordinary Fasting-days appointed by the Laws of the Land on which they might humble themselves before the Lord that there was no necessity or use of any such extraordinary Fasts as they desired Such Fasts in those times were conceiv'd to have too much in them of Aerius an old branded Hereâ—ick by whom it was held forth for good Catholick Doctrine Non celebrand esse jejunia Statuta sed cum quisque voluerit jejunandâ—m And when the Commons in the 23 of Elizabeth finding no hopes of gaining any such Fast by the Queens Authothority had voted one to be solemniz'd at the Temple Church for such of their own Members as could conveniently be present at it upon notice thereof the Queen sent a Message to them by Sir Thomas Henneage then Vice-Chamberlain declaring with what admiration she beheld that incroachment on her Royal Authority in committing such an apparent innovation without her privity or pleasure first known On the receit of which sharp Message the House desired Mr. Vice-Chamberlain to present their submission to the Queen and to crave her pardon for which Consult the Book entituled The
Free-holders grand Inquest pag. 57. No news of any such attempt in all the rest of her Reign nor of any Parliament Fasts as far as I can remember till the 21 of King Iames when they first engaged him in this War whose example followed by King Charls who indeed was not in a condition to dispute the point gave such incouragement to the Commons that no Parliament could begin without them and gave them such an head at last as to appoint and continue Fasts by their own Authority not onely without the Kings consent but against the very express words of his Proclamations How well this Fast was kept by some leading Members when they had procured it that is to say with a good neck of Mutton and broath in the Morning a Collation of sweet Meats between the Sermons and a Sabbatarian Supper in the Evening I could make known by a very memorable story had I list and leisure And what ill use was made of another in the Pulpits Prayers and Sermons of many seditious Lectures to stir up and continue the War rais'd against this King appears by his Proclamation of the fifth of October Anno 1643. by which he endeavored to translate the then Monethly Fast from the second Wednesday to the second Friday in every Moneth but without success Of this indulgence of the Kings our Author takes no notice as he doth of the other viz. the laying of such a restraint from Recreations on the Lords day as never had been known in this Kingdom since the Reformation Concerning which he telleth us that Fol. 13. These Lawes are enacted this Sessions viz against Abuses committed on Sundayes c. Now it appeareth by the Act that the Abuses as he calls them which were prohibited at that time were first the Concourse of people out of their own Parishes on the Lords-day for any sports or Pastims whatsoever and secondly the use of Bull-baiting Bear-baiting Enter ludes common plaies and other unlawful exercises and pastimes used by any person or persons within their own parishes In the composure of which Act the first clause made against the concourse of people out of their own Paâ—ishes on that day was purposely intended for a counterballance to the Declaration of King Iames about lawful sports and was afterwards made use of by some publick ministers of Justice to suppresse the Annual feasts of the dedication of Churches commonly called and known by the name of Wakes Such feasts of love and entertainments of good Neighbour-hood though they drew some People out of their own Parishes were no abuses in themselves though so called by our Author And as for Bull-baiting Bear-baiting and the rest there mentioned they had been all prohibited by a Proclamation of King Iames bearing date the 7. of May in the first year of his Reign Anno 1603. Nor were they used upon that day for ought that I am able to call to mind in all the time of my Boyage So that this Parliament by interdicting those rude Sports did but actum agere save that they gained unto themselves the reputation of more then ordinary Zeal to the day of worship and laid the first foundation of those many Rigorâ— which afterward they imposed upon it For in the next Parliament of this King they passed an Act that no Carrier with any horse or horses no Waggon men with any waggon or waggons nor Carmen with any Cart or Carts nor Wain-men with any wain or waines nor any Drovers with Cattle should fourty dayes next after the end of that Session by themselves or any others travel upon the said day upon pain that every person or persons so offending should forfeit 20 s for every such offence committed and that no Butcher after the said time should kill or sell any Flesh upon that day on the forfeiture of 6s 8 d. toties quoties Matters whith had been moved in Parliament in the 18 year of K. Iames but without success the Lords unanimously opposing the Bill when sent up by the Commons as tending to the disturbance of the Trade of the Kingdom and some inconveniencies to the Poor But having brought the King to a condition of denying nothing they obtain'd this also of him as they had done the other and at last became their own Carvers imposing since the first beginning of the long Parliament by their Orders and Ordinances so many several restraints on that day from all kindes of lawful pleasure and civil businesses that greater never were imposed on the Jews by the Scribes and Pharisees nor by some Casuits on the Papists nor by Dr. Bound the first Broacher of these Sabbath-speculations in the Church of England on his Puritan Proselytes But notwithstanding these condescensions of the King to the desires of the Commons the Commons were resolv'd to condescend in nothing to the desires of the King unless as they had moved the war so they might also be made acquainted with the Kings Design in the conduct of it which point they prest with such importunity that the King commanded M. Glanvil to serve as Secretary to the Navy for that Expedition that knowing all the secrets and intentions of it when he was at Sea he might acquaint the members with it at his coming back Fol. 20. For Mansel was vice-Admiral of the Narrow Seas that 's his Office and there indeed he succeeds to the Admiral Our Author is as much out in this particular as the Mariners had been in another The Mariners thought if Mr. H. L. report them rightly that Sr. Robert Mansel the then vice-Admiral had an unquestionable right to the chief conduct of that Enterprise upon the Dukes default The Mariners in this point sailed without their compasse as is proved by the Observator And this our Author building upon the Observator calls a Monstrous Error although not half so Monstrous as that Error which himself committeth in making this Sr. Robert Mansel to be no other then the vice-Admiral of the Narrow seas and restraining his Office and Authority to those Seas alone But had he consulted with the Sailers as Mr. H. L. may be thought to have done they would have told him that Sr. Robert Mansel was vice Admiral of England and that it belonged unto his Office next under the Admiral to see the Royal Navie kept in good reparation the wages of the Mariners and shiprights to be duly paid and that the ships should be provided of all things necessary for any occasionall expedition They could have told him also that there is no such Officer as a Vice-Admiral of the narrow Seas but that those narrow Seas are commanded by two several Admirals which hold their places from the King and not by grant or patent from the Lord Admiral of England and that one of these Admirals commandeth in the East and the other in the Western partâ— of those Seas And finally that at the time of his Expedition Sr. Henry Palmer was Vice-Admiral of the Eastern parts of those
of the English Parliament till the time of King Iames. It s true that on the Petition of the Commons in the beginning of each Parliament the King was graciously pleas'd to indulge them a freedom of reasoning and debate upon all such points as came before them and not to call them to account though they delivered their opinions contrary to his sence and meaning But then it is as true withal that they used not to waste time in tedious Orations nor to declaim against the proceedings of the King and the present Government or if they did the Speaker held it for a part of his Office to cut them short and to reminde them of their duty besides such after-claps as they were sure to finde from an injured and incensed Soveraign But of this take along with you this short passage as I finde it in a letter written ab ignoto to King Charls in this very business of the Duke May it please your excellent Majesty to consider That this great opposition against the Duke of Buckingham is stirred up and maintained by such who either maliciously or ignorantly and concurrently seek the debasing of this free Mâ—narchy which because they finde not yet ripe to attempt against the king himself they endeavor it through the dukes sides These men though agreeing in one mischief yet are of divers sorts and humors Viz. 1. Medling and busie persons who took their first hint at the beginning of King Iames when the Vnion was treated of in Parliament That learned King gave too much way to those popular Speeches by the frequent proof he had of his great Abilities in that kinde Since the time of H. 6. these Parliamentary Discourses were never suffered as being the certain Symptoms of subsequent Rebellions Civil Wars aâ—d the dethroning of our Kings But these last twenty years most of the Parliament Men seek to improve the reputation of their Wisdoms by these Declamations and no honest Patriot dare oppose them lest he incur the imputation of a Fool or a Coward in his Countries cause But which is more the pride they took in their own supposed Eloquence obtain'd another priviledge for them that is to say The liberty for any man to speak what he list and as long as he list without fear of being interrupted whereof King Iames takes notice in his said Speech to both the Houses at White-Hall Nor did they onely take great delight in these tedious speeches but at first disperst Copies of them in writing and afterwards caused them to be printed that all the people might take notice of the zeal they had to the common liberty of the Nation and the edge they hed against the Court and the Kings Prerogative But to proceed Fol. 47. To ballance the Dukes enemies three persons his confederates were made Barons to compeer in the Lords house the Lord Mandevil the eldest son to the Earl of Manchester created by Patent Baron Kimbolton Grandison Son to the created Baron Imbercourt and Sr Dudly Carlton made Baron Tregate In which short passage there are as many mistakes as lines For first the Lord Mandevil was not created by Patent Lord Kimbolton that title together with the tite of Vicount Mandevil having been conferred upon his father by letter Patents in the 18. year of King Iames Anno 1620. whom afterwards King Charles in the first year of his Reign made Earl of Manchester The meaning of our Author is that Sr. Edward Montague commonly called Lord Mandevil was summoned to the Parliament by the Title of Lord Kimbolton as is the custom in such cases when the eldest sons of Earls are called to Parliament by the stile and Title of their Fathers Barony Secondly there never was any such Baron as the Baron Tregate Thirdly Sr. Dudly Carlton was not created Baron Tregat but Baron of Imbercourt that being the name of a Mannor of his in the County of Surry But fourthly Grandison son to the created Baron Imbercourt is either such a peece of negligence in not filling the blanks or of ignorance in not knowing that noble Person as is not often to be met with And therefore to inform both our Author and his Reader also I must let them know that William de Grandâ—son a noble Burgundian Lord allied to the Emperour of Constantinople the King of Hungary and the Duke of Bavaria was brought into England by Edmond Earl of Lancaster second son to King Henry the 3. by whose bounty he was endowed with fair possessions and by his power advanced unto the dignity of an English Baron The estate being much encreast by the Marriage of the Daughter and Heir of the Lord Tregoz fell by the Heir general to the Pateshuls of Bleâ—so in the County of Bedford and by a Daughter of that house to the house of the Beauchamps By Margaret the daughter and Heir of Sr. Iohn Beauchamp of Bletso the whole estate came by Marriage to Sr. Oliver St. Iohn from whose eldest son descended that Sr. Oliver St. Iohn whom Queen Elizabeth descended from the said Margaret by Iohn Duke of Somerset her second husband made Lord St. Iohn of Bletho in the first year of her Reign From Oliver St. Iohn the second son of the said Margaret estated by his mother in the Mannor of Lydiard Tregoz neer Highworth in the County of Wilts descended another Oliver St. Iohn the second son of Sr. Iohn St. Iohn of Lydiard Tregoz who having in defence of his Fathers Honour killed one Captain Best in St. Georges fields neer Southwark was fain to passe over into France where he remained untill his friends about the Queen had obtained his pardon To merit which and to avoid the danger which might happen to him by Bests acquaintances he betook himself to the wars of Ireland where he performed such signal service against the Rebels that passing from one command to another he came at last to be made Lord Deputy of Ireland at what time he was created viscount Grandison with reference to the first founder of the greatnesse of his House and family That dignity entailed on him and the heires males of his body and for want of Such Issue on the Heires males of Sr. Edward Villers begotten on the body of Mrs. Barbara St. Iohn the new Viscounts Neece according unto which remainder that Honnurable Title is enjoyed by that branch of the house of Villers But being the Title of Viscount Grandison was limited to the Realm of Ireland to make him capable of a place in this present Parliament he was created Lord Tregoz of Highworth to him and to the heires males of his body without any remainder Fol. 62. Carlton gone upon this Errand and missing the French King at Paris progressed a tedious journey after that Court to Nantes in Bohemia And here we have as great an Error in Geography as before in Heraldry there being no such Town as Nantes in Bohemia or if there were it had been too farre off and too unsafe a
place for a Summers progress It is Nantes in Bretaigne which he means though I am so charitable as to think this to be a mistake rather of the Printer than our Authors own With the like charity also I behold three other mistakes viz. the Emperor of Vienna fol. 137. and the Archdutchesse of Eugenia fol. 139. Balfoure Caselie for Bolsovey Castle fol 192. By which the unknowing Reader may conceive if not otherwise satisfied that Balfour Castle was the antient seat of the Balfours from whence Sr. William Balfour Lieutenant of the Tower that false and treacherous Servant to a bountifull Master derives his pedigree Eugenia which was a part of that Ladies Christian name to be the name of some Province and Vienna the usual place of the Emperors residence to be the name of an Empire But for his last I could alledg somewhat in his excuse it being no unusual thing for Principalities and Kingdomes to take Denomination from their principal Cities For besides the Kings of Mets Orleans and Soissons in France we finde that in the Constitutions of Howel Dha the Kings of England are called Kings of London the Kings of South-Wales Kings of Dyneuor and the King of North-Wales Kings of Aberfraw each of them from the ordinary place of their habitation For which defence if our Author will not thank me he must thank himselfe The mention of Nantes conducts me on to Count Shally's Treason against the French King who was beheaded in that City of which thus our Author Fol. 63. The Count upon Summons before the Privy Councel without more adoe was condemned and forthwith beheaded at Nantes the Duke Momerancy then under Restraint suffered some time after But by his leave the Duke of Monmorency neither suffered on the account of Shalley's Treason nor very soon after his beheading which was in the year 1626. as our Author placeth it For being afterwards enlarged and joyning with Mounsier the Kings Brother in some designe against the King or the Cardinal rather he was defeated and took prisoner by Martial Schomberg created afterwards Duke of Halwyn and being delivered over to the Ministers of Justice was condemned and beheaded at Tholouse Anno 1633. Ibid. Our Wine-Merchants ships were arrested at Blay-Castle upon the Geroud returning down the River from Burdeaux Town by order of the Parliament of Rouen That this Arrest was 〈◊〉 by Order of the Parliament of Rouen I shall hardly grant the jurisdiction of that Parliament being confined within the Dukedome of Normandy as that of Renes within the Dukedome of Bretaigne neither of which nor of any other of the inferior Parliaments are able to doe any thing Extra Sphaeram Activitatis suae beyond their several Bounds and Limits And therefore this Arrest must either be made by Order from the Parliament of Burdeaux the Town and Castle of Blay being within the jurisdiction of that Court or of the Parliament of Paris which being Paramount to the rest may and doth many times extend its power and execute its precepts over all the others Fol. 92. At his death the Court was suddenly filled with Bishops knowing by removes preferments would follow to many expected advancements by it Our Author speaks this of the death of Bishop Andrews and of the great resort of Bishops to the Court which ensued thereupon making them to tarry there on the expectation of Preferment and Removes as his death occasioned till they were sent home by the Court Bishops with the Kings Instructions But in this our Author is mistaken as in other things The Bishops were not sent home with the Kings Instructions till after Christmas Anno 1629. and Bishop Andrews dyed in the latter end of the year 1626. after whose death Dr. Neil then Bishop of Durham being translated to the Sea of Winchester Febr. 7. 1627. Dr. Houson Bishop of Oxon succeeded him in the Sea of Durham in the beginning of the year 1628. Doctor Corbet Dean of Christ-church being consecrated Bishop of Oxon the 17 day of October of the same year so that between the filling up of these Removes and the sending the Bishops home with the Kings Instructions there happened about 15 Moneths so that the great resort of Bishops about the Court Anno 1627. when they were sent back with the Kings Instructions was not occasioned by the expectation of such Preferments and Removes as they might hope for on the death of Bishop 〈◊〉 Fol. 105. In Michaelmas Term the Lady Purbeck daughter and heir to the Lady Hatton by her former Husband and Wife to the Viscount Purbeck Brother to the Duke passed the tryall for adultery c. Our Author is here out again in his Heraldry the Lady Purbeck not being Daughter to the Lady Hatton by her former Husband but by her second Husband Sr. Edward Coke then Attorny Generall and afterwards successively Chief Justice of either Bench. Yet I deny not but that she was an Heir and a rich marriage as it after followeth For being Daughter to Thomas Cecil Earl of Exeter she was married by the care and providence of her Grandfather the Lord Burleigh to Sr. William Newport who being the adopted sonne of the Lord Chancellor Hatton succeeded in his name as well as in his Lands In ordering of which marriage it was agreed on that the vast Debt which the Chancellor owed unto the Crown should be estalled to small Annual payments and that in lieu thereof Sr. William in defect of issue should settle on his wife and her Heires by any Husband whatsoever the Isle of Purbeck and some other of the out parts of his Estate By means whereof her Daughter Frances which she had by Sr. Edward Coke was heir to Corse Castle in the Isle of Purbeck and so much of the rest of the Lands of Hatton as the mother being a woman of great expence did not sell or aliene Fol. 106. The King for all his former Arrears of loan was put to it to borrow more of the Common Councel of London 120000. l. upon Mortgage on his own land of 21000. l. per an And here I think our Author is Mistaken also the Citizens not lending their money upon Mortgage but laying it out in the way of purchase Certain I am that many goodly Mannors lying at the foot of Ponfract-Castle and appertaining to the Crown in right of the Duchy of Lancaster were sold out-right unto the Citizens at this time and therefore I conclude the like also of all the rest But whether it were so or not I cannot chuse but note the sordid basenesse of that City in refusing to supply their King in his great Necessities without Sale or Mortgage especially when the mony was to have been expended in defence of the Rochellers whose cause they seemed so much to favour But for this and other refusals of this nature the Divine vengeance overtook them within few years after the long Parliament draining them of a Million of pounds and more without satisfaction for every
Câ—rrans by Queen Elizabeth it was done as our Authour tels us to cry quits with the Venetians who had rais'd the Customes of our Clâ—th And this was done saith he without regret or complaint the generall prosperity of the Reign overshadowing and her power commanding fol. 133. Here then we have an Imposition raised upon some Commodities by the sole will anâ— power of the Queen not only without Act of Parliament but without any regret or complaint of the Merchants as our Authour tels us And in the first he tels us true but not so in the last For the Merchants having fee'd some Members of the House of Commons to befriend them in it it was moved that some course might be taken by the House to ease the Merchants in thâ—t Point When presently M. Secretary Cecil addressing himself unto the Speaker desired that that businesse might proceed no further affirming that it was a Noli me tangere part of the Queens prerogative Royall and therefore not to be disputed within those wals adding wâ—â—hal that if 〈◊〉 proceeded any further he must as he was in duty bound acquaint her Majesty with the matter of whose displeasure they would quickly finde themselves to be very sensible And so the businesse stopt for that time though it broke out afterwards but little to the benefit of the Merchant as in fine it proved It seems by this story that the Commons challenged no such priviledge in Queen Elizabeths time as they did afterwards in the time of King Charles that is to say that neither the King nor Queen was to take notice of any thing which was said or done within those Walls until it was communicated to them by the consent of the House For whereas the King in a Speech made to both Houses on the 14 of December 1641. took notice of some dispute which had been raised in that House about the Kings power in pressing Soldiers for his Wars the Commons voted this for a breach of Priviledge and gain'd so far upon the Lords that they joyn'd together in this Declaration to his Maâ—esty viz. That amongst other priviledges of Parliament it was their ancient and undoubted right that his Majâ—sty ought not to take notice of any matter in Agitation and debate in either House of Parliament but by their Information and Agreement But yet as ancient as it was the yongest man present had seen the beginning and as undoubted as it was the oldest man there sitting liv'd to see the end of it And so much for that Fol. 136. But they were all ten committed to several Prisons and on the first of May Attorney-General Noy sent Process out against them to appear in the Star-Chamber and answer his Information there Our Author speaks this of those ten persons who had been guilty of that most unparallel'd Ryot which was committed in the House of Commons at the dissolving of the last Parliament at what time Mr. Noy was not Attorney-General nor in three years after and therefore could not send out Process or make any Infoâ—mation against them as is here affirmed The Attorney-General was at that time Sir Robert Heath who not long after entred the like Information against the Earls of Bedford Somerset and Clare Sir Robert Cotton Master Selden Mr. St. Iohn for dispersing a Manuscript containing sundry projects for raising money on the Subject without the help of Parliaments as if it had been some Design of the King or his Councel to enslave the Nation Concerning which our present Author tells us one thing and an absent Author tells us another That which our present Author tells us is That Fol. 140. It was contrived at Florence by Sir Robert Dudley who descended from the Dudlies Earls of Warwick and so he stiled himself That this Book of projects was contrived by Sir Robert Dudley I am well assured and I am well assured also that he neither descended from the Dudlies Earls of Warwick nor ever call'd himself by that Title There were but three that held the Titles of Warwick viz. Iohn the first Baron of that House created Earl of Warwick and Duke of Northumberland by K. Edward the sixth Secondly Iohn his eldest surviving Son commonly called Earl of Warwick as the custom is after his Father was made Duke who dyed without Issue And thirdly Ambrose the fourth Son of the first Ioâ—n created Earl of Warwick by Queen Elizabeth Anno 1552. who deceased without Issue also so that there was but one Dudley Earl of Warwick from whom this Robert could descend and from him he did as being the base or natural Son of Robert Dudley Earl of Leicester the fifth Son of the said Iohn Dudly Earl of Warwick and Duke of Northumberland Secondly This Sir Robert Dudley who contriv'd the Manuscript did not stile himself by the name of Earl of Warwick that being too low a title to content his Ambition For looking on himself as the onely remaining branch of this House of the Dudlies he took upon himself the Stile of Duke of Northumberland and was commonly called so by all sorts of People in the State of Florence But to proceed our Author tells us of this Manuscript of Sir Robert Dudlies That Ibid. It was a Rhapsody of several proâ—ects for increase of the Kings Revenue and somewhat in prejudice of proceedings in Parliament sundry copies whereof were dispersed c. And so disperst that there were few or none who were inquisitive into matters which conâ—erned the publick that got not â— Copy of thâ—se Paperâ— Which being found in the Study of the Earl of Strafford as it might have been in thousâ—nds more gave an occasion to E. H. an obscure fellow compos'd of Ignorance and malice to publish it in Print with this following Title viz. Straffords Plâ—t discovered and thâ— Parliament vindicated in their Iustice executed upon him by the late discovery of certain Propositions delivered to his Majesty by the Earl of Strafford a little before his tryal with this Inscription Propositions for the bridling of Parliaments and for the increasing of his Majesties Revenue much mâ—re then before c. And so much for the harmless Errors of my present and the malicious falshood of my absent Author Amongst which harmless Errors of my present but not to be excused in any Author I reckon his naming of King Charls to be the Uncle of Frederick Prince Elector Palatine fol. 143. and within few lines after his Brother-in-law as indeed he was his making â—alcedon to be a City in Greece fol. 151. whereas it was a City of Bithynia in Asia minor on the other side of the Sea But leaving these I proceed to matters of more moment and of greater conseqâ—ence Fol. 148. And therefore draws a Pedigree of his right and title from King James the first c. Our Author speaks this of the Pedigree by which the Marquess of Hamilton pretended a Right and Title to the Crown of Scotland a Title which had so many flaws that
over to the King when he was at Oxford about the latter end of the year 1643. But finding his sufferings unregarded and his Person neglected as not being suffered to appear as a Member of the House of Commons when the Parliament was summoned thither he retired again into France to his Wife and Children And secondly He dyed not a profest Catholick but continued to the last a true Son of the Church of England reproacht in his best fortunes by the name of a Papist because preferr'd by the Arch-Bishop a faithful servant to the Queen and a profest enemy to the Puritan Faction For which last reason the Earl of Arundel must be given out to be a Papist though I have seen him often at Divine Service in the Kings Chappel and is so declared to be by our Author also who tells us further That finding his native Countrey too hot for him to hold out he went with the Queen Mother unto Colen fol. 428. as if the Land had been hotter for him or his Zeal hotter then the place had he been a Papist as he was not then for any other Noble Man of that Religion Fol. 320. The English proposed a Cessation of Arms but the Scots as they would obey his Majesties command not to advance so they could not return till they had the effects of their Errand And all this while I would fain know what became of the Irish Army which had been raised in so much haste by the Earl of Strafford with the beginning of the Spring An Army consisting of 10000 Foot and 1500 Horse kept ever since in constant pay and continual Exercise by which the King might have reduced the Scots to their due obedience as the Earl of Strafford declared openly at the Councel Table immediately on the dissolving of the former Parliament yet now this Army lies dormant without acting anything thing toward the suppressing of the Scots exprest in their invading England their wasting the Northern parts of the Kingdom and their bold Demands Which Army if it had been put over into Cumberland to which from the Port of Carick-Fergus in Ireland is but a short and easie passage they might have got upon the back of the Scots and caught that wretched People in a pretty Pit-fall so that having the English Army before them and the Irish behinde them they could not but be ground to powder as between two Mill-stones But there was some fatality in it or rather some over-ruling providence which so dulled our Councels that this Design was never thought of for ought I can learn but sure I am that it was never put into Execution An Army of which the prevailing Members in both Houses stood in so much fear that they never left troubling the King with their importunities till they had caus'd him to Disband it the Scots in the mean time nesting in the Northern Counties and kept at most excessive charges to awe the King and countenance their own proceedings Fol. 334. The Book whilst in loose Papers â—re it was compleat and secured into his Cabinet and that being lost was seized by the enemy at Naseby fight c. Our Author here upon occasion of his Majesties most excellent Book called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he hath wholly Incorporated part per part in this present History gives a very strange Pedigree of it that being composed before Naseby fight it was there taken with the rest of the Kings Papers and coming to his hands again was by the King committed to the hands of one Mr. Symonds and by him to the Press In all which there is nothing true but the last particular For first That Book and the Meditations therein contained were not composed before Naseby fight many of them relating to subsequent Passages which the King without a very hâ—gh measure of the Spirit of Prophecy was not able to look so far intoâ— as if past already Besides that Book being called The Porâ—raiâ—ure of his Maâ—esty in his Solitudes and Sufferings must needs relate unto the times of his Solitude and therefore could not be digested before Naseby fight when he had been continually exercised in Camp or Counsel and not reduc'd to any such Solitude as that Title intimateth Secondly These Papers were not found with the rest in the Kings Cabinet or if they were there must be somewhat in it above a miracle that he should get them again into his hands Assuredly those men who used so much diligence to suppress this Book when it was published in print and many thousand Copies disperst abroad would either have burnt it in the fire or use some other means to prevent the printing of it to their great trouble and disadvantage Thirdly These papers were not delivered by the King to Mr. Symonds who had no such near access to him at that time For the truth is that the King having not finisht his Conceptions on the several Subjects therein contained till he was ready to be carried away from Carisbrook Castle committed those papers at the time of his going thence to the hands of one of his trusty Servants to be so disposed of as might most conduce to the advancement of his Honor Interest By which trusty Servant whosoever he was those papers were committed to the care of the said Mr. Symons who had shewed himself exceeding zealous in the Kings Affairs by whom there was care taken for the publishing of them to the infinite contentment of all those well affected Subjects who could get a â—ight of them Fol. 372. The loss of his place viz. the City of Arras animated the Portugueses to revolt from the Spanish Yoke and to submit themselvesâ— to the right Heir Duke John of Braganza Our Author is out of this also For first it was not the loss of the City of Arras but the secret practices and sollicitations of Cardinal Richelieu which made the Portuguez to revolt And secondly if the King of Spains Title were not good as the best Lawyers of Portugal in the Reign of the Cardinal King Don Henry did affirm it was yet could not the Duke of Braganza be the right Heir of that Kingdom the Children of Mary Dutchess of Parma the eldest Daughter of Prince Edward the third Son of Emmanuel being to be preferr'd before the Children of Katherine Dutchess of Braganza her younger Sister He tells next of Charls That Fol. 373. The Soveraignty of Utrick and Dutchy of Gelders he bought that of William he won by Arms with some pretence of right But first the Soveraignty of Vtreckt came not to him by purchase but was resigned by Henry of Bavaria the then Bishop thereof who being then warred on by the Duke of Gelders and driven out of the City by his own Subjects was not able to hold it Which resignation notwithstanding he was fain to take the City by force and to obtain a confirmation of the Grant not onely from Pope Ciement the 7. but also from the Estates of the Countrey
Secondly he bought not the Dutchy of Gelders neither but possest himself of it by a mixt Title of Arms and Contract The first Contract made between Charls the Warlike Duke of Burgundy and Arnold of Egmond Duke of Gelders who in regard of the great Succors which he received from him when deprived and Imprisoned by his own ungracious son passed over his whole Estate to him for a little mony But this alienation being made unprofitable by the death of Charls the intrusion of Adolph the son of Arnold and the succession of Charls the son of Adolph this Emperor reviv'd the claim and prest Duke Charls so hotly on all sides with continual Wars that he was forc'd to yield it to him upon condition that he might enjoy it till his death which was afterwards granted Thirdly if he had any right to the Dukedom of William it accrued not to him by discent as King of Spain but as a â—ief forfeited to the Empire for want of Heirs male in the House of Sforsa which not being acknowledged by the French who pretended from the Heir General of the Galeazzo's he won it by his Sword and so disposed thereof to his Son and Successor King Philip the second and his Heirs by another right then that of Conquest The proceeding of the short Parliament and the surviving Convocation have been so fully spoken of in the Observations on the former History that nothing need be added here But the long Parliament which began in November following will afford us some new matter for these Advertisements not before observ'd And first we finde That Fol. 336. There came out an Order of the Commons House that all Projectors and unlawful Monopolists that have or had â—â—tely any benefit from Monopolies or countenanced or issued out any Warrants in favor of them c. shall be disabled to sit in the House A new piece of Authority which the Commons never exercised before and which they had no right to now but that they knew they were at this time in such a condition as to venture upon any new Incroachment without control For ancientlyâ— and legally the Commons had no power to exclude any of their Members from their place in Parliament either under colour of false elections or any other pretence whatsoever For it appears on good Record in the 28 year of Queen Elizabeth that the Commons in Parliament undertaking the examination of the chusing and returning of Knights of the Shire for the Counâ—y of Norfolk were by the Queen sharply reprehended for it that being as she sent them word a thing improper for them to deal in as belonging onely to the Office and Charge of the Lord Chancellor from whom the Writs issue and aâ—e returned And if they may not exclude their Members under colour of undue Elections and false Returns much less Authority have they to exclude any of them for acting by vertue of the Kings Letters Patents or doing any thing in order to his Majesties Service For if this power were once allowed them they might proceed in the next place to shut out all the Lords of the Privy Councel his Counsel learned in the Laws his Domestick Servants together with all such as hold any Offices by his Grant and Favor because forsooth having dependance on the King they could not be true unto the Interest of the Commonwealth And by this means they might so weed out one another that at the last they would leave none to sit amongst them but such as should be all ingag'd to drive on such projects as were laid before them But whereas our Author tells us in the following words that it was Ordered also That Mr. Speaker should issue out new Warrants for electing other Members in their places he makes the Commons guilty of a greater incroachment then indeed they were All that they did or could pretend to in this case was to give order to the Speaker that intimation might be given to his Majesty of the places vacant and to make humble suit unto him to issue out new Writs for new Elections to those places But the next Incroachment on the Kings Authority was far greater then this and comes next in order Fol. 360. The Bill for the Trienial Parliament having pâ—ssed both Houses was confirmed with the Kings Royal Assent Febr. 16. And then also he past the Bill of Subsidies fol. 361. The Subsidies here mentioned were intended for the relief of the Northern Counties opprest at once with two great Armies who not onely liv'd upon Free Quarter but raised divers sums of money also for their present necessities the one of them an Army of English rais'd by the King to right himself upon the Scots the other being an Army of Scots who invaded the Kingdom under colour of obtaining from the King what they had no right to So that the King was not to have a peny of that Money and yet the Commons would not suffer him to pass the one till he had before hand passed the other which the King for the relief of his poor Subjects was content to do and thereby put the power of calling Parliaments into the hands of Sheriffs and Constables in case he either would not or should not do it at each three years end But the nexâ— incroachment on the Power and Prerogative Royal was worse then this there being a way left for the King to reserve that Power by the timely calling of a Parliament and the dissolving of it too if called within a shorter time then that Act had limited But for the next sore which was his passing of the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage there was no Plaister to be found the King being for'd remember that the Commons had an Army of Scots at their devotion to pass away all his Right unto it before he could obtain it but for three Moneths onely as was said before In which Bill it is to be observ'd that as they depriv'd the King of his Right to Tonnage and Poundage so they began then to strike at the Bishops Rights to their Vote in Parliament For whereas generally in all former Acts the Lords Spiritual and Temporal were distinctly named in this that distinction was left out and the Bill drawn up in the name of the Lordâ— and Commons which being disputed by the Bishops as well fore-seeing what the Commons intended by it was notwithstanding carried for the Commons by the Temporal Lords who thereby made a way for their own exclusion when the Commons were grown as much too strong for them as they were for the Bishops The secular Lords knew well that the Lords Spiritual were to have the precedence and therefore gave them leave to go first out of the House that they themselves might follow after as they ought to do Proceed we next to the business of the Earl of Strafford aâ— whose Tryal our Author tells us That Fol. 376. The Earl of Arundel was made Lord High Steward and the Earl of
promise which the King is said to have made him of not consenting to his death The sum of the story is briefly this viz. That the King had promised the Earl of Strafford under his hand that his prerogative should savâ— him that he would never passe the Bill nor consent to the acting of any thing to take away his life that being satisfied in all other scruples he rested in this only affirming that in regard of this promise he could not passe the Bill though the Earl were guilty the Bishop of Lincoln finding him harping on that string assured him that he thought that the Earl was so great a Lover of his Majâ—sties peace so tender of his conscience and the Kingdoms safety that he would willingly acquit the King of that promise that though the King received this intimation with a brow of anger yet the said Bishop in pursuance of the Earls destruction sends a Message to him to that purpose by the Lieutenant of the Tower or some other person whom he found attending near the place that as the devil and he would have it the Earl received that intimation with great disdain saying that if that were all which bound the King he would soon release him and thereupon opening his Cabinet drew out that Paper in which the Kings promise was contained and gave it to the said Lieutenant or that other person but whether sealed or unsealed that he cannot tell by whom it was delivered to the Bishop of Lincoln and finally that the Bishop of Lincoln finding no other scruple to remain in the Kings Conscience but the respect he had to that promise he put the fatall paper into the Kings hands which as it seems gave a full end to the conference and the Kings perplexities This is the substance of the Legend and in all this there is nothing true but the names of the parties mentioned in it And first I would fain know from what Authour he received this fiction unlesse it were from say I and say some as his own words are that is to say either from himself or from some body else but he knew not whom Most certainly he had it not from any of the Bishops then present the Lord Primate affirming in the end of his first Narrative that neither he nor the rest of his Brethren knew what was contained in that Paper and no lesse certain it is that the Bishop of Lincoln was too wise to accuse himself of such a practise if he had been really guilty of it And then as for the thing it self no man of reason can imagine that the King would either make such a proviso to the Earl or that the Earl would so far distrust his own integrity as to take it of him If the Kings knowledge of his innocence of his signal merits and the declaration which he made in Parliament to the Lords and Commons that he could not passe the Bill with a good Conscience were not sufficient to preserve him there was no help to be expected from such Paper-promises Such a Romance as this we finde in Ibrahim the Illustrious Bassa who is said to have obtained the like promise from Solyman the Magnificent which notwithstanding the Mufti or Chief Priests of the Turks devised a way to discharge the Emperour of that promise and to obtain from him an unwilling consent to the Bassa's death as the Bishop of Lincoln is said to do for the Earl of Straffords Secondly There was no such scruple of conscience propounded to the Bishops in the morning conference as the obligation which that promise laid upon him there being no other question propounded at that time but whether he might in justice passe the Bill of Attainder against the Earl To which the Bishops gave their Answer when it was again renewed in the Evening as appears by the Lord Primates first Narrative that if upon the Allegations on either â—ide at the hearing whereof the King was present he did not conceive him guilty of the crime wherewith he was charged he could not in justice condemn him and by this answer it appears that no such scruple as the obligation of that Paper-promise had been before tendred to the Bishops Thirdly Admitting that the Bishop of Lincoln might be so bold as to make that overture to the King forgetting a release of that promise from the Earl of Strafford yet was he too carefull of himself too fearfull of the Kings everlasting displeasure to pursue that fatall project when he perceived his Majesty to entertain it with a brow of anger Fourthly Admitting this also that the Bishop was so thirsty of the Earls bloud as to neglect his own safety in pursuance of it yet cannot our Historian tell us whether that intimation were sent by the Lieutenant of the Tower or some other person And certainly as the Lieutenant of the Tower was not so obscure a person but that he might easily be known from another man so is it most improbable that he should go on such an errand without speciall order from the King or that the Earl should admit of such an intimation from any other who was like to run on the Bishops bidding but only from the Lieutenant himself Fifthly It cannot be beleeved that the Earl should fall into such a passion when the Tale was told him considering that he knew that by a Letter sent unto the King on the Tuesday before he had set the Kings Conscience at liberty most humbly beseeching him for the prevention of such mischief as might happen by his refusall to passe the Bill So that the passing of the Bill could be no News to him which he had reason to expect because it was a thing so much prest by his enemies and so humbly and affectionatelyâ— desired by himselfe Sixthly and finally Though our Historian make it doubtfull whether that Paper-promise were sent back sealed or unsealed yet no man can suspect the Earl to be so imprudent in his actions so carelesse of his own honour and so untrusty to the King in so great a secret as to send it open by which it must needs come first to the eyes of others before it came unto the Kings And if it were not sent unsealed how came our Authour to the knowledge that that paper contained the Kings promise as he saies it did But nothing more betrays the vanity and impossibility of this fiction then the circumstance in point of time in which this promise must be made which must needs fall between the passing of the Bill of Attainder and the Kings conference with the Bishops sent to him for the satisfaction of his Conscience by the Houses of Parliament Our Authour tels us that at the conference with the Bisâ—ops the King being satisfied in all other scruples started his last doubt If in his Conscience he could not passe the Bill although the Earl were guilty having promised under his hand that his prerogative should save him never to passe that Bill nor to
and Wife to Roger Mortimer Earl of March from whom the House of York laid their claim to the Diadem But our Author is as good at the Pedigree of the House of the Beauforts as of that of Mortimer telling us That Cardinal Beaufort was not onely great Uncle to King Henry the sixth but Son to John of Gaunt and his Brother Cardinal of York The first two parts whereof are true but the last as false Cardinal Beaufort I am sure had no such Brother as our Author gives him for so he must be understood though the Grammar of the words will not bear so much sense namely a Cardinal of York unless it were King Henry the fourth whom Iohn of Gaunt had by Blanch of Lancaster his first Wife Iohn Earl of Somerset or Thomas Duke of Excester which two together with this Cardinal Beaufort he had by his last Wife Katherine Swinfort More Sons then these none of our Heralds or Historians give to Iohn of Gaunt and therefore no such Brother as a Cardinal of York to be found out any where for this Cardinal Beaufort except onely in our Authors Dreams Fol. 419. That in Anno 37. of Henry the eighth Letters Patents were granted to Lay-men to exercise all maner of Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction as the Kings Officers not the Bishops These are the words of Mr. Thomas in his Invective against the Bishops before mentioned and these our Author swallows without chewing not searching whether Mr. Thomas had rightly given the sense of that Act of Parliament or not but telling his in his gloss upon it That no Reason or Iustice are to be deduc'd from that Kings Actions more like an Atheist then a Christian either Ecclesiastical or Temporal But by the leave of good Mr. Thomas there can be no such matter gathered from that Statute of King Henry the eighth viz. That Letters Patents were granted to Lay-men to exercise all maner of Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction as the Kings Officers not the Bishops Before this time no man could be admitted to the Office of a Chancellor Vicar-General Commissary or Official in any Ecclesiastical Court or exercise any Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction except he were a single person and in Holy Orders To take away which curb and thereby to give the better incouragement to Students in the Civil Laws it was Enacted by this Statute that all such Ecclesiastical Officers whether made by the Kings Letters Patents as in the case of Sir Thomas Cromwel the Kings Vicar General or by any Arch-Bishop Bishop or Arch-Deacon within this Realm might from thencforth lawfully execute and exercise all maner of Iurisdiction commonly called Ecclesiastical Iurisdiction and all Censures and Coercions appertaining or in any wise belonging unto the same albeit such person or persons be Lay married or unmarried so that they be Doctors of the Civil Law lawfully created and made in any Vniversity Out of which premises if Mr. Thomas can conclude that such Lay-men so quallified to exercise Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction were the Kings Officers and not the Bishops he must have some new piece of Sandersons Logick which never was read in any of the Universities in which those lay persons did receive the Degree of Doctors Fol. 419. She was the right Heir apparent to her Brother and the onely right Issue to the Crown begotten no donbt in lawful Matrimony I dare not take upon me to dispute of Titles to the Crown but I dare take upon me to tell our Author that there was some doubt made by the most learned men of that time whether Queen Mary of whom he speaks were begotten and born in lawful Marriage All the Bishops in this Realm by a publick Writing under their Hands and Seals declared the Marriage of King Henry the eighth with Queen Maries Mother to be unlawful and so did the most eminent Divines in both the Universities as also in the Cathedrals Monasteries and other Conventual Bodies within this Realm The like declared also by several Universities in France and Italy under their publick Seals And so it was declared finally by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons assembled in â— full and free Parliament in which it was pronounced That the Marriage between the King and the Lady Katherine of Spain the Relict of his Brother was null and void to that it seems there was some doubting in this case though our Author makes no doubt of it at all Nor is it very certain neither that Queen Mary was the right Heir apparent to her Brother For if the Law of the Crown diffâ—r not from the Law of the Land in this particular which I leave unto our learned Lawyers she could not be the Heir to her Brother King Edward the sixth as being born of another Venter and consequently his Sister by the half blood onely Now as he makes no doubt of Queen Maries Title to the Crown so he makes the Title of Queen Elizabeth to be subject unto some dispute which all the Estates of the Realm convened in her first Parliament declared in the way of Recognition to be past disputing But I leave these inviduous Arguments and proceed to some other Fol. 429. Doctor Wren Bishop of Ely and Dean of the Kings Chappel had been accused of Misdemeanors in his Diocess amounting to Treason And being committed to the Tower there he hath lain ever since But fitst no misdemeanors how great soever can amount to a Treason nor ever was it so adjudged but onely in the Case of the Earl of Strafford Secondly There was no Evidence taken upon Oath to prove any of the misdemeanors which were charged upon him our Author confessing that after he had been Voted in the House of Commons unworthy and unfit to hold and exercise any Office or Dignity in Churh or Commonwealth there was no further speech of him or his Crimes Thirdly He was not committed to the Tower for any misdemeaners charged against him by those of his Diocess but for subscribing to the Protestation with the rest of the Bishops in the end of Dâ—cember 1641. who were committed at the same time also Fourthly He hath not remain'd there ever since his commitment neither but was discharged with the other Bishops about the end of February then next followâ—ng and about three or four Moneths after brought back again Anno 1642. without any Accusation brought against him either then or since Fol. 430. And then they adjourned until the twentieth of October and a standing Committee of the House of Commons consisting of fifty Members appointed during the Recess Of this Committee Mr. Iohn Pim was the principal Man without whom all the rest were Ciphers of no signification And by him there issued out an Order against Innovasions extended and intended also for taking down the Rails before the Communion-Table levelling the ground on which the said Table stood and placing the said Table in the middle of the Church or Chancell In which it is to be admired how eagerly this Order was pursued by
the Church-Wardens generally in all the Parishes of the Kingdom notwithstanding they were told that the Lords had never given their consent unto it and that it would be safest for them to suspend their proceedings till the Parliament was again assembled But so mighty was the name of Pym that none of them durst refuse Obedience unto his Commands Nor did the Lords ever endeavour to retrench this Order but suffered their Authority and priviledge to be torn from them peece-meal by the House of Commons as formerly in imposing the Protestation of the third of May so now in this great Alteration in the face of the Church Fol. 432. The late Irish Army raised for the Assistance of the Kings Service against the Scots was disbanded and all their armes brought into Dublin This though our Authour reckoneth not amongst the grounds and reasons of the Irish Rebellion yet was it really one of the chief encouragements to it For when the King was prest by the Commons in Parliament for the disbanding of that Army a Suit was made unto him by the Embassadour of Spain that he might have leave to List three or four thousand of them for his Masters Service in the wars The like Suit was made also by the Embassadour of France and the King readily condescended to their severall motions and gave order in it accordingly But the Commons never thinking themselves safe as long as any of that Army had a sword in his hand never left importuning the King whom they had then brought to the condition of denying nothing which they asked till they had made him eat his word and revoke those Orders to his great dishonour Which so exasperated that Army consisting of 10000 Foot and 1500 Horse that it was no hard matter for those who had the managing of the Plot to make sure of them And then considering that the Scots by raising of an Army had gain'd from the King an Abolition of the Episcopall Order the reâ—cinding of his own and his Fathers Acts about the reducing of that Church to some Uniformity with this and setled their Kirk in such a way as best pleased their own humours why might not the Irish Papists hope that by the help of such an Army ready raised to their hands or easily drawn together though disperst at that present they might obtain the like indulgences and grants for their Religion Tantum Religio potuit suadere Malorum as true on the one side as the other Fol. 443. The next Morning the Vpper house sent them down to the House of Commons by the Lord Marshal Privy Seal c. the Lords Goring and Wilmot Our Authour speaks this of the first Letter sent from Ireland touching that Rebellion but is mistaken in the last man whom he makes to be sent down with these Letters The Lord Wilmot at that time was no Peer of England and therefore had no place in the English Parliaments The honour of an English Baron being first conferred on his Son the Lord Henry Wilmot by Letters Patents bearing date 29. of Iune Anno 1643. And as I am sure that the Lord Wilmot was not of that number so I am doubtfull whether the Lord Marshall were or not Our Authour not long before tels us that his Office of Lord High Steward was like to be begg'd from him in regard of his Absence which is to be understood of his absence out of the Realm and if he were then absent out of the Realm he could not now be present in the House of Peers Either not absent then or not present now is a thing past questioning Fol. 462. The King returns from Scotland magnificently â—easted by the City of London But while the Citizens at one end of the Town were at their Hosanna some of the Commons at the other end were as busie at their Crucifige intent on hammering a Remonstrance which they entitled A Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom in which they ript up all the actions which they had complained of in the King and sum'd up all those services which they had done for the common people The whole so framed that it served for a pair of Bellows to blow that fire which afterwards flamed out and consumed the greatest part of the Kingdom In the presenting whereof to the King at his coming from Scotland though the Lords refused to joyn with them in it yet was it presented to the King by some of their Members an Order made for the publishing and dispersing of it and the Lords brought at last to justifie what they had condemned Nor did the Citizens continue long in their good Affections For though they gave him Rost-meat now yet they beat him with the Spit in the Christmas following of which our Authour tels us saying Fol. 471. The loose people of the City and the Mechanick sort of Prentices were encouraged by the Ministers and Lecturers and other Incendiaries in tumultuous manner to come down to Westminster and by the way at Whitehall to be insolent in words and actions And insolent they were indeed both in words and actions some of them crying out as they past by that the King was not fit to live others that the Prince would govern better all of them with one voice that they would have no Porters lodge between them and the King but would come at him when they pleased using some other threatning words as if they meant to break open the Gates But so it happened that some of the Officers of the Kings late Army being come to the Court some of them to receive the Arrears of their pay and others to know the Kings Commands before they returned into the Low Countries to their severall Charges and observing the unsufferable Insolencies of this Rascal Rabble sallied upon them with drawn swords in which scuffle some of that tumultuous Rabble were slightly hurt and others dangerously wounded To these men being profest Souldiers was the Name of Cavaliers first given communicated afterwards to all the Kings party and Adherenâ—s though never in Arms or otherwise appearing for him then in the Loyalty of their Affections Fol. 477. This fell out as many would have it a lâ—â—â—ing case to their confusion How so Because saith he at a conference desired by the Lords with the House of Commons they were told by the Lord Keeper that this Petition and Protestation of the twelve Bishops was extending to the deep intrenching upon the fundamentall priviledges and beings of Parliaments c. Upon which Declaration the Bishops were voted to be guilty of High Treason committed first to the custody of the black rod and from thence to the Tower But first the Authour is to know that the Lord Keeper at that time was not altogether so rectus in Curia as might have been wished and therefore having received that Petition and Protestation from the hands of the King to whom in the first place it was addressed he communicated it privately to such of both
Houses as were like to make the worst use of it and the more to ingratiate himself with the prevalent party he aggravated the supposed offence to the very utmost And the supposed offence was this that the Bishops having been frequently reviled pursued and violently kept from the House of Peers protested by a Writing under their hands That they durst not sit or Vote in the House of Peers untill his Majesty should secure them from all affronts indignities and dangers and therefore that all Laws Orders Votes Resolutions and Determinations should be reputed null and of none effect which in their absence had passed or should passe in the said most Honourable House during the time of their forced and violent absence Which Petition and Protestation being 〈…〉 Records of Parliament was thought to be a good 〈◊〉 of their place and right suffrage in the House of 〈◊〉 â—â—â—withstanding the Subsequent Act of Parliament 〈◊〉 deprived them of it But how that Protestation could amount to Treason in the newest construction of the word was so impossible to be proved that they who 〈◊〉 so voted it having served their turns by the imprisonment of the Bishops for depriving them of their place and vote in Parliament and divesting the King of his power and prerogative in pressing Souldiers for his wars at once released them of the impâ—iâ—onment and accusation under which they suffered Adde hereunto that when the Members of the House of Commons were seized upon and kept in custody by the Officers of the Army under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax on the sixt and seventh daies of December 1647. they made a Protestation to this effect viz. that all Acts and Ordinances Votes and proceedings of the House of Commons made after the said sixt and seventh of December or after to be made during their restraint and forcible seclusion from the House and the continuance of the Armies force upon it should be no way obligatory but void and null to all â—ntents and purposes whatsoever Which protestation though it toucht the Officers of the Army to the very quick yet had they so much modesty as not to count it for high Treason And when the Members which were left remaining in that House for the present turn had scanned over every particular of that protestation they only ventured so far as to Vote it to be scandalous and seditious as tending to destroy the present visible Government and that all that had a hand in it were unworthy of trust for which consult Mercurius Pragmaticus Numb 38. By which we see that which was counted Treason in the Bishops was not conceived to be such in these Members of the House of Commons No more then farre worse crimes then those which 〈…〉 for Treason in the Earl of Strafford could 〈◊〉 to be Treason in the Case of the Five 〈…〉 Lord of Kimbolton So true is that which Horace 〈…〉 Book De Arte Poetica viz. Coecilio Plautoqâ—e dabit 〈…〉 Virgilio Varioque which cannot be englished more â—â—â—nificantly then by this old Proverb that is to say that 〈◊〉 better steal a Horse then others look on Fol. 478. The City taking hâ—art and hands with the House of Commons summon a Common Councel where they debate their jealousies and fears The constitution of the Common Councell of the City was of great concernment at this time and therefore it behoved the Commons in order to the prosecution of their designe that it should be new moulded most of the old ones laid aside and creatures of their own elected into their places And by their Emissaries and Agents they prevailed so far that on S. Thomas day when the Common-Councell-men were to be chosen for every Ward in stead of those grave sober and substantiall men which before they had they chose a company of factious and indigent persons known only by their disaffections to Monarchical and Episcopal Government And whereas by the ancient custome of the City the Common-Councell-men then elected were not admitted unto Councell till the Munday after Twelfthday when their Elections were returned and enrolled by the Town-Clerk these men well knowing how much the Designe of the Commons did depend upon them would not stay so long And therefore when the King had appointed a Common-Councell to be called on the last day of December for the prevention of such tumults as had happened a few daies before they thrust themselves in amongst the rest The like they did when the King gave a meeting to a Common Councel appointed by him on the fifth of Ianuary wherein he acquainted them with the reason of his proceedings against the five impeached Members desiring that they might not have any retreat or harbour within the City At what time Fowke one of these Common-Councell men as being the Bell-weather to the rest made a sawcy and insolent speech unto the King concerning fears and â—â—â—lousies touching the Members accused the Priviledges of Parliament and that they might not be tried but in a Parliamentary way To which though the King returned a very milde and gracious Answer yet the Rabble being once inflamed by their seditious Orator would not so be satisfied but at his coming out of the Hall and as he past in his Coach thorow the Streets there was nothing ecchoed in his ears but Priviledges of Parliament Priviledges of Parliament By the help and vote of these men also was that Petition framed and delivered to the King on the morrow after which follows immediatly in our Authour And by the help of these men did they extort the Militia of the City out of the hands of the Mayor and Aldermen and put it into the power of inferiour persons such as the Faction in the House of Commons might best confide in And for their Iealousies and Fears which were to be debated in the Common Councell they were of no lesse nature then the blowing up of the Thames to drown the City or the beating it down about their ears by Col. Lunsford from the Tower or the sacking it by the King and the Cavaliers Horrible Gulleries but such as were generally disperst and no lesse generally beleeved by fools women and children Fol. 482. Vpon information of Troops of Horse to be gathered by the Lord Digby and Colonell Lunsford at Kingston where the County Magazine is lodged they order that the Sheriffs of the severall Counties c. shall suppresse all unlawfull Assemblies c. Most true it is that such an order was made by the House of Commons the better to amaze the people and keep them in continuall Fears and Iealousies of the Kings proceedings But nothing is more false then that any Troops of Horse had been rais'd by the Lord Digby or Colonel Lunsford or that they had any such designe as to seize the Magazine at Kingston which they might easily have done had they been so minded before it could have been prevented But the truth is that the King not knowing what the London Tumults might
amount unto commanded the Officers of the late Army before-mentioned to attend his pleasure till he saw some issue of the practices which were held against him On which command they followed him to Hampton Court Ianuary the tenth 1641. at his Removall from Whitehall for avoiding such fresh Insolencies as the people in their triumphant conducting of the accused Members to the Houses of Parliament might have put upon him These Officers now known by the Name of Cavaliers were lodged at Kingston and upon them the Lord Digby accompanied with Col. Lunâ—â—ord in a Coach with six Horses intended to bestow a visit no Troops of Horse being raised by him nor any other appearance of Horse at all except those six only His Majesties Declaration of the 12. of August hath so cleared this businesse that I marvell our Authour could let it passe by without Observation Fol. 485. And so the breach between the King and Parliament was stitcht up That is to say that great breach of pretended priviledge in the Kings coming to the House of Commons to demand the five impeached Members And yet this breach was not stitcht up now nor in a long time after For fol. 495. we finde the Parliament again at their five Members insisted on in the preamble to the Ordinance about the Militia fol. 498. and prest in their Petition delivered to the King at Royston fol. 501. and finally made one of the Propositions presented to the King at Oxford fol. 599. So far was this breach from being stitcht up in the end of Ianuary Anno 1641. that it was not made up in the Ianuary following at what time those Propositions were brought to Oxford From the five Members passe we to the Militia of which he telleth us That Fol. 496. The Parliament having now the Militia the security of the Tower and City of London Trained Bands of the Kingdom and all the Forces out of the Kings hands Our Authour placeth this immediatly after the Kings coming back from Dover whither he went with the Queen and the Princesse Mary there shipped for Holland at what time the Parliament had neither the command of the Tower nor of the Trained Bands in the Countrey or of any Forces whatsoever but their City-guards For fol. 498. we finde his Majesty sticking at it especially as to the Militia of London or of Towns incorporate and after fol. 502. when they petitioned him about it being then at New-Market and not as our Authour saith at Royston he answered more resolutely then before that he would not part with it for a minute no not unto his Wife and Children After which time finding the King too well resolved not to part with such a principall flower of his prerogative they past an Ordinance for entituling themselves unto it and did accordingly make use of it in the following war against the King Nor was the Petition any thing the better welcome for the men that brought it viz. the Earls of Pembroke and Holland both of them sworn Servants to him both of them of his Privy Councell both in great favour with him when he was in Prosperity and both perâ—idiously forsaking him when his Fortunes changed unto the worse Particularly our Authour tels us of the Earl of Holland That Fol. 501. He was raised and created to become his most secret Counsellour the most intimate in affection the first of his Bed-chamber his constant companion in all his Sports and Recreations Yet notwithstanding all these favours this Earl as much promoted the Puritan affairs of the Court but secretly and under-hand as his Brother the Earl of Warwick more openly and professedly did in the Countrey Of which thus Viscount Conway in a Letter to the Archbishop of Canterbury dated at Newcastle Iune 8. 1640. I assure my self saith he that there is not any lesse your friend then my Lord of Holland and I beleeve that at all times you ought to take heed to your self with him c. My Lord of Warwick is the temporal head of the Puritans and my Lord of Holland is their spirituall Head or rather the one is their visible Head the other their invisible Head Peradventure not because he means to do either good or hurt but because he thinks it is a Gallantry to be the principall pillar on which a whole Caball must rely Fol. 511. And taking only a guard for his person of his Domesticks and Neighbour Gentry went in person the 23. of April but contrary to his expectation the Gates were shut upon him the Bridges drawn up and Hotham from the Wals flatly denies him entrance Of this Affront Hotham being first proclaimed Traitor under the Wals of the Town the King complains to the Houses of Parliament but he had more reason to complain of some about him For in his Answer to their Petitition about the Magazine of Hull delivered to him in the beginning of April he had let them know how confident he was that place whatsoever discourse there was of private or publick Instructions to the contrary should be speedily given up if he should require it Being thus forewarn'd it was no wonder that they were fore-arm'd also against his Intentions or that he was â—epulst by Hotham at his coming thither For which good Service as Hotham was highly magnified for the present so he had his Wages not long after For being suspected to hold intelligence with the Marquess of Newcastle he was knockt down on that very place on which he stood when he refused the King admittance into the Town sent Prisoner unto London together with his eldest Son and there both beheaded the Son confessing that he had deserv'd that untimely death for his Disloyalty to the King the Father whining out his good affections to the Parliament and still expecting that reprieve which was never intended Fol. 512. All which that is to say the Kings going to Hull being by the King a high breach of Priviledge and violation of Parliaâ—ent they think fit to clear by voting it and Hotham justifâ—ea and send a Committee of Lords and Commons to reside there for the better securing Hull and him April 28. The breach of priviledge objected was the Kings endeavor to possess himself of the Town of Hull his own Town and to get into his hands a Magazine of Arms and Ammunition which he had bought with his own money To hinder which and to justifie Hotham the Lord Fairfax Sir Philip Stapleton Sir Henry Cholmnâ—y and Sir Hugh Cholmnly were sent by the House of Commons as a standing Committee to reside at York And had they come thither on no other business then what was openly pretended it had been such an extent of Priviledge making the House of Commons as wide as the Kingdom as never was challenged before But they were sent on another errand that is to say to be as Spies on all the Kings Actions to undermine all his Proceedings and to insinuate into the people that all their hopes of Peace
and happiness depended on their adhering to the present Parliament And they applyed themselves to their instructions with such open confidence that the King had not more meetings with the Gentry of that Country in his Palace called the Manor House then they had with the Yeomanry and Free-holders in the great Hall of the Deanry All which the King suffered very strangely and thereby robb'd himself of the opportunity of raising an Army in that County with which he might have marcht to London took the Hen sitting on her nest before she had hatched and possibly prevented all those Calamities which after followed To omit many less mistakes as Sheffield for Whitfield fol. 306. and Kit the Taylor for Ket the Tanner fol. 540. Our Author gives unto Sir William Neve the title of Garter-Herald which was more then ever the King bestowed upon him he having at that time no other title then Norroy the third King Sir Iohn Burroughs being then Garter-Herald and Sir Henry St. George the second King of Arms by the name of Clarenceux to whom Sir William Neve succeeded in that Office at such time as he the said Sir Henry succeeded Sir Iohn Burroughs who dyed sometime after this at Oxford in the place of Garter But we must now return to matters of greater consequence and first we encounter with the Battle of Edge-Hill of which our Author tells us That Fol. 586. The question will be who had the better But the Parliament put it out of question by sending the Earl of Pembroke the Earl of Holland the Lord Say the Lord Wharton and Mr. Strode on the 27 of October to declare to the Lord Major Aldermen and Citizens the greatness and certainty of their Victory how God had own'd his own work their Speeches being eight in all harping upon this String That as the Cause had been undertaken with their Purses and with their Persons so they would crown the work by following it with the same zeal love care nobleness and Alacrity And the better to keep up the Hearts of the People the Commons voted to their General a present of 5000 l which he kindely accepted to the no small commendation of his modesty in taking so small a reward for so great a Victory or of their Bounty in giving him so great a sum for being vanquished And yet this was not all the Honor which they did him neither a Declaration being past by both Houses of Parliament on the 11 of November then next following Concerning the late valorous and acceptable Service of his Excellency Robert Earl of Essex to remain upon Record in both Houses for a mark of Honor to his Person Name and Family and for a Monument of his singular vertue to posterity In which they seem to imitate the Roman Senate in the magnificent reception which they gave to Terentius Varro after his great defeat in the Battle of Cannae the People being commanded to go forth to meet him and the Senate giving him publick thanks Quod de salute Reipub. non desperasset because he despaired not of the safety of the Common-wealth Which whether it were an Argument of their Gallantry as Livy telleth us or rather of their fear as Sir Walter Raleigh is of opinion I dispute not now Certain I am that by this Artifice they preserved their Reputation with the People of the City of Rome which otherwise might have been apt to mutiny and set open their Gates to the Victor And to say the truth the care of the Earl of Essex deserv'd all this though his Fortune did not For having lost the Battle he hasted by speedy marches thither to secure that City and the Parliament which otherwise would not have been able to preserve themselves But on the contrary our Author lays down many solid and judicious Arguments to prove that the King had the better of it as no doubt he had And for a further proof hereof we cannot have a better evidence then an Order of the Lords and Commons issued on the 24 of October being the next day after the Fight in which all the Citizens of London and Westminster c. were commanded to shut up their Shops and put themselves into a readiness to defend the City and the Parliament Which Order they had never made if their fear of the Kings suddain coming upon them with his Conquering Army before their broken Forces could reach thither had not put them to it And though the King might have come sooner then he did the taking in of Banbury Oxford and Reading being all possessed in the name of the Parliament spending much of his time yet we finde him on the 12 of day November beating up their Quarters at Brentford where they had lodged two of their best Regiments to stop him in his march towards London some other of their Forces being placed at Kingston Acton and other Villages adjoyning In the success of which Fight our Author tells us That Fol. 594. The King took 500 Prisoners c. and so unfought with marched away to Oatlands Reading and so to Oxford By this we are given to understand that the King retreated toward Oxford but we are not told the reasons of it it being improbable that he should march so far as Brentford in his way towards Lond. without some thoughts of going further Accordingly it was so resolv'd if my intelligence and memory do not fail me order given for the advancing of the Army on the morning after which being ready to be put in Execution News came that at a place called Turnham-Green not far from Brentford both the Remainders of the Army under the command of the Earl of Essex and the Auxiliaries of London under the conduct of the Earl of Warwick were in readiness to stop his march And thereupon it was consulted whether the King should give the charge or that it might be thought enough in point of Honor to have gone so far On the one side it was alledged that his Army was in good heart by reason of their good success the day before that the Parliament Forces consisted for the most part of raw and unexperienced Souldiers who had never seen a War before and that if this bar were once put by his way would be open unto London without any resistance On the other side it was Objected That the King had no other Army then this that there was nothing more uncertain then the fortune of a Battle and that if this Army were once broken it would be impossible for him to raise another which last consideration turn'd the Scale that Counsel being thought most fit to be followed which was judged most safe id gloriosius quod tutissimum said the old Historian And as for the five hundred Prisoners which our Authour speaks of they were first mov'd to enter into the Kings pay and that being generally refused they were dismist with life and liberty having first taken their Corporal Oaths not to serve against him But
the Houses of Parliament being loth to lose so many good men appointed Mr. Stephen Marshal to call them together and to absolve them from that Oath which he did with so much confidence and Authority that the Pope himself could not have done it better The King was scarce setled in Oxford the fittest place for his Court and Counsel to reside in When Fol. 597. The noble Lord Aubigny Brother to the Duke of Richmond dyed and was buried at Oxford This Lord Aubigny was the second Son of Esme Duke of Lenox and Earl of March succeeding his Father both in that Title and Estate entail'd originally on the second Son of the House of Lenox he receiv'd his deaths wound at Edge-Hill but dyed and was solemnly interr'd at Oxford on the 13 of Ianuary then next following the first but not the last of that Illustrious Family which lost his life in his Kings Service For after this in the year 1644. the Lord Iohn Stewart lost his life in the Battle of Cheriton near Alresford in the county of South-Hampton And in the year 1645. the Lord Bernard Stewart newly created E. of Litchfield went the same way in the fight near Câ—ester The Duke of Richmond the constant follower of the King in all his Fortunes never injoying himself after the death of his Master languishing and pining from time to time till at length extremity of Grief cast him into a Fever and that Fever cast him into his Grave A rare example of a constant and invincible Loyalty no paralel to be found unto it in the Histories of the antient or latter Ages Philip de â—omines telleth us of a Noble Family in Flanders that generally they lost their lives in the Wars and Service of their Prince And we finde in our own Chronicles that Edmond Duke of Summerset lost his life in the first Battle in St. Albans Duke Henry following him taken in the Battle of Hexam and so beheaded a second Duke Edmond and the Lord Iohn of Somerset going the same way in the Battle near Teâ—xbury all of them fighting in the behalf of King Henry the sixth and the House of Lancaster But then they heapt not Funeral upon Funeral in so short a time as the first three Brothers of this House in which as those of the House of Somerset did â—all short of them so those of that Noble House in Flanders fell short of the House of Somerset Fol. 601. In this time the Queen in Holland now Imbarques for England the sixteenth of February and with contrary winds and foul Weather was forced back again and thereafter with much hazzard anchored at Burlington Bay the nineteenth and Lands at the Key the two and twentieth In this our Author tells the truth but not the whole truth the Queen induring a worse Tempest on the Shore then she did upon the Sea Concerning which the Queen thus writes unto the King viz. The next night after we came unto Burlington four of the Parliament Ships arrived without being perceived by us and about five of the clock in the Morning they began to ply us so fast with their Ordnance that it made us all 〈◊〉 rise out of our Beds and to leave the Village at least the Women one of the Ships did me the favor to flank upon the House where I lay and before I was out of my Bed the Cannon Bullets whistled so loud about me that all the Company pressed me earnestly to go 〈◊〉 of the House their Cannon having totally beaten down all the neighboring Houses and two Cannon Bullets falling from the top to the bottom of the House where I was So that clothed as I could be I went on foot some little distance out of the Town under the shelter of a ditch like that of New-market whither before I could get the Canon-Bullets fell thick about us and a Sergeant was killed within twenty paces of me We in the end gained the Ditch and staied there two hours whilest their Canon plaied all the time upon us the Bullets flew for the most part over our headâ— some few only grazing on the Ditch covered us with Earth Nor had they thus given over that disloyal violence if the ebbing of the Sea and some threatnings from the Admiral of Holland who brought her over had not sent them going Fol. 603. The next day the Prince marches to Glocester his hasty Summons startled them at these strange turnings So saies our Authour but he hath no Authour for what he saith The Prince marched not the next day to Glocester nor in many moneths after having businesse enough to do at Cirencester where he was upon the taking of which Town the Souldiers Garrison'd for the Parliament in the Castles of Barkly Sudely and the Town of Malmsbury deserted those places which presently the Prince possessed and made good for the King Which done he called before them all the Gentry of Cotswold and such as lived upon the banks of Severn betwixt Glocester and Bristol who being now freed from those Garisons which before had awed them were easily perswaded by him to raise a Monethly contribution of 4000. pound toward the defence of the Kings person their Laws and Liberties It was indeed generally beleeved that if he had marched immediatly to Glocester while the terrour of sacking Cirencester fell first upon them the Souldiers there would have quitted the place before he had come half way unto it the affrightment was so generall and their haste so great that Massey had much adoe to perswade the Townsmen to keep their Houses and the Souldiers to stand upon their Guard as I have often heard from some of good quality in that City till the Scouts which he sent out to discover the Motions of the Prince were returned again But whatsoever they feared at Glocester the Prince had no reason to march towards it his Army being too small and utterly unfurnisht of Canon and other necessaries for the attempting of a place of such a large circumference so well mann'd and populous as that City was Contented therefore with that honour which he had got in the gaining of Cirencester and feeling the Kings affairs in that Countrey he thought it a point of higher wisedom to return towards Oxford then hazard all again by attempting Glocester Fol. 604. The Scots Army marched Southwards and crossed Tine March 13. If so it must be in a dream not in Action the Scots not entring into England till December following when the losse of Bristol Exceter and generally of all the West compelled the Houses of Parliament to tempt the Scots to a second invasion of the Kingdome And this appears most clearly by our Authour himself who tels us fol. 615. ' That Sir William Aâ—min was sent to Edinburgh from the Parliament to hasten the Scots Army hither having first sworn to the Solemn League and Covenant each to other Before which Agreement as to the taking of the Solemn League and Covenant by all the Subjects of
issued out of the Chancery which they still kept open But when it came to be debated in the House of Commons it was alledged by some sober men that the counterfeiting of the Great Seal was made High Treason by the Statute of the 25. of King Edward the third To which it was very learnedly replied by Sergeant Wilde that they intended not to counterfâ—t the Old Great Seal but to make a new one On which ridiculous Resolution of this Learned Sergeant whose great Ruff had as much Law in it as his little head the designe went forward but not with any such alteration in the Impresse as our Authour speaks of The Impresse of this New Seal was the same with that in the old the Feathers or Princes Arms being only added in a void place of it to Shew the difference between them that so their Followers might distiâ—guish beâ—ween such Commands as came from his Majesty and such as came immediatly from themselves in his Majesties Name But whereas our Authour speaks in some words fore-going of a Legislative Power which he conceives to be in the Parliament he shews himself therein to be no better a Lawyer then M. Serâ—cant The Legislative power was only in the King himself though legally he was restrained in the exercise of it to the consent of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament Fol. 623. lin l◠〈…〉 the one a Cripple the other somewhat like a Lunatick Our Authour speaks this of the Children of M. Iohn Hambden one of the five Members so much talked of the principal Member of the five as our Authour cals him but on what ground he speaks it as I do not know â—o neither is it worth enquiry And though I might leave the Children of M. Hambden under this reproach as an undoubted signe of Gods judgements on him for being a principall Incendiary in that fire which for a long time consumed the Kingdom yet so far do I preferre truth before private interesse that I shall do him that right in his postâ—â—ity which our Authour either out of ignorance easinesse of belief or malice hath been pleased to deny him And therefore the Reader is to know that the surviving children of that Gentleman are not only of an erect and comely stature but that they have in them all the abilities of wit and judgement wherewith their Father was endued though governed with a more moderate spirit and not so troublesomely active in affairs of state Fol. 626. The five and twentieth of August the Earls of Bedford and Holland went from London towards Oxford c. That the said two Eaâ—ls came to Oxford to tender their sâ—bmission to the King is a Truth undoubted sooner then our Authour speaks of but that they were received with favour and forgivenesse may be very well questioned not as in reference to forgivenesse which considering the Kings good nature may be â—asily granted but in relation unto Favour A point wherein our Authour hath confuted himself telling us fol. 639. of the Earl of Holland that he had but slender Reception though he put himself in a posture of Arms with the King in the Field And 〈◊〉 this slender Reception he complain'd in a Letter to the Loâ—d Iermâ—n after his departure wherein he did relate that the King did not shew so much countenance to him as he had seen hâ—m do at the same time to some Câ—mmon Souldiers who had fled from the Enemy to come to him There came to Oxford also at or about the same time the Earl of Clare and found the like cold entertainment It was conceived and by some reported that if the King had shewed good countenance to these three Lords most of the rest would have left the Parliament and repaired unto him But the King considered well enough that not so much the sense of their duty as his successes in the West had brought them thither and that if five or six only of the Lords should be left in Westminster those five or six only would be thought sufficient to constitute a House of Peers as many times there were no more present foâ— the passing of any Ordinance which the Commons should be pleased to commend unto them Fol. 630. And now was the King drawn down before the Town attended by Prince Charles and the Duke of York Prince Rupert and Generall Ruthen c. For the Kings sitting down before Glocester and laying a formal Siege unto it there was given this reason viz. that by the taking of this Town all Wales would be preserved in the Kings Obedience entirely united unto Eâ—gland and free passage given on all occasions and distresses to assist each other And so far the design was not to be discommended But on the contrary it was said that the Kings unhappy sitting down before that Town lost him the opportunity of marching directly towards London and â—â—attering the Faction in the Parliament both which by reason of the affrightments which fell upon them by the taking of Bristol and othâ—r places in the West were ready to give up themselves even to desperation And so much was affirmed by the Earl of Holland when he was at Oxford assuring Sir Iohn Heydon Lieutenant of the Ordinance from whose mouth I have it that the prevailing Members of both Houses were upon the point of trussing up of Bagge and Baggage but that they hoped as some of them told him that N. N. one of great nearnesse to the King an especiall confident of theirs would prevail with him at the last to lay siege to Glocester and not to leave that Town at his back to infest the Countrey Fol. 633. Two Spies sent out long since returned from Warwick giving them News of the March of the Earl of Essex but was not assured he lodging then â—nder a Cloud of disgrace being beaten out of the West But certainly the Earl of Essex could not be under a cloud at that time for being beaten out of the West his preparing to raise the Siege of Glocester happening in the end of August Anno 1643. and his being beaten in the West not happening till the beginning of September Anno 1644. But we must think the Houses were indued with the spirit of prophecy and frowned upon the man before-hand for that which was to happen to him a Twelve moneth after Nor was it any fault of his that Bristol Exceter and so many places of importance had been lost in the West he having no Forces able to act any thing against the King till the Pulpit-men in London preacht him up an Aâ—my for the Relief of Glocester An Army which came time enough to do the work the siege being very slackly followed and having done the work were as desirous to return back to their own Houses But see what hapned by the way Fol. 636. From Cirencester he marches to Chilleton the Cavaliers facing them on Mavarn Hills If so then First The Earl of Essex must be the Ianus of this Age
and be presumed to have two faces with the one looking towards London for which he was upon his march with the other on Malvarn Hills where the Cavaliers faced him And secondly We must think the Cavaliers to be very Cowards that durst not face him supposing still that he had two faces at a nearer distance then from Malvarn Hills distant from Cirencester thirty miles at the least and how far from Chilleton let them tell me who have searcht the Maps But though he makes the Cavaliers to keep out of danger yet he brings the Queen neer enough unto it whom we finde at Newleâ—y Fight fol. 648. placed by him with the King on the top of an Hill to behold the battle But herein his intelligence fail'd him the Queen being at that time safe in Oxford and the King venturing his most sacred person with the rest of his Army Mercurius Aulicus one of his best Authours for a great part of the War could have told him so had he consulted him in this as in other places Fol. 639. The Irish Forces coming under the command of Sir Michael Ernly an experienced Souldier and landing in Wales c. The Forces which our Authour speaks of were not Irish but English sent over in the beginning of the War to defend the South-parts of Ireland against the Rebels But being forced for the Reasons mentioned in our Authour to come to a cessation with them four thousand of them put themselves into a body under the command of Sir Michael Ernly above-named and came over into England to serve the King against the Houses of Parliament by which they had been so unhandsomely handled Had they been kept together in a Body and serv'd under their old known Commanders there is no question to be made but that they might have much advanc'd his Majesties Service But Prince Rupert who was all in all in the Councell of War caused them to be divided from one another distributed them into severall Regiments of his Majesties Armies and placed them under new Commanders which gave the Souldiers great displeasure and their Offiâ—ers more rendring their Service less honourable to themselves and of small advantage to the King Of these Officers Col. Monk was one descended from a Daughter of Arthur Plantaginet Vicount Lisle the Naâ—urall Son of King Edward the fourth who afterwards falling off to the Houses of Parliament much advanced their affairs defeating a great Fleet of the Hollanders Anno 1653. and at this day Commander in chief over the English Forces in Scotland Fol. 661. In all the Western Countries the Parliament had not a Souldier but at Plymouth and Pool â— What think we then of Lime a Sea-Town in Dorsetshire and consequently in the West Had there not been some Souldiers in it of the Parliament party and good Souldiers too it could not have held out so long against Prince Mâ—urice who wasted there the greatest part of the Cornish Army which had serv'd so fortunately under the Command of Sir Raph Hopton and yet could not take it But Lime was a Sea-Town as before was said and Prince Maurice had only a Landâ—Army which rendred the Design not more impossible then imprudent the besieging of a Haven-Town without a Navy to prevent all relief by Sea being like the hedging in of Cucko or the drowning of a quick Eâ—le by the Wise men of Gotham Fol. 662. The Marquesse of Newcastle for the King went into Darbyshire where he listed fifteen hundred Voluntiers assisted by Sir John Gell his Interest thereabouts and Sir John Harpers Worse and worse still The Earl of Newcastle assisted by Sir Iohn Gell were brave News indeed That Sir Iohn Harper might do his best in it I shall easily grant But Sir Iohn Gell was all along a principall stickler for the Houses of Parliament and spent his whole stock of Interesse in that Countrey to advance their Service In the pursuit whereof he was observed to be one of their first Commanders which issued out Warrants to the Tenants of the Lords and Gentry who did adhere unto the King to bring in their rents and be responsall for them for the time to come to the Committee at Darby one of which Warrants Dated in March 1642. was brought to Oxford and is this that followeth To the Constable of Acmanton WHereas these unnaâ—ur all Wars at this present are sâ—mented and maintained by ` Papists and Malignants to the utter undoing of many honest men and the ruine of the whole Commonwealth for the better preventing of which misery and to do the best we can to put a speedy end to these distractions according to the trust reposed in us by the Ordinance of Parliament we think sit to command you that presently upon receipt hereof you give notice to all the Tenants within your Constablery named in a Schedule herewiâ—h sent you that henceforward they pay all their Renâ—s due to any of those persons or to any other that contribute or bear Arms against the Parliament to the Committee here at Darby or to such other person or persons as the said Committee shall nominate And we all promise that such of those Tenants who shew their forwardnesse to bring in their Rents to the Committee at Darby by our Lady day next or within four daies aftâ—rwards shall have a discharge against their Landlords of the whole rent and shall have a fourth part abaâ—ed them And those Tenants that are refractory and come not willingly to us shall not only be forced to pay their whole Rents but also shall be pâ—occeded against as malignant persons and such as endeavor the continuance of these troubles Given under our hands March 1642. The Names of the Persons contained in the Schedule above-mentioned amouâ—t to the number of 46. viz. the Earl of Shrewsbury the Earl of Devonshire the Earl of New-castle whom our Authour makes so much befriended by Sir John Gell the Earl of Chesterfield the Lord Maltravers Sir John Harper of Caulk and Sir John Harper of Swarstone Sir William Savill Sir John Fitz Herbert of Norbury Sir Edward Mosely c. All men of very great Estates and therefore like to send in the more grist to the Mill at Darby So farre did Sir John Gell act for the Houses of Parliament And he continued in those actings till the end of the War After which falling into some suspition to have changed his Affections he was committed to the Tower in no small danger of his life and came not off but with the loss of former Actings Fol. 712. This no question caused their General Essex early the next day to quit his glorious Command and in a small Boat to shift away by Water If that were it which caused him to shift away in a small Boat he must needs play the part of a Cowardly Soldier whilst every one of the Soldiers stood ready to act the part of a brave Commander And therefore it is probable that there was somewhat more in it then
a Consideration of the straits he was driven unto by the King which he might easily have prevented by keeping himself in the more open Country of Devonshire where he might have had Elbow room enough on both sides and a Countrey rich enough to furnish him with all sorts of Provisions His Army was every way equal to the Kings if not superior he drawing after him no fewer then 50 Brass Pieces of Ordâ—ances and 700 Carriages and it appears by the number of Arms delivered up by Composition amounting to 8000 in all that his Foot could not consist of less then ten or twelve thousand And for his Horse no fewer then 2500 made a clear escape So that he might have kept the Field and put the King to it in a Battle if there had not been somewhat more in it then our Author speaks of It was therefore thought by some knowing men which understood the state of Affairs that knowing his Horse were gone off without any danger and that his Foot might save themselves by a Composition he was willing to keep the Seas even as before was intimated For partly being discourag'd from pursuing the War by his first success at Edge-Hill and partly coming to know more of the Intentions of such as managed the design then had been first imparted to him he begâ—n to grow more cold in carrying things on unto the utmost then befoâ—e he was Upon which ground as he had neglected the opportunity of marching directly towards Oxford when he had removed the Kings Forces out of Reading so on the defeat of Waller at Lands-Down he writ unto the Houses to send Petitions to the King for Peace as appears by this History fol. 625. For which coldness of his so plainly manifested it was not onely moved by Vassal in the House of Commons that he should lay down his Command but many jeers were put upon him and some infamous Pictures made of him to his great dishonor Considering therefore that on the defeat of Prince Rupert at Marston-Moor all the North parts were like to be regain'd to the Houses of Parliament he was willing to let the King remain as absolute in the West as they were like to be in the North which since he could not do with Honor by hearkning to the Kings fair proffer seconded by a Letter from all the chief Officers of his Army he cast himself into such necessities as might give him some colour to shift for himself and leave his Foot to some Agreement with the King No way but this as he conceiv'd to bring the leading Members of both Houses unto such a Temper as might induce them to meet the King half way in the Road to peace and if this could not do it the coming on of Winter might perhaps cool them into some conditions which the King might be as willing to hearken to as they to offer This I remember to be the summe of such Discourses as were made at that time in and about the Court by men of the best knowledge and understanding in the state of businesses but whether they hit upon the right string or not I am not able to affirm This I am able to affâ—rm that cur Authour is mistaken in telling us that the Earl of Essex did quit his glorious Command upon this occasion For afterwards we finde him in his glorious Command at the fight near Newbery and he continued in it till the Spring next following when by the Ordinance of Self-deniall and the new modelling of the Army under the Command of Sir Thomâ—s Fairfax he was quitted of it All that he did at this time was to qâ—it his Army for which the Houses of Parliament cried quits with him as before is said Fol. 714. The King regains Monmouth and returns to Oxford the 23 of November That Monmouth was regained for the King is undoubtedly true but that it was regain'd by the King is undoubtedly false Our Author in some lines before had left him at Hungerford in the County of Berks and now he brings him thorow the ayr to the taking of Monmouth But the truth is that Monmouth having been betrayed to Massey then Governor of Glocester by Major Kyrl a Garrison of 600 Soldiers was put into it who having a Design to surprize Chepstow left the Town so naked that the Lord Charls Somerset one of the yonger Sons of the Marquess of Worcester taking with him 150 Horse from Ragland-Castle and assisted by some Foot from the Neighboring Garrisons which held for the King fell on the Town on Tuesday morning the 19 of November Anno 1644. and makes himself master of the place before our brave Adventurers at Chepstow heard any thing of it Fol. 719. Next Morning July 2. the Prince advances after them resolving to give them Battle by Noon c. The Battle hear meant is that of Marston-Moor near York between Prince Rupert for the King the Earls of Manchester and Leven better known by the name of Colonel Lesly and the Lord Ferdinando Fairfax commanding over their several Forces fot the Houses of Parliament Concerning which our Author tells us That at first Prince Rupert got the Ground that those in the main Battle were so hard put to it that they â—ell on the Reserve of Scots which were behinde them that the right Wing of the Enemies Horse being as hard put to it by the Princes left Wing committed the like Disorder on the Lord Fairfax his Foot and the Scotch Reserves and were pursued very fiercely by their Conquerors and finally that no Horse being sent to make good the Ground which those who followed the Chace had left the broken Army of the Enemy rallied again and got the better of the day But the Gentlemen of York 〈◊〉 who liv'd nâ—ar the place tell us more then this viz. That Prince Rupâ—rt had not onely got ground at the first and 〈◊〉 the right Wing of the Enemies Horse but so disordered the main Battle that he postest himself of the Canon the three Generals retâ—â—â—ing out of the field with more haste then Honor. And so the News came flying to Oxford reported in divers places by such of the â—nemies Soldiers as had fled out of the field and at Oxford it was entertained with Bells and Bone-â—â—res and the shooting off of all the Ordnance about the Town But Prince Rupert better knowing how to get then pursue Advantages and his â—oldiers busie upon Pillage gave opportunity to Colonel Cromwel who commanded the Earl of Manchesters Horse and who onely had made a fair retreat in the heat of the fight to put new life into the Battle and having put the broken Foot into some good order first gave a check unto the Prince and after pressing hard upon him tuâ—n'd the whole fortune of the Day For which good service Cromwel is cryed up by his party to beâ— the Saviour of three Kingdoms of which the Scots who had done very well that Day and bore the greatest part
of the brunt did afterwards very much complain in a Pamphlet of theirs which they call 〈◊〉 Manâ—â—est How faintly General King carried himself in this Battle hath been shewn already and what became afterwards of Prince Rupert how he squandered away his great Body of Horse the surrendry of York and what eâ—â—e happened in that Country after this Fight is referred to our Author I onely adde that I have heard from some Gentlemen of that County who had command to buâ—y the dead that they found no fewer then the Bodies of Eight thousand Men wâ—â—ch had been killed in that Fight the greatâ—st number which were slain in any one Battle in 〈…〉 Fol. 802. To Blackington House where Colonel Windebank kept a Garrison for the King But by his leave Windebank never kept a Garrison at Blechington not Blackington House but onely was commanded to remain there with a party of Horse and a few Foot-Souldiers the better to keep open the Markets till Woodstock House was fortified and made fit to be garrison'd So far was Blechington House from being held like a Garison that it had not so much about it as a wooden Pale And when Major Windebank the second Son of Sir Francis Windebank had cut down two Trees to make Pallisadoes for defence of the place upon complaint made by the Lady Coghil to Col. William Legg then Governour of Oxford he was commanded to restore them Which notwithstanding he was called before a Court of War for giving up an undeâ—enced place which was impossible to be made good and partly by the eager pursuit of Col. Legg whose Contributions were diminished by Windebanks quartering in that House and some back friend which he and his Father had at Court he was condemned to be shot to death his Fathers Services and Sufferings being qâ—ite forgotten which death he suffered on Saturday the 1. of May with much Christian courage Fol. 719. And having leave to go to the King they cause him c. But the King knew their mindes not to engage for him and so they returned It may be collected from these words that this message was a matter of Lipâ— businesse only the Embassadors not having instructions to engage their Superiours for him nor the King any opinion of the reality of their intentions toward him But in the processe of the businesse we shall finde it otherwise For first Our Authour tels us that they were both 〈◊〉 Kâ—ights and Barons by the King fol. 804. Not both made Knights and Baroâ—s I am sure of that but the one of them a Baron and the other a Knight Baronet that is to say Iohn de Remsworth of Uâ—recht desâ—â—â—ded from the Noble Family De Rede in Cleveland created 〈…〉 by Letters Patents bearing date the 24. of March Anno 1644. and William de Boreel created Baronet on the 22. of March in the same year And secondly This appears more plainly by a Letter of Complaint sent from our New States in England to the old States of Holland In which they tell them how their Ministers had abused their Trust to their prejudice shewing themselves rather interessed persons then publick Agents noâ— satisfied to reproach them to their faces but to glory in it Certainly neâ—ther had the King conferred those Honours on the Embassadours nor the Houses complain'd so much against them if they had been sent hither to no other end but to settle Trade and to see how the Game went which our Authour makes the only reason of their coming And thoâ—gh the King obtained not such helps from the â—tates of the Netherlands as their Embassadours had engaged for yet so much he effected by their mediation that the Houses had not such Assistances from those parts as they had before a matter of no small advantage to the Kings affairs Fol. 806. Whilest Rupert and Maurice with the Horsâ—e and some seâ—ect Foot fetcht off the King from Oxford By which words the Reader cannot but conclude that Oxford was in no small danger and the Kings person in as much which must necessâ—tate the two Princes with all their Horse and a select number of Foot to fetch him off But at that time there was no Enemy near the one nor any danger appearing toward the other The King was at that time in a gallant Condition and had drawn his Souldiers out of their Winter Garisons ready to march into the field attending only till the other part of his Army which was employed about Glocestershire was in readinesse also News whereof beiâ—g brought unto him he went out of Oxford accompanied by the saâ—d two Princes in a more glorious and magnificent manner then ever foâ—merly The precise time wheâ—e of being noted by George Wherton a profesâ—ed Asâ—â—ologer he erected a Scheme according to the Rules of Art And finding the Houses well disposed and the Aspects of the Planets and Constellations to be very favourable he prognosticated that this expedition should prove very fortunate to the King his Successes glorious and his return to Oxford as magnificent as hâ— going out Which being published in Print and disproved by the sad events which followed gave great occasion unto Lilly Culpepper and others of that faculty to deride him for it Men every way as faulty in that kinde themselves as he had been unfortunate in his predictions Witnesse those terrible presagings which they gave us of the Ecclipse happening in the end of March 1652. to the great terrour of of poor people but without any visible effects But above all things witnesse that Observation of M. Culpepper in the end of his Dotages on the Moneths of February foregoing in which he signifieth that if the Emperour died that moneth we must remember who told us of it But for all his great insight into the Stars the Emperor neither died that moneth nor in six years after Thus Augur ridet Augurem as the Proverb is the people in the mean time being deceived and abused by both whilest they make sport with one another Glocester Association in much want received three hundred and fourty Auxiliâ—ries from the Grand Garison Newport pannell oâ—t of Buckinghamshire No such grand Garison neither as to be worthy of that name A Garison had been formed there for the King at the request of Sir Lewis Dives the better to secure his Rents and Tenants in Bedfordshire But bâ—ing found to be too far off to receive Relief if any distresse should fall upon it the Ordnance and Souldiers were removed to â—owcester seven miles from Northampton to restrain the â—nsolencies of that Garison but at the opening of the Sâ—â—rng brought back to Oxford and mingled with the rest of the Army On which deserting of Newport-Pagnell by the Kings Kings Souldiers â— Garison was put into it for the Houses of Parliament till the Kings Souldiers were removed to Towcester to counter-ballance which this Garison had been made at Newport of which there being then no longer use and Glocester standing in need of supply the
besides such as they had lost in the course of the War Fol. 828. Nor would they budgâ— from the North parts though they are called Southwards for the Kingdoms security and service But just before we found the Scots at the Siege of Hereford a City beyond the Severn on the borders of Wales and here we finde thâ—m so fast râ—veâ—ed in the Northern â—ounties that they would not budge a foot Southwards for the Kingdoms safety Reconcile these differences he that can for my part I dare not undertake it The like irreconcileablenesse I finde within few lines after in which he telâ—eth us that being entreated to march to the Siege of Nâ—wark they staâ—ed not long there but marched in a pet Northwaâ—ds to Newcastle where they stuck till they got the King into their clutches sold him and so went home again But first If the Scots marched towards Newark whether upon entreaty or not is not much materiall they must needs budge Southward the whole County of York and part of Nottinghamshire lying between Newark and the Scots Quarters Secondly The Scots did not go from Newark in such a pet as to leave the Siege for aftewards we finde fol. 892. that Lâ—sly only went away in a pâ—t but left his Army there to attend the continuance of the Siege till the Town was taken Secondly he did not force the Town by firing one of the â—â—ates but had it surrendred to him by Composition the Capitulations being made on the Sunday night and his Souldâ—er entring into it on the Munday morning Thirdly the Souldiers of the Garrison were not forced by him into the Castle who had time enough all that night to retire into it or otherwise to leave the Town as all the Horse and many of the Foot had leave to do And fourthly there was no such difficulty in the businesse aâ— to bring God upon the Stage in the taking either of the Town or Castle which the Governour Sir William Ogle waâ— resolved beforehand not to hold out long He had bragg'd 〈◊〉 times that he had so stored that Castle with Victuals Armeâ— and Ammunition that he durst bid defiance for six 〈◊〉 to all the Armies in England But when the news â—amâ— oâ— the taking of 〈◊〉 and Bridgewaâ—er he changed his 〈◊〉 afâ—rming frequently that it could be no dishonour to affirmed expresly being desired to shew the truth in this particular that there were about 80. Women in it at that time when the House was stormed So that our Authour in this point was extremely out as much as the difference can amount to between a Company of 80. and one single person The words to be explained are these viz. a Godly Divine Protestant for protection mixt with some Popish Priests Profession Which words have neither sense nor Grammar as they be before us and therefore must be taught to speak English before the ordinary Reader can understand them And if the words were put into proper and Grammaticall English we must reade them thus viz. A Godly Protestant Divine mixt for protection with some Priests of the Popish profession Which being the Grammar of the words will give a Logical dispute about the party to whom the Character is given I think our Authour would not have it understood of D. Griffiths Daughter who though a very vertuous and godly Gentlewoman cannot be called a Godly Protestant Divine in the common notion of the phrase and yet the current of the words does import no lesse For it is said that there was but one woman amongst so many men D Griffiths Daughter a Godly Protestant Divine c. Nor can it properly be understood of D. Griffith though a Godly Protestant Divine the following words depending on those before D. Griffiths Daughter and not relating literally and grammatically to the Doctor himself Had the tenour of the words run thus The Daughter of D. Griffith a Godly Protestant Divine the adjunct of a Goâ—ly Protestant Divine must have related to the Father but as they he before us it relates to the daughter With what propriety of speech or sense let the Reader judge and make himself as mery at it as he pleaseth Fol. 836. For Digby was sometimes Secretary of State And so he was at this time also when he was discomfited at Sherburn in Yorkshire when he lost that Cabinet and those Letters which our Authour speaks of He had been made principall Secretary of Estate in the place of the Lord Falkland about the beginning of October Anno 1643. And continued in that office till his Majesties death though by reason of the Kings restraint and his own enforced absence he was not able to act any thing in it as neither could M. Secretary Nicholas who notwithstanding neither lost the Office nor name of Secretary I trow Sir Francis Walsingham or Sir Robert Cecâ—l were not the lesse Secretaries of Estare to Queen Elizabeth because she employed them sometimes in forreign Embassies nor was Digby sometimes only but at that time Secretary of Eâ—tate when he took upon him the Command of a Body of Horse in his Masters Service Fol. 871. And the West being cleared Fairfax returns back again to the Siege of Bristol The west so far from being clear'd that except Bridgewater in Somersetshire and Sherburn Castle in Dorsetshire little or nothing was done in order to it The Counties of Devon and Cornwall still remained untoucht in which the Prince had not only a considerable Army under brave Commanders but many strong Towns and Garisons well stored with Souldiers so as at this siege of Bristol it was conceived that two great Errors were committed the first by Fairfax in sitting down before a Town in which were so many able men well armed and commanded by the General of his Majesties Forces and leaving an Army at his back which might have charged him in the Rear while those within sallied out upon him and assailed him in the very front The second Errour was in Rupeâ—t in that being Generall of the Kings Forces he shut himself up within a Town when it had been more proper for him to have been abroad gathering together the Kings old Souldiers and raising new from severall places by which he might have put himself into a Condition to raise the Siege But Fairfax knew well what he did making no doubt to have the Town delivered to him before the Prince could be inform'd of the danger in which it was For the delivery of which City so strongly fortified so well mann'd so furnisht with all sorts of necessary provisions Prince Rupert incurr'd the suspicion of Disloyalty both with the King and all his party He had before sent certain Letters to the King in which he pressed him somewhat beyond good manners to come to a speedy conclusion with his Parliament without relating either to point of honour or conscience with which the King seemed more displeased as appeareth by his answer to him fol. 841. then was agreeable unto his
ordinary temper And so much was the King startled when he heard of the giving up of that City with the Fort and Castle and that too in so short a time that he posted away a Messenger to the Lords at Oxford to displace Col. Legg a well known Creature of Prince Ruperts from the Government of that City and Garison and to put it into the hands of Sir Thomas Glenham which was accordingly done and done unto the great contentment of all the Kings party except that Prince and his Dependents But Legg was sweetned not long after by being made one of the Grooms of his Majesties Bed-chamber a place of less command but of greater trust Fol. 891. And now the Parliament consider of a Term or Titleâ— to be given to the Commissioners intrusted with their Great Seal and are to be called Conservators of the Common-wealth of England Not so with reference either to the time or the thing it self For first The Commissioners of the Great Seal were never called the Conservators fo the Common-wealth of England And Secondly If they ever had been called so it was not now that is to say when the Kings Seals were broken in the House of Peers which was not long after Midsummer in the year 1646. But the truth is that on the 30 of Ianuary 1648. being the day of the Kings most deplorable death the Commons caused an Act or Order to be printed in which it was declared that from thenceforth in stead of the Kings Name in all Commissions Decrees Processes and Indictments the â—â—tle of Custodes Libertatis Angliae or the Keepers of the Liberties of England as it was afterwards englished when all Legall Instruments were ordered to be made up in the English-Tongue should be alwaies used But who these Keepers of the Liberties were was a thing much questioned some thought the Commissioners for the great Seal were intended by it whom our Authour by a mistake of the Title cals here the Conservators of the Common-wealth others conceiv'd that it related to the Councel of State but neither rightly For the truth is that there were never any such men to whom this Title was appliable in one sense or other it being onely a Second Notion like Genus and Species in the Schools a new devised term of State-craft to express that trust which never was invested in the persons of any men either more or fewer Fol. 892. â—o then the eldest Son and the yongest Daughter are with the Quâ—â—n in France the two Dukes of York and Glocester with the Princess Elizabeth at St. James 's The Prince in the Weâ—t with his Army â— This is more strange then all the rest that the Kings eldest Son should be with his Mother in France and yet that the Prince at the same time should be with his Army in the West of England I always thought till I saw so good Authority to the contrary that the Prince and the Kings eldest Son had been but one person But finding it otherwise resolved I would fain know which of the Kings Sonâ— is the Prince if the eldest be not It cannot be the second or third for they are here called both onely by the name of Dukes and made distinct persons from the Prince And therefore we must needs believe that the Kings eldest Son Christned by the name of Charls-Iames who dyed at Greâ—nwich almost as soon as he was born Anno 1629. was raised up from the dead by some honest French Conjurer to keep company with the yong Princess Henrietta who might converse with hâ—m as a Play-Fellow without any terror as not being able to distinguish him from a Baby of Clouts That he and all that did adhere unto him should be safe in their Persons Honors andâ—â—onsciences in the Scotish Army and that they would really and effectually joyn with him and with such as would come in unto him and joyn with them for his preservation and should employ their Armies and Forces to assist him to his Kingdomâ— in the recovery of his â—ust Rights But on the contrary these jugling and perfidious 〈◊〉 declare in a Letter to their Commissioners at London by them to be communicated to the Houses of Parliament that there had been no Treaty nor apitulation betwixt his Mâ—â—esty and them nor any in their names c. On the receit of which Letters the Houses Order him to be sent to Warwick Castle But Lesâ—ly who had been us'd to buying and selling in the time of his Pedlâ—ry was loth to lose the benefit of so rich a Commodity and thereupon removes him in such post-haste that on the eighth of May we finde him at Southwel and at Newcastle on the tenth places above an hundred Miles distant from one another and he resolv'd before-hand how to dispose of him when he had him there â—o Scotland he never meant to carry him though some hopes were given of it at the first for not onely Lesly himself but the rest of the Covenanters in the Army were loth to admit of any Competitor in the Government of that Kingdom which they had ingrossed whoâ—y to themselves but the 〈◊〉 in an Assembly of theirs declare expresly against his coming to live amongst them as appears fol 〈◊〉 So that there was no other way left to dispose of his person but to â—ell him to the Houses of Parliament though at the first they made 〈◊〉 of it and would be thought to stand upon Terms or Honor The Eaâ—l of Lowdon who lov'd to hear himsâ—lf speak more â—hen â—ny man living in some Speâ—ches made beâ—ore â—he Houses protested strongly against the dâ—livery of their Kings Person into their Power 〈◊〉 what in 〈◊〉 â—â—amy would lie upon them and the whole Nation â—f 〈◊〉 â—hould to 〈◊〉 But this was but a coâ—y of their Countenance onely 〈◊〉 â—â—vice to raise the Marâ—eâ— and make is â—uch money 〈…〉 as they could At last they came to this Agreement that for the sum of Two hundred thousand pounds they should deliver him to such Commissioners as the Houses should Authorize to receive him of them which was done accordingly For Fol. 939. The Commissioners for receiving the Person of the King came to Newcastle Iune 22. c. Not on the 22 of Iune I am sure of that the Commodity to be bought and sold was of greater value and the Scots too cunning to part with it till they had raised the price of it as high as they could The driving of this Bargain took up all the time betwixt the Kings being carried to Newcastle and the middle of the Winter then next following so that the King might be delivered to these Commissioners that is to say from Prison to Prison on the 22 day of Ianuary but of Iune he could not And here it will not be amiss to consider what loss or benefit redounded to those Merchants which traded in the buying and selling of this precious Commodity And first The Scots not long before their breaking out
it But upon the best judgement which I am able to make I conceive it to be so full so punctuall and satisfactory that our Authour calling all the Doctors of his own making to his assistance is not able to mend it Fol. 1068. Some of these mutinied against each other and in the dissention a rumour was rais'd there of a Designe to impoyson the King c. Our Historian makes very slight of this matter disparaging both the Informer and the Information The Informer he disparageth by telling us that he was but an ordinary man though Osburn himself in a Letter to the Earl of Manchester takes on himself the Title of Gentleman which is as much as our Authour though he take upon himself the name of an Esquire can pretend unto The Information and the Evidence which was brought to prove it he censures to be disagreeing in it self and irregular in Law of which more anon In the mean time take here the whole Information word for word as Osburn published it in print as well for his own justification as the satisfaction of all loyall and wellâ—affected Subjects But not to leave your Lordship unsatisfied with this generall account the Intelligence I speak of concerning his designe I received from Captain Râ—lfe a person very intimate with the Governour privy to all Counsels and one that is very high in the esteem of the Army he my Lord informed me that to his knowledge the Governour had received severall Letters from the Army intimating they desired the King might by any means be removed out of the way either by pâ—â—son or otherwise And that another time the same person perswaded me to joyn with him in a deâ—igne to remove the King out of that Castle to a place of more secrecy profering to take an Oath with me and to do it without the Governours privity who he said would not consent for losing the allowance of the House His pretence for this attempt was that the King was in too publike a place from whence he might be â—escued but if he might be conveighed into some place of Secrecy he said we might dispose of his person upon all occasions as we thought fit and this he was confident we could effect without the Governours privity This Nâ—rrative he inclosed in a Letter to the Lord Wharton dated Iuâ—e 1. 1648. But finding that the Lord Wharton had done nothing in it the better as he conceived to give those time that were concerned in it to think of some stratagem to evade the discovery He inclosed it in another Letter to the Earl of Manchester by whom it was communicated to the House of Peers on the 19. of Iune But they in stead of sending for him to make good the Information on his corporall Oath as he earnestly desired in the said Letters committed both him and Rolfe to prison there to remain till the next Assizes for the County of Southhampton and not the Southhampton Assize as our Authour makes it At what time M. Sergeant Wilde a man for the nonce as we poor Countrey folks use to say was sent to manage the proceedings who so cunningly intangled the evidence and so learnedly laid the Law before the Jurors that Rolfe was acquitted and Osburn left under the disgrace of a salse Informer But the best is I should rather have said the worst though M. Serâ—eant could finde no Law to condemn Rolfe for an attempt to poison the King he could finde Law enough within few moneths after to condemn and execute Captain Burleigh for an intent to free him from the hands of those who were suspected to have no good intentions towards him as it after proved Fol. 1069. The Earl of Holland is sent Prisoner to Warwick Castle where he continued until his Arraignment and execution at Westminster the 9. of March â— Of this Earl we have said somewhat already enough to shew with what disloyalty and ingratitude he forsook the King his Master in the time of his greatest need To which I shall adde nothing now but this generall Note viz. that none of those who had prov'd disloyall to the King or acted openly against him in the Wars or otherwise had ever so much blessing from Heaven as to prevail in any thing which they undertook either for the re-establishment of his person or the re-stauration of his posterity witnesse in the first place Sir Iohn Hotham accursed in his mothers belly as himself confessed in an intercepted Letter brought to Oxford witnesse the fruitlesse attempts of Lougnern Powell and Poier not only in Pembrokeshire but other Counties of Southwales which they had made themselves Masters of in order to his Majesties Service witnesse the unfortunate expedition of Marquesse Hamilion of which more anon and the unseasonable rising of the Earl of Holland of whom now we speak witnesse the frequent miscarriages of the Lord Willoughby of Parham a man whom the King had courted to Loyalty beyond all example in his attempt to head a New Army against the old to employ some part of the Kings Navy against the rest and to make good the Barbador in despight of the Houses I take no notice â—ere of the miscarriages of such who had at first declared against him in set Speeches in the Houses of Parliament none of which prospered either in their persons or their actings when they returned to their own duty and endeavored the Advancement of the Kings Affairs And that I may not contain may self within England onely or be thought perhaps to partial in this Observation we have the Examples of the Lord Inchequin in Ireland and of the gallant Marquess of Montross in Scotland Of which the first for the actings of the other are known well enough was one of the first if not the very first of all who openly read any Protestation at the Market-Cross in Edinburgh against the Kings Proceedings in the Book of Common Prayer and other subsequent Actions which concerned the happiness of that Kingdom Fol. 1071. The Estates of Scotland had formed a Committee of Danger who had of themselves Voted to raise Forty thousand Men. â— But the Vote was bigger then the Army though the Army were much bigger then our Author makes it by whose calculation it amounts not to above Ten thousand five hundred men besides such additional Forces as were expected out of England and Ireland An Army gallantly appointed both for Horse and Arms which they had plundered out of England in the long time of their Service there for both Houses of Parliament the like being never set so out by that people since they were a Nation And it was big enough also to do more then it did had it been under a more forâ—unate Commander then the Marquess of Hamilton who brought from Scotland a greater Enemy within him then he was like to finde in England And possibly that inward Enemy might spur him on to a swift destruction by rendring him impatient of tarrying the coming of
al ove one hundred in number forcibly sâ—â—ze upon violently kept out of and driven from the House by the Officers and Souldiers of the Army under Thomas Lord Fairfax c. And thirdly We finde after this that Sir Iohn Temple Sir Martin Lumley Câ—l Booth M. Waller M. Middleton and others were turned back by such Souldiers as were appointed to keep a strict guard at the doors of the House So that the whole number of those who weâ—e imprisoned and kept under restraint or otherwise were debarred and turned back from doing their service in the House waâ— reckoned to amount to an hundred and fourty which comes to thrice as many as the 40 or 50 which our Author speaks of But to proceed the Officers of the Army having thus made themselves Masters of the House of Commons thought fit to make themselves Masters of the City also To which end they ordered two Regiments of Foot and some Troops of Horse to take up Quarters in Pauls Church and Black-fryers on Friday the 8. of the same moneth and on the â—unday following sent diverse Souldriers to be quartered in the Houses of private Citizens which notwithstanding such was their tender care not to give any diâ—turbance to them that lbid Not to fâ—ighten the City the General writes to my Lord Mayor that he had sâ—nt Col. Dean to seize the Treasuries of Haberdashers Goldsmiths and Weavers Halls where they seize on 20000.l that by the Monies he may pay his Armies Arrears The Authour whom our Historian followeth in all these late traverses of State relates this businesse more distinctly and inteâ—ligently then we finde it here viz. That two Regiments of Foot and some Troops of Horse took up Quarters in Pauls and Black-frier and seized upon 20000. l in Weavers Hall which they promised to repay when the Lord Mayor and Common Councell please to bring in the Arrears due from the City They secured likewise the Treasures of Haberdashers and Goldsmiths Hall Here we have first a seizure of the 20000. l in Weavars Hall for the use of 〈◊〉 Army and a securing of the Treasures in the other two that they might not be employed against it The 20000 l. which they found in the first was the remainder of the 200000 l. which was voted to be brought in thither for the raising of a New Presbyterian Army under the command of the Lord Willoughby of Parhâ—â— as Lord Generall and Sir Iohn Maynard as Lieutenant Generall to reduce that Army to conformity which had so successively served under the command of Sir Thomas Fairfax But the other two being hard names and not very easie of digestion require somewhat which may make them lighter to the understanding of the vulgar Reader Concerning which we are to know that severall Ordinances were made by the Lords and Commons for sequestring the Estates of all such who had adhered unto the King whom to distinguish them from their own party they called Delinquents and a severe couâ—se was taken in those sequestrations as well in reference to their personall as reall Estates to make them the more considerable in the purse of the Houseâ— But finding no such great profit to come in that way when every Cook who had the dressing of that dish had lickt his fingers as they did expect they were contented to admit them to a Composition These Compositions to be managâ—d at Goldsmiths Hall by a select Committee consisting of severall Members of the House of Commons and some of the most pragmaticall and stiff sort of Citizens the parties to compound had 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. or 7. years purchase according as they either offered themselves voluntarily or came in upon Articlâ—s or were forced to submit to mercy What infinite summes of money were brought in by these compositions he that list to see may finde them both in the severall Items and the summa toâ—â—alâ—s in their printed Tables And yet the payment of these Sums was the least part of the grievance compared unto those heavy clogs which were laid on their Consciences For first No man was admitted to treat with the Committee at Goldsmiths Hall till unlesse he was priviledged and exempt by Articles he had brought a Certificate that he had taken the Negative Oath either before the Committee for the Militia of London or some Committee in the Countrey where he had his â—welling And by this oath he was to swear that he would neither directly nor indirectly adhere unto or wilâ—â—â—gly assist the King in that War or in that cause against the Parliament nor any Forces raised without the consent of the two Houses of Parliament in thâ—t cause or War for which consult the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons bearing date April 5. 1645. And secondly It was Ordered by the said Lords and Commons on the 1. of November 1645. That the Committee of Goldsmiths Hall should have power to tender the Solemn League and Covenant to all persons that come out of the Kings Quarâ—â—â—s to that Committee to compound and to secure such as should refuse to take it until they had conformed thereunto And by that Covenant they were bound to endeavour the extirpation of Popery and Prelacy that is Church-government by Arch-Bishops and Bishops c. and to defend the Kings Person and Authority no otherwise then in order to the preservation and defence of the true Religion and Liberties of the Kingdoms And if the party to compound were a Romane Catholick there was an Oath of Abjuration to be taken also before any such Sequestration could be taken off if once laid upon him By which he was to swear That he abjured and renounced the Popes Supremacy that he beleeved not there was any Transubstantiation nor Purgatory nor any worship to be given to the consecrated Host Crucifix or Images and that salvation could not be merited by works renouncing and abjuring all Doctrines in defence of thâ—se points To such a miserable necessity had they brought many of that party that they thought if safer as they use to say to trust God with their souls then such unmercifull men with their Lives Fortunes and Estates And yet this was not thought to be a sufficient punishment to them but they must first passe through Hâ—berdashers Hall which is the last of my hard words before they could be free of the Goldsmiths And in that Hall they were to pay the fifth and twentieth parts of their Estates as well real as personall in present money all men being brought within the power of the Committee not only who were called Delinquents but such as had not voluntarily contributed to the Parliament in any place whatsoever as appears by the Order of the Commons bearing date August 25. 1646. By which last clause more Grist was brought unto that Mill then can be easily imagined their Agents being very eager in that pursuit So that it was accounted a great benefit as indeed it was to them who came in upon the Articles of
was not to be found in the whole body of it And for the proof thereof he read the Article out of a Book which lay before him beginning thus Non licet Ecclesia quicquam instituere quod verbo Dei scripto adversetur c. To which the Resâ—ondent readily answered that he perceived by the bignesse of the Book which lay on the Doctors Cushion that he had read that Article out of the Harmony of Confessions publisht at Geneva Anno 1612. which therein followed the Edition of the Articles in the time of King Edward the sixth Anno 1552. in which that sentence was not found but that it was otherwise in the Articles agreed on in the Convocation Anno 156â— to which most of us had subscribed in our severall places but the Doctor still persisting upon that point and the Respondent seeing some unsatisfiednesse in the greatest part of the Auditory he called on one M. Westly who formerly had been his Chamber-Fellow in Magdalenâ— College to step to the next Booksellers Shop for a Book of Articles Which being observed by the Doctor he declared himself very willing to decline any further prosecâ—tion of tâ—at particular and to go on directly to the Disputation But the Respondent was resolved to proceed no further Vsque dum liberaverit animam suam ab ist a calumnia as his own words were till he had freed himself from that odious Calumny but it was not long before the coming of the Book had put an end to that Controversie out of which the Respondent read the Article in the English Tongue in his verbis viz. The Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies and authority in Controversies of faith c. which done he delivered the Book to one of the standers by who desired it of him the Book passing from one hand to another till all men were satisfied And at this point of time it was that the Queens Almoner left the Schools pâ—ofessing afterwards that he could see no hope of a fair Disputation from so foul a beginning and not as being tired with the tedious Preface of the Respondent before the Disputations begun which whether it were tedious or impertinent or not may perhaps be seen hereafter upon this occasion But to proceed upon the breaking of this blow the Doctor fell on roundly to his Argumentation and in the heat thereof insisted upon those extravagant expressions without any such qualification of them as is found in the Paper which made the matter of the Information which is now before us and for which if he received any check from the King at Woodstock it is no more then what he had received at the same place but two years before as afore is said Which notwithstanding the Book of Articles was printed the next Year at Oxon in the Latine tongue according to the Copy in the said Harmony of Confessions or to a corrupt Edition of them Anno 1571. in which that clause had been omitted to the great animation of the Puritan party who then began afresh to call in question the Authority of the Church in the points aforesaid For which as D. Prideaux by whose encouragement it was supposed to have been done received a third check from the Arch-bishop of Canterbury then Chancellor of that University So the Printers were constrained to re-print the Book or that part of it at the least according to the genuine and ancient Copies And here I should have parted with D. Prideaux but that there is somewhat in the Paper as it is now publisht to the world by M. Sanderson which is thought fit to have an answer though not held worthy of that honour when it was secretly disperst in scattered Copies The Paper tels us of a Hissâ— which is supposed to have been given and makes the Doctor sure that such a Hisse was given When the Respondent excluded King and Parliament from being parts of the Church But first The Respondent is as sure that he never excluded King and Parliament from being parts of the Church that is to say of the diffusive body of it but denied them to be members of the Convocation that is to say the Church of England represented in a Nationall Councel to which the power of decreeing Rites and Ceremonies and the Authority of determining Controversies in faith as well as to other Assemblies of that nature is ascribed by the Articles Which as it did deserve no Hisse so the Respondent is assured no such hisse was given when those words were spoken If any hisse were given at all as perhaps there was it might be rather when the Doctor went about to prove that it was not the Convocation but the High Court of Parliament which had the power of ordering matters in the Church in making Canons ordaining Ceremonies and determining Controversies in Religion and could finde out no other medium to make it good but the Authority of Sir Ed. Cooke a learned but meer common Lawyer in one of the Books of his Reports An Argument if by that name it may be called which the Respondent thought not fit to gratifie with a better answer then Non credendum esse quoquo extra artem suam Immediatly whereupon the Doctor gave place to the next Opponent which put an end unto the heats of that Disputation In which if the Doctor did affirm that the Church was Mera Chimaera as it seems he did what other plaister soever he might finde to salve that sore I am sure he could not charge it on the insufficiency of the Respondents answers who kept himself too close to the Churâ—h-Representative consisting of Arch-Bishops Bishops and other of the Clergy in their severall Councels to be beaten from it by any argument which the Doctor had produced against him And thus we have a full relation of the differences between D Prideaux and the Respondent forgotten long agoe by those whom it most concerned and now unseasonably revived revived as little to the honour of the reverend name and living fame of that learned Doctor as D. Bernards publishing the Lord Primates Letters never intended for the Presse hath been unto the honour of that emiâ—nent and pious Prelate But the Squire will not so give over he hath another peece in store which must now be printed though written as long since as any of the Lord Primates Letters or the Doctors Paper and must be printed now to shew what slender account is to be made of his that is to say the Respondents language that ways in reference namely to such eminent persons as he had to deal with For this he is beholden to some friend or other who helpt him to the sight of a Letter writ by D. Haâ—well in the year 1633. in which speaking of M. Heylyn since Doctor whom he stiles The Parton of that pretended Saint George he hath these words of him viz In the second Impression of his Book where he hath occasion to speak of