the whole Kingdome In severall his Messages returned unto their Propositions he repeats and confirms the same judgement of and concerning their full and ample power being lawfully summoned and by a Law consented unto by himselfe in full Parliament Not to be dissolved unless by their own consent Notwithstanding which severall attempts of force and violence were offered as far as his and his parties power could extend it self to the dissolving it by contending to divide and scatter them accusing the remaining part of the Members sitting in the House at Westminster of being Rebells so being divided to account no other of the Parliament at Westminster than he did soone after the Pacification made with his Scotish Subjects of the Parliament in Scotland terming them h The divided Members of that distracted Parliamentary Body remaining at Edinburgh So that as to the Parliament of England it must be confessed that he meaned not what he expressed in allowing to them that lati-tude of Power and Priviledges or that his Party hath since prevailed with him to renounce that judgement which he declared to have had of them That the contentions at the first sitting of the House were upon the point about matters of fact what things were done what projected to be done How the King and his Ministers of Justice had demeaned themselves since the beginning of his Reign how many oppressions of severall kinds had been offered by them how they had offended against the known Lawes in an Arbitrary way of Government which being disputed by all men as they conversed together or within themselves a Division could not be avoided but must break out into contrariety of Opinions and Affections consequently into Partyes and Engagings as their judgements should direct some likely to adhere unto the King contending to make him Absolute to doe whatsoever he pleased others contending on the other hand to have him govern according to the Lawes as bound by his Oath the result from out the differences betwixt them both could be no other than for the one Party knowing what of late had passed to endeavour a redresse to consult a remedy against the like Exorbitances withall that there was no other visible power in being to emulate and check a King 's except a Parliament's i the Power and Priviledges of which Court in Rivalship with the Kings have been many wayes manifested in the actings and contestings betwixt their powers In the present contention betwixt which it is not so much what hath accidentally fallen out in the progresse of this war as what hath been actually and intentionally attempted to be done which foments the quarrell or decides the controversy That this Parliament in contending to maintaine their power their friends and assistants against their enemies confronting them was by an high hand interrupted and opposed and if we take our Neighbour Nation the k Scots their judgment in the stating the occasion of this VVarre and the Enemies designe this Parliament was for no other reason called then to give the King relief and aid against their comming into England This the occasion of the League and union betwixt us and them On these and the like grounds they knowing what had been attempted against their Nationall Lawes and Rights foreseeing what the event was like to be in case they did not bear with patience knowing also in what condition the English at or near that time were what Declarations the King had published against some what severe courses he had taken against other Members of the Parliament of England which the Historian notes the dejected People were enforced to endure with patience and to allow against their own reason the Scots considering withall that if of themselves they made resistance without the aid of friends they were too weak a power that if they delayed their course for remedy too long their friends and strength might have been prevented and knowing before hand that there are but two remedies applyable to the approach of dangers Prevention and Recovery the first the right hand rather the heart of Policy the other the left and after-game They begun before any preparations made for or against a VVar with sending to the Parliament of England a Iustification of their proceedings intreating them to be wary in Vindicating their own Lawes and Liberties to frustrate the designs of those evill Counsellours who had procured this Parliament for no other end than to arme the King with warlike supplies against his Scotish Subjects and by that Warre to enslave if not to ruine both Nations that after many violations and dissolutions of Parliaments in England This was not to redresse grievances but to be so over-reached if they were not carefull and couragious that no possibility should be left for the future redressing any That so dangerous practises might be well suspected when at the same time a Parliament was denyed to Scotland although promised on the word of a King granted to England when not expected and obtruded upon Ireland when not desired The rise of all which was from the anger which the Scots knew the King conceived against them for some particular acts of theirs charged with Disloyalty as without recounting all other differences and jealousâ—es betwixt him and them That they refused and declared against the Messages sent them to receive the Service-Book obtruded on them for which as for vindicating themselves from the like charged Disloyalties they were accused by the King to have wrote a l Letter to the K. of France Imploring His Protection as weary of their Obedience to their owne King for which disloyall Letter as it was termed a chief m Peer of theirs was imprisoned and condemned to dye That the Pacification had and made to take away all differences past and which might ensue betwixt the King the English and the Scots by the prudent and joynt advice of a select Committee of English and Scotish Lords as to remove all jealousies betwixt both Nations was soone after it was made scoâ—ned and slighted the Scots then complaining in their informations made unto the English their Friends and Brethren of many injuries they had received since the Pacification made and contrary to that Agreement This was the condition of the Scots these the very words of their Remonstrance That the Union and Brotherly League entred into by both Nations was no otherwise construed than an Invitation in the one and invasion of n Forreiners in the other Nation and howsoever the Charge in the 7. Articles exhibited against the 5 Members of the House of Commons and one Lord of the House of Peers was laid to those few onely yet probably it had reached many other of the English Nation had not the first assault of violence in the Kings party miscarried as it did But wherefore were those Articles exhibited against those Members and the King attempt in an hostile array to seize their Persons in the House of Commons which when he could not effect
Directory and Negative Oath are learnedly penned if as appositely applyed To the two first let the Scots maintain what they were the first contrivers of themselves yet thus much may be said on their and our part joyntly that the signification of the termes Tyrant and King being opposite although in m Homers time the word Tyrant was taken in the better part the one the desolation the other the n foundation of a people both Nations declaring and accusing the King of Tyranny neither of them could think that the frequent Petitions in the Common Prayer book for and in the King's behalfe were to be used by his people himself being in open arms against them The Common Prayer book was confirmed by a Statute Law in a Princes time who at the beginning of her Reigne having redeemed the protestant Religion out of the bondage of Popery and superstition did by her piety and prowesse keep her people in peace and plenty and therefore might deserve their prayers when and as often as the Liturgy prescribes The Ordinance for laying aside the Service book for enjoying the Directory is an act of their present Iudgment who have done it as the arguing against the Directory from Oxford is an act of theirs which they so represent as if their after-Iudgement and second thoughts might admit what for the present they have reasoned against who with a cautious modesty have argued and styled it their present Iudgment If positive Lawes be subject to alteration and repeale Ordinances which bind only for the present may likewise be so then a set form of prayer may be resumed and used according to the Orthodox and true Church discipline admitting also the most principall and necessary parts of divine service prescribed in the Liturgy So the Negative Oath That none shall assist the King against the Parliament and his People c. where a thing is commanded or forbidden by any Powers the withstanding and doing contrary to the command of such Powers is a transgression punishable at their pleasure and discretion whether it be by Fining Imprisoning according to the degree of the offence wherefore the urging Cap. 11. Hen. 7. seems not applyable to the condition of this present Quarrell for admit that neither of the three viz. The Covenant the Directory the Negative Oath be in the judgement of the Convocation at Oxford and of many others free from being excepted against as that neither the Covenant nor Negative Oath are to be imposed upon the Subjects yet the distinction being made between the times of Peace and these of Warre takes off from the value of the exceptions where two Parties are extremely opposite each Party striving to make good their Interest if the one may impose what Oathes they please as the Kings party did at Oxford to enjoyn all within their power whether satisfied in their Consciences of the truth therof or no to swear that he was a Just Pious and Protestant Prince the present Powers may enjoyne what they think fit in their prudence and knowledge of him to abrogate this latter Oath and to forbid the assisting him In the Convocation House at Oxford their examining the Ordinance for enjoyning all the Three particulars forementioned they should as wel have examined the Reasons of the Ordaining them they should have premised and stated the occasion the beginning of the Warre how it came to be waged by whose means on which side the Offensive on which the Defensive was For to measure the thing enjoyned by the particular events by the subsequent and emergent actings as what hath since fallen out what hath been done what required to be done is no good or adequate rule had the matter occasioned been more suitable to the occasion their exceptions against those Ordinances had more availed their Cause The urging the transgression of a known Law viz. the 11 of Hen 7. 18. That none that shall attend upon the King do him true service shall be attainted or forfeit any thing fitteth not this present case neither do they who urge the same rightly examine the occasion and ground of enacting it the Parliaments imprisoning fining their Enemies is no transgression of that Law if rightly and formally understood and wherefore t was made The reason of enacting that Law is to be weighed It was not with the late King as with Henry the seventh the late King had no forraigne or domestique VVarres none stood in Rivalship with him for his Crowne he came in Peace and by a lineall succession to it when that Law was made in the eleventh of Henry the seventh his Raigne and after his conquest made many the like Lawes were made in severall Parliaments from his first comming to the Crown in relation to the security and attendance upon his person meeting with a Rebellion in the Kingdom of Ireland mutinous and male-contented Subjects in the Kingdom here ready to bid battell to him the Parliament called when that Law was made therefore styled by a learned o Writer a Parliament of Warre being indeed in substance a Declaration only of a War against two potent Kings Charls the eighth of France Iames the fourth of Scotland two Neighbouring Enemies of Henry the seventh and then enacted with some Statutes conducing thereunto as the severe punishing mortpayes and keeping back Souldiers wages by their Captaines the like severity for the departure of Souldiers without Licence strengthning of the Common-Law in favour of protections for those that were in the Kings service and setting the gate open and wide for men to sell and morgage their Lands without Fines for alienation to furnish themselves with money for the War and lastly the voyding all Scottish men out of England So the reader may observe wherefore that Statute so much urged against this present Parliament and on the Kings behalfe was enacted which also the aforesaid Writer judgeth to be more just then legall more magnanimous than prudent his reason was That it was both agreeable to reason of State that the Subiects then should not enquire of the Iustice of the Kings Title or Quarrell as also to good Conscience that whatsoever the fruits of War were the Subiects should not suffer for their obedience besides it did the better take away the occasion for the people to busie themselves to pry into the Kings Tytle or Quarrell for that however it fell their safety was already provided for withall it could not but greatly draw unto him the love and hearts of his people because he seemed more carefull for them then for himself the Writer excellently disputes the quality of that Statute setting forth the reason for the inconvenience against the making it observing also that it did take off from his party that great tye and spurre of necessity to go Victours out of the field coâ—sidering their lives and fortunes were put in safety and protected whether they stood to it or ranne away concluding the force and obligation of the Law
of their Right to the Crown as Hen. 6. the lawfulness whereof not at any time questioned and when the Tytle to the Crown hath been disputed it was by Authority of that Court setled and the Crown entailed as they in Pollâ—y and prudence thought sit Speeds Chronic. in the life of Hen. 6. Edward 4 5. k See the Scots Remonstrance Printed 1640 cited by Master Thomas May in his History of the Parliament of England written 1647. l Cited and complained of by the King in the same Dâ—clararation against His Scotish Subjects for inviting forrein forces into this Kingdome page 55 56. See the Letter it self in the same Declaration signed by seven of the principall of the Nobility of Scotland m The Lord London See his Answer n See in the Kings name the Authors accompt of them how in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} he keeps in memory That the Scots weâ—e the first that began the Kings troubles in the Treatise of his leaving Oxford and going to the Scots and elsewhere in severall places of that Book Also in the Declaration printed on the Kings behalfe at Oxford 1643. pag. 23. suggesting an intent in them to confound the Government and alter the Laws of England The Marquesse of Montrosse declareth how they began His Troubles viz. by dispersing their Apologeticall Pamphlets as he termes them through Great Britaine before the Troubles began and before their comming with an Army into England See a Book entituled The History of His Majesties affairs under the Conduct of the Marquesse in the years 1644 1645 1646. page 3. o Amongst other Motives to his aâ—gâ—r about the Earl of Strafford's death which whether he would have avenged on the Party who condemned him may be guessed at in that an unknown Author in his name severall times repents the injustice of that Act to which he was forced to yeeld complyance for which sin as the Author mentions it the King and his Kingdomes have felt long great and heavy Troubles See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in the Treatise concerning the Earl of Strafford and the Marquesse of Moâ—trosse his Declaration set forth 1649 aggravating the same to incense the King and his party against the Scots expressing in it their disloyall Practices Breach of Duty Covenants calling them Traytors c. p See the Kings gratefull acknowledgement of the Affection and Loyalty of his Irish Subjects in offering to supply him with Preparations c. together with their Persons and Estates even to the uttermost of their ability to reduce his dis-affected Subjects of Scotland to their obedience desiring withal it may be Recorded as an Ordinance of Parliament and to be Printed as a Testimony of their Loyalty to all the world and succeeding Ages In his Declaration since the Pacification pag. 63. Which could not but stir up the Scots to seeke protection and assistance from their fellow subjects and friends wheresoever whom the King calls his dis-affected subjects and how he doth secern them from the rest is hard to judge when as the whole and most considerable part of that Kingdome did by their Pacts and Counsels at their Assemblies hâ—ld withstand and resolve to withstand divers of his Messages obtruding on them such matters as made against the Peace of their Church and Kingdome q In the third Treatise r Mr. Dâ—nz Hollis his speech June 1642. Å¿ See the Message sâ—nt from both Houses of Parliament to the King his parties receiving it mentioned in this Book t See the Declaration of the Lords Commâ—ns assembled at Oxford printed there 1643. u See the Remonstâ—ance sent out of Scotland 1639. w See the same Declaration ibid. x See it cited in the Declaration Printed at Oxford 1643. pag. 13. y Mr. John Heywood on the life of Hen the 4th z Bracton lib. 4. a France b See the Duke of Rohan in his Treatise of the Interests of the Princes and States of Christendome calling England a little world set apart as having nothing to do with other Princes c. c Mercurius Aulicus d Victoria naturâ insolens superba est Cicero e King James his Speech in Parliament 1609 f In Norththamptonshire g Sir Francis Bacon on the life of Hen. the 7th h Nulla tam sancta Lex est quam non oppoâ—ceat si salus populi postâ—let urgeatque necessitâ—s muâ—are Bodin lib. 4. de Repub. i See the Parliaments Remonstrance 1647. k In the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} Treatise 28. upon the Vote of Non-Addresses l In the Book stiled the present judgment of the Convocation held at Oxford m Calâ—ing Jâ—piter amongst the rest of tâ—e heathen Gods {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} n {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} quasi {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} o Sir Francis Bacon on the life of Hen. the 7th p In the Remonstrance dated Nov. 1648. pag. 6. q See the Declaration of the Lords and Commons in Answer to the Scots Commissioners dated the fourth of March 1647. r See the Breviary of the History of the Parliament of England pag. 112. Å¿ See the Objections and Answers at large in the relation of the passages at the meeting at Vxbridge 1644. Printed then at Oxford t Hen. 2. â— Eliz. u The Law book Casâ—s give the Reason why the bringing counterfeit money into England out of Ireland is but Misprision of Treason although the bringers know and utter it Quiae Hibernia est membrum Angliae Dalâ—on Iustice of Peace in cap. de high Treason w The Lord wâ—aâ—ton z See these Charges mentioned by the two Houses of Parliament against the King in Mâ— May his History lib. 1. cap. 6. pag. 118. a BERK-SHIRE b Twyford O kingham â—arringdon c See Master May his History of the Parliament of England mentioning the Demand and Answer d In the Book of an unknown Author called The State's Martyr e See the Message and Answer f See the History of the Kings affaires in Scotland c. where the Historian speaking of the Marquesses Mâ—nâ—â—osse and Argyle the Generalls of the two opposite Armies in the Kingdome of Scotland he highly exâ—olls Mâ—ntrosse and as much reviles and derogates from Argyle rendring him in many passages of that Booke A 〈◊〉 spirited Soâ—ldâ—er and a Knave when as in other mens judgements he had when he was so depraved otherwise proved himself g See it cited in the Oxford Declaration pag. 1â— h See the Kings Letter March 23. 1644. and the Committees Summons in Aprill following i See the Proclamation in the Kings name set forth 1642 accusing many Gentlemen serving as Knights and Burgesses for their severall and respective Countâ—es to be Trayâ—ors and their Persons to be seized on as Rebells k See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in Treatise 17. on Church-Government l See their Declaration Printed at Oxford March 1643. towards the end of the Book m In a Book styled The
to be in it self Illusory as to the latter part of it by a precedent act of Parliament to bind and frustrate a future whenas a supreme and absolute power cannot conclude it self neither that which is in nature revocable be made fixed no more then if a men should appoint or declare by his Will that if he made any latter Will it should be void the quality of the Statute it self being considered as to the Imprisoning Fining some of the Kings Party for adhering unto for taking part with him against the knowne and fundamentall Lawes seem to be of no use to the present Quarrell betwixt the late King and the People that objected Statute seeming Temporary only whereupon the aforesaid Writer concludes with this Aphorisme that things that do not bind may satisfie for the timâ— But to returne to the occasion of this Warre how unhappily continued how easily the terms of dissention now in being are reconcileable how petty a difference there is betwixt the two Tenents of Independent Presbyterian is easy for any man to know who shal enquire into the quality of either of what growth settlement and extent they are the one the Presbyterian not ripe enough as yet to be established neither the times now fit to entertaine a fixt or established forme of Government to bind all sorts of men many having been left at liberty whether they have or will take the Covenant many who have taken it thinking themselves not obliged forthwith and in all parts to keep it having for some cause discovered since their taking set it aside The other the Independent a seeming rather then a certain abdication or totall renouncing all Government or for ever the Lord General and his army called Independents but why let them that call them so answer for it have solemnly p declared against such disorder and non-Government There are t is to be believed some adhering to the Parliament other of the same sort belonging to or having been of the Army that desire an independent and unlimited Power which neither derives its beginning nor receives its bounds from the Magistrate which kind of humour the Parliament neither q approveth nor admitteth of There are some besides styled Independents and many of them may haply desire to shake off that heavy yoake of Government which growne through the corruption of manners and indulgency of times into abuse exorbitancy and oppressings doth gall and heavily presse their Fellow Subjects necks not by an easy or ordinary course to be taken off yet the granting these proves not that the Parl. maintains or which is lesse allowes Disorder or Nonâ—Government in a Commonwealth the Division between them two Presbyterian and Independent was handsomely hatched and as cunningly carried on by the Common Enemy on purpose by Dividing to overcome them both or as is before observed it befell through their pride of Conquering The main and originall difference first in dispute between the Kings party and the Parliament's arose from matter of Fact which brought in this dispute or question amongst other things unto whose charge the Deluge of blood spilt in this Warre is to be laid The Parliament hath declared That it is to be lâ—iâ— at the King and his Parties doores For instance sake The bloud-guilty and horrid act of hindring the relief of Ireland whereby thousands of his Protestant Subiects have been slain which holds the three heretofore united Kingdomes in a languishing and sad estate even at this day the one divided against the other and many of the People of all three despairing to enjoy their former Pâ—ace the Parliament instancing First in his sparingly anâ— too late proclaming their Enemies Rebells when the Rebellion first broke out By signing Commissions to the chief Actors in the Rebellion r the Generall Assembly of the Church of Scotland sending unto him a serious Admonition to that purpose and charging him therein to be guilty of the shedaing the â—loud of many thousands of his best Subiects The Parliament of England their Commissioners at the Å¿ Treaty at Uxbridge urging as to the Warre in Ireland his disapproving the subscriptions of the Adventurers and Officers of the Army imployed for the relief of his Protestant Subjects there by meanes whereof the course intended was then diverted his making a Cessation with the Rebells which had it not been in the time of their greatest want and the Forces imployed against them not drawn off they might in all probability have been ere this subdued and the War even finished Instead thereof it is protracted That Kingdome having been by the prowesse of his t Predecessours kept entire united unto and a u Member of this State of England is by his and his Party's abetting it put into a Condition and even invited to invade and conquer This And what was wanting to be further acted by himself and his Councell is now set on and continued by his Party hindring the supplyes and forces sent over by the Parliament to reduce the Rebels raising and fomenting a new Warre between Us and the Scots to divert the Forces intended for the relief of Ireland that by a Warre with Scotland the English may be lesse enabled to prosecutâ— their design in Ireland That the Commissioners sent by the two Houses of Parliament for the better supply and encouragement of the Army in that Kingdome were discountenanced and commanded from the Councell there where the prosecution of the War was to be managed The Houses of Lords and Commons in the debate with the King about the Affairs of Ireland sent him word that his Message then sent to Them wherein He chargeth them with false pretences and a purpose in Them to divert large sums of money collected from the English from the proper use to which it was intended was an high breach of the Privilege of Parliament and upon that occasion They declare many particulars of their care for the reliese of Iâ—eland and the Kings hindring it Those particulars there expressed are as followeth They declare that this bloody Rebellion was first raised by the same Counsell that had before brought two great Armies within the bowells of this Kingdome and two Protestant Nations ready to welter in each others blood which were both defrayed a long time at the charge of the poor Commons in England and quietly at last disbanded by Gods blessing on the Parliaments endeavours That this designe failing the same wicked Counsel who had caused that impious Warre raised this barbarous Rebellion in Ireland and recommended the suppressing thereof for the better colour to the Parliaments care who out of a fellow-feeling of the unspeakable miseries of their Protestant Brethren there not suspecting this horrid Plot now too apparent did cheerfully undertake thâ—t great worke and doe really intend and endeavour to settle the Protestant Religion and a permanent Peace in that Realm to the glory of God the honour and profit of his Majesty and security of his three Kingdomes
But how they have been discouraged retarded and diverted in and from this pious and glorious worke by those traiterous Counsells about his Maiesty will appear by these particulars They there mention the sending over at the first of twenty thousand pounds by the Parliament and that good way found out to reduce Ireland by the Adventure of private men without charging the Subiect in generall which would probably have brought in a million of money had the King continued in or near London and not by leaving his Parliament and making War upon it so intimidated and discouraged the Adventurers and Others who would have adventured that that good Bill is rendered in a manner ineffectuall They mention that when at the sole charge of the Adventurers five thousand Foot and five hundred Horse were designed for the relief of Munster under the Command of an English w Lord and nothing was wanting but a Commission to enable him for the service such was the power of wicked Counsell that no Commission could be obtained from the King by reason whereof Lymrick was wholly lost and the Province of Munster since in very great distresse That when well-affected Persons at their own charges by way of Adventure had prepared divers Ships and Pinnaces with a thousand Land Forces for the service of Ireland desiring nothing but a Commission from his Maiesty that Commission after twice sending to York for it and the Ships lying ready to set saile three weeks together at the charge of neer three hundred pounds a day was likewise denyed and those Adventurers rather than to lose their Expedition were constrained to goe by vertue of an Ordinance of both Houses of Parliament That although the Lords Iustices of Ireland earnestly desired to have some pieces of Battery sent over as necessary for that service â—et such Command was given to the Officers of the Tower that nâ—ne of the Kings Ordnance must be sent to save his Kingdome That a prime Engineer and Quarteâ— master Generall of the Army in Ireland and in actuall imployment there against the Rebells was called away from that important service by expresse command from the King That a Captaine Comptroller of the Artillery a man in pay and principally imployed and trusted here by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for providing and ordering the Train of Artillery which was to be sent to Dublin and who had received great sums of money for that purpose was Commanded from that Employment and Trust to serve the King in this unnaturall War against his Parliament and when the Parliament had provided many hundred suits of Cloaths and sent them towards Chester the Waggoners that undertook the Carriage of them were assaulted by the Kings Souldiers lying about COVENTRY who took away the Clothes That three hundred suits of Clothes sent likewise by the Parliament for Ireland towards Chester were all taken away by the Kings Troopers under their Captain allowing it As likewise that a great number of Draught-Horses prepared by the Parliament for the Artillery and Baggage for the Irish Army and sent to Chester for that purpose being there attending a Passage were then required by the King for his present service in England whose Forces were so quartâ—râ—d about the Roads to Ireland that no Provision could pass thither by Land with any safety That two other Captains the the Admirall and Vice-Admiral of the ships appointed to lie upon the Coast of Ireland to annoy the Rebels and to prevent the bringing Ammunition and Relief from Forreign Parts were both called away from that employment by the Kings Command and by reason of their departure from the Coast of Munster to which they were designed the Rebels there have received Powder Ammunition and other Relief from Forreign Parts By which z particulars say they it may seem that those Rebells were countenanced there to assist the Enemies of the Parliament here especially considering that those confident Rebels have presumed very lately to send a Petition to the King entituling themselves his Majesties Catholique Subjects of Ireland complaining of the Puritan Parliament of England and desiring that since his Majesty comes not over thither according to their expectation they may come into England to his Maiâ—sty These are the Charges whereof both Houses of Parliament have in these very words accused the King and cannot look back to retract their Charge And what at the beginning of this Warre was imputed to the Kings evill Counsell as their crime in seducing him to an arbitrary and tyrannicall way of Government to the countenancing if not the promoting this Rebellion of the Irish even now mentioned to the refusing to signe the Proposition tendered to him by the two Houses of Parliament as the onely and necessary means for setling a firm and well-grounded Peace with other of the like kinde which might be instanced in the Houses out of tendernesse to his honour would have remitted as to him being willing to abstract and sever his personall Acts from the Acts of such his Counsell yet he refuseth not to excuse his Counsell nor positively or seriously denieth those Charges as to himself only jestingly declines the particular presumptions wherewith he was charged of his privily countenancing that Rebellion in Ireland as not worth the answering Withall whereas the Kings party argue to have the King himself excused his Counsell blamed for his mis-government they must as well distinguish betwixt his Counsell before the Warre and his Counsel since the War began and limit it to whom of that his Counsel were his Seducers so the distinguishing before the War began between the Kings own Acts and those of his evill Counsell seems to be of no value whereby to excuse the King and wholly and in a generall way to charge his Counsell indefinitely named his Evill Counsell ignoâ—ely spoken who they were neither assigning or setting forth as the Arguers in the particulars should for the better compleating their Apology for the King who the Super-intendent and President of that Counsell was Besides the King contending on the one hand to rescue and protect whom the Parliament on the other did contend to punish it was a matter of no small difficulty to discern and judge by the understanding how an abstract and separation might be had betwixt the King and that his Counsell they mutually and strenuously contending to assist and defend one another The Question therefore by way of Argument betwixt the Kings party and the Parliaments as between the Commissioners imployed on either side to Treat admits now no verball or written Answer to or Denying it is to be determined by no other Umpire then the Sword and what the two opposite Parties have a long time strove for the one defending their Cause in their Books and Writings by vehemency and height of Wit the other theirs by solid and substantiall Prudence seems to be left to the Conquerour to determine What the odds is betwixt their Writings because controverted by either side
retired and solid Parts wherewith he was endowed then doubtless free from the affectated words whereof the Book is full in defence of the manisold actions of his incident to this War many of them too weakly excused to be his although in an handsome way of writing to possesse the belief of men obtruded on him by indeed the Author of the Booke of Divine and wholsome Councell left in his name to his Sonne might gaine a beliefe of what was vehemently suspected to the contrary That the Fathers heart was seasoned with the like Principles according to the Councell given unto the Sonne and as to the time of that Councell given there are none but have observed that the fears of the growth of Superstitious Tyranny in the peacefull times were y only and a long time more then those of the growth of Anarchy easy to be let in amongst other disturbances and distractions through the licentiousnesse and confusedness of a civill Warre and wherefore is that Councell given as if the Parliament did intend or had brought in Anarchy or devised to root out all Government No calumny whereby to render them and their proceedings odious and detestable is of extent enough to serve and satiate their Enemies appetite The Parliament in their prudence and experience might discerne a reason for the changing the Monarchical into some other form of as much conducement to the maintenance of Peace and Justice But z what that Religion is which the Author enjoynes the Prince unto whether opposite to Popery or Schisme this like weeds in Corn choaking and hindring its growth that like Mildews blasting and destroying it he defining not makes it seem doâ—btfull to the Reader for presently after he would have the Prince his Iudgment and reason to seale to that Sacred Bond which education hath written in him let a computation be had of his young years how in his infancy uncapable of discerning the differences of Religion before this Warre began where and with whom he hath lived these eight or nine years since it began all men will not believe that to be the Reformed Protestant Religion which is there enjoyned him take it in its purity or as the corruption of times hath fashioned it the Prince is vehemently suspected to goe in a contrary Diameter to either as to those Instructions given him by the Author by what is reported of his having favoured and entertained at his Court the greatest and most known Papists Forraigners of all parts setting aside his Protestant and Native English And howbeit he seems now for a tyme to comply with the Protestants and other of the Scotish Nation and they reciprocally with him his constant and certaine ayde is yet kept up his interest maintained by the Kings Catholick Subjects in Ireland as they terme themselves in favour to the Prince so that what at the beginning of these Warres was acutely urged as a witty and plausible fallacy of the Papists taking up Arms for the Protestant Cause is at this day marveled at the name changed only as that the Papists in Ireland take Armes to defend a Protestant Prince in Scotland All which considered the Prince cannot be thought to take those instructions to be truely and genuinely the Kings or little observes them as the Kings That which should have beene expunged out of the Booke to make it the more admired his is that one passage strange amongst the rest about the Authors challenging the Parliament for discovering the Letters taken at Naseby Fight even now mentioned unlesse it were ill taken by the Author in the Kings behalfe that the naming his friends assembled at Oxford in the nature of a Parliament his Mungrell Parliament as himselfe stiled it should be disclosed together and Liberties of a Free-born people or presumptuously shall take part with the subverters of the same although in a small degree of Oppression and Eâ—action the Lawes having their Metes and Limits to bound out unto every man his owne are in the Judgement of a Learned b Prince no better than Pests Vipers and Traytors to a Kingdome whence it might be mervailed at but that the Parliament hath with Clemency passed by the Transgressions of their mistaken Country-men and fellow Subjects without any heavier censure then Fining them that the violating the ancient Law of Magna Charta so industriously and religiously preserved by their Ancestors and above thirty severall times confirmed in Parliament to use the very words of the Lords and Commons assembled at Oxford in their c Declaration printed there should be objected against the Parliament sitting at Westminster to be a bold avowed transgression of the Laws and Liberties of the People as if the parties of those Lords and Commons were altogether free from the like transgressions so they may in like manner object a violating the late Kings Grant to the Petition of Right when they and their party are setting aside the justice of the â—ause on either side as culpable as the Parliaments party are The pillaging the Earl of Stamforâ—'s house in Leicestershire by the Kings Party commanding there an undoubted and notorious Felony by the Letter of the Law all his Souldiers guilty of the same The storming by day and night the breaking into the Marquesse of Winchester his house in Hantshire by the Parliaments Party the highest degree of Burglary many the like Hostile Acts may be instanced in on either side but how in the heat of War in the pursuit of Conquest each party striving who should overcome and destroy their Enemy One other passage in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} as unjustly and improbably delivered is considerable viz. the plausible reasons d given of the Kings going to the House of Commons with so many armed Gentlemen which as the Author sayes was no unwonted thing for the Maiesty of a King to be so attended especially in discontented times The times were not then so discontented as that unheard of and horrid act might have made them at that time had but the hand of one desperate Caitiffe given fire to his Pistols ready cockt the House of Commons being neer full and equall in number to the Forces prepared against them no man knows how disastrous and fatall the Event had been Neither could the King justly fear to be assaulted by any in the House as the Author intimates None in the House within being armed answerable to the Kings Guard without The Author thinks he hath handsomely palliated that Attempt under colour of the Kings standing in need of a Guard rendring those His Attendants there short of his ordinary Guard but whether he meant short in number or in a daring and forcible array he declares not Many other Passages as improbable as these are the Discourses of the Booke too tedious to recite the examining and search whereof is besides this purpose It seems to have little of the King it hath elegancy of wit enough and affectation of
which Party doth declare and argue more prudentially the Reasons of their severall undertakings in this Quarrell as which Party the Kings or the Parliaments have writ more sufficiently and substantially concerning the subject of their Proceedings in this Warre whose Writings and Declarations have been more true whose most seditious and false which Party hath in their severall Books been most seriously and truly charged and accused of offending which more genuinely and sincerely have argued let the Reader judge So because there may not want Fuell for Contention 't is debated concerning the actions of Violence and Terrour to the People on either part the Kings and the Parliaments which did act with more Cruelty by putting all sorts of People to the Sword spoyling consuming with sire laying wast Houses Villages Towns 'T is known that a a County not farre distant scituate in the chiefest part of the Land gives testimony of consuming by b fire against the one in a sad Record As to the Writings on either side where the one hath propounded and objected what the other hath answered for instance sake take three or four here following for the rest First the Letter to the Governour and Councell of War at Bristol that City being then a Garrison for the Parliament from the Lord Lieutenant-Generall of the Kings Forces c requiring the Governour and Councell there to forbear the putting to death the two Citizens threatning withall to retaliate the like judgment and execution upon some Gentlemen of the Parliaments Party kept Prisoners by the Kings with the resolution and Answer of the Governour and Councell to such Message The quality of which Answer is forejudged already and replyed unto in d Print to be an insolent Pamphlet with other words of scorne which Letter and Answer being here set down the Reader may discerne the difference between the weight of either PATRICK Earl of FORTH Lord ETTERICK and Lord Lieutenant-Generall of all his Majesties Forces I Having been informed that lately at a Councell of War you have condemned to death Robert Yeomans late Sheriffe of Bristol who hath his Majesties Commission for raising a Regiment for his service William Yeomans his Brother George Bourchier and Edward Dacres all for expresing their Loyalty to his Majesty and endeavouring his service according to their Allegiance and that you intend to proceed speedily against others in the like manner do therefore signifie to you that I intend speedily to put Master George Master Stephens Captaine Huntley and others taken in Rebelion against his Majesty at Cyrencester into the same condition I do further advise you that if you offer by that unjust judgment to execute any of them you have so condemned that those here in Custody Master George Master Stephens and Captaine Huntley must expect no Favour or Mercy Given under mine hand at Oxford this 16th of May 1643. FORTH To the Commander in chief of the Councell of Warre at Bristoll The Answer of this Letter was as followeth NATHANIEL FIENNES Governour and the Councell of Warre in the City of BRISTOL HAving received a writing from your Lordship wherein it is declared that upon information of our late proceedings against Robert Yeomans William Yeomans and others you intend to put Master George Master Stephens Captaine Huntley and others into the same condition we are well assured that neither your Lordship or any other mortall man can put them into the same condition for whâ—ther they live or dye they will alwayes be accounted true and honest men faithfull to their King and Country and such as in a faire and open way have alwayes prosecuted that cause which in their judgment guided by the judgement of the highest Court they held the justest whereas the Conspirators of this City must both in life and death carry perpetually with them the Brand of Treachery and Conspiracy and if Robert Yeomans had made use of his commission in an open way he should be put in no worse condition then others in the like kind had been but the law of Nature amongst all men and the Law of arms among Souldiers make a difference between open Enemies and secret Spyes and Conspirators And if you shall not make the like distinction we do signifie unto you that we will not only proceed to the execution of the persons already condemned but also of divers others of the Conspirators unto whom we had some thoughts of extending mercy And doe further advise you that if by any inhumane and un-souldier-like sentence you shall proceed to the execution of the persons by you named or any other of our freinds in your custody that have been taken in a faire and open way of Warre then Sir Walter Pye Sir William Crofts and Colonell Connesby with divers others taken in open Rebelion and actuall Warre against the King and Kingdom whom we have here in custody must expect no Favour or Mercy And by Gods blessing upon our most just Cause we have powers enough for our friends security without taking in any that have gotten out of our reach and power and although divers of yours of no mean quality and condition have been released by us Given under our hand the 18th of May 1643. Nathaniel Fiennes President Clement Walker c. To Patrick Earl of Forth Lord Lieutenant-Generall Secondly e That from the Marquesse of Argyle and Sir William Armine Commissioners from both Kingdomes of England and Scotland fully and in few words delivering their Intentions and Reasons for the Summons sent to the Governour of Carlislâ—a Garrison for the King with his Answer to them full of words pregnancy of wit and iealousie reiecting their Summons and some of his Party derogating elsewhere from the worth of f one of the Commissioners A g third of no great length the Reader hath it in the very words sent from both Houses of Parliament to the King with his Parties descant and scornfull Comment on the same The Message sent from both Houses of Parliament to the King VVE the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England taking into our Consideration a Letter sent from your Majesty dated the third of March instant and directed to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster which by the contents of a Letter from the Earle of Forth unto the Lord Generall the Earl of Essex we conceive was intended to our selves Have resolved with the concurrent advice aâ—d consent of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland to represent to your Majesty in all humility and pâ—aiâ—nessâ— as followeth That as we have used all means for a just and safe Peace so will we never be wanting to dâ—e our utmost for the procuring thereof But when we consider the expressions in that Letter of your Majesties we have more sad and despairing thoughts of attaining the same then ever because thereby those persons now assembled at Oxâ—ord who contrary to their duty have deserâ—ed your Parliament are put
England to be bound by any Coronation Oath in a blind and brutish formality and that the King reckons himselfe accomptable to none but God which the Parliament objecteth as a maxime and ground for any Tyranny the enacting Lawes are of no value as to the King and then the Question is how far swearing Allegiance is to the Subject as the Oath was therefore and then imposed which is next to be discussed To the Oathes of Supremacy and Allegiance obje Books seditiously printed and privately dispersed abroad to discountenance and depresse the Parliaments cause to extoll and magnifie their own obtruding their writings on such Authors as they please all to affect the Reader sometimes on the adverse part to render them the more dâ—spicable and ridiculous sometimes on their own Friends to make them the more applauded and famous for their Actions or sufferings as by that one more remarkeably for the King in his name it may appeare of which it may be said as it was of Sampson that it did his Enemies more hurt upon and by the occasion of his death then he could doe when he was alive namely and to instance in one of his parties acts amongst the rest their publishing the Posthume Book called {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} by some men reputed to be his though unlikely since by the Parliaments Declarations and Proofes convicting him of severall crimes it is made appeare unto those who shall impartially read and judge the transactions mutually passed betwixt him and his accusers either that the Book and those applauded Tracts and Meditations in it are none of his or that his party by setting forth that Book in his name would have him act the part of an exquisite hypocrite in representing such devotions as most of all should consist and be wholly taken up in a serious and reall sincerity so that the Tytle of that Book might be both literally and morally as to the King himselfe or to him who personates such conceptions in his name be entituled the Image and Pourtraiture of a Counterfeit rather than the Pourtraiture of a King the falshood and imposture resting on them alone who thus dresse and sets him forth Whosoever shall read the Parliaments often Declarations and Charges against the King set forth since the beginning of this War not denyed or answered by any of his Party saving in a recriminatory and scoffing way calling the Parliament and their Acherents Rebells or who shall read the n History of the Parliament of England summarily reciting what the Lords and Commons have accused the King of his countenancing and giving way to the Rebellion in IRELAND setting downe at large the strong presumptions against him for his countenancing it although eloquently excused and in a fine and pious Language denyed by the Author of the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} his averseness from calling Parliaments cannot but acknowledg that Book o whatsoever the fair and plausible flourishes in it do pretend of the Kings inclining to and desiring Parliaments to be falsly and injuriously charged on him few or none so indulgent to his Cause as to beleeve the whole Booke both for matter and forme to be of his owne penning however they may thinke some part of it to be his Falsly because they cannot but know how p unwillingly and seldome he called any how q oft he did dissolve or attempt to dissolve them when they were called notwithstanding the great Necessity of that Court for the propagation and maintenance of Justice that it drew on a r Law yet in force to call a Parliament every year in that through the discontinuance of them through the often dissolving them in the time of his Reigne and his Declarations published against some of the Members of either House the Historian reports The deiected People were forced to read with Patience and to allow against their own Reason Whence the Reader may observe an Answer to an Objection which the Kings Party makes r That the Parliaments party did begin the Preparations for a War before the Kings The People 't is true were discontented and greived at the Exactions and Oppressions practised in the time of his Reign they held themselves destitute of any means of redresse and therefore might harbour Heart burnings and thoughts of Rising but could not devise or thinke of any course towards the Preparations for a War the Power of the County being in every Sheriff of the severall Shires and Lords Lieutenants and their Deputies many other suborâ—inate Officers of the Kings upon the first Summons given from him to them in a readinesse to suppresse and check the People in case they should but move or stir up Commotions to the likenesse of a War neither could they build upon the strength of any Power to levy War on their behalf a Parliaments strength they sadly and long since observed was of too frail and uncertain a fabrick for them to trust unto as being awed and dissolved at pleasure so that if they had no thoughts of levying a War wanting the opportunities means of Prevailing if they had entertained such thoughts the first offering of Hostile attempts and acts will lye upon the Kings Parties accompt his aversenesse to call Parliaments his awing and dissolving them when called often and long before any preparations could be thought of for a War may satisfie the Objection when as to adde to the probability of some of his parties hostile and warlike preparations it hath been observed that some of his Friends knowing themselves obnoxious and questionable for their Tenents Demeanours when time should serve have long since before this Parliament was called fortified and furnished their Houses in divers parts of the Klngdome with Armes and Ammuniâ—ion no other notice taken til of late then of adorning them for strength and splendour which with some small addition became strong Garrisons for him the Parliaments Friends had none or not so many Holds so soon or suddenly to be fortified for their defeâ—ce The most wise and happy of Å¿ Kings could tell us by his own practiced Policy That it is not the first Blow that makes the War Invasive for that no wise Power would stay for nor the Voting a War to be Defensive as the t Scots have theirs which makes it so but the first Provocation or at least the first Preparations towards a War Injuriously charged on the King in that the Author and Reader also if a friend to Him and would have the Book reputed his doe unawares and as it were against their Will wound his honour and render the manner of his death the more unchristian then otherwise it might be judged when whilst the life is mortall they make the Vices of Dissembling and Uncharitablenesse to be surviving and immortall moâ—ions The reporting it to be the Kings seems besides to blemish the credit of those penitentiall expressions therein derogating from the serious
expressions to be applauded inconsistent with a sound and Christian wisdome whereunto his present condition was to be fitted and Charity enjoyns not to think it his when full of so ma every three years presumes an expiration of that Parliament which enacted it and the King binding himselfe not to dissolve this without their own consent implies a consummation of such matters and Acts as were to be handled and dispatched within the time before the Trienniall was to commence which could not well be done by reason of the Oppositions and Affronts offered to blast their meetings and retard their Councells otherwise a Trienniall Parliament would have began before the present Parliament should end Besides every future Parliament could not but expect an over-awing Power to shake and dissolve it at pleasure wherefore the care and taske of this could be no lesse then to make sure and valid Their power and station which if it be or had been borne downe what security could be had in the power and stability of Trienniall or future Parliaments The Kings forbidding Papists to fight in his Quarrell is in that his answer to the Lords and Commons well expressed and might give seeming satisfaction to the Protestant Party had it been as well observed for if that be true which is credibly reported of the soule and unheard of misdemeanour to the affront and scorne of the Protestant Religion committed by his party part of the Northerne forces and styling themselves the Queens Army at the storming a g Garrison Towne in Wiltshire with many other Acts of his and his party in countenancing Papists charged on him by his people was no good evidence of his inclinations to the Protestant And how by his Catholique Subjects as they are ambitious to style themselves in Ireland and desirous they may be so Recorded and by the Queens party and Army here shall his disavowing Papists be made good her Opinions and Demeanour destructive to Protestantisâ—â—â—e together with the ayd of an obnoxious and discontented party here at home to affront the Parliament and their proceedings in favour to the King when tyme should serve being no good Arguments to prove his constancy or sincerity really to performe what he promised and professed the Scots having a previous sense gave the English notice hereof to intreat them to be wary c. least if they were not carefull and couragious they might be over reached as in the beginning of this discourse is set forth at large which the Parliament revolving and from their owne Observation and Experience tender also of the great Trust which the people had reposed in Them were not willing to put it to the hazzard whether the King would make good his promises which if he did not the sad return which They must have made to the People of their Trust had been They could not have thought it would have so fallen out personall promises and tenders of grace are not compensatory nor an adequate discharge from reall injuries Which promises when againe objected the season of offering them may be retorted as an answer to the Objection as when they were promised viz. when he saw his Prerogative Acts scanned and enquired into swelling above the bounds of Law and Justice when divers of his friends and favourites questioned and even convicted of high and Capitall enormities and that he could not otherwise rescue them from the hands of Justice then by engratiating himselfe with the people by telling them of such Lawes made for their ease and benefit untill he had gained then their fellow Subjects did or could have discovered any darke or secret contrivances of such intendment or conspiracy against his person deeming all others of a narrow capacity ignorant and dull spirited they were too blame to conceale the plot the manner and means of effecting it they had opportunity encouragement liberty enough when his Party were with him at Oxford and then and there accused the Parliament sitting at Westminster of many Treasonable designs when the quality of the persons accusing being considered the heinousnesse of the crimes wherewith the accused were charged the accusers would leave no means unattempted to enhance their power to make good their accusation for the Iustice sake of their owne proceedings which heavy charges devised by them could not be the Iudgment of them all to censure those of Westminster Trayteurs c. It was most likely to be the pride of some few thirsting to overcome and taking upon them to be dictatours of Law and Treason who t is probable forced and drew on the rest present then and unawares of what sad consequences might follow to partake of their own Crimes and Errors So then the case is briefly thus The Kings party have in their Declarations charged the Parliament and their party of High Treason which party of the Kings to make good their charge have striven and done their utmost to improve their own to consume the Parliaments strength as by inviting both Forreigners and Natives to come to their assistance yea h Neutrals too under paine of Allegiance forfeiting and breach of Oath The Parliament have on the other side to defend themselves and friends from such guilt the Neutrals also from the censure of Allegiance forfeiting as much contended to abate and take away the Kings parties strength so both partie comming as it were to joyne issue in the tryall there is likely to be no further dispute concerning it then what the sword shall determine The next Treason wherewith the Parliament stands charged is the making a new Great Seale counterfeiting the Kings the Reader may observe the justnesse of such charge the Great Seale an Instrument of State i whereby Iustice is derived and distributed to the people as the Kings party at Oxford have confessed being surreptitiously and vafrously taken away from the Parliament the Representative body of the People contrary to the trust reposed in the Keeper of the same the making a new one cannot be rightly judged Counterfeiting within the meaning of the * Statute Counterfeiting is a close cover act against the knowledg and privity of a superiour and lawfull power damnified by such counterfeiting nor is every thing which is made to the mould by which t is made a simply counterfeiting The quality of the offence is discerned in the manner of the offending and the making a Law commonly relates to some precedent crime or fraud Now no man will believe that it is anywhere to be found upon Record whereon to ground a Law that a King and Parliament have at any time made use of a Great Seale to crosse or thwart each others actings Many other accusations of this kind are charged on them as disturbers of the Peace Authors and Fomentors of this they call Rebellion wherefore lest these severall charges heretofore denounced against them should by the Enemy's recovering his power againe be hereafter made good obedience to Their power They require no more
hands and hearts of all men against them but that the Persons and Estates of such of the Lords as have assisted the Court of Parliament in the time of their extremities may hence be preserved from ruine which in case the Enemy should get the upper hand they must be subject to and cannot therefore in their serious and prudent thoughts but confesse that Safety and Preservation are as valuable as Order or Honour is Did the Engagement crosse the above-named Oaths the Refuser might plead the tendernes of his Conscience that having taken those Oaths which to his present judgement doth deter him from subscribing to the Engagement he cannot without dispencing with his Conscience so subscribe The Subscriber from the tendernesse of his observes and builds on the Apostles precepts Let every Soule be subject to the higher Powers againe submit unto every Ordinance of Man for the Lords sake he holds withall Gratitude to be a morall act of Conscience and therefore thinks he may nay that he is bound to promise fidelity to the Power from whence be receives protection and enjoyes his safety so it seems strange that amongst men of the same uprightnes and integrity many of either party being conscientious and honest men one Party should Take another should Refuse and that the same guide of Conscience conversing about the selfe same object should tend and lead to contrary Ends and Actions Conscience is a certain and uniform habit of the mind of man and therefore cannot erre in a contrary Diameter as at the first entrance into this Warre the Kings Party did pursue their Cause as the Parliament did theirs each of them imploring Gods blessing according to the Iustnesse and Righteousnesse thereof which could not be Iust on ether part when their undertakings were contrary and crosse each to other It seems as strange that divers of either party acknowledging Gods Goodnesse trusting on his help should from contrariety of judgments and Courses each to other hope to succeed in that they expect from him a blessing upon their endeavourings he is the same knowes no change nor faileth them who trust in him none so wicked but will confesse that he is good and gracious but for any to expect that through his blessing through his goodnesse which they take not the proper course for in Prudence Sobriety and obedience or faile in that which he hath ordeyned for conveying unto us what we look for at his hands it is rather a tempting then a trusting on him Conscience else may be defined a perswasion of the mind that such or such a thing is sinne that therefore we are unwilling and afraid to commit the same for feare of displeasing a great and all-seeing Majesty sinne is a transgression of the morall Law subscribing is no breach of it the act of Subscribing or not subscribing may proceed from a disposition or indisposition to do or refuse what our will doth prompt us unto Neither is it so much Conscience in the Taker and Refuser both in respect of some t is to be feared a Passion or selfe wilfull humour governed and directed by a carnall and selfeseeking policy neither is it a matter of small difficulty to distinguish betweene the Naturall and Spirituall inclinations of a man It is not betweene Taking and not Taking the Engagement amongst us as betweene Eating and not Eating meats amongst the Christian Romans where as to the Eating and not Eating the Aposte judgeth it a matter of indifferency as to them that were so divided concerning meates and thereupon ordereth Let not him that eateth despise him that eateth not which he doth to take away the occasion of secondary differences which might grow betwixt them to preserve the common Peace to take away all scandall and division there was nothing there enjoyned as to the Eating or Abstaining from Eating It is not so between Submitting and not Submitting unto Authority as to the Lawes and Policies of a Commonwealth for whereas submission to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake is required and here the Powers that be enjoyne the same Obedience being a conscientious Duty better then Sacrifice the indifferency seems to cease and is become a duty and there the Conscience swayes the ballance rather unto that side which obeyes then unto that which resists Authority so the continuation of the quarrell rests in subjection on the one hand to in resisting on the other hand the higher Powers the process of this War lies on their score and theirs alone who when they have erred and are convinced shall not acknowledge and retract their errour which can be no injury or disrepute to the sober and lowly minded The wisest of * Philosophers maintaines that no injury can befall a wise man his stout and resolved heart keeps off the stoâ—ms of Calumny when weaker ones do feare and shrinke under every gust of reproach and censure so that if the convicted Party shall redeem their errour by confessing it the vanquishing forbeare to glory as some have over-hastily boasted in their extraordinary successe of a finite uncertaine and vanishing condition Å¿ rather then in the Equity and Iustice of their Cause of a more durable and lasting station t Or in the flattering and pleasing our selves with the divisions falling out amidst our enemies abroad concerning their Counsells and Commands rather in studying to compose and reconcile our own at home the Warre might soon be ended and the God of Peace own us as of the Number of those unto whom he hath promised * the Blessing of Peace FINIS a In the Meditation upon the second Treatise in the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} b Proverb c See the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ☞ * Edw. 3. cap. 25. d With swords girt on their sides c. See the form of the Writ in the Crown Office e Mr. Lambard in his Eirenarch lib. 1. cap. 6. f See his Answ to a Declaration sent from both Houses May 1642 g See the two Declarations entituled The Declarations of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oâ—ford with the specious Frontispices of The One Touching a Treaty Other Concerning their endeavors for Peace Print March 1643. h In his Declaration concerning his proceedings with his Subjects of Scotland since the Pacification in the Camp near Berwick Printed 1640 pag. 38. i Namely in that Recorded in the Chronicle of Richard Earle of Warwick his Answer unto King Henry the 6th who directing His Privy-Seal to discharge him of his Governourship of Callis the Earle refused alleging That it was granted him by Parliament Whereunto if it be answered That that might be a personall Contumacy in the Earl nothing proving the validity of that Court the reply may be That the Authority of Parliament hath been of so large an extent That some Kings of this Realm have been by Act of Parliament confirmed as Edw. the 4th Some with their Wife and Issue dis-inherited