condition that herein hee humbly intreated the Duke of Bedford and all the lords spirituall and temporall of that Parliament since they were the lawfull Judges for the administration of justice especially in this case and because the aforesaid letter written to the Duke of Bedford suffered a sinister interpretation hee interpreted it according to its naturall sence the end for which it was written not admitting of any other If this busines had hapened betweene private men or that it had beene judgeable where Lextalionis is practised it would not have beene so easily ended but being betweene two great Lords almost equall in authority bloud and followers and where hee who layes treason to anothers charge though calumniously undergoes no punishment but the hazard of single Duell the remedy was easy the condition of the times the necessity of peace at home and the evils which by doing otherwise were likely to ensue being considered for the cure of a Fistula differs from the cure of a wound the one as soone as cut must bee suddenly closed the other being newly made must bee kept open to the end it may purge But there was no probability in this accusation the 3. first articles though they had some shew yet was there no proofe of them and that appearance wiped away by a more solid recremination the fourth and fifth not to bee spoken of since the dead are not call'd to witnesse nor cited before Earthly Tribunals they were alleadged onely to make the party accused ill thought of not that there was any reason to condemne him for them Moreover it is not likely that in England where the accusation witnesses defence and judgement are all made in publique and in face of the Court an accessary should bee privately drowned by night the King not being advertis'd thereof the party not delivered up into the hands of justice nor confronted with his accuser whilest the Prince who could not love the Bishop seing the ill will hee bore him had so large a field to revenge himselfe in by Iustice not being withstood either by any interest of feare or want of proofe the case being cleare the guilty convinc't the fault inexcusable treason in the highest degree The order which was taken in this busines was to sweare all the Lords as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall to proceed therein without passion and with secresy it was by them put over to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Dukes of Exceter and Norfolke the Bishops of Durham Worcester and Bath the Earle of Stafford the Lo. Privy Seale and the Lo. Cromwell who after having made them promise to stand to their judgements as well themselves as their adherents Glocester in the word of a Prince and sonne of a King and the Bishop in the bare word of a Priest they framed certaine words which they were to speake one to another causing them the King being present to come to the Parliament The Bishop seeming much grieved at the scandalous speeches layd to his charge pressed much either to bee declared innocent of what hee stood accused concerning the two last Kings since hee was not nor could not bee convinst thereof or else that he might be permitted to justifie himself and being gone out of the house to allow them time to consider hee was shortly after cald in againe and Bedford in name of the whole house sayd unto him that upon the examination of his request the King and all the Lords declared him to be an honest man and faithfull to both the Kings which declaration was ordered to bee regestred amongst the Acts of Parliament then saying the conceived words one to another and having shaken hands the businesse was ended and they pacified The King was willing to witnesse his gladnesse of this accord by solemne mirths and Court solemnities he created Richard Plantagenet sonne to the Earle of Cambridge beheaded at Antona Duke of Yorke This title ceased in this family through the death of Edward Plantaginet slaine in the battle of Aiencourt elder brother to the forenamed Earle of Cambride and not to bee ransomed by this Richard his nephew and next heire without his being restored in blood as now hee was this was hee who afterwards deposed the King and who was the first cause of exturpating the house of Lancaster having boldnesse enough to contest for the kingdome with him and to lay claime thereunto in full Parliament as wee shall hereafter see in its due place neither was hee likely to have arrived at so immense a bouldnesse had he not beene promoted to this honour and honord by those high places of trust which by the King he afterwards was But God governes things here below by meanes contrary to wordly reason for whilst men foolishly beleeve that good turnes make past offences be forgotten examples shew us that the correspondencies due to vertue and reason ought not to be expected from men but such as the interest of profit dayly produceth profit is that alone which surpassing vertue or reason spurnes at any other gratitude the which though it ought not alwayes to be supposed 't is notwithstanding a want in judgement to thinke otherwise in great offences especially such as were these of this Richard on whom no benefit being to be conferred which was not inferior to the kingdome usurped from him it was the chiefest of all others to chalke out vnto him the wayes to the conquest thereof and by conferring upon him honors riches and power to indow him with an ability of doing what he did An errour whereunto the best of men are onely subject who expect not that from others which they themselves would not doe this creation was accompanied with another of Iohn Moubray who being Earle Marshall was made Duke of Norfolke which title was unluckily enjoyed not above three yeares by his Father who died in Venice being banished for England the first yeare of Henry the fourth this solemnitie was concluded by the order of knighthood which the Duke of Bedford gave into the King accompanied by 35 great Lords or some of great Families and the liberall contribution which by way of subsidie was given in Parliament in consideration of the warre with France no one City being exempt from the payments of monies or raysing of souldiers At this time the Duke of Exceter died a man of great wisedome who having no sonnes made the King his heire though besides the Bishop his brother and the Countesse of Westmerland his Sister hee had by her a great many Nephewes Richard Beauchamp Earle of Warwicke whom the Duke of Bedford had left his Lievtenant in France was not this meane while faultie in what belonged unto his charge for entring the County of Maine hee tooke there many townes and being returned to Paris met with this newes of his being chosen to the government of the King in place of the deceased Duke of Exceter though he went not into England till a good while after advancing in the meane while by
not paid they must of necessity live by force and rapine a disorder which if at other times it bee of great consequence was certainly of no small importance now For the key of military discipline which is ready pay if it be not well handled is soone broken and if men be defrauded and payments be not made there is none who doe obey none who doe command For remedy to this inconvenience order was given that the Souldiers should retire themselves to their owne homes with directions to be ready to returne when commanded whilst the enemy who lay at Sluce with hourely expectation to transport themselves needed with a faire winde but one nights sayle to effect their desires But it befell the French as it doth gamesters they lost for lacke of knowing when to set their rest One of the first things the Parliament did was the making the Earle of Oxford Duke of Ireland which caused whispering and dislike in all men Not many monthes before in the late Parliament of this same yeare hee was created Marquesse of Dublin and Michael Poole Earle of Suffolke the Kings Uncles Dukes the Earle of Cambridge of Yorke the Earle of Buckingham of Gloster and Roger Mortimer Earle of March in case the King should die without issue was declared heyre to the Crowne An observation which I chose to place here as requisite to the pretences of the house of Yorke the which in their due time will bee tryed by the sword none having at any time to the best of my knowledge taken possession of a controverted Crowne by the authority of Lawes or decree of Judges Moneyes being afterwards required for the present occasions they were denyed with an Hanâ—…bal ad portas they pretended no necessity thereof that the Earle of Suffolkes purse was alone sufficient to supply all wants they accused him of many misdemeanours they required that his accounts might be seene the upper house sided with this request chiefly the Duke of Gloster The King who imagined to finde none who would prescribe Lawes to him now that Lancaster was gone found he had judged amisse but being resolved not to suffer his servants bee rent from betweene his armes he determined if it be true which is said to put his Uncle to death that by freeing himselfe from so great an obstacle he might infuse reverence and respect into others Richard would be feared beleeving it to be the onely way to obedience but he was not aware that though Princes ought to cloath themselves with the habit of reverence and respect the same habiliament is woven with the thread of affection the other of feare being made of threads of hatred and composed of brittle and direfull materialls A supper was given order for in London to which Gloster together with those who had openly declared themselves enemies to Suffolke were invited that by the service of napery and wine they might bee slaine Nicholas Bambre was chiefly imployed in this affaire who the preceding yeare was Lord Maior of London but Richard Stone then Lord Maior infinitely abhorring so great a wickednesse hindred the effecting of it So as the Duke being acquainted with it and by him the rest they contented themselves with their owne private suppers finding them more savoury then the riotous other The discovery of this plot was the Colliquintida which distasted the palats of the Uncle and Nephew and which increased in the common people the hatred of the King and love of the Duke affections which though they hurt the former as concurring causes of not permitting him to live they did not helpe the other as not being able to fence him from a miserable death The King retired himselfe to Eltham that he might not bee present at the aversenesse of the Parliaments proceedings where being advertised that the members of Parliament were resolved not to treat of any other businesse unlesse the great Seale were taken from the Earle of Suffolke he commanded them to send unto him fortie of the ablest members of their house that he might treat with them and resolve upon what was most convenient But to send so great a number being not thought fit they resolved to send unto him the Duke of Gloster Thomas Arundel Bishop of Ely with the which he seemed to be content The Articles of their commission were in chiefe two the first that the King having disbursed great sums of money they humbly beseeched him to suffer them to take the accounts The second that the presence of his Majesty being requisite for the treating and conclusion of businesse hee would be pleased to remember that by an ancient law it was permitted to the Parliament men to returne home to their owne houses at any time when the King not hindred by sicknesse should absent himselfe for forty dayes together from the place of Parliament The Kings answer shewed how much he was displeased at such propositions for without further advice he replied that he apparantly saw the ends of the people and commons to tend to rebellion that he thought not to doe amisse if he should call in the King of France to his aide since it would redound lesse to his dishonour to submit himselfe to a King then to his owne subjects The two Commissioners indeavoured as much as in them lay to shew unto his Majesty that the house of Parliament had no such intention and that if by mis-information hee would needs beleeve the contrary that which he had said would neither prove honorable nor advantagious for him wishing him to consider that such a resolution was not likely to work such effects as his passion promised unto him the people of England being strong enough to defend themselves and a people which did so much abhorre the French as that they would never endure to be governed by them whilst on the contrary side he the King of England ought to pretend to rule the French that the evils which from them were to ensue were likely to fall onely upon himselfe to his present ruine and perpetuall infamy in after ages Richard had now the use of his naturall judgement free from wicked counsellers so as weighing their reasons he was perswaded to returne to London Suffolkes misdemeanors was the first thing which was handled they deputed the Duke of Glocester and Earle of Arundell his Committees the judgement which ensued as some will have it was degrading confiscation and death moderated with this caution If it should so please the King And according to some others the losse of his office a fine of 20000 markes and the losse of his pension of three thousand a yeare which was paid him out of the Exchequer Upon this judgement Richard againe absented himselfe not able patiently to endure that he abhorred he condoled with Suffolke that his faults had brought such infamy upon him as tooke from him all meanes of defending him The sentence notwithstanding was not executed a reservation being therein had to the Kings pleasure leaving him
of the Prince and so to lose together with their wealth their reputation which in so great a losse ought to bee kept unspotted for the dignity of their profession and not to give a colour of reason to the wrong they were to receive Every one thought the Kings warlike inclination would bee the Canon which should batter them to pieces but hee not having as yet made choyce of an enemy warre with France would be of a vaste expence Scotland was neerer hand and easier to bee invaded Iames the first their King being prisoner in England they thought that his pretentions to the Crowne of France as most proportionate to the greatnesse of his minde would serve for an argument and that by perswading him to that enterprise they should stay the proposition which was to be made against them The Parliament being met the Archbishop of Canterbury a Chertosin Monke failed not in a well ordered speech opportunely to propound it his principall heads were the equity of his Majesties pretentions the honour of the King the reputation of the State and the occasions now offered of making it feasable by reason of the troubles that Kingdome was in In the first he shewed how the King was the naturall ancient heire of Normandy Angier Poictou Umena and Gascony of all which he now possessed onely a little part of Gascony That being heire to Edward the third hee was likewise heire to France otherwise the title which he thereof assumed would be unjust He declamed against the Salique Law as invented in those dayes onely to exclude England no mention being made thereof in Chronicles or other memorialls but since I cannot give you the very words the story necessary requires me to shew you the Law in a rough draught to the end that you may examine the late undertakings of Edward the third or the present ones of this Henry against that Kingdome be justifiable or no. Edward the second King of England married Isabell daughter to Philip the faire King of France Philip besides this his daughter Isabell left three sonnes Lewis Hutin Philip the long and Charles the faire all which reigned Kings one after another and though Lewis left a daughter named Iane and his wife with child of a sonne which soone after dyed and that Odone Duke of Burgony Uncle by the mother side to Iane did what in him lay to make her succeede unto her father yet Philip the long her Uncle who was crowned in Rheims whilst armed and the gates shut having then foure daughters did by marriage appease those Princes who did oppose him giving his eldest daughter to this Duke of Burgony together with the County of Burgony the which by her mother did belong to the said Iane and to Lewis Count of Eureux the most poteâ—… Prince of all the adversaries hee gave the same Iane and for her portion the Kingdome of Navarre the County of Brye and Shampania so as the businesse thus layed asleepe and he afterwards dying Charles succeeded him not interrupted by Iane since her giving way to her other Uncle passed as a ruled case Charles dyed leaving his wife with child Edward the third King of England who was neerest of bloud as borne of Isabell sister to these three Kings pretended to the regency in case the child the Queen went withall should live if otherwise to the Crown On the other side Philip Count of Vallois sonne to Châ—…rles who was brother to Philip the faire made the like pretence as neerest heire male alledging that the Law Salique which did exclude the women did likewise exclude such sonnes as were by them borne Whereupon the three States gathered together Philip got the regencie and the Queen Dowager bringing but a daughter the Kingdome Edward alledged in his behalfe that this law was never knowne till then and then invented to defraude him of succession no mention being made thereof in the memory of man nor by any whatsoever ancient Authentique writer That to give it a being when it had none and cause it to rise up in one night like a mushrome was likely not onely not to give it a subsistence but also to make it not to be credited That hee did not deny the succession of the male in all times past but that the succession of the female sex had not hapned to the Crowne till these present times That the relinquishment made by Iane to her owne prejudice and pursued without his consent or knowledge ought not to prejudice him nor ought it be concluded that shee having laide aside her claime to the prejudice of a third the third should likewise quit his claime to the prejudice of succession That she had yeelded by force being doubly betrayed by her Uncle that he migâ—…t usurpe the Country of Burgony and by her husband that he might make himselfe King of Navarre both of them being contented with the certainty of this gaine the hopes which they might promise unto themselves by warre being uncertaine and of lesse account That if the Law were fundamentall as they would have it beleeved to be it would not have beene violated in the two first races That in the first race the French writers made a doubt whether Morevius were the sonne of Claudian or not and that if he were not his son it is to be beleeved say they that hee was his next a kin which is as much as to conjecture the one and doubt of the other They affirme him to have succeeded not so much by vertue of the Lawes as by the free election of the States not being aware that the terme free election doth contradict the Law Salique it being impossible that there should bee any sort of election much lesse free where the Lawes doe determine an undoubted successour otherwise one of two inconveniencies would necessarily ensue either that the election should annull the Law or the Law make the election superfluous the next in bloud all others excluded being by the Law without election appointed to the Crowne That it cannot be denyed that when Childericus was driven out of the Kingdome Aegidius a Citizen of Rome was chosen King and that his sonne Siagrius after the death of Childericus who was received as King again did pretend unto the Crowne by vertue of his fathers election which he never would have done had there beene such a Law to oppugne him Clodoveus left foure sonnes of which one was a bastard they were all called Kings not onely of such proportions as was left unto them by their father but of all France whilst the Law Salique supposeth but one King and doth not admit of bastards Dagobert left the Crowne of France to Clodoveus the second his younger son and to Sigisbert his eldest sonne the Kingdome of Austracia without any manner of dispute whilest that the Law Salique aimes not so much at the exclusion of women as to the advantage the first borne sonne should have over the younger The same Sigisbert
honour made him his deputy to celebrate the formality of espousall and to bring his bride over into England He went then and had with him his wife and a great many of Ladies and Gentlemen carriages and letters for her father who was rich in titles of imaginary kingdomes as of Scicily and Ierusalem had not meanes to send her to her husband so as all the charge which was very vast fell to Henries share being come to Tours hee married her in the name of his master in the presence of the King of France The Queene and a great number of Princes and Lords amongst which were the Dukes of Orleans Calabria Alanson and Brittany the marriage was solemnized with feasts and tilting after which with the like or better shee was married by Henry in England and crowned Queene Normandy lay openly exposed by the surrendring of the two Provinces Count Armignac was scandalized and shortly likely to revenge himselfe the kingdome was fallen into an Abisse from whence it was not to be raised but by the death of the King the ruine of the Queene the desolation of the house of Lancaster the destruction of the Nobility the rebellion of the people and the alteration of the State This seperation of Armes caused the Duke of Yorke and many other Commanders returne to England that they might consult of what provisions were to be made before the expiration of the truce to the end that Normandy being well fortified Charles might be brought to a well conditioned peace and if not that they might be able to make a powerfull warre But England did in this an evill mannager who having a house covered with Lead sells the Lead and then covers it againe with straw to the end that a sparke of Fire by reason of this new covering may be sufficient to set it on fire the given Provinces were the Lead sould and prodigally squandred the provisions for Normandy the thatching over with straw the two Provinces might have entertained the warre and being lost have advanced time which is the father of the changes of fortune for losse in warre doth seldom happen in one action and at one instant To this purpose a Parliament was called subsidies paid Souldiers raised and the Duke of Sommerset made a Regent of France in stead of the Duke of Yorke the Marquesse of Suffolke were it either to boast of his favours or that hee foresaw the future danger made a long speech in the upper house relating his ownemerits in the making of this truce and this match and advertising the Lords that since the truce expired the next Aprill and peace did not ensue they should doe well to take such order as that Normandy might not be endamaged for it was to be beleeved that the French finding it ill provided would make use of their advantage that having advertised the King thereof he did now the like to them to the end that if any evill did happen it should not be said to have beene for want of any good admonition he desired them in discharge of his innocency to thinke on this the same thing was done the next day in the lower house the Messengers whereof entreated the Lords of the upper house that by joynt consent of both houses this present action might be registred amongst the acts of Parliament hee obtained what he desired the favours of favorites being like to little Rivolets which easily glide into the current waters even of the greatest rivers they sent their Speaker to the upper house where the Lords who did likewise waver with the wind did on their knees beseech the King that in respect of great services done by the Marquesse he would vouchsafe him this and whatsoever other favour for that he could not bestow his graces upon a more worthy subject and the King who of himselfe was wonderfull prodigall of his favours to him and loved to be entreated thereunto as not willing to seeme to doe it of his owne inclination answered them in such a manner as every one might see he made him the haven of his favours and the object of other mens respects the action was registred but not with that successe as was hoped for to witnesse that the peoples and Princes favours are of short duration and oftentimes unfortunate hee shortly after created him Duke he gave him two rich wardships that of the countesse of Warwick and of Margaret the daughter of Iohn Duke of Summerset who was afterwards the mother of Henry the seventh hee likewise at his request created Iohn de Fois Count de Longaville and Captaine de Bus Count de Candale both of them Guascons all these favours served onely to make his downe-fall the more sudden which usually doth not faile being caused either by the hatred of private men or of the Prince for such mens insolencies encreasing with their authorities and their authorities growing greater by their favour they become insupportable and having once offended cannot support themselves but by new offences whereby begetting hatred and envie amongst private men and societie in Princes they must needs fall and be overthrowne either by the one or the other According to Articles of marriage all places belonging to Aniou and Mayne were already surrendred except Manns the which being of more importance then the rest Charles did beleeve they had no intention to deliver it up so as having raised a convenient Army he prepared to have it by force which when Henry understood he gave order that it should be forthwith surrendered unto him not so much for that he should not have just cause to breake the truce as that by justice he was to doe it But Chartier and Monstrellet say that the English held it till the yeare 1449. at which time Charles besieged it and that the Lord Privy Seale being chosen Bishop of Winchester caused it to be yeelded up unto him but how ever it were this cessation from Armes wrought the like effects in England as in a healthfull body the forbearing of moderate exercises doth which by filling it with bad humours bringeth infirmities upon it The natures of the late married couple were if not opposite sufficiently differing the husband was of a womanish inclination the wife of a manlike spirit the King was humbled evout spiritually given caring onely for his soules health the Queene was proud ambitious worldly given and not to be quieted till having brought the kingdome to be governed as shee pleased shee might see her selfe free from Rivals in the government The Duke of Glocester was no wayes pleasing to her as well for that he had opposed her marriage an injury not to be forgotten as likewise that her husband being long since out of his minority was still governed by him as formerly when he was under age the which being observed by such as did not love the Duke they let slip no occasion whereby they might worke his ruine The Marquesse of Suffolke for that he could not rise to
the Sea hee should march up to London as to a certaine victory this advise was approved of by the three Earles so as having caused Monfords head to bee struck of and the heads of other twelve leauing good order for what belonged to Callais they came to Kent where they were met by the Lord Cobham and so vast a number of others as were esteemed to amount to 4000. fighting men The Lord Scales both a favorite of King and Queene hearing of their comming gathered some forces together and having in his company the Count de Candale Aguascon and the Lord Lovell hee hasted to secure London but being told by the Lord Major that hee stood not in need of that succour nor would permit that other men should meddle with what was his charge he much incensed entered the Tower understanding by that deniall that the City was not for the King as the effects made manifest for when the three Earles came thither they were received with generall applause and the Earles of March and Warwick going from thence with 20000. fighting men the Earle of Salisbury the Lord Cobham and Sir Iohn Vanlock tarried behind to keepe so important a City true unto them The Queene for the King had no thought but of his soules health had assembled a good army and Coventry which conducted the King to Northampton amongst other Lords there was in that army the Duke of Somerset who was newly returned from Guienes and the Duke of Buckingham they were no sooner come thither but they heard of the enemies approach so as passing the River they went to encampe themselves in the neighbouring fields the Earle of March egg'd on by his youth early in the morning began the battell their arrowes plaid on both sides whilest any were left then they came to handy blowes for 5. houres together without any indifferency At last the King was the looser with the death of 10000. men a great losse but not of so great a consequence as it was had hee not lost himselfe for being bereft of his defendors who were slaine round about his person hee fell into the power of the enemy There dyed of Lords the Duke of Buckingham Iohn Talbot Earle of Shrewsbery who fighting valiantly did not degenerate from his Father the Lord Egremont the Viscount Beamont besides many other Knights and Gentlemen great was the number of prisoners especially of Knights and Gentlemen for being lighted from horse to fight on foote they had no meanes to save themselves The Queene Prince Edward her sonne and the Duke of Somerset fled to the Bishoprike of Durham the victor being returned to London inflicted such punishments as are accustomed in the injustice of civill Warres upon such his adversaries as hee found in the City those who could escape fared better Thomas Thorp second Baron of the Exchequer endeavouring to escape was taken with his head shaven like a Frier and in a Friers habit hee lodged a long time in the Tower those of the Tower had yeelded upon certaine conditions which not being cleere enough for the Lord Scales his safety hee thought to escape unknowne but being discovered by certaine Watermen hee was taken slaine his body wallowing in his bloud and stript of all of his apparell left to the publique view of all men post after post was sent into Ireland to acquaint the Duke of Yorke with this victory so as perswading himselfe that nothing now remained to hinder him from possessing the Crowne hee tooke shipping and came to London at the same time that the Parliament was assembled hee made his entry with great troopes of men and trumpets sounded before him hee made the sword bee carried before as Kings use to doe onely with this difference that where as it is carried sheathed before them before him it was carried naked hee lighted from horse at the Kings pallace of Westminster and entring into the upper house of Parliament where the Kings throne was hee laid his hand a good while upon it as if by that act hee had taken possession of it when hee tooke of his hand hee turned to those that were by as desirous to reade in their countenances what successe hee should have and as it is usuall for us to flatter ourselves in what wee passionately desire hee thought they approved of what hee had done But the Archbishop of Canterbury standing up and asking him if hee would bee pleased to goe and see the King hee changed countenance and angerly answered him hee knewe not any in the Kingdome to whom hee ought that duty but that on the contrary all men ought it to him so as the Archbishop going forth to acquaint the King with this answer who lay in the Queens lodgings not in his owne hee likewise went forth and entered into the Kings lodgings where finding many doores sshut hee caused the doores to bee broke open to the much disdaine of those who could not brooke so great a pride since that the King living and in possession of the Crowne for 38. yeares not numbring those of his Grandfather and Father at his first arrivall hee by his owne proper authority pretended to bee King But they were more scandalized when comming againe into the Parliament house hee sate himselfe downe in the Kings Chaire under the cloath of State where after having set a while hee told them a long rabble of reasons why hee had sate downe in that place that by the law it was due unto him and that contrary to the law it had beene usurped by the three last Kings from the house of Mortimer the lawfull heire to the Duke of Clarence and lastly from his house of Yorke the others lawfull heire He exagerated the evill means Henry the fourth used in usurpingthe Crowne his cruelty in deposing and murthering Richard the second the injustice of Henry the fifth in causing his Father to be beheaded at Southampton that he might establish himselfe and that he being now of yeares without hope of ever enjoying what was his right by faire mean's was enforced to betake himselfe to force not for any respect of himselfe but to restore peace unto the kingdome which was not to be had by any other meâ—…n's that he ought rather to be praised then blamed for this since thereby the evills should be redressed which were sprung up and were to spring up especially under a weake King who to the so much shame of the English nation had lost France Normandy Maine Anjou and in one onely yeare Aquitany after the Crowne had beene hereditarily possessed thereof little lesse then 300. yeares that for these reasons hee had taken the Chaire wherein he sate as belonging to him and that his minde gave him that with their assistance he should restore it to its ancient glory and that it behooved them as peeres to concurre with him in equall actions affections and ends When he had done speaking the Lords wereall so astonished as looking for an answer no man opened
Richard Buried The onely Memoriall that remaines thereof is the Stone Coffin his Body vvas buried in which now serves for a Trough for Horses to drinke in in a Neighbouring Village They say the Body being taken from thence was with much derision buried againe at the foote of Bow-Bridge in Leicester and many other things are said of it which I rather believe to bee the Peoples Invention then that there is any thing of Truth in them In Richard the Line masculine of the House of Yorke ceased some except Edward Plantagenet Earle of Warwicke Sonne to the Duke of Clarence whom I do not account upon since fifteene Yeares after Hee likewise died without any Heires Male As vvee shall see The End of the Eighth Booke The Ninth BOOK OF THE CIVIL WARS OF ENGLAND In the LIFE of Henry the Seventh OUr Discourse leading us to treat of the Occurrences of a Kingdom the Government whereof passed now from one Family to another it will be necessary to know what pretences the present King had to lay claim to the kingdom to the end there may remain no scruple touching the Justice or Injustice of the Alteration Henry the Seventh was by his Genealogie so remote from laying any claim to the Crown by right of Blood as the common opinion is he had no right at all thereunto His father Edmund Earl of Richmond was son to Owen Teuder and Queen Katherine the widow of Henry the fifth whose Houses had no affinity nor relation of Kinred to the House of Lancaster By his mothers side somewhat may be said for him since Margaret Countesse of Richmond onely daughter to the first Duke of Sommerset and grand-childe to Iohn Duke of Lancaster the father of Henry the fourth the first King of that House pretended that in case the then-present Succession should fail she and her son were to succeed as rightly descended from the said Iohn the father as well of the house of Sommerset as of that of Lancaster But this meets with two oppositions The one That the House of Lancaster had no right at all to the Crown The other That say it had the House of Sommerset did not partake therein though sprung from the same Head The reasons why the House of Lancaster had no pretence are these Henry the fourth usurped the Crown from Edmund Mortimer descended from Philippa daughter and heir to Lionel Duke of Lancaster elder brother to the Duke of Lancaster upon whom King Richard the second dying without sons as he did the Succession fell So as the usurpation having continued from father to son in Henry the fourth the fifth and sixth 't was impossible for them to transmit that right to Others which they Themselves had not That the House of Sommerset though the Other had had right did not partake therein is thus proved The Duke of Lancaster having had three wives Blanche Constance and Katharine the due claims of his children had by them were not the same forasmuch as concern'd Inheritance in respect of the several Dowries and different Qualities of the three mothers Blanche brought with her the Dutchy of Lancaster Constance the pretences to the Kingdoms of Castile and Leon and Katharine nothing at all being but a meer Waiting-woman to the above-said Blanche So as if Henry the fourth and the daughters born of Blanche could not pretend to the kingdoms of Castile and Leon in prejudice to Katharine daughter to Constance nor Katharine to the Dukedom of Lancaster in prejudice of Henry the fourth and his sisters much lesse could the children of Katherine have any pretence at all in prejudice of the children by the former two wives unlesse what you will allow them meerly in respect of their Fathers Inheritance wherein must be considered their disadvantage of being the last born therefore not to enjoy the prerogative which the Laws give to the first-born To this may be added that they were born whilst Constance yet lived so as they were not onely Bastards but in such a degree as doth aggravate the condition they being on the Fathers side born in Adultery And though after the death of Constance he married Katharine which subsequent Marriage was made legitimate by the double legitimation both of Pope and Parliament yet they not being of the whole Blood the House of Sommerset had nothing to do with the House of Lancaster in what belonged to the Inheritance of the Crown their legitimation making them only capable of their Inheritance by the Father So as Henry the fourth being established in the kingdom by the Authority of Parliament and by the same Authority his sons such as should descend of them being declared his lawful Successors therein he in case his succession should fail made no mention at all of his Half-brothers or such as should descend from them So as let it be granted that his Usurpation was no longer an Usurpation it being allowed of by a Publike Act of Election yet had not the House of the Sommerset though descended from the same father the same pretence since not being able to pretend to the Dukedom of Lancaster much lesse could it pretend to the Crown the father having no pretence at all thereunto And if Henry his eldest son obtained the Crown it was by Purchase and so as none should enjoy after him but such descending from him as he should specifically name So as the Crown according to the Laws of England belonging to the House of York by the Marriage with Anne sister and heir to the aforesaid Edmund Mortimer there remains somewhat of doubt whether the Parliament could invest the House of Lancaster to the right of the Crown in prejudice to the first Mortimer and consequently to the House of York If it could not Then justly do it neither could it justly do it after Henry the Seventh's pretence unto the Crown and if it could do it in the same manner and by the same right as it did operate to the prejudice of Mortimer the House of York by making Henry the fourth King it might do the like to the prejudice of the House of Lancaster by making Edward the 4 King So as Henry the Seventh be it either by Election or by natural Descent is totally excluded from any right unto the Crown which exclusion notwithstanding rests onely in his Own Person not in those who have descended from him For having married Elizabeth the true Heir of the House of York his sons begotten upon her were true Heirs to the Crown And if in this particular we desire to be any thing favourable to him let us say that if the House of Lancaster had any such pretence it had it by the Mother who was Heir to the House of Sommerset and if the House of Sommerset be different from that of Lancaster so as he Thereby have no colour of Claim yet may he have it Another way being chosen King by the same power of Parliament as Henry the Fourth and Edward the 4 were
So as the legal Right being in Elizabeth according to Natural Descent and in Him according to Election and it being sufficient according to the laws of Nature and of the Kingdom that the right be in any one of them it matters not in which since either of them having it there is none that suffers wrong thereby 'T is a wonder notwithstanding that it could so much as fall into his imagination to pretend thereunto before this Marriage and that Edward and Richard should without any cause be afraid of him but the reason is because as Head of the Faction he might be troublesom to them For though Henry the Sixth and the Prince his son were extinguished they being the last of the House of Lancaster yet was not that Party or Faction extinguished which could not be revived again save under his conduct who had the neerest Relation thereunto For this it was that the last Duke of Buckingham not calling Henry to minde before his meeting with his mother thought he himself had reason to pretend thereunto In such a case the right lawful title of King imports not so much as the lawful Title to be Head of a Party the first is communicable by Fortune Force or favour of Parliament the other onely by Descent for upon such occasions Law is not sought after but a Pretence To Pretend is that which is desired and which sufficeth And this it was that moved the two Brothers to sollicite to get him into their Tuition from the Duke of Britanny for as for any thing else they had no reason to fear him The Lancastrian Faction had never been likely to have been revived had not Richard been a Tyrant for Edward through his Affability had grounded such an affection of the People towards the House of York as neither would Richard's wickednesse nor Henry's goodnesse have been able to have rooted it out nay Henry would have had none at all to have sided with him though against a man so much abhorred had it not been for his promise to marry Elizabeth the Heir of the House and Kingdom The troubles which afterwards befel him sprung from hence for he always shewed himself but luke-warm in his affections towards his wife and an irreconcileable enemy to her House insomuch as having gotten the Victory and slain his Enemy he grew obstinate in his will not to be King but by his Own Title he deferred his Marriage and Her Coronation till such time as being crowned Himself and established by Parliament he had onely accepted of the Title of Lancaster as the First and Chiefest Fundamental and of the other two Conquest and Marriage but as Accidental or as Adjuncts Nor ought this to be imputed to him as a Fault since it was not caused by any Hatred he bare to the House of York but out of the Love he bare unto Himself and through a cautelous Foresight For a noise being rumour'd that the Duke of York was alive preserved from death by those who had the charge to kill him his claim by his Wife would have failed him if her Brother had been alive who could not have been excluded but by the litigious Title of Lancaster And suppose this News were false there remained yet Other doubts for if she should die without children the bare Title of Marriage would not make good the Crown unto Him which was to fall upon her Sisters And if she should die leaving children by him behinde her the Crown would fall upon Them so as many inconveniences might have happened to him thereby For suppose that his Chrildren and the Parliament should both of them have been contented he should have continued in the Government there is a great Difference betwixt reigning by vertue of Birth and Law whereby he was not obliged to any and the doing of the like by vertue of Another's Consent which obliged him to Every one In the first he was Free and Independent in the second of Courtesie and Dependent To make use of his Title of Conquest was Dangerous and which might alienate even those that sided with him for thereby he had authority to take what he would from whom he would to make what Conditions he pleased to make Laws at his pleasure to disannul Laws already made when he liked and to dispose of men not as a King of Subjects but as a Lord of Slaves And though the Title of Lancaster were condemned by Parliament as Usurped and Unjust and that he himself was called unto the Crown not by vertue of his Own Title but that by marrying with the Princesse Elizabeth the true Queen and Heir to the House of York all those Disputes might be ended yet moved by the abovesaid Considerations and not valuing the inconveniences that might arise he declared himself King by vertue of his Birth not naming the Princesse Elizabeth in any thing as willing to run whatsoever danger rather then to be King by his Wives Courtesie while she should Live by the Good-will of his Children if she should Die and by the Permission of Parliament if he should have no Issue by her He began his Reign the Two and twentieth day of August 1485 at the same time that Richard ended his from whom he did very much differ in Conditions They were both Constant the one in Wickednesse the other in Worth insomuch as had he not had too great a desire to encrease his Treasure he would hardly be out-done by whatsoever praise-deserving Prince he was deservedly praised for his Wisedom and Valour The Lord Chancellor Bacon who hath written his Life calls him England's Solomon not so much in that he brought Peace thereunto as that being Wise like Solomon he was like Him very Grievous and Burdensome to his People never wanting some invention or other to draw Moneys from them The Princesse Elizabeth and Edward Plantaginet Earl of Warwick son to the Duke of Clarence were in Sherifhutton-Castle in York-shire where they were both kept by Richard's command King Henry commanded that the Princesse should be brought up to London to the Queen her Mother whither she went attended on by Lords and Ladies But the Earl of Warwick he gave order that the keeper of the Castle should deliver him unto the custodie of Sir Robert Willoughby to be by him brought prisoner to the Tower for though he were very Young yet was he not a person fit to enjoy his Liberty in such litigious times For if being a Prisoner there wanted not some who feigned themselves to be Him taking his Personage upon them what would have been done had he had his Liberty Henry's resolution therefore in this point did not proceed from a violence of Will or weaknesse of Judgement as is the opinion of some Writers but from exact Wisdom chusing of two evils the Lesser and least Dangerous He went from Leicester towards London without any ostentation of Victory or Conquest his Journey was peaceful all Military insolencies were forbidden and forborn he
Present they had not backs to bear any More This contempt proceeded from the Love they bore to the House of York and their Hatred to the present King The Commissioners for the Assessing and Gathering of the Subsidies wanting means whereby to enforce them knew not what to do for all and every one of these Two Counties agreed in a joyn'd Negative to the Parliament's Decree They went to advise about it with the Earl of Northumberland who wrote thereof unto the King and received answer That the Subsidies were given by Parliament and pay'd by all the rest of the Kingdom and that he would have them of Them without the Abatement of one Peny The Earl calling together the prime Gentlemen of the Countrey acquainted them with the King's answer who believing he had framed it of his Own head broke into his house and slew him together with many of his Servants This being done they chose Sir Iohn Egremond for their Head and appointed Iohn à Chamber to him for Counsellour both which were Seditious men Their conceit was to meet the King and give him Battel in defence of their Liberties the which the King understanding he commanded Thomas Earl of Surrey lately before taken out of the Tower to compel them which he did by Discomfiting them and taking à Chamber prisoner Egremont fled into Flanders to the Dutchesse Margaret à Chamber was hanged upon a high Gallows at York and some others of the Chiefest of them were hanged round about him but somewhat Lower This was the end of this Rebellion Iames the Third King of Scotland and friend to Henry died this yeer who was brought to a miserable Period rather by evil Counsel then evil Nature He had naturally good inclinations but they were poison'd by the practice of a kinde of people which hath always been Ominous and Pestilential to Princes an inconvenience which always hath been and will be whilst the World lasts His thirst after Absolute Sovereignty was as great as is the thirst of one sick of a Burning Fever not to be quenched by all the water of Nilus He valued not Legal authority but sought for that which was not permitted by the Constitutions nor Laws of the Kingdom His ruine arose from hating Liberty in such as gave him Good Counsel and in loving Flattery in those who advised him Ill the which they did not to incur the danger of his Disfavour and so made him fall upon his Own Ruine Amongst the chiefest of his injuries to his Nobility was his breach of Faith so as they not believing any more in him nor trusting him there ensued a Rebellion and wanting a Head for a businesse of so great Consequence they thought to make use of the Prince a Youth of about Fifteen yeers of Age and under the shadow of the Son to send the Father to eternal Darknesse but the Prince being endued with much Worth would not accept so detestable a Charge whereupon they made him believe they would give themselves up to England deprive him of his Birth-right and possibly of his Life so as thus threatned he gave way to their Will Iames this mean while having made means to Pope Innocent the Eighth and to his Two Neighbour-Kings of England and France might have been succoured all in good time had he had patience to expect them in the Castle of Edenborough a safe place but he judging Strivelin to be a more convenient place to receive those in whom he enpected from the Northern parts of his Kingdom was in going thither fought withal and beaten whereupon retyring to a Water Mill with intention to save himself in certain Ships which were not far off he was miserably slain and Iames the Fourth his Son by way of Pennance girt himself with a Chain of Iron to which he added one Link every yeer as long as he lived Pope Innocent had dispatcht away Adrian de Corneto upon this occasion for Scotland a man of noble conditions who came to London Two days before the news of this unfortunate accident he thought presently to have returned but was detained by the King enamoured of his good parts which were by Morton Archbishop of Canterbury commended unto him Neither were they any whit deceived for being a man greatly Experienced in the affairs of the world to boot with his Learning Polydore gives him the attribute of the Restorer of the Latine tongue and the most Eloquent next Cicero he came to the highest degrees of Preferment The King gave him the Bishoprick of Hereford which he refusing he gave him that of Bath and Wells and made use of him in all his businesses depending at Rome which made him being promoted to be a Cardinal acknowledge his favours and give him continual Advertisements of the affairs of Italy This man afterwards through ambition of being Pope ruined his Honour his Fortune and Himself it being verified in Him that Learning is unprofitable if the End thereof be not how to lead a good life The reason of his ruine was that Cardinal Alphonso Petrucchio having together with certain other Cardinals his Confederates plotted the death of Pope Leo the Tenth there were Three that were not Of this Confederacy but Knew of it Riario Soderini and this Adrian who not medling in the businesse did notwithstanding Wish it might take Effect for each of them aspired to be Pope Paulus Iovius relating the causes which made Riario and Soderini hate the Pope when he comes to speak of Adrian says But Adrian not moved by Hatred but by a vain Desire of Rule wisht Leo's death because he had conceived a hope to be Pope by reason of the words of a Woman-Soothsayer who having long before this being asked by him told him many things touching his Own fortune and the Publike affairs of the World told him for a truth that if Pope Leo should die an unnatural death an old man call'd Adrian should succeed him famous for his Learning who building onely upon Vertue had without any Help from his Ancestors gotten the highest Ecclesiastical preferments and it seemed all this was found in Him For being born at Corneto a poor Village in Toscany of mean mechanical parentage he by his Learning had arrived at all the preferment of Holy Orders Neither did the Old woman foretel a Falsehood for one Adrian an old Dutch-man son to a poor Artificer famous for his Learning was by much good fortune made Pope after Leo. And a while after he says Soderini by voluntary Exile withdrew himself to the Territories of Fondi but Adrian being fearful and suspitious not trusting to Leo's clemency went from Rome in a Countrey-fellow's habit and not being pursued by any changed from place to place still seeking to hide himself till he died And Guicchiardine speaking more clearly of him says Adrian and Volterra were not any ways troubled save onely that they under-hand pay'd certain sums of money but neither of them daring to trust their Safeties in Rome as neither did
more really performe then did he his threats which with feare-infusing forces are of no validity They did as it were beleager him in the tower for the Thames being well guarded and they themselves making good the Citie he had no possible meanes of making an escape whereby perceiving the vanity of his owne opinion he yeelded to the advice of others necessity being the chiefe motive But it was impossible to bring them together for neither would hee come out of the Tower nor they enter for fear of the like treacheries as in a lesse proper place they had not long before had experience of at last feare found the meanes he propounded unto them to send men who might search the Tower with the which contented they sent two hundred armed men who having searched every corner received the keyes of the gates and so secured their entry Their complements were short and coole as was to be expected in a businesse of such nature They first shewed him the Letters written under his owne hand to the Duke of Ireland upbraiding him with the breach of his private promise and publique faith publiquely proclaimed but at the sight of his safe conduct for France which in the second place they shewed him he grew pale and not knowing what to say in his defence burst forth into teares That which was then resolved upon was that he would the next day cometo Westminster to take order for his past misgovernment He would have had them lodge in the Tower with him but they excused themselves upon the necessity of their being present with their men For his satisfaction Darby and Nottingham tarried there At night when hee retired to his rest those who were nearest about him wished him to consider that to goe to Westminster would be both shamefull and dangerous whilst they considered not that where honour is in question shame consists not in the eyes but in the minde which could penetrate the thickest walls and that he could not meet with greater danger by comming forth since he had already put himselfe into the hands of his most hated enemies But according to his custome imbracing the worst counsell he refused to goe to Westminster at which the Barons thinking themselves deluded they sent him word that if he would not come they would chuse a new King in his stead A more considerable shame and danger then was the quitting of the Tower and the doing of what of himselfe as King he ought unintreated to have done Yet all these errours considered there is no law which permits subjects to make so insolent a protestation Hitherto their actions had been in some sort justifiable the States necessity excused what of violence they had formerly used but to use such tearmes to a young King as ought onely to be used to an old incorrigible Tyrant they had neither law for their justification nor reason for their excuse since they were chosen Governours for the conservation not extirpation of the King and Regall Majesty but though God was pleased that his inconstancie should be punished by this affront and that like a childe he should be frighted with the noise of the rod hee was not notwithstanding pleased that they should hate that in him which they loved in themselves that they should fall from justice to severity and from a juridicall government to tyranny so as both sides having offended it is no wonder if all of them in their due times did receive alike punishment The King being by threats brought to Westminster this proposition was made unto him that in consideration of many disorders which had happened to the prejudice of his honour and the good government of the Kingdome by the infidelity of certaine traytors that were too familiarly about him to the end that more the like might not ensue hee would bee pleased that they might bee banished the Court and his presence To the which he bereaved of all acts of will especially such as tended to contradiction did much against his will give consent grieving that hee was to lose their company who hee intirely loved and esteemed his onely faithfull advisers the chiefe of these were three Prelates The Archbishop of Yorke the Bishop of Durham his Treasurer and the Bishop of Chichester his Confessor Three Barons Zouch Burnel and Beamont five Knights many Ladies and Gentlewomen To boot with their banishment they were to give in bond for their appearing at the next Parliament to answer to such things as should be alledged against them Of the three Bishops Yorke and Chichester were freed from this ingagement for they were formerly fled Many others of all conditions were imprisoned Priests Gentlemen and Lawyers of the which the most considerable were Simon Burle and Nicholas Bambre The day appointed for Parliament being come and the Judges having tane their seats they were all one onely excepted committed to prison for that in the preceding Parliament they had given their votes for the legitimacy of the election of the governours and in the Castle at Nottingham had subscribed to the Articles of Trisilian to the contradiction of what they had formerly done Those who had absented themselves were cited to appeare The Duke of Ireland the Archbishop of Yorke Earle of Suffolke and Trisilian were summoded to answer to such Articles of Treason as should bee objected unto them by Gloster Darby Arundel and Nottingham and that in case they did not appeare during the sitting of that Parliament which continued from the Purification to Pentecost they should be for ever banished and their goods confiscated Trisilian relying more upon his warinesse then a wary man ought to doe was betrayed by one of his servants and taken in a house neare the Parliament whither with confidence he had retired himselfe that he might the better discover the daily passages He had the face to deny himselfe having so transformed himselfe as he was almost not to be knowne After much mockery he was hanged Bambre who was his companion in actions was the like in fortune hee had his head strucken off with a hatchet which hee himselfe had caused be made to behead a number of people whose names were found in a list about him Many others went the same way But the death of Simon Burle was thought lesse justifiable then all the rest This Simon was nobly borne Iohn his father was Knight of the Garter and his Uncle Walter Burle was one of the first to whose charge Edward the third trusted the education of his sonne Edward with whom this Simon being brought up under his Uncle he proved so full of worth as the Prince thought hee could not commit the government of his sonne Richard to a more deserving man A choice not to be sleighted being made by such a Prince In this his charge he knew so well how to comply with Richards inclination as that when he came to the Crowne he raised him to great honour making him Knight of the Garter Chamberlaine Warden of
that the people would be herewithall contented for by this meanes they should be freed from the warres wherewith they were threatned from France Scotland and Wales The Duke of Exceter propounded a Tilting at Christmas wherein he with twenty Gentlemen would chalenge the Earle of Salisbury with as many more to the which the King should bee invited and there together with his children slaine A businesse likely to succeed they being all armed and under the pretence of pompe well attended and he void of suspition unarmed his ordinary guard being more for shew then service This being done they resolved forth-with to re-inthrone Richard wherein they expected no opposition for of the house of Lancaster there remained none save brothers by another mother of the which the Earle of Sommerset the eldest was distasted and none of them comprehended within the Act of Parliament touching the succession of the crowne Richards lawfull heires loved him well and if any alteration should happen it would not bee of much consideration he being once re-established and they so well provided as that they might preserve themselves free from danger till the arrivall of aid from France to doubt whereof would bee sacriledge the daughter of France being too pretious a pawne to be by the French abandoned This Proposition being approved and all of them having vowed fidelity six of the chiefest among them made six writings be drawne up all of the same tenure the which they all subscribed and sealed every man keeping one of them which was the break-necke of the businesse for if any one of them should prove false to what Tribunall could the others cite him And if it should happen that through treachery or want of good take-heed any one of the Copies should come to light there was no way left to save themselves Exceter having acquainted the King with the appointed titling between him and Salisbury besought him to honour them with his presence and that he would be pleased to bee their Judge in case any difference should arise The which hee graciously accepted of and promised to doe This meane while every man providing himselfe of what number of men he could get under the pretence of magnificencie they came at the time appointed to Oxford where the King and Court was the next day expected The Duke of Aumerle was onely wanting hee having sent his men before went to visit his father who lived in a Countrey house upon that road and stayed dinner with him Fortune would so have it as that the old man spied a peece of paper in his sonnes bosome and not imagining what it might be snatcht it from him When he had seen the contents the six seales and among the rest his sonnes for one he grew so incensed as rising immediately from the Table hee gave order for his horses to bee made ready reproaching his sonne for that having been false to Richard he would now be a traytor to Henry that he was witty in finding out inventions to undoe his father but that now his father would undoe him That he should remember how the last Parliament he was bound for him body for body and goods for goods That therefore since hee made so little account of his fathers head his father would make as little account of his This being said hee went to Windsor Aumerle considering that the old man was not to bee with-drawne from his resolution that the businesse was discovered and his life in question having none with whom to advise resolved to prevent his father hee got on horse-backe and riding as fast as he could drive he got to Windsor before him where as soone as he was come he clapt to the doore behinde him telling him that looked to the door that so it behooved for the Kings service Hee threw himselfe downe at the Kings feet and craved his pardon the King astonished at such a novelty demanded his offence which when hee understood being somewhat amazed at the first he promised him mercy so as the businesse were as he had related it but if otherwise woe bee to him This meane time the Duke of Yorke came to the Castle doore and finding it shut bade it bee opened He entred and without further circumstances put the conspirators contract into the Kings hand who finding thereby all to be true that Aumerle had said put off his journey to Oxford resolving to expect at Windsor the conspirators new resolutions hee sent newes hereof by expresse Carriers to Henry Pearcy Earle of Northumberland Lord high Constable of England to Ralph Nevill Earle of Westmerland Lord Marshall who had married Iane his sister by the fathers side and to all his other friends to the end that they might make what haste they could to the Court and bring with them what forces they could raise Exceter was one of the first that came to Oxford more set upon the resolution taken then were the rest but he could not so order affaires but that by the extraordinary provision of Armes Souldiers his wife the Kings sister perceived that all this was done to undoe and kill her brother whereat in height of Agonie she was much distracted between the love to her brother and affection to her husband the ruine of one of them being certain whether the one or the other equally to her grievous whereat her husband who loved her as much as he hated her brother being moved said unto her that fortune might make both her and him equally content one onely thing excepted That their interests were in all things else common and individuall in this alone divers and particular For as shee could not but rejoyce at her brothers preferment to the crowne so hee could not but grieve to see his brother deposed that now in the change of fortune which by the preparations that were made she was towards if shee found cause of affliction she should doe well to consider that he had just cause of joy for if she being Henry's sister esteemed her greatnesse the more in respect of his he being brother to Richard had reason to hope the like in the Rise of Richard without the which whilst her brother reigned hee was like to live in perpetuall misery and daily to expect death That she was not to suffer in the fates of either of them For if Henry should reigne shee was to continue the same shee was though having lost her husband and if Richard reigned both of them were to preserve their lives honours and fortunes so that come what would come she had cause to rejoyce but not he For that hee might not through so many dangers dye daily it behoved him to expose himselfe to all danger that hee might once dye or for ever be free of feare Hereupon giving her his last kisse he left her weeping and went to Oxford where all the rest were come saving only Aumerle where having expected him to the very last houre his not appearing the not preparing for the King and
That though it were an easie matter to convince them since they could never prove what he never dreampt of yet he was not come for that purpose That he did present himselfe as guilty since he was declared to be such not by his owne conscience but by his Majesties deluded opinion that therefore since it was impossible for him to live without insufferable anguish of mind being subject to such suspitions hee beseeched his Majesty to free him from further vexation with this weapon Then presenting unto him a dagger by the point hee added That he would willingly suffer death if it might cause such quiet unto his Majesty as his Majesty did beleeve That hee should not hold his hand out of any consideration of his soule for he had begged mercy of God and taken his Christian viaticum much lesse out of fear that this might be imputed as a sinne unto his Majesty for being already satisfied of the humane justice in punishing a guilty person worthy of whatsoever chastisement for what concerned divine justice he did promise him in the presence of those Lords who were by to be his advocate before the Tribunall of the supreame Judge in that fearefull and terrible day when the secrets of all hearts being knowne his Majesty and himselfe in the chariot of his innocency should triumph over the calumnies of other men The speech being ended the King threw away the dagger and with teares of joy imbraced and kissed him and confessed he had done amisse in beleeving otherwise of him then he ought to have done Hee assured him that for the time to come hee would be deafe to all such as should dare to speake against him But the Prince not herewithall contented humbly beseeched his Majesty to bring his accusers to the test that either they or he might receive condigne punishment The King satisfied in the innocency of his sonne and unwilling that those who were zealously his should be punished appeased his sonne saying that since this businesse was to be judged by the Peers of the Land nothing could be done therein till the next Parliament and that then he should receive such satisfaction as he justly did demand Then sweetning him with intreaties and faire speeches he made him quit his request and kept him in his good opinion as long as hee lived These and the like actions generally held dissolute afforded reason of bad presages as hath beene formerly said But assoone as he put on the Crowne he turned another leafe and became excellent in all such vertues as make a Prince famous in peace and redoubted in warre A change by how much the more rare the more admired since thereby the worst of men doe prove the best and types of vertue He first of all like a good husband purged his house of all uncleannesse and not content to have swept from thence all his deboisht companions he did not onely forbid them his sight and further company but banished them from comming within tenne miles of the Court He put in their places persons of exemplary lives Hee placed in his seates of Justice and in his Councell men worthy of such trust and joyning piety to his policy he founded Monasteries and brought the body of Richard the second from an obscure sepulchre in Langley to Westminster where he caused him with regall pompe to bee put in a tombe built at his owne charge and Lady Anne of Bohemia his first wife by him He sent Embassadours and Bishops to Constantia to endeavour in that Councell an end of the Schisme which had then a long time lasted and where not long after in stead of three Popes who reigned altogether Martin the fifth was chosen Pope to the great joy of all Christendome He referred the Lord Cobham who was accused of herefie to the Ecclesiasticall Courts having given him friendly admonitions for he had formerly loved him by reason of his valour from whence being committed over to secular Jurisdiction he was to have received his last punishment had hee not by some of his friends beene secretly conveyed out of the Tower But that which for the present befell not him happened to divers others for many of his opinion having seditiously assembled themselves and accused of conspiracy so many of them were taken as the prisons were not able to containe them and nine and twenty of the chiefest of them where one was a Priest were put to death the like befalling himselfe foure yeares after who was taken about the borders of Wales and hang'd and burnt He restored Henry Percy sonne to Henry hot spurre to his Lands Honour having sent for him back from Scotland whither he was for safety sent in the downfall of his family hee thought it not fit that so noble bloud should suffer punishment in the person of a child who being of so innocent yeares ought not to partake of his fore-fathers faults It was easie for him to restore unto him his lands which the King his father had given to Iohn his third sonne whom hee recompenced with an equivalent revenue Thus he ended the first yeare of his reigne in the beginning whereof the Duke of Clarence who was then in Aquitany hearing of his fathers death returned home to England and brought along with him Iohn Count of Angolesme together with the other hostages assigned over for the Duke of Orleans debt and was by the King received with a brotherly affection The Clergy had been practised upon in King Henry the fourths time by reason of their great revenues as being superfluously larger then was requisite for them In the eleventh year of his reigne mention was made in Parliament that they would have been cause of much scandall if the civill warres had not been The warres being at this present at an end and mens mindes more eager of this then formerly it was thought good not to lose the opportunity of time For since the King was addicted to war it behoved him to raise unto himselfe a permanent revenue to the satisfaction of the whole Kingdome A calculation was made that leaving to the Clergy what was sufficient for them the over-plus of their revenues was sufficient to maintaine fifteene Earles fifteene hundred Knights six thousand two hundred Gentlemen and an hundred Hospitalls besides twenty thousand pound a yeare reserved for the Kings Exchequer which twenty thousand pound was more then then an hundred thousand pound would now be A calculation which whether true or false proved a true danger to the Clergy The remedy was easie the combination being generall the advantage common to all for the King Nobility and Commonalty were to share in what was to bee taken from them A Parliament was called at Leicester wherein they were threatned They thought to eschew the blow by making some great offer but if it should not be accepted of for bee it what they pleased it must bee much inferior to what was expected from them they ran a hazard of defamation as corrupters
of the other his bad that suffering himselfe to be gulded by a prodigious ambition a usuall disease amongst great wits hee of himselfe did negotiate in an unexpedient and harmefull match and which was likely not to bee denied since that thereby those territories were surrendered which ought not have beene quitted for any whatsoever cause that he did too indiscreetly make use of the Kings favour occasioned by the Queenes more then ordinary inclinations The Parliament was summoned at the Blacke Friers in London wherein treaties being had against the Duke and the Queene fearing least he might therein suffer she thought she might reape some advantage by remooving the Parliament to Lecester but very few of the Nobilitie comming thither she was forced to remove it againe to Westminster where both houses being full the lower house presented many complaints against the Duke whereof some were true and some false The Articles were many the chiefest that hee had treated with the Bastard of Orleans when he was sent Embassadour to Henry to move Charles to make warre with England to the end that hee might make Iohn sonne to the said Duke King by marrying him to Margaret daughter to the late Duke of Sommerset the presumed heire to the Crowne in case the King should have no children Secondly that suborned by the sayd Bastard he was cause of the Duke of Orleans freedome Thirdly that the losse of France and Normandy was happened through his advise which was represented to the King of France by the said Duke of Orleans Fourthly that being sent Embassadour to make peace or truce he had condescended to the surrendring of Aniou and Mayne without the knowledge of the other Embassadours his fellow Colleagues and that being returned to England he perswaded the King thereunto so losing him the inheritance of those countries Fiftly that having at the same time discovered the Kings counsell unto the enemy together with the defects of the Forts and number of Souldiers the English by reason of these informations were driven out of France Sixtly that he had given the like informations to the Dunnesse when he was Embassadour in England seventhly that the King having sent Embassadours into France to treate of peace he was the cause why peace was not made having by way of Anticipation advertised Charles of his advantages Eightly that in the Starre Chamber hee had made his boasts that hee had as much power in the Councell of France as in that of England and that by his power hee could remove whatsoever Counsellors there Ninthly that corrupted by Charles hee had retarded the melitia that was to goe to France Tenthly that in the conclusion of the peace hee had not comprehended the King of Arragon nor the Duke of Britanny both friends to the King so as being comprehended by Charles hee alienated the former and made the other so great an enemy as Giles brother to the said Duke remaining firme in his friendship to England lost first his liberty and then his life His answers to the first three Articles were that hee never had committed nor so much as thought any such thing To the fourth that the businesse of the truce being left to his discretion it could not bee concluded without the surrendring of those states which was but a weake answer since the marriage of the Queene in consideration whereof this surrender was made was not so much as dreamt of by any save himselfe But on the other side it being approved of in Parliament wherein both the houses did joyne in Petition to his Majestie to reward him for this his great good service it followes that either the one Parliament or the other did amisse since the one desired reward the other punishment for the selfe same action the fift sixt seventh and ninth have no proofe at all but the accusers bare narration In the eight he may be convinc't but more of vanitie then of any other errour in the tenth his fault was omission but as it was not excusable in a personage of his condition so it was not to be punished in the highest degree his other accusations contained the topicall faults of favorites which in like persecution are usually alleaged that he had enricht himselfe out of the Kings treasure monopolized things belonging to the Crowne diminished the revenues thereof removed worthy men from the Councell placing such in their roomes as had dependancy upon him that he was the chiefe instrument in the death of the Duke of Glocester which though it were likely enough yet were not their proofes sufficient to condemne him Vpon these complaints he was sent unto the Tower as to be there forth comming till hee should give an account of what he was charged of but being set at liberty about a moneth after the people were thereat so highly incensed that to avoyd sedition it was requisite to take from the Lord Say his place of Treasurer all their places from all his other friends and so banish him for five yeares out of England But being imbarked in Suffolke to goe for France he was set upon by a man of warre belonging to the Earle of Excester was fought withall taken beheaded neare unto Dover in the same ship and his body throwne upon the shore from whence it was taken by one of his Chaplaines and buried in the Colledge of Winkefield in Suffolke This was the end of this man in whom so many causes both of blame and of praise concurring I know not whether hee ought to bee blamed or praised Vices are like Clouds which though they doe not totally obscure the day yet the thicker and blacker they are the more horrid and fearefull doe they make it Vices are not to bee ballanced with vertues no more then is ayre and water with earth and fire yet if amongst punishments the law givers could have taken away the memory of what was good in the guiltie I beleeve they would not have done it If there had beene no other evill in the Duke of Suffolke then the death of the Duke of Glocester whereof the signes are too manifest for him to cleare himselfe 't were sufficient to ecclipse all his other vertues in the estimation of all honest men but bee it as you will his misfortune was very prejudiciall to the King since thereby he was deprived of a servant as necessary for his preservation as by his Councell and valour he was ready to preserve him This chance did much inanimate those who syded with the Duke of Yorke who spared not in what they could to render the King dispised and hatefull they forgot not to inculcate the ignominious losse of France enough to bereave of reputation the most valiant Prince that is much more him who was given to idlenesse and wretchlesnesse that the state was governed by a proud woman the chiefe cause of all their evills Thus said the people should doe well to take example by the government of Ireland where the wisedome and valour of the Duke
Yorke to insnare the King and Kingdome his pretensions were just according to the lawes of England but according to the chiefest of all lawes which is the peoples welfare directly unjust for it is more convenient that a private man suffer and smart alone then the weale publique be ruinated and every one smart for if the meanes to claime be unjust there cannot any thing be thereunto framed but an injurious and blamefull justice he doubted that Henries knowne goodnes would render this his busines difficult and that the people borne by their love to a Prince who bore the Crowne not by his owne usurpation but by two successive discents from Father and Grandfather both worthy Princes the house of Yorke never having beene in possession thereof his pretensions would appeare a dreame and if not such yet not such as were likely to be applauded The evill consequences considered which were to ensue such controversies not being to bee decided but by the bloudy law of the sword and the losse of many an innocent life that therefore they were not likely to forsake Henry long in possession for him a new pretender these considerations prevailed so far with him as to keepe him within the bounds of simulation for doubting that the danger might consist in making knowne his designes he thought it best to make that be beleeved to be done for the weale publique which was indeed done for his owne ends and that by taking his former pretences touching the Duke of Somerset he might take revenge of a mortall enemy free himselfe of his greatest obstacle deprive the King of his chiefest leaning stocke and afterwards purchase the love of all men the love of the people by the ruinating a man detested for the losse of Normandy the love of the Nobility by reducing him who by reason of his too powerfull authority and greatnes was by the most of them infinitely envied Not herewithall contented hee forbare to villifie Henries reputation giving him out to bee poorely spirited and affirming that the condition of the now present times required a King who would not bee governed by his wife nor any third person but by his owne judgement a wiseman and endued with such vertues as not being to bee found in him were requisite in a Prince who was to governe so as having by these meanes prepared the peoples inclinations he made firme unto him such as sided with him especially two the Father and the Sonne the one Earle of Salisbury the other Earle of Warwick the first excellent for matter of councell the second endued with such qualities as vertue doth not impart but to those who are ordained for heroicall actions he wonne the good will of all men by approving his wisedome and valour with his innate liberality and magnificence Vertues by how much more solide then others and proper to make him be esteemed so much the lesse to be commended in this occasion altogether unworthy of any manner of praise he ordered things in this manner by the assistance of those forenamed he caused the Duke of Somerset to be arrested in the Queens lodgings and sent unto the Tower the which he was emboldned to doe by reason of the Kings being at that time sicke whose double weakenes both of minde and body had encourag'd him assisted as he was to worke himselfe into the government But as soone as Henry recovered his health he did not only restore him to his liberty but made him chiefe commander of Callis the then the most important charge the Kingdome had which caused great alterations for he was thought unfit for the custody of the only place which remained beyond the Sea who had lost all Normandy but Yorke perceiving that he had twise failed in his endeavours of ruinating him went into Wales where having got together a good army he marched towards London being accompanied by the forenamed Lords and many others the King so much distrusted that City as that he would not expect his comming there but went to encampe himselfe at Saint Albans where the adversary presented himselfe to give him battell the King had in his campe the Dukes of Somerset and Buckingham the Earles of Pembrook Stafford Northumberland Devonshire Dorset Wiltshire and many Barons amongst which Clifford Ludley Berneis and Rosse and proceeding according to the peacefull instinct of his nature he sent some unto him to know why hee came in that hostile manner and what hee did pretend unto but the messengers were hardly arriued when the Earle of Warwick at unawards set upon the Vantguard Royall and disordered it before the Duke of Somerset could remedy it so as all forces on both sides giving together a bitter battell was begun each side made good its station no man recoiled so many were slaine as it was thought there would not be a man in all the field left alive The Duke of Yorke stood observing all occurrences and sent fresh men to supply the place of such as were wounded whereby he made good the fight which Somerset could not doe as not having so many men and being more busy in fighting then in making provision The Royallest were almost all slaine The chiefe that dyed there were the Duke of Somerset the Earle of Stafford sonne to the Duke of Buckingham the Earle of Northumberland and the Lord Clifford the Duke of Buckingham the Earle of Wiltshire and Thomas Thorp Lord chiefe Baron together with some few that escaped fled away wounded This victory which hapned the 23. of May was a good Omen to those that ensued and to the putting an end to this difference for the prevailing party though not without shedding their owne teares and bloud did some few yeares after effect what they desired the Duke of Somerset left three sonnes behind him Henry Edmond and Iohn who adding their Fathers revenge to the hatred of the faction came all of them to miserable ends as wee shall see in middest of this good successe The Duke of Yorke would confirme the people in the beliefe that he had taken up armes onely for the good of the commonweale For the Duke of Somerset being dead who was the pretended reason of his commotion nothing remained for him to doe but to assume the Crowne so as having the King in his hands and under colour of his name power to frame the golden age which all seditious people promise in their rebellions he resolved to arrive at his end by degrees not thinking to meete with any more oppositions but he was deceived as are all those who not able to effect their desires but by wicked meanes dare not withstanding bee so wicked as it were requisite for them to be Some report that the King in this occasion was but ill served by the three Lords that fled and by his domestique servants their flight caused him to forsake the field and mightily dishartned the few that remained the King had withdrawne himselfe to a poore mans house where being found by the
common sense faile to suggest unto him what injury hee was to suffer by the rule of the house of Lancaster notwithstanding the seeming favourable proceedings of Parliament in his behalfe hee cloaked therefore his sorrow and seemed to be glad at what did inwardly afflict him hee endeavoured to fit himselfe to the present times till fortune might afford some other occasion When Warwicke had thus taken order for things at home hee applied himselfe to foraine affaires his first thoughts were to divert Duke Charles from assisting Edward beleeving that whilest hee was busyed with the Armes of France in Picardy and those of England in the confines about Callis danger would enforce him to mind his owne affaires and not trouble himselfe with what concerned other men hee sent 400 men to Callis to make inrodes into the parts about Boloigne which were with all dutifull respect received by Vauclere which freed him of all suspition of being any way inclined to the contrary party Before Edward landed in Holland Charles was informed that hee was dead neither was hee troubled at the newes moved by his antient inclination to the house of Lancaster and though Warwickes power did much molest him not hoping ever to gaine him hee hoped notwithstanding strongly to oppose him by meanes of the two Dukes of Sommerset and Exceter who had beene by him maintained in their miseries but when hee heard hee was arrived in Holland he was altogether amazed for should hee assist him he should draw upon him Henries enmity neither could hee deny him aide since his Wife was his Sister Charles knew not that Callis was at Warwickes command building much thereon hee sent Comines to see what hee could promise to himselfe therein for Vauclere having denyed entrance to Warwicke and accepted of a Pension from him hee had reason to believe him to depend upon him the Duke and not to be reconcileable with Warwicke but as soone as Comines was come to Callis hee found hee had lost his labour hee was not received as formerly all hee met wore the Earles colours the gate of the house wherein hee lay and his owne Chamber doore were marked with the White-crosse Songs were every where sung of the firme friendship and intelligence betweene Lewis and Warwicke Being by Vauclere invited to Dinner hee met there a great many Gentlemen who talked neglectfully of Edward and those most who had formerly seemed most to affect him none but Vauclere himselfe spake modestly of him Comines faining the first report of Edwards death to be true said to them that 't was now to no purpose to talke any more of him since hee was dead and that if hee were yet alive the Duke of Burgondy had contracted no other friendship with him then with whatsoever other King That the Articles of contract mentioned onely England and the King thereof that the friendship between England and Burgondy should still continue the same the names of Edward and Henry onely altered Charles was not displeased with this agreement though it was not as he could have desired for under-hand hee could do what he listed whilst hee was free from suspition of being molested by England which was that he most feared The Wollen-Drapers of London wrought well for him in this businesse for Warwicke having taken 4000 men into pay to send against him the Merchants for feare the War might overthrow their Trafficke did so behave themselves as they made him alter his resolution which had it not happen'd much mischiefe might have ensued to him for this fell out just at the same time when Lewis had taken from him Amiens and St. Quintines so as his affaires were likely to have succeeded ill he not being able to defend himselfe in two severall parts against two so potent enemies Charles had not yet seene Edward their first encounter was in the Towne St. Paul the perswasions the King used to him were that he himselfe shared with him in his losse since that he had not now to do with Henry of Lancaster but with the Earle of Warwicke whose Friendship was never to be hoped for as long as Lewis his amity did prevaile that by assisting him hee should not onely assist a Brother in Law and one that would alwayes be his friend but hee should do a worke becomming a just and a great Prince without exposing himselfe to a long and impossible businesse since hee had such intelligence such friends and servants within the Kingdome as hee needed onely to shew himselfe with some Convoy of Ships armed with a few men rather for reputation sake then any neede These perswasions were but coldly entertained by Charles for the Dukes of Sommerset and Exceter shewed unto him what hee owed to his Birth hee himselfe comming of the house of Lancaster and promised him what hee could desire against Warwicke to whom they were both irreconcileable enemies Edward was not well pleased to be nourished with hopes whilest Charles made him believe that his dissembling was necessary for them both for him because hee was not to fight with two Kingdomes at one and the same time and for Edward because opportunity might render his succour more usefull But Edward not satisfied with these put-offs considering that his designes were the lesse likely to succeede well by how much the more firmely Henry grew settled in his Kingdome hee caused foure Ships to be made ready for him at Vere in Holland which being a free Haven not denyed to any one the Ships might seeme to be set forth by Edward himselfe and hired 14 more for him of the Easterlings bargaining that they should passe him over into England and serve him fifteene dayes after he should be landed Hee caused moreover 50000 Florines to be secretly delivered unto him and that this aide might not seeme to be given by him he made it be proclaimed that whosoever should assist Edward should incurre great punishment hereby hee freed himselfe from giving suspition to England and come what might come remain'd friends to both sides Edward had 2000 men with him besides Mariners with which having landed at Ravenspur in Yorkeshire he sent forth some light horse to discover how the Inhabitants were inclined and finding them wholly turned over to Henries side not so much as willing to heare him named hee changed his resolution hee gave out that he did not pretend to the Kingdome Fearing lest the troubles that might thereby arise might alienate the peoples hearts but to his patrimoniall estate of Yorke under the obedience of Henry It cannot be imagined what good effect this his crafty wisedome produced for this his pretence being thought not onely moderate but just no man opposed him therein Equity orany thing which resembles it is of so great efficacy amongst men as that hee who but a little before was banished declared a Traitor and had his Lands confiscated yet being so great a Prince by birth as hee was and having beene King it moved all men to compassionate him
rather then to live in the miseries they hitherto had done They cal'd upon Alinighty God the King of Kings to inspire him with his light and to continue unto him in his Regall dignity those praise-worthy parts by meanes whereof he deserved to be King though he were not And that though his right needed not any publique Acts of Parliament he being King and heire unto the Crowne without them yet in regard the people might be ignorant of the cause of the deposing the one and assuming the other for this cause and to remove all doubts that might arise the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and Commons assembled in Parliament had in full Parliament pronounced decreed and declared that Richard the third their Soveraigne Lord was whilest hee should live the undoubted King of England and of all that within or without belonged thereunto and after him his heires That the high and mighty Prince Edward his sonne was his heire apparant and after him those who should discend from him This decree being registred among the Acts of Parliament and approved of by King Richard with order to be held authenticall in all the parts thereof made it be understood that the Kings of England have power to doe what they will when they are either loved for their vertues or feared for their force For what concernes love there is no proof in this present case but of feare sufficient feare being the prinium mobile of this businesse Richard having by the assistance of the Duke of Buckingham and their adherent raised a powerfull faction the lawfull King being a Child and prisoner the Tyrant a man of braines wel-spoken and of reputation in armes not likely to undertake such a businesse unlesse certaine to effect it all men doubting themselves since their forces being cut off and those put to death which might have re-united them they were exposed to the violence of so cruell a man as Richard who had given proofe of his cruelty by his detaining the King by his taking the Duke of York from the Sanctuary by his impudence in declaring them to be Bustards and by his shamelesnesse in publishing his mother to be a whore to boote with the death of so many Peeres This feare was that which gave a maske to the flatteries of Parliament and which furnisht it with some colour of pretence drawne from Doctor Shaw's Sermon and the speeches made by the Duke of 〈◊〉 in the City-Hall Richard being thus confirmed and believing to settle his tyranny by resting it upon un-accustomed circumstances hee went into Westminster-hall sate him downe in the Kings Bench where in doubtfull cases the Kings of England had wont antiently to sit and where hee avowed his accepting of the Crowne the which hee exprest in a formall Oration and in a manner so well composed as those who had not knowne him would have thought England had never beene blest with so good a King and to colour with the shew of clemency his innate cruelty hee caused one Fogge who had taken Sancturary and whom he had alwayes mortally hated to be brought before him hee tooke him by the hand in fight of all the people and made professions of loving him now as much as he had formerly hated Him by which act he made a great impression in the simpler sort but those who were better advised knew that this was but a Bait wherewith to catch better fish In his returne to his Palace Hee courteously saluted such as Hee knew loved Him not thinking by this servile flattery to infatuate their mindes and to establish his government Yet for all this he durst not rely upon his present fortune He ascertained His Coronation by unaccustomed forces causing five thousand men to come from the Northerne parts of the Kingdome in whom hee trusted aswell for that they tooke part with the House of Yorke as likewise that living in remote parts they were not acquainted with his actions as were the Londoners who having him alwayes in their eye abhorred Him These Northern men appeared ill clad and worse arm'd which made them be but laught at for t was thought that if He should have occasion to make use of them they would not serve His turne and that t was neither these forces not yet greater but a meere Fatality which had precipitated England into so dire and miserable a subjection The last act of His possessing the Crowne was His Coronation all things thereunto belonging being ready as prepared for His Nephews Coronation Hee went with his Wife and His Sonne to the Tower where the next day Hee created the Lord Thomas Howard Duke of Norfolke Thomas Howard Sonne to the same man Hee created Earle of Surrey Hee made William Barckley Earle of Nottingham and the Lord Francis Lovell Viscount and Lord Chamberlaine and Hee made seventeene Knights of the Bath The Archbishop of Yorke the Lord Stanley and the Bishop of Ely had beene prisoners in the Tower ever since the Chamberlaine lost his Head Hee set the first at liberty finding himselfe peaceably possest of the Kingdome otherwise Hee would not have done it for being an honest man hee would never have given his consent to the deposing of the true King Hee freed the second out of feare for His Sonne the Lord Strange was raysing great forces in Lancashire a place wherein Hee had great Power and was mightily followed it behooved him to appease Him but Hee did not set the Bishop of Ely at liberty who was a faithfull servant to King Edward for Hee was certaine Hee would never condescend to his Childrens deprivation nor to the unjust wayes whereby Hee usurped the Kingdome whereof Hee had made tryall in the Councells held in the Tower whilest by oblique meanes He set the businesse on foot The Bishop was of no great birth but having lived a long time in good repute in Oxford hee was taken from thence being but bare Doctor by Henry the sixt and made a Privy-Counsellour Edward knowing his integrity kept him still in that condition and chose Him at His death to be one of his Executors Richard therefore fearing Him would have kept Him still in Prison though Hee set the others at liberty had not the Vniversity of Oxford which Hee did alwayes very much favour interceded for Him so that desirous in part to satisfy the Vniversity Hee was content to take him from the Tower as being too publick a place but that Hee might not have His free liberty Hee committed him to the custody of the Duke of Buckingham who sent Him to a Castle of His in Brecknockshire where they joyntly laid the first ground-worke of Richards ruine Hee together with his Wife was Crowned in great pompe the sixteenth of Iuly his Wife was daughter to the great Earle of Warwicke who had made and unmade the two preceding Kings and Widow to Edward Sonne to Henry the Sixt Prince of Wales to whom she was give in marriage when Edward the Fourths ruine was agreed upon in
marched not like a New King but like one who had been so Long welcom'd wherever he passed with Shouts of Joy His taking up the Olive-branch and laying aside the Palm did enhearten the People who did now promise themselves that quiet which since Henry the Fourth's time till that present they had enjoyed but by Fits being subject to so many Alterations as had not those Evils ensued which did ensue the very Expectation and Apprehension of them was an intermitting Feaver for the space of Fourscore six yeers In like manner made he his entrance into London for though he was met by the Maior Magistrates and Citizens besides the Nobility and Gentlemen which accompanied them notwithstanding dispensing with the Pomp usually observed at the first entrance of Kings into that City he made his entry in a Coach undisplayed to the end it might not be thought that having reinvested himself into his Countrey by the favour of Armes and gotten the Crown by the Kings death he had any intention to Triumph over the People His entry was upon a Saturday the day of his Victory which day he solemnized all his life-time as being always the happiest day to him of all the days of the week He alighted out of his Coach at Pauls Church where he made Te Deum be sung and caused the Colours taken from the Enemy to be there hung up He pretended to no other Trophies neither did he own this as the Effects of his Own Valour or from Fortune but as from God the onely Fortune whereunto Sacrifices ought to be made He lodged in the Bishops Palace which joyns unto the Church as not being far from the Tower from whence he was to come to his Coronation And because it was said he had given his word to marry Anne the daughter and heir to the Duke of Britanny which in respect of the favours he had received from that Duke was believed to be true he in an Assembly of the chiefest Lords of the Kingdom which was called for that purpose did ratific his promise to marry the Princesse Elizabeth by which he stopped the Whispers and Fears that were had of him yet did he defer the Consummating of it without any manner of scandal till being Crowned and in Possession by his Own Title he might avoid being call'd King in the right of his Wife He made his entrance into the Tower on Simon and Iude's eeve and on the Feast-day made Twelve Knights Bannerets He created his Uncle Iasper Earl of Pembroke Duke of Bedford he who having brought him up of a Childe saved him from Edward the Fourth by carrying him into Britanny He created his Father-in-law the Lord Stanley Earl of Darby and Edward Courtney Earl of Devonshire He was Crowned in the Church at Westminster on the Thirtieth day of October with the accustomed Solemnities and joyful Acclamations both of the Nobility and People Cardinal Bourchier Archbishop of Canterbury executed that Office He held a Parliament Seven days after wherein he annulled all the Decrees for the Confiscations of the Lives and Livelihood of such as took part with him and made the like Decree against the chiefest of the Other side and to take away all suspition from the rest he granted out a General Pardon which freed such of fear who had cause to fear for his having condemned those whom he would not pardon did secure These and was a sure signe he would pardon the rest so as quitting the Sanctuaries and places where they had hid themselves they swore Fealty to him and did their Homage answerable to the tenure of the Declaration and reentred into their Possessions Afterwards as concerning his Title which was the chiefest Concernment he govern'd himself with such cautelousnesse as that the Princesse Elizabeth not being named therein he would have the Act that was made to contain a Double sense that the inheritance of the Crown should remain in Him and in his Children lawfully to be begotten not declaring whether it were his by Nature or by Conquest it sufficing him that whatsoever interpretation was made of it it must make for his advantage He would not prescribe any Succession in case he and those that should lawfully descend from him should fail because it should not be thought to be done of purpose to exclude the House of York he therefore left the decision thereof to the Laws He in the same Parliament conferr'd more Honours he created Monsieur de Chandos a Gentleman of Britanny who during his being there had been his familiar friend and would needs accompany him in his Expedition for England Earl of Bath he made Sir Giles Aubeny and Sir Robert Willoughby Barons he restored Edward Stafford eldest son to the Duke of Buckingham to his Blood Dignity and Goods and though his Confiscation were great yet his Father having been the First Promoter of his greatnesse and having thereupon lost his Life he restored all unto his Son which won him the reputation of being Grateful And though Kings do seldom call Parliaments without demanding some Aids by Moneys and doing some Acts of Grace unto the People he thought it not fitting to make any such demand at This time as not having any Grace to confer fitting to the time for though the General Pardon was an Act of Grace yet would not he pretend it to be such but rather a Correspondency to the satisfaction they had given him in receiving him to be King by his Own Title Besides he not having War with any one and having many great Confiscations faln unto him the which he so moderated as might become a favourable Confiscator and be expected in a good Government he was willing to spare his Subjects purses And though his intention was to govern in such sort as his People should have no reason to hate Him nor He to fear Them yet knowing he had Enemies he instituted a Guard of Fifty Archers under the Command of a Captain which was a New thing in England where their Kings are onely guarded by the Laws and their Subjects affections So as to take away all Jealousie he declared the Institution to be Perpetual moved thereunto by what he in the time of his Exile had observed others to do and for that the want of a Guard doth misbecome the Majestie of a King and is requisite to be had if not for Necessity for Decency The Parliament being dissolved he forgot not that he had left the Marquesse Dorset and Sir Iohn Bourchier as pledges in France for the Moneys wherewith he payed the Forces he brought with him into England Willing therefore upon this occasion to try the inclination of the Citizens he commanded the Lord Treasurer to desire the Lord Maior of London that the City might lend him Six thousand Marks and after sundry consultations the businesse was decided by the loan of Two thousand pounds sterling the which though it came short of the sum that was desired he took in good part supplying
as had their Husbands for if they were endowed with Absolute Soveraignty and Dominion they might wage War put the State into Combustion and utterly lose it but having learn'd that she had great power in the Council and that the Archduke could do no otherwise whilst the world would believe that Perkin was protected in Despite of Him he recalled the English Merchants from Flanders and banisht the Flanders Merchants out of England and transported the Staple of Cloth and Wooll from Antwerp to Callis the which though it were to the great losse of the People and that Philip knew they would exclaim against it yet did not he forbear doing the like by driving the English out of his Dominions The King moreover upon advertisements from Clifford imprisoned the Lord Fitz-water Sir Simon Montfort and Sir Thomas Thwaites William d'Aubeny Robert Ratcliff Thomas Cressenor Thomas Astwood William Worseley Dean of Pauls and certain Friers amongst which two Dominicans he would have shut up More but the scandal would have been too great Montfort Ratcliff and d'Aubeny were convinc'd of High Treason and beheaded the Lord Fitz-water being sent prisoner to Callis not in despair of Life by his endeavouring to escape lost both his hopes and life the rest were pardoned The King had created his second son Henry Duke of York in Westminster where as is usual at such Solemnities divers Knights of the Bath were made but when he heard that Clifford was landed in England he withdrew himself to the Tower that he might hear him There to the end that if he should accuse any of extraordinary quality they might be imprisoned without any great noise Clifford being admitted to his presence threw himself at his feet and begg'd his pardon the which being formerly granted he again confirmed unto him and being commanded to speak if he had any more to say concerning the Conspiracy he named the Lord Chamberlain Sir William Stanley at whose name all the standers by were startled it not being likely that a man of his quality rich the Favorite neerest to the King and the chief instrument of his Assumption to the Crown should be a Traitour whereupon being advised to think Better what he said he without Haesitation or Altering his Colour accused him as Before Stanley was shut up in his Chamber and was the next day examined by the Council he denied some few Circumstances but confess'd the Fault affying his Former actions for which he presumed the King would pardon him but he was deceived Deserts and Mis-deserts weigh not alike when they are of a like Excesse though he had Put the Crown upon his head by negotiating how to take it Away again he nullified his Former deserts his Repenting for the Service done cancell'd the Obligation the which though it were very great was in some sort rewarded Recompence cannot be given for a Kingdom by conferring Another Kingdom to the Donour or by resigning over to him the Same the Inequality of the Persons equals the Disparity of the good turn the Riches and Honour he received from Henry were equivalent to the Crown which Henry received from Him if it may be Formally said that he did receive it from him the one was Born for It the other for Meaner things Yet was Henry in great doubt with himself whether he should put him to death or no the love and reverence which he bare to his Father-in-law pleaded for Clemency Example and the Condition of the Times put in for Severity but if it be true which some Authors write his Riches bore down the balance he being esteemed one of the greatest money'd men in England Neither were men deceived in this their opinion for in his Castle of Holt were found Fourty thousand Marks in ready money his Jewels and Moveables not therein comprehended and in Revenues and Pensions he had Three thousand pounds a yeer a considerable sum in those days Whereupon after having deferr'd this businesse some Six weeks to the end that his Brother and the People might have time to Examine it he was condemn'd to die and lost his head His execution afforded matter of diversity of discourse those that were not of the Court who were ignorant of the Secrets of Government and made their conjectures upon Circumstances and doubtful Relations esteemed the case if not wholly void of Fault at least not worthy of the Highest punishment a belief which was occasioned by reason of a Rumour that was spread abroad That in his discourse with Clifford concerning Perkin he should say unto him That if he should for certain know he were the Duke of York son to Edward the Fourth he would not take up Arms against him A manner of Speech which though it did not Openly declare any ill-will to the King's Person yet such was it as did not sound well in His mouth his Example being sufficient to alter the whole Kingdom and the words not admitting of any other interpretation then his Opinion of Henry's unjust title to the Crown which derogated from the Pretences of the House of Lancaster and from the Authority of Parliament The reason which alienated him from the King is said to be That he desiring the King to make him Earl of Chester a Title and County which the Kings of England do for the most part give to the Princes of Wales their first-born Sons the King did not onely Deny his request but was Offended with him for it thinking him now arrived to those pretences which did exceed the condition of a Subject after he had rewarded his services with equivalent rewards having made him Privy Counsellour Lord Chamberlain given him daily whatsoever he demanded assigned Pensions to him and in the day of Battel wherein Richard was slain seemed not to take notice that he appropriated unto Himself the Prey and Booty of the whole Camp of which He himself stood in Need being but a New King permitting all things to him to the end that when he was grown Rich he might satisfie his own thirst of having This man's death put all the Court in a Quandary one man durst not trust another each one feared lest all his friends might prove Cliffords Yet such was the spirit of Back-biting that they made use of pen and paper to utter what for fear of danger they durst not do with their tongues Libels were written against some of the Council and against the King himself the authors whereof could not so well conceal themselves but that Five of them miscarried paying for their Errour with the losse of life Perkin's party this mean while decreased no man durst so much as think any more of him and they were but very few that tarried with him in Flanders amongst which Clifford's companion was the chiefest who notwithstanding afterwards alter'd his opinion and together with his Pardon got leave to return home But the death of the Conspirators and the dissipation of the Complices were not sufficient to make Henry rest in quiet unlesse
answerable to his Covetousnesse in emptying the purse of one of the Noblest and Best deserving subjects he had We related a little before how the Earl of Suffolke returned to England where he tarried all this time the King treating him Well and he not having any occasion of Discontent but were it his own Mis-fortune which would be his Overthrow or the Expences he had been at at Prince Arthurs marriage which had dipt him deep in Debt or the Hatred he bare unto the King which could not suffer him to see him reign in Peace he fled away into Flanders with his brother Richard to the Peoples great Discontent who thought that certainly some great Disorder must ensue thereupon many of the Nobility being ill affected and which already began to propose New hopes unto themselves and to plot Insurrections The King being accustomed to such like passions and seeming as if he minded it not wrote to Sir Robert Curson Captain of Hammes Castle that feigning to Rebell he should passe over into Flanders to the Earl of Suffolke Hee forsaking his Command seemed to steale away he went unto the Earl who with much joy welcom'd him discovering unto him all his Designs and who they were that sided with him in England Curson advertised the King hereof who imprisoned them putting the Chiefest of them in the Tower amongst which William Courtney Eldest Sonne to the Earl of Devonshire who having married Katharine Daughter to Edward the fourth was become his Brother in Law William de la Poole brother to the Earl of Suffolke the Lord George Abergavenny Sir Iames Tirrell Sir Iohn Windham and Sir Thomas Green The issue was William Courtney was detained Prisoner during the Kings Life not for that he was Guilty but for that having Relation to the house of Yorke he might serve as an Instrument if there should be any designe of Troubling the State William de la Poole was likewise kept Prisoner though not so strictly Abergavenny and Greene were set at Liberty Tirrell and Windham were Beheaded the rest of inferior quality were Hang'd This was that Tirrell who had his hand in the Death of the two Princes that were smother'd in the Tower by commission from Richard the Third He came to too good an end Fire and Torture was not sufficient for him but he died not for That 't was for this Last fault that he suffer'd death The Earl was grieved at the punishments his Complices under went and at the Imprisonment of his Friends and Kindred who were faln into this captivity not for any Fault of His or of Themselves but meerly out of Suspition for otherwise they should have walked the Same way as did the Rest. The King that Cursen might be the better beleeved and that he might the better pursue His Directions made him together with the Earl and Others to be proclamed Traytor at Pauls Crosse but he having no more to doe in Flanders returned almost presently into England where he was well liked of by the King but not by the People Such offices though of Trust for what concerns the King are in respect of Others Detestable His departure much abated the Earles courage who now saw he was Betrayed he therefore endeavour'd to procure helpe from Forraign Princes he went into Germany from thence into France but his Labours proving Vain he return'd to Flanders under the protection of the Arch-duke Philip which was the Last of his Misfortunes Many Laws were made in the Parliament which was this yeer called and an Entire Subsidy was given unto the King who had no Need of it he being Rich Frugall without War having no cause to Demand it nor to have it Granted him Not herewithall contented he required a General Benevolence which brought in Much money unto him as did also the Alteration of the Mint for certain coyns the Citie payed him 5000. Marks for the Con firmation of their Liberties and Ferdinand paid him Last payment of the Portion so as all other Casualties too long to number up being comprehended his Extraordinaries did much surmount his Ordinary Revenue wherewithall his Coffers being fill'd he might have been contented whilest his subjects who wisht him of Another humour could not alter the Constitution of his Nature He was much troubled at the Death of Isabell Queen of Castile which hapned in the moneth of November the year Before by reason of the Resemblance that was in the Government of their kingdoms between Ferdinand and Him both of them reigning in the right of their Wives And though he never admitted of his Wives Right having obtain'd the kingdom under the title of the house of Lancaster having won it by the Sword and having it Confirm'd unto him by Act of Parliament yet he could not but feare that Ferdinands yeelding up the Crowne to his Daugh ter might by way of Example prejudice Him and make for his Sonne Prince Henry the case was the same and the formerly alleadged reasons were of no weight in comparison of Naturall Extraction which is to be preferred before all other claimes Isabell left the Administration of the Kingdom to Ferdinand during his life though Iane were the immediat Heire which distasted the Arch-duke Philip for being become King of Castile in right of his Wife he thought hee was injur'd as being reputed unfit to governe without his Father in Laws Assistance and Superintendencie hee pretended the Mother could not dispose thereof to the Prejudice of the Daughter that the Authority of Predeces sors ended with their Deaths else seldome or very Late would their Heirs come to Reigne that the Reverence and Respect to Parents did not amongst Private men bereave their Children of enjoying their Private Inheritances much lesse ought it to doe so with Kings for what concernes Kingdomes that the government of Wives and all that belonged unto Them belonged to their Husbands when they were of Yeers as Hee was the interest of Children that are Heirs belonging to their Fathers who are neerer in degree unto them then are their Grand-fathers He tooke offence at his being Forbidden to come into Spaine without his Wife as knowing the cause thereof for he kept her from the sight of All men the more to conceale her Infirmity which was a spice of Lunacy so as it was beleeved he would not Bring her along with him lest her weaknesse being made Knowne might not give force to the Will wherefore he resolved to carry her thither the sooner pretending to take Possession of what Nature and the Lawes had given him for having married upon hopes of that Kingdome it would be imputed to Rechlesnesse in him if it now being Falne to him he should not obtain it But Ferdinand having call'd together the States of Castile and caused the Will to be read Ioane was sworn Queen and Heire to her Mother Philip was sworne King as her Husband and Ferdinando as Administrator The Queens disabilities sufficiently appearing they intreated Ferdinand that Hee would
enemy he was with all appearing respect carried from thence and comforted and made beleeve that the Duke of Somersets death had established the Crowne upon his head being come together with them to London A Parliament was called wherein all things were decreed directly opposite to what had beene enacted in former Parliaments to testifie that the late government had beene unjust and the King abused by the malice of those that councelled him Humphery Duke of Glocester was declared to have beene Loyall unto the King and faithfull unto his Country all Donnatives howsoever made whether by patent from the King or by Parliament were revoked beginning from the very first day of his raigne to the present time as things which impoverishing the Crowne bereaved the royall dignity of lustre and that the now spoken of insurrection though condemned by all lawes might bee thought meritorious declaration was made that the Duke of Somerset Thomas Thorp Lord chiefe Justice and William Ioseph the third that governed the Kings will were the occasioners thereof by detaining a letter which if it had beene delivered unto the King his Majesty would have heard the complaints and so taken away the occasion of the aforesaid disorders that therefore the Duke of Yorke the Earle of Salisbury Warwick and their associates should not for the future be blamed for it since the action was necessary to free the King from captivity and bring health to the common weale These pretences thus past over they came roundly to their worke by framing a Triumveâ—…at the ground worke of the designed monarchy Yorke caused himselfe to be created protectour of the Kingdome Salisbury Lord Chancellor and Warwick Governour of Callais so as the politique authority remained in the first the civill in the second and the military in the third whilest Henry King onely in name was bereft of all authority and safety all that had dependency upon the King and Queene were put from the Councell bereft of whatsoever charge they bore in the City or Kingdome and Iohn Holland Duke of Exeter was by force taken from Westminster whither he was fled for sanctuary and sent prisoner to Pompheret a sacriledge not formerly ventered on that I know of by any King They now thought no more needed to the establishing of their power whilest tyrannies are not established without meanes much more abominable the Duke of Yorke should have done that wickednes then which once was to be done and which not long after was done by his sonne Edward A Kingdome cannot brooke two Kings and if experience had made knowne unto him his errour in preserving Henries life his carelessenes was very great to stumble the second time upon the same stone and thereby loose his owne life as hee did Moderate evills in such like cases have alwayes beene their authours overthrowe The respect due to Henry was not yet so much diminished nor his Majesty so much darkened but that Henry the now Duke of Somerset Humphery Duke of Buckingham and other Lords that sided with him resolved no longer to endure the injury that was done unto him and together with them to quit themselves of the eminent danger that hung over them for every man saw Yorkes end to be the usurpation of the Crowne and that his delay proceeded from the feare of danger for the King being by reason of his sanctifie reverenced by the â—…est hee thought hee could not on a sudden compasse his ends without scandall and the being oppugned by the greatest part of the Kingdome the â—…ch if it should happen he should for the present ruine and for the future totally loose all his hopes So as consultation being had with the Queene who being highly spirited did with impatiency endure the present subjection a great Councell was called at Greenwitch wherein it was resolved that since he was now no child and consequently needed not a Protectour nor was so void of wit as that he was to be governed by other mens discretions that therefore the Duke of Yorke should be understood to be freed from his protectorship and the Earle of Salisbury from his being Chancellour and that he should surrender the great seale to whom the King should please Yorke could not fence himselfe from this blow being taken unprovided and it selfe strengthened with reasons not to be gainsaid without a note of rebellion so as he was enforced to endure it but not without the dislike of such as sided with him who were not wanting in adding fuell to the fury of the people by making them rise up in tumult occasioned by a dissention betweene a Marchant and an Italian which though they did yet did not things succeed as they would have them for after having pilledged many houses of the Venetians Florentines and Lutchesses thetumult was appeased and the chiefe authours thereof punished but the present remedy had nothing to doe with the threatning mischiefe and both sides failed therein The Duke of Yorke since that he did not quit himselfe of his enemy when he might have done it in expectation of an opportunity to doe it with lesse danger to so horrid a cruelty and those of the Kings side in that they durst not venter upon the Duke of Yorks life for feare of some insurrection since the City was for him and the greatest part of the greatest adhered more to the hopes of a profitable tumultuous change then to the preservation of a quiet condition whereby they could not be advantaged for the King did no more distinguish of deserts then doth a distasted pallate of tastes and the Queene so jealous as that shee durst onely trust those who being injured were to run the like fortune with her Husband But where last extreames are in question extremities are to be chosen for chance may doe that which councell cannot Yorke left the Court confirmed in his former designes by this new affront whilest the Scotts entered England in one part and the French in two the Scotts having endamaged the confines retired themselves with their booty into Scotland the French pilledged some houses surprised Sandwich tooke some ships and returned to Normandy the surprise of Sandwich did but little availe them for they went away and quitted it it not being to be made good by small forces against many enemies England was like a body oppressed by a general distellation humours disperst themselves every where abroad the vitall faculties which are the lawes had not force enough to repulse them Thomas Percy Baron of Egremont one who was an enemy to the Earle of Salisbury sonnes fought with them in open field and slew many of their followers he thought to have escaped but could not for the King who would not have the fault to goe unpunished had used meanes to have his body seised upon and the offended parties being of the contrary party he as not willing to be thought partiall in justice caused him to be roundly fined and imprisoned from whence hee escaped to the much trouble