lesse feare in the party striking to break and retard its violence It issues like a bullet whose line is not direct but with some elevation in the ayre or with some windings in the barrell of the gun whereby it doth more execution at a further distance Therefore our Kings many and dreadfull Oaths and Vowes of sincerity in the Protestant Religion are not satisfying if in the mean time any of his Kingly prerogative bee shared with such as are not sincere in the Protestant Religion it were farre safer for us that hee would sweare for his party then for himselfe But our Replicant will never have done with the Law hee still tells us That every man is to bee tryde by his Peeres the Lords in the Lords House and the Commons at the Kings Bench and though the House of Commons have no right of Iudicature yet there is another tryall for Treasons and our mâ—â—â—e pâ—int in difference at this time is concerning Treason The Parliament is nothing else but the whole Nation of England by its owne free choice and by vertue of representation united in a more narrow roome and better regulated and qualified for consultation then the collective body without this art and order could be The Lords and Commons make but one entire Court and this Court is vertually the whole Nation and we may truly say of it that by its consent Royalty it selfe was first founded and for its ends Royalty it selfe was so qualified and tempered as it is and from its supreame reason the nature of that qualification and temperature ought only to be still learnd and the determination thereof sought For who can better expound what Kings and lawes are and for what end they were both created then that unquestionable power which for its own advantage meerly gave creation to them both If Kings and nationall lawes had any humane beginning if they be {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} as the Scripture sayes they are they had not their being from themselves and from nations collectively taken they could not have their being for nations so are not congregable nor consultable nor redeemable from confusion pardon the hardnesse of words and therefore it must follow that both Kings and laws were first formed and created by such bodyes of men as our Parliaments now are that is such Councells as had in them the force of whole Nations by consent and deputation and the Maiesty of whole Nations by right and representation The enemies of Parliaments seeing this not to be gain-said and seeing that it must needs follow that that cause which first gave the being and prescribed the end of that being must needs have most right and skill to limit and direct the manner of that being they seek to divide the coactive from the representative body of the people they seek to divide between the two houses of Parliament and these seek to divide between the head and the body of the Parliament They perswade the multitude that they have entrusted the Parliament only with their purses to give away subsidies and replenish the Kings coffers but not to settle their rights and franchises and to make knowne the bounds of Prerogative and restraine the unnaturall encroachments or erruptions of the same If the community have beene agrieved to complaine or almost accuse is a sufficient priviledge of the house of Commons and this but to avoid further repining shall not be granted them T is pity that our Doctors doe not study the Law further for with a little more industry they might perhaps finde out that every private man as well as the house of Commons or the whole Community out of Parliament as well as our Knights and Burgesses in it may give the King money and if occasion be preferre an accusation against such a â—yrrannicall Lord or favourite well if such Rabbies and expounders can satisfie any of the unworthy vulgar and some Gentlemen and Lords who have spirits below the Yeomanry of England for such I have seene too many since 3. Novemb 1640 they shall be no further disabus'd by me In the next place They attempt to work a disunion between the Houses the Lords shall have a power of Judicature â—ver their Members so they will exclude the Commons from any part therin and upon condition that they will so farre disclaime them as to leavâ— them obnoxious for tryalls at the Kings bench This sitting of the Lords and Commons in severall Houses does not prove them severall Courts nor does the observance of particular Priviledges in either House and not laying all things common between both prove any independance of either doubtlesse they are like the twines of Hippocrates they both must live and die together In former ages judgement was so given upon the greatest Delinquents at that the Commons were parties in the judgement And sure whilst they were Judges over Lords themselves were not subjected to inferiour Courts the Lords then knew they could not indure any indignity to fall upon the Commons being but distinct parts of the same Court but it would reflect upon themselves and the Commons knew that the honour of the Lords was an addition to themselves whilst the Curiatii stand close together their three adverse Combatants are too weake for them but when they are divided by unwarinesse in the encounter they prove all three too weake for one of their enemies I will not make any comparisons or say whither the Lords or Commons deserted by the other suffer more I will only say that nothing but fatall want of policy can divide or diminish their mutuall love and correspondence In the last place division also is raised betwixt the King and Parliament there is a generation of men which seâ—ke not the good of King and Parliament nor could prosper if the King and Parliament were united as they ought to be These men because their suggestions cannot prevaile to alienate the Parliament from the King apply all their indevours to alienate the King from the Parliament their perpâ—tuall suggestion are That the greatnesse of Kings is eclipsed by Parliaments That there is in Lawes themselves a kind of enmity and something that is inconsistant with royalty That Kings are bound to seek nothing but themselves That Kings can seeke nothing in themselves so nobly as the satisfying of their wills especially when their wills are fixt upon things difficult and forbidden Neverthelesse there is nothing but falsety in all these suggestions For Princes are the Creatures and naturall productions of Parliaments and so are their Prerogatives as has been set forth and every rationall and naturall thing loveth its own off-spring and that love is rather ascending then descending it is liker the sap of the root then of the branch viz. The people are more inclinable to love Princes then Princes to love the People There is likewise a neare consanguinity and reflexive benevolence of aspects between Lawes and Princes they are both of the same descent and tend
against the Parliament if his cause be generally apprehended as the more just But sense teaches us the contrary that no King in the unjustest cause that ever was had a weaker party then this King considering what courâ—â—s he has taken The King has an Army and such an Army as is able to force and overawe all places where they lye with swords drawne over the Pesants but cursed be that man for my part that next after God would not referre the arbitration of this difference to the publike vote of the people And yet we know that there is a great deal of servilty in the people and that for the most part they looke no further then to present grievances like Esau in his Pottage bargain chusing rather to dy for ever of a Lethargy then to sweat for a time under a Feaver 5. All Controversies are determined either by the Dye of Force and chance of War for so Nations have ever censur'd that kind of tryall or else they are concluded by Lawes justly interpreted or else there is a middle way which we call Accommodation and that is commonly when to avoid the mischiefe of the Sword and the uncertaine intricacie of Judgement both parties by mutuall agreement condâ—scend equally to depart from the rigor of their demands on either side and so comply accommodate and meet together upon termes as equall as may be Whersoever then the word Accommodation is pressed as it is now with us in the London Petition for the word Submission is not at all used 't is most absurd and contradictory to exclude a yeelding and compliance of both sides See then the manifest unjustice of our Replicant who when the matter of Accommodation onely is in Treaty yet urges uâ— to a meere submission and taking it for granted that he is Judge and that he has determined the matter for the King therfore the King ought not to condiscend or comply at all or leave any thing to the Parliaments trust but must wholly be trusted in every point 6. The King requires to have preserved to him for the future that compasse of Royall power which his Progenitors have been invested with and without which he cannot give protection to his Subjects The Parliament desires to have preserved to the Subject peace safetie and all those priviledges which their Ancestors have enjoyed without which they cannot be a Nation much lesse a free Nation Now the Militia and Posse of the Kingdome must be so placed and concredited and that the King may be as equally assured of it as the Parliament or else without all Accommodation the King must be left to the Fidelity and duty of Parliament or else the Parliament must be wholly left to the Kings discretion or rather to the Kings party In this case what shall be done the Parliament pleads that the King has resigned himselfe too far into the hands of Papists and Malignants from whom nothing can be expected but pefidie and cruelty the King objects that the Parliament is besotted with Anabaptists Brownists Familists and Impostors from whom nothing can be expected but disloyalty and confusion If the King here will grant any security against Papists and Malignants the question is what security he will give and if hee will give none the question is how he can be â—aid to sâ—eke an Accommodation so on the contrary if the Parliament will undertake to secure the King as that is granted then what must that securance be I will now take it for granted that the King ought to abjure for the secure the giving of countenance to Papists or being counselled or led by them in State matters as also to disband his Forces and that the Parliament will doe the like and abjure all dangerous Schismaticks and Hereticks But for a further â—ye to strengthen this abjuration and for a â—â—curance against Malignants who are not yet so perfectly distinguisht on either side what shall be the reciprocall caution or ingagement Shall the King have all Ports Ships Armes and Offices in his dispose Shall the King assigne to what Judges he pleases the division of our quarrels or shall he trust his Parliament in the choise and Approbaâ—ion of persons intrusted I will not dispute this I will onely say that the nature of an Accommodation requires some condescending on both sides and it is manifest injustice in the Replicant to prejudge the same as unbeseeming the King more then the Parliament and in all probability the Parliament is likely to condiscend upon more disadvantageous termes then the King and is lesse lyable to be misâ—ed and lesse apt to break a trust then any one man 7. To shew that the Parliament is disaffected to an Accommodation and the King not that therefore a Petition to the Parliament is more proper seasonable then to the King The Replicant bitterly revilâ—s the Parliament as having punished some for seeking peace and as having rejected the Kings gracious offers of peace with termes of incivility below the respect due to a King What more damnable crimes can any man load the Parliament with then with rebelling against the King first after rejecting officers of peace with foulâ— and scandalous language Yet this the Replicant freely grants to himselfe and as if hee were placed in some tribunall above the Parliament where all allegations and proofes were utterly superfluous he proceeds â—o sentence very imperiously For ought I know I am as venerable and unquestionable a judge in this case as hee is yet I dare condemn nothing but rash and presumptuous condemning of authority without proofes and for that I have Scripture it selfe for my proofe As for the Kings comming to Brainford in a mist and during a Treaty and there surprising men unprepared and retiring againe upon the drawing up of our forces that these are instances of seeking peace and shewing favour to the city is not so cleare to my understanding as to the Replicants 8. But sayes the Replicant you grant that the people may perhaps find out a better way of Accommodation then you have done and you allow them to petition when you faâ—le of your duty And this must needs overthrow the strongest and most popular argument of your innocence and authority The Parliament did never assume to have an absolute freedome from all failes or Errors nor does detract from other mens knowledge it vindicates nothing more then to bee lesse obnoxious to deceit and perversenesse then other Courts and that the rather because it disdaines not any advise or reason from any parties whatsoever 9. The Answerer demanded from the Petitioners a modell of an Accommodation to bee framed by them for the better help and instruction of the Parliament The Replicant satisfies that Demand Hee makes two propositions thus 1 That the Parliament shall as readily consent to the Kings Rights as the King consents to theirs 2. That the Reigne of Queen Elizabeth may be the measure to determine those rights In this
it is Major or Minor be entertained in grace and equipage proportionably and this difference is composed 10 But sayes the Replicant the Kings party is the more just and therefore to be preferred and this is to be judged of by rule as thus the Parliament intrenches upon our Liberty by imprisoning without cause according to pleasure and claimes to be unquestionable therein The Parliament intrenches upon Religion by committing our best Professors and planting Sectaries in their stead the Parliament proceeds according to reason â—f State not Law and this places an arbitrary power in them aâ—d makes ordinances equall to acts of Parliament Heâ—re in a breif suâ—me all that ever has been spoken or can be spoken against the Parliament and all this is grounded upon an ungâ—aâ—â—ed proposition that the Parliament has no right to defend it self For if it be lawfull for both Houses of Parliament to defend tâ—emselves it must of necessity follow that they may and must imprison levye moneyes suppresse seditious preachers and make use of an arbitrary power according to reason of State and not confine themselves to meere expedients of Law Enough has been said oâ— this 't is impâ—ssible that any wise man should be opposite herein and the Kings party have more recourse â—o reason of State and arbiâ—raâ—y power by far than we have But iâ— it be said that the Houses abuse arbitrary power in imprisoning â—evying moneyes c. cauâ—â—lâ—sly this is a false calumny and not tâ—â—e granted without particular and pregnant proofes of which the Replicant produces none at all were it not for this great noise aâ—d boast of Arbitrary power our Academians would want matter to stâ—ffâ— their in numerable pamphlets withall and the sillyer sort of Malignants would want â—uell to feed their enmity And yet we know Arbitrary power is only dangerous in one man or in a â—ew men and cannot be so in Parliaments at any time much lesse in times of publick distresse for then it is not only harmlâ—ssâ—â— uâ—necessaâ—y The House of Commons without the other States hath had an arbiâ—rary power at all times to dispose of the treasure of the Kingdome and whâ—re they give away one subsidy they may give 20 and where they give 50000â— at one subsidy they may give fifty times so much and all this whether war or peace be Yâ—t when did either King or Subject complaine of this arbitrary power Nay if any parts of the Kingdom have repined at the abuse of this arbitrary power and refused to pay subsidys assessed by the house of Commons what Kings would suffer it when was it not held a good ground of War so both Houses have an arbitrary power to abridge the freedom of the Subject and to inlarge the Kings prerogative beyond a measure they may repeale our great Charter the Charter of Forrests and the petition of right if they please they may if they please subject the whole Kingdom for ever to the same arbitrary rule as France grones under nay they have often been with force and all manner of sollicitations almost violented into it and yet notwithstanding all this we are neither terrifyed nor indangered at all by this arbitrary power in both houses To have then an arbitrary power placed in the Peers and Comm. is naturall and expedient at all times but the very use of this arbitrary power according to reason of State and warlick policy in times of generall dangers and distresse is absolutely necessary and inevitable but 't is a great offence that both Houses should make ordinances generally binding They which would take from us all meanes of defence if they could dispute us out of the power of making temporary Ordinances hâ—d their wils upon us for defence without some obliging power to preserve order and to regulate the method of defence would be vaine and absurd but this is but one branch of arbitrary power and reason of State and to wast time in proving it necessary in times of extremity if defence be granted lawfull were childish and ridiculous I have now done with the Replicant so far as he hath spoken to the matter I shall now come to his emergent strange calumnious speeches against the persons of such and such men but this were Caninos rodere dentes I forbeare it only rehearsing some raylings which need no answer but themselves The two houses are generally railed at as guilty of Rebellion against the King All adherents to Parliament are railed at as Anabaptists Separatists c. The Lord Major is railed at for preventing bloudshed in the City when the Petitioners under the pretence of seeking for Peace had many of them plotted dissention and this his Office is stiled the stiffling of peace in the womb The City Preachers are railed at for satisfying our Consâ—ieâ—ces in the justifiablenesse of a defensive war for this they are charged to fight against the King in the feare of God and to turn the spirituall Militia into weapons of the flesh The framer of the Answer is rayled at for giving the Petitioners just satisfaction in peaceable language Though his words be confessed to be softer than oyle yet 'ts said that the poyson of Aspes is under his lips he is called a Cataline the firebrand of his Countrey whose sophistry and eloquence was fit to disturbe a State but unable to compose or setle it The judgment of all these things is now submitted to the world what the intent of the Petition was in some master-plotters and contrivers of it will appeare by the arguments of this â—ell Replicant Whereby it is now seconded That the name of an Accomodation was pretended to force the two Houses under colour therof to cast themselves upon a meer submission or to be made odious and lookt upon as foes to peace which was a Scilla on one side and Charybdis on the other is here manifested Whether the Answer to the Petition favour of so much malice and enmity to peace as this Replication does let indifferent men censure Lastly whether the soule of that man which thirsts for a firme Peace may not dislike these practises of pretending to it and the soule oâ— that man which hates peace may not make advantage of the name of peace let all wise men proved and examine FINIS
wherein so many Papists are predominant That though the Parliament might submit yet a faire Accommodation it could not obtaine except the King would equally condescend thereunto That if the Petitioners had found out a more safe and honourable Accommodation then the Parliament had yet discovered for that was possible the Parliament would embrace it That if none such could be found out the affections and Judgements of the Parliament ought not to becensur'd or distrusted That it behooved the Petitioners to addresse themselves by the like petition to the King if no want of affection to peace were apparent in the Parliament as certainly none was In contradiction and opposition to all the severall poynts in this Aâ—alysis what the Replicant hath set forth wee shall now see in the same order 1. The great contrivers of our sad divisions which abuse the weake reason of the people to keepe up an unfortunate misunderstanding between King and Subject are not named by the Replicant but they are clearely pointed out to be the Chiefe Lords and Commons in Parliament for he saith Every new Vote of late hath been a new affliction and he makes Pennington and the Citty Lecturers to be but Iourney-men Rebels under them and even this Hellish slander he venteth under the name of the Petitioners whom he stiles the most considerable persons of the Citty and at the same time affirmeth that the people generally are of honest affections And the Answer to the Petition in which the words he saies are softer then oyle though the matter of it be poison of Aspes he attributes only to some Chiefe Engineers of mischiefe in the House though it carry in it the Authority of the whole House Here is a wonder beyond all wonders A few factious persons in Parliament over-awe the major better and wiser part in Parliament and by a few factious Instruments in Citty and Countrey abuse the major better and wiser part there also into the most miserable distempers and calamities that ever were and though the honest generality begin to grow wiser and are instructed by the sence of their miseries and by other advertisements from loyall Papists and Prelates and other pious Courtiers and souldiers to shake off their few Tormentors Nay and though the King himself has not onely publisht the most eloquent and subtill Declarations to disabuse the people that ever were himselfe being the most beloved and honoured Prince that ever was for his indulgence to Liberty and Religion but haâ—h also advanced a most puissant and victorious Army to releeve these undeceived wretches yet the incantation holds no humane force either of Armâ—s or Artâ— can dissolve it The miracles of Moses had an impression of divine vertue upon them and did therefore triumph overall the Egyptians spels buâ— in this case Mr Pym with I know not what infernall engines distorts and wrests all the Orbes of a Kingdome from their naturall motions and yet no divine Art can resist him 'T was never beleev'd before that any but God could work contrary to nature but now it must be beleeved But is it so apparent that the Parliament is averse from peace yet saies the Replicant For withdraw the fuell and the fire is soon extinguisht Let the Parliament not foment the ill humour by supplyes of men Armes and Ammunition and the wound will heale of it selfe In the petition nothing but an Accommodation safe and honourable was pretended but now we see a meere submission is intended in this replication T is not prooved That the Armes of the Parliament are unjust 't is not prooved that it may be safe for the Kingdome to prostrate and subject Parliamenâ—s to the discretion of that faction which now has bereav'd us of the Kings presence and favour yet because the Replicant will take upon him to condemne Parliaments we must also allow of his Judgement But ' its further say'd by the Replicant that even Accommodation it selfe is not pleasing in Parliament witnesse that spâ—ech of one I like not daubing and that of another I hatâ—â—â—â— name of Accommodation Hee which hates the name of an Accommodation as it has beeâ— used of late to signifie a totall submission may love a true Accommodation in it selfe and he that likes not the daubing of those which under the colour of Accommodation ayme at nothing but division and dissention amongst the people may more heartily affect a safe and honourable agreement then the Replicant himselfe Can the Parliament expresse zeale to peace better then by contracting all its rights and priviledges into one compendious proposition for the setling of union To purchase true peace the Parliament desires nothing but to retain the meere being of a Parliament that is to be the supreme Court of King and Kingdome And if it can stand with the essence of such a Court to be arraign'd tryed and sentenced by a faction of Papists Prelates Delinquents and Souldiers the Parliament will submit to that Condition also 2. When we expresse our feares of the Kings party and therefore deny submission thereunto as dangerous and dishonourable the Replicant tels us further we are required not to submit to our fellow subiects but to the King only and he tels us further that the Lawes are the best security and those we shall enioy and to claime any higher securitie is to assume the power of Kings How farre the Lawes of the Land have been sufficient to preserve to Parliaments and the beâ—ter part of loyall Protestant subjects their rightfull portion and interest in the Kings favour for these 17. yeares last past is knowne to all The Lawes of Scotland could not secure the better and greater part there The Lawes of Ireland have not saved the Brittaines and Protestants from Massacres there and yet certainly both those Kingdomes are intitled to Lawes of as ample benefit and vigour as ours now is But what speake we of Common Lawes when even at this instant such a free subjects house is burnt and plundered by the Kings party in derision and despight of the Kings owne Proclamation and particular Placard granted for the safegard of himselfe and his family As our Judges preyed upon us heretofore in matters of State and Divines oppressed us in matters of Religion so our Martialists now have a power of spoyling above the generall Law or any particular protection If the King thinke fit to grant safety to such a person or such a Towne it must be provided alwayes that such a Dutch or Scotch Commander who conceives himselfe more skilfull in war then the King give his approbation withall for my part I conceive it more honourable for the King to say that he cannot then that he would not save his people from all those cursed indignities and cruelties which have been multiplyed upon us during this warre and before by his adherents As for Lawes therefore we must take notice that they may be imployed either to the benefit or prejudice of any Nation and that
we know our slanders and calumnies cannot deceive him wee submit our selves and our cause to his revenging hand But thou wilt say the Kings party in this warre are good Protestants and we are Anabaptists c. The tyranny and superstition of Bishops has driven some of our tender and stricter protestants into utter dislike of Ceremonies and that pompous or rather superstitious forme of Church discipline which has beene hitherto used in England Some of us desire an alteration of some things in our Lyturgy by advice of a learned and uncorrupt Synod others perhaps scruple Church musick and any set forme of divine service to be imposed of necessity liking better the single order of Scotland What new Creed is there in all this or what change of Religion were this if there were any great numbers of men so opinionated But it is well enough knowne to our Adversaries that there is not one man of both Houses of Parlialiament that is violent against all publick set formes of prayer or that forme which is now in use or that desires any alteration of Doctrine in Essentialls nay nor of Discipline except in things very few and inconsiderable And it is well knowne that the Parliament as it would loosen the rigour of Law in some scruples for the ease of tender consciences so it abhors utterly all licentious government in the Church and all by-wayes of confusion In the City the King has instanced in Pennington Ven Foulk and Mannering as notoriously guilty of Schisme and doubtlesse they were named for want of worse try these men now by the old Creed or by the nine and thirty Articles nay examine them concerning the Common prayer Book and it will soon appeare how farre they are strayed into Brownisme or any other Schisme it will appeare how they are wounded in schismatick and all protestants in them and the true Religion in us all it may be they have not put pluralities or the Parliamentary Votes of Bishops into their Creed it may be they have reserved no implicite faith for Convocation acts and Canons which the Replicant may perhaps judge very irreligious but they hope this never had any anathema pronounced against it in the old Church by any Councell before Antichrists dayes Let not railing passe for impleading and condemning and we will all be tried in the same manner and if any new Creed be found amongst us differing in substance from the old let our adversaries themselves give and execute sentence upon us If Brownists could be as well distinguisht and nominated in our Army as papists are in the Kings or were really as many and as far countenanced we would distrust our cause whereas we now beg no otherwise the blessing of God upon our Armies then as we are enemies both to Popery and Brownism Dares our Replicant make such a prayer no somtimes he owns Papists and somtimes he seemingly disowne them speaking of the Kings party once he saies As for the establisht religion we will become suiters to you that you will severely punish all persons whatsoever that transgress against it Papists certainly have transgrest against our religion if the rebellion in Ireland be a transgression or if the instant taking up of arms here against the parliament be a transgression yet see at the same time when they call us to punish the papists they themselves arm enable papists to punish nay to destroy us is this all the ingenuity we shall expect well to our law notion it is argued in the next place that a Papist fighting for the King though in a notion of Theology he may be accounted an enemy quatenus a Papist yet in understanding of Law hee was accounted the Kings friend as to his fighting Priest squires Doctrine just hee that fights for the King or rather at the Kings command let the cause be what it will he is the Kings friend When Saul gave a furious command to fâ—ll upon the Priests of Iehovah amongst all his servants he had no entire loving freind but Doeg so when his unnaturall rage â—ncited him to take away the life of Ionathan the whole Armâ— that defended Ionathan were his foes and if it had proceeded to parties as it had if Saul had had as many Idumeans in his service as King Charles now has those onely which had been the execrable instruments of the Kings Tyranny had been the Kings friends and had fought for their King so those six hundred men which adhered to David out of a pious intent to preserve his innocent soule from the bloudy hands of Saul and his three thousand impious murderers and the Keilites also if they had been faithfull to David as they ought to have been were guilty of Treason and drew their swords against their master But I expect now that the Replicant insist upon the Iustice of the Kings cause as not taking armes to master the Parliament but to defend themselves against the Parliament this if it could be proved would over-rule all but it being in question and as resolutely denied by one side as affirmed by the other the Replicant must evince by reason all that he expects to gaine from us 'T is not so probable that a Parliament should invade a King as a King a Parliament 'T is not so probable that a Parliament should be misled and have ends to enrich it selfe by oppression as a King 'T is not so probable that that Army which consists all of Protestants should be so adverse to the reformed Religion as that which admits and favours all Papists and Delinquents T is not so probable that that Army which is raised and payed by Parliament that is by the flower of all the English Nobility and Gentry should fight for Arbitrary government and against propriety liberty and priviledge of Parliament as that which hath nothing considerable but rapine and pillage to maintaine it If many evidences of facts many pregnant proofs and many lively circumstances of time and place did not absolve the Parliament of trayterous conspiring against the Kings Crowne Dignity and person and convince Digby Percy Iermin and divers of the Kings and Queens party of conspiring against the priviledges of Parliament and the lives of many of our noblest Pariament men If all other arguments did faile the very invitation of Papists to the Kings Standard the rising of the Papists with such generall consent now that all Ireland is almost lost to the papists and some hopes were else to recover it would sufficiently assure me that religion and liberty stand in more danger of the Kings party than of the parliaments I could not with more cleare and cheerfull confidence die for the truth of the protestant Religion then for the Iustice of the parliaments cause in this warre noscitur ex Comite c. Let the papist plead for the Delinquent and the Delinquent for the papist those ends which have so closely cemented and kindly incorporated both together make a sufficient