and Southcot Justices That offences committed in Parliament may be punished out of Parliament And 3 Ed. 3.19 it is good Law And it is usual neer the end of Parliaments to set some petty punishment upon offenders in Parliament to prevent other Courts And I have seen a Roll in this Court in 6 H. 6. where judgment was given in a writ of annuity in Ireland and afterwards the said judgment was reversed in Parliament in Ireland upon which judgment Writ of Error was brought in this Court and reversed Hide Chief Justice to the same intent No new matter hath been offered to us now by them that argue for the Defendants but the same Reasons and Authorities in substance which were objected before all the Justices of England and Barons of the Exchequer at Sergeants-Inn in Fleet-street upon an Information in the Star-Chamber for the same matter At which time after great deliberation it was resolved by all of them That an offence committed in Parliament that being ended may be punished out of Parliament And no Court more apt for that purpose then this Court in which we are and it cannot be punished in a future Parliament because it cannot take notice of matters done in a foregoing Parliament As to that that was said That an Inferiour Court cannot meddle with matters done in a Superior True it is That an Inferior Court cannot meddle with judgments of a Superior Court but if the particular members of a Superiour Court offend they are oft-times punishable in an Inferior Court As if a Judg shall commit a capital offence in this Court he may be arraigned thereof at Newgate 3 E. 3.19 and 1 Mar. which have been cited over-rule this case Therefore Whitlock accordingly 1. I say in this Case Nihil dictum quod non dictum prius 2. That all the Judges of England have resolved this very point 3. That now we are but upon the brink and skirts of the Cause for it is not now in Question if these be offences or no or if true or false but only if this Court have jurisdiction But it hath been objected That the offence is not capital therefore it is not examinable in this Court But though it be not capital yet it is criminal for it is sowing of sedition to the destruction of the Commonwealth The Question now is not between us that are Judges of this Court and the Parliament or between the King and the Parliament but between some private Members of the House of Commons and the King himself for here the King himself questions them for those offences as well he may In every Commonwealth there is one supereminent Power which is not subject to be questioned by any other and that is the King in this Commonwealth who as Bracton saith solum Deum habet ultorem But no other within the Realm hath this Priviledge It is true that that which is done in Parliament by consent of all the house shall not be questioned elsewhere but if any private Members exuunt personas judicum induunt malefacientium personas sunt seditiosi is there such Sanctimony in the place that they may not be questioned for it elsewhere The Bishop of Ross as the Case hath been put being Embassadour here practised matters against the State And it was resolved That although Legatus sit Rex in alieno solo yet when he goes out of the bounds of his Office and complots with Traytors in this Kingdom that he shall be punished as an offender here A Minister hath a great Priviledge when he is in the Pulpit but yet if in the Pulpit he utter speeches which are scandalous to the State he is punishable so in this Case when a Burgess of Parliament becomes mutinous he shall not have the Priviledge of Parliament In my opinion the Realm cannot consist without Parliaments but the behaviour of Parliament-men ought to be Parliamentary No outragious speeches were ever used against a great Minister of State in Parliament which have not been punished If a Judge of this Court utter scandalous speeches to the State he may be questioned for them before Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer because this is no judicial act of the Court. But it hath been objected That we cannot examine Acts done by a higher Power To this I put this Case When a Peer of the Realm is arraigned of Treason we are not his Judges but the high Steward and he shall be tryed by his Peers But if errour be committed in this proceeding that shall be reversed by errour in this Court for that which we do is Coram ipso Rege It hath been objected That the Parliament-Law differs from the Law by which we judge in this Court in sundry Cases And for the instance which hath been made That by the Statute none ought to be chosen Burgesse of a Town in which he doth not inhabit but that the usage of Parliament is contrary But if Information be brought upon the said Statute against such a Burgess I think that the Statute is a good warrant for us to give judgement against him And it hath been objected That there is no President in this matter But there are sundry Presidents by which it appears that the Parliament hath transmitted matters to this Court as 2 R. 2. there being a question between a great Peer and a Bishop it was transmitted to this Court being for matter of behaviour and although the Judges of this Court are but inferiour men yet the Court is higher for it appears by the 11 Eliz. Dy. That the Earl Marshal of England is an Officer of this Court and it is always admitted in Parliament That the priviledges of Parliament hold not in three Cases to wit in case of Treason secondly in case of Felony and in suit for the peace and the last is our very case Therefore c. Crook argued to the same intent but I did not well hear him he said That these offences ought to be punished in the Court or no where and all manner off offences which are against the Crown are examinable in this Court It hath been objected That by this means none will adventure to make his complaints in Parliament That is not so for he may complain in a Parliamentary course but not falsely and unlawfully as here is pretended for that which is unlawfully cannot be in a Parliamentary course It hath been objected That the Parliament is a higher Court then this is And it is true But every Member of Parliament is not a Court and if he commit offence he is punishable here Our Court is a Court of high jurisdiction it cannot take cognizance of real Pleas but if a real Plea comes by Error in this Court it shall never be transmitted But this Court may award a grand Cape and other Process usual in real Actions But of all capital and criminal causes we are originally competent Judges and by consequence of this matter But I am not
by Mittimus for there never was any president thereof and the Book of the House of Commons which is with their Clerk ought not to be divulged And C. Littl. is that if a man be indicted in this Court for Piracy committed upon the Sea he may well plead to the jurisdiction of this Court because this Court cannot try it 2 ly It appears by the old Treatise de modo tenendi Parliamentum that the Iudges are but assistants in the Parliament and if any words or acts are made there they have no power to contradict or controul them Then it is incongruous that they after the Parliament dissolved shall have power to punish such words or acts which at the time of the speaking or doing they had not power to contradict There are superiour middle and more inferiour Magistrates and the superiour shall not be subject to the controle of the inferiour It is a Position that in pares est nullum imperium multò minus in eos qui majus imperium habent C. Littl. saies that the Parliament is the supream Tribunal of the Kingdom and they are Iudges of the supream Tribunal therefore they ought not to be questioned by their inferiours 3 The offences objected do concern the priviledges of Parliament which priviledges are determinable in Parliament and not else-where as appears by the presidents which have been cited before 4 The common-Law hath assigned proper Courts for matters in respect of the place and persons 1 st for the place It appears by 11 E. 4.3 old Entries 101. that in an Ejectione firme it is a good plea that the land is antient demeasne and this excludes all other Courts So it is for land in Durham old Entries 419. for it is questionable there not out of the County 2 ly For persons H. 15. H. 7. roll 93 old Entries 47. If a Clerk of the Chancery be impleaded in this Court he may plead his priviledge and shall not answer So it is of a Clerk of the Exchequer old Entries 473. then much more when offences are done in Parliament which is exempt from ordinary jurisdiction they shall not be drawn in question in this Court And if a man be Indicted in this Court he may plead Sanctuary 22 H. 7. Keilw 91. and 22. and shall be restored 21 E. 3.60 The Abbot of Bury's case is to the same purpose 5 For any thing that appears the House of Commons had approved of these matters therefore they ought not to be questioned in this Court. And if they be offences and the said House hath not punished them this will be a casting of imputation upon them 6 It appears by the Old Entries 446 447 that such an one ought to represent the Borough of St. Jermans from whence he was sent therefore he is in nature of an Ambassadour and he shall not be questioned for any thing in the Execution of his office if he do nothing against the Law of Nature or Nations as it is in the case of an Ambassadour In the time of Queen Elizabeth the Bishop of Rosse in Scotland being Ambassadour here attempted divers matters against the State and by the opinion of all the Civilians of the said time he may be questioned for those offences because they are against the Law of Nations and Nature and in such matters he shall not enjoy the priviledges of an Ambassador But if he commit a civill offence which is against the Municipall Law onely he cannot be questioned for it as Bodin de Republica agrees the case Upon the Statute of 28 H. 8. c. 15. for tryall of Pirats 13. Jac. the case fell out to be thus A Iew came Ambassador to the United Provinces and in his journey he took some Spanish ships and after was driven upon this coast And agreed upon the said Statute that he cannot be tryed as a Pyrat here by Commission but he may be questioned civiliter in the Admiralty For Legati suo Regi soli judicum faciunt So Embassadors of Parliament soli Parliamento to wit in such things which of themselves are justifiable 7 There was never any president that this Court had punished offences of this nature committed in Parliament where any plea was put in as here it is to the jurisdiction of the Court and where there is no president non-usage is a good Expositor of the Law Lord Littl. Section 180. Co. Littl. f. 81. saies As Usage is a good interpreter of the Lawes so Non-usage where there is no example is a great intendment that the Law will not bear it 6 Eliz. Dy. 229. upon the Statute of 27 H. 8. of Inrolments that bargain and sale of a House in London ought not to be enrolled the reason there given is because it is not used 23. Eliz. Dy. 376. No errour lies here of a Iudgment given in the five Ports because such Writ was never seen yet in the diversity of Courts it is said That errour lies of a Iudgment given in the five Ports 39 H. 6.39 by Ashton that a protection to go to Rome was never seen therefore he disallowed it 8 If this Court shall have Iurisdiction the Court may give judgment according to Law and yet contrary to Parliament Law for the Parliament in divers cases hath a peculiar Law Notwithstanding the Statute of 1 H. 5. c. 1. that every Burgesse ought to be resident within the Burrough of which he is Burgesse yet the constant usage of Parliament is contrary thereunto and if such matter shall be in question before ye ye ought to adiudge according to the Statute and not according to their usage So the House of Lords hath a speciall Law also as appears by 11 R. 2. the Roll of the Processe and Iudgmen which hath been cited before to another purpose where an appeal was not according to the one Law or th' other yet it was good according to the course of Parliament 9 Because this matter is brought in this Court by way of Information where it ought to be by way of Indictment And it appears by 41 ass p. 12. that if a Bill of Disceit be brought in this Court where it ought to be by Writ This matter may be pleaded to the Iurisdiction of the Court because it is vi armis and contra pacem It appears by all our Books that informations ought not to be grounded upon surmices but upon matter of Record 4 H. 7.5.6 E. 6. Dy. 74. Information in the Exchequer and 11 H. 8. Keilw 101. are this purpose And if the matter be vi armis then it ought to be found by Enquest 2 E. 3.1 2. Appeal shall not be grounded upon the Return of the Sheriff but the King ought to be certified of it by Indictment 1 H. 7.6 and Stamf. f. 95. a. Upon the Statute of 25 E. 3. c. 4. that none shall be imprisoned but upon Indictment or Presentment and 28 E. 3. c. 3. 42 E. 3. c. 3. are to the same purpose
unfortunate mistaking of the Speeches I used to Mr. Clark I shall conclude by entreating your Lordships favor That I may understand from you as I hope for my comfort that this Letter hath given his Majesty satisfaction or if there should yet remain any scruple That I may have a clear and plain signification of the Kings pleasure which I shall obey with all Humility Your Lordships humble Servant BRISTOL The Earl of Bristol petitions the House of Lords shewing That he being a Peer of this Realm had not received a Summons to Parliament and desires their Lordships to mediate with his Majesty that he may enjoy the Liberty of a Subject and the Priviledge of his Peerage after almost two years restraint without being brought to a Tryal And if any Charge be brought in against him he prayeth that he may be tryed by Parliament The business is referred to the Committee of Priviledges and the Earl of Hartford reported from that Committee That it is necessary that their Lordships humbly beseech his Majesty that a Writ of Summons may be sent to the Earl of Bristol as also to such other Lords whose Writs are stopped except such as are made uncapable to sit in Parliament by Judgment of Parliament or some other Legal Judgment Hereupon the Duke signified to the House That upon the Earl of Bristols Petition to the King His Majesty had sent him his Writ of Summons And withal he shewed to the Lords the Copy of a Letter written from the King unto the said Earl being as followeth WE have received your Letter addressed unto us by Buckingham and cannot but wonder that you should through forgetfulness make request to us of favour as if you stood evenly capable of it when you know what you behaviour in Spain deserved of us which you are to examine by the observations we made and know you well remember how at our first coming into Spain taking upon you to be so wise as to foresee our intention to change our Religion you were so far from disswading us that you offered your advice and secresie to cocurre in it and in many other Conferences pressing to shew how convenient it was to be a Roman Catholick it being impossible in your opinion to do any great action otherwise And how much wrong disadvantage and disservice you did to the Treaty and to the Right and Interest of our dear Brother and Sister and their Children what disadvantage inconvenience and hazard you intangled us in by your Artifices putting off and delaying our return home the great estimation you made of that State and the low price you set this Kingdom at still maintaining that we under colour of friendship to Spain did what was in our power against them which you said they very well knew And last of all your approving of those Conditions that our Nephew should be brought up in the Emperors Court to which Sir Walter Ashton then said that he durst not give his consent for fear of his head you replying unto him that without some such great Action neither Marriage nor Peace could â—e had Upon the receipt of the Writ Bristol again Petitions the House of Lords and annexes to his Petition the Lord Keepers Letter and his own Answer thereto and desires to be heard in accusation of the Duke The humble Petition of Iohn Earl of Bristol Humbly shewing unto your Lordships THat he hath lately received his Writ of Parliament for which he returneth unto your Lordships most humble thanks but ioyntly with it a Letter from my Lord Keeper commanding him in his Majesties name to forbear his personal attendance and although he shall ever obey the least intimation of his Majesties pleasure yet he most humbly offereth unto your Lordships wise considerations as too high a point for him how far this may trench upon the Liberty and Safety of the Peers and the Authority of their Letters Patents to be in this sort discharged by a Letter missive of any Subject without the Kings hand And for your Lordships due information he hath annexed a Copy of the said Lord Keepers Letter and his Answer thereunto He further humbly Petitioneth your Lordships That having been for the space of two years highly wronged inpoint of his Liberty and of his Honor by many sinister aspersions which have been cast upon him without being permitted to answer for himself which hath been done by the power and industry of the Duke of Buckingham to keep him from the presence of his Majesty and the Parliament lâ—st he should discover many crimes concerning the said Duke He therefore most humbly beseecheth That he may be heard both in the point of his Wrong and of his Accusation of the said Duke wherein he will make it appear how infinitely the said Duke hath both abused their Majesties the State and both the Houses of Parliament And this he is most confident will not be denied since the Court of Parliament never refuseth to hear the poorest Subject seeking for redress of Wrongs nor the Accusation against any be he never so powerfull And herein he beseecheth your Lordships to mediate to his Majesty for the Suppliants coming to the House in such sort as you shall think fitting assuring his Majesty That all he shall say shall not onely tend to the Service of his Majesty and the State but highly to the Honor of his Majesties Royal Person and of his Princely vertues And your Suppliant shall ever pray for your Lordships prosperity The Lord Keeper to the Earl of Bristol March 31. 1626. My very good Lord BY his Majesties commandment I herewith send unto your Lordship your Writ of summons for the Parliament but withal signifie his Majesties pleasure herein further that howsoever he gives way to the awarding of the Writ yet his meaning is thereby not to discharge any former directions for restraint of your Lordships coming hither but that you continue under the same restriction as you did before so as your Lordships personal attendance is to be forborn and therein I doubt not but your Lordship will readily give his Majesty satisfaction And so I commend my service very heartily unto your Lordship and remain Your Lordships assured Friend and Servant THO. COVENTRY C.S. Dorset-Court March 31. 1626. His Answer to the Lord Keeper May it please your Lordship I Have received your Lordships Letter of the 31 of March and with it his Majesties Writ of Summons for the Parliament In the one his Majesty commandeth me that all excuses set aside upon my Faith and Allegiance I fail not to come to attend his Majesty And this under the Great Seal of England In the other as in a Letter missive his Majesties pleasure is intimated by your Lordship that my personal attendance should be forborn I must crave leave ingenuously to confess unto your Lordship that I want judgement rightly to direct my self in this Case as likewise that I am ignorant how far this may trench
attendeth the humor of the heedless Multitude that are full of jealousie and distrust and so unlike to comply to any unusual Course of Levy but by force which if used the effect is fearful and hath been fatal to the State Whereas that by Parliament resteth principally on the Regal person who may with ease and safety mould them to his fit designs by a gracious yielding to their just desires and Petitions If a Parliament then be the most speedy assurance and safe way it is fit to conceive what is the fairest way to act and work that to the present need First for the time of usual Summons Forty days reputed to be too large for this present Necessity it may be by dating the Writs lessened since it is no positive Law so that a care be had that there may a County-day after the Sheriff hath received the Writ before the time of sitting If then the Sum to be levied be once granted and agreed of for the time there may be in the body of the Grant an Assignment made to the Knights of every County respectively who under such assurance may safely give Security proportionable to the Receipts to such as shall adventure in present for the Publick service any Sums of money The last and weightiest Consideration if a Parliament be thought fit is How to remove or comply the Differences between the King and Subjects in their mutual demands And what I have learned amongst the better sort of the Multitude I will freely declare that your Lordships may be the more enabled to remove and answer those Distrusts that either concern Religion publick safety of the King and State or the just Liberty of the Commonwealth Religion is a matter that they lay nearest to their Consciences and they are led by this ground of jealousie to doubt some practices against it First for that though the Spanish Match was broken by the careful industry of my Lord of Buckingham out of his religious care as he then declared that the Articles there demanded might lead to some such Sufferance as might endanger the quiet if not the state of the Reformed Religion here yet there have when he was an Actor principal in the Conditions of France as hard if not worse to the preservation of our Religion passed then those with Spain And the suspect is strengthened by the close keeping of this Agreement and doubt in them of his affection in that his Mother and others many his Ministers of near imploiment about him are so affected They talk much of his advancing men Popishly devoted to Places in the Camp of nearest service and chief Command and that the Recusants have got these late years by his power more courage and assurance then before If to clear these doubts which perhaps are worse in fancie then in truth he take a course it might much advance the Publick service against the squeamish humors that have more of violent Passion then of setled Judgment and are not the least of the opposite number in the Commonwealth The next is The late misfortunes and losses of Men Munition and Honor in the late Undertakings abroad which the more temperate spirits impute to want of Council and the more sublime Wits to Practice They begin with the Palatinate and lay the fault of the loss thereof on the imputed Credit of Gondomar distrusting him for the staying of supply to Sir Horatio Vere when Colonel Cecil was cast on that imployment by which the King of Spain became Master of the Kings Childrens Inheritance And when Count Mansfield had a Royal supply of Forces to assist the Princes of our party for the recovety thereof either Plot or Error defeated the enterprise for us to Spains advantage That Sir Robert Mansfields Expedition to Algiers should purchase only the security and guard of the Spanish Coasts To spend many Hundred thousand pounds in the Cadiz-Voyage against the Advice in Parliament only to warn the King of Spain to be in readiness and so our selves weakned is taken for a sign of an ill affection amongst the Multitude The spending of much Munition Victuals and Money in my Lord Willoughbies Journey is counted an unthrifty error in the Director of it To disarm our selves in fruitless Voyages may seem a plot of danger It was held not long ago a fundamental Rule of our Neighbors and our Security by the old Lord Burleigh That nothing can prevent the Spanish Monarchy but a Fastness of those two Princes whose Amity gave countenance and courage to the Netherlands and German-Princes to make head against his Ambition And we see by this disunion a fearful Defeat hath happened to the King of Denmark and that party to the advantage of the Austrian Family And this waste of Publick Treasure in fruitless Expeditions will be an important Cause to hinder any new Supply in Parliament Another fear that may disturb the smooth and speedy passage of the Kings desires in Parliament is the vast waste of the Kings livelihood whereby is like as in former times to arise this jealousie and fear That when he hath not of his own to support his ordinary Charge for which the Lands of the Crown were setled unalterable and called Sacrum patrimonium Principis that then he must needs of necessity rest upon those assistances of the people which ever were only collected and consigned for the Commonwealth from whence it is like there will be no great labor and stiffness to induce his Majesty to an Act of Resumption since such desires of the State have found an easie way in the will of all Princes from the Third Henry unto the last But that which is like to pass the deepest into their Disputes and care is the late Pressures they supposed to have been done upon the Publick Liberty and Freedom of the Subject in commanding their Goods without assent by Parliament imprisoning and confining their Persons without special Cause declared and that made good against them by the Judges lately and pretending a Writ to command their attendances in Forein war All which they are like to enforce as repugnant to any positive Laws Institutions and Customary Immunities of this Commonwealth And these dangerous distastes to the people are not a little improved by the unexampled course as they conceive of retaining an Inland Army in Winter-season when former times of general fear as in Eighty eight produced none such And makes them in their distracted fears to conjecture idly it was raised wholly to subject their Fortunes to the will of Power rather then of Law and to make good some further breach upon their Liberties and Freedoms at home rather then defend us from any force abroad How far such Jealousies if they meet with any unusual disorder of lawless Soldiers are an apt distemper of the loose and needy Multitude which will easily turn away upon any occasion in the State that they can side withall as a glorious pretence of Religion and Publick safety when their true
for none is bound to give credit to such message but when it is under the great Seal it is Teste Meipso and if there was no command then there can be no contempt in the disobedience of that command 3 In this no contempt appears by the Information for the Information is That the King had power to adjourn Parliaments Then put case the command be that they should adjourn themselves this is no pursuance of the power which he is supposed to have The House may be adjourned two waies to wit by the King or by the House it self the last is their own voluntary act which the King cannot compell for Voluntas non cogitur 3 ly For the third matter which is the Conspiracy Although this be supposed to be out of the House yet the Act is legall for Members of the House may advise of matters out of the House for the House it self is not so much for consultations as for proposition of them And 20 H. 6.34 is that Enquests which are sworn for the King may enquire of matters else-where 2 For the Conspiracy to lay violent hands upon the Speaker to keep him in the Chair The House hath priviledge to detain him in the Chair and it was but lightly and softly and other Speakers have been so served 3 The King cannot prefer an Information for trespasse for it is said The King ought to be informed by a Iury to wit by indictment or presentment 4 This cannot be any contempt because it appears not that the House was adjourned and if so then the Speaker ought to remain in the Chair for without him the House cannot be adjourned But it may be objected that the Information is That all these matters were done malitiously and seditiously But to this I answer That this is alwaies to be understood according to the subject matter 15 E. 4. 4. and 18 H. 8.5 A wife that hath title to have Dower agrees with an other to enter which hath right that she against him may recover her Dower This shall not be said Covin because both the parties have right and title 2 It will be objected That if these matters shall not be punishable here they shall be unpunished altogether because the Parliament is determined To this I say That they may be punished in the subsequent Parliament and so there shall be no failer of right And many times matters in one Parliament have been continued to another as 4 E. 3. numb 16. the Lord Barkley's case 50 E. 3. numb 185.21 R. 2. c. 16.6 H. 6. numb 45 46.8 H. 4. numb 12. Offences in the Forrest ought to be punished in Eyre and Eyres oftentimes were not held but every third year C. 9. Epistle and 36 E. 3. c. 10. A Parliament may be every year Errour in this Court cannot be reversed but in Parliament And yet it was never objected that therefore there shall be a failer of Right 25 E. 3. c. 2. If a new case of treason happen which is doubtfull it shall not be determined till the next Parliament So in Westm. 2. c. 28. where a new case happens in which there is no Writ stay shall be made till the next Parliament And yet in these cases there is no failer of Right And so the Iudges have alwaies done in all difficult cases they have referred the determination of them to the next Parliament as appears by 2 E. 3 6 7.1 E. 3.8.33 H. 6.18.5 E. 2. Dower 145. the case of Dower of a Rent-charge And 1 Jac. the Iudges refuse to deliver their opinions concerning the union of the two Kingdoms The present case is great rare without president therefore not determinable but in Parliament And it is of dangerous consequence for 1 by the same reason all the Members of the House of Commons may be questioned 2 The parties shall be disabled to make their defence and the Clerk of Parliament is not bound to disclose those particulars And by this means the debates of a great Councill shall be referred to a petty Iury. And the parties cannot make justification for they cannot speak those words here which were spoken in the Parliament without slander And the Defendants have not means to compell any to be witnesses for them for the Members of the House ought not to discover the counsell of the House So that they are debar'd of justification evidence and witnesse Lastly by this means none will adventure to accuse any offender in Parliament but will rather submit himself to the common danger for for his pains he shall be imprisoned and perhaps greatly fined And if both these be unjust yet the party so vexed can have no recompence Therefore c. The Court The question is not now whether these matters be offences and whether true or false But admitting them to be offences the sole question is Whether this Court may punish them so that a great part of your Argument is nothing to the present question At another day being the next Calthrop argued for Mr. Valentine another of the Defendants 1 st In generall he said for the nature of the crimes that they are of four sorts 1. In Matter 2. In Words 3. By Consent 4. By Letters Two of them are laid to the charge of this Defendant to wit The crune of the Matter and of Consent And of offences Bracton makes some publick some private The offences here are publick And of them some are capitall some not capitall as assault conspiracy and such like which have not the punishment of life death Publick crimes capitall are such as are against the Law of Nature as treason murder I will agree that if they be committed in Parliament they may be questioned else-where out of Parliament But in our case the crimes are not capital for they are assault conspiracy which in many cases may be â—ustified as appears by 22 H. 7. Keilw 92. 2 ass 3 H. 4.10.22 E. 4.43 Therefore this Court shall not have jurisdiction of them for they are not against the Law of Nations of God or Nature And if these matters shal be examinable here by consequence all the actions of Parliament-men may be drawn in question in this Court But it seems by these reasons that this Court shall not have jurisdiction as this case is 1 st Because these offences are justifiable being but the bringing the Speaker to the Chair which also perhaps was done by the Uotes of the Commons but if these matters shall be â—ustified in this Court no tryall can be for upon issue of his own wrong he cannot be tryed because Acts done in the House of Commons are of Record as it was resolved in the Parliament 1 Jac. and 16 H. 7.3 C. 9.31 are that such matters cannot be tryed by the Country And now they cannot be tryed by Record because as 29 H. 8. Dy. 32. is an inferiour Court cannot write to a superiour And no Certiorari lies out of the Chancery to send this here
which your self shall discover And you shall advertise me of whatsoever you shall understand the learn governing your self in all occurrents with that wariness and discretion as your zeal to my service doth assure me of These were the Arts of Spain to corrupt divers in the Court of England Buckingham and his Dependants followed the Kings inclinations The Duke of Lenox Marquis Hamilton and William Earl of Pembroke disliking the Kings course did not contest with him but only intimated their dissent It was said of Gondomar That when he returned into Spain he gave in his Account of Disbursments for Pensions given in England amongst others To Sir Robert Cotton 1000 l. a person of great Integrity and one who was ever averse to the House of Austria Which Sir Robert getting notice of by the English Agent then in Spain demanded reparation which was obtained but with a salvo to the Ambassadors honor the error being said to be committed by a Dependent upon the Ambassador and not by himself The King being jealous of uncomptrolled Soveraignty and impatient of his Peoples intermedling with the Mysteries of State had fallen into a great dislike of Parliaments and for many years before had given way to Projects and Monopolies And many of his Ministers perhaps fearing an enquiry into their own actions might suggest to him that he might better furnish himself by those ways and the Match now in treaty then by Subsidies usually accompanied with the redress of Grievances Nevertheless he was now minded to call a Parliament conceiving it might be of special use For he observed the affections of the People to be raised for the Recovery of the Palatinate and then concluded that those affections would open their purses to the supply of his wants and the Treaty with Spain would effect the business without the expence and troubles of War and the good accord between him and his people would quicken the Spaniard to conclude the Match And accordingly Writs were issued forth to assemble them the 30. of Ianuary In the calling of this Parliament he recommended to his Subjects the choice of such Members as were of the wisest gravest and best affected people neither superstitious nor turbulent but obedient Children to this their Mother-Church In the mean while in Germany the Protestant Union continually declined by the gradual falling away of the several partakers The Elector of Saxony reduced the remainder of Lusatia The Province of Moravia upon the approach of Buquoy seeing the Count de Latiere came not in to their succor prayed that they might enjoy their Priviledges in matter of Religion and be received into the Emperors grace and favor which submission was well received at Vienna Likewise the States of Silesia failing of assistance from the Elector Palatine were constrained to make their peace Then the Palatine propounded to the Elector of Saxony an Overture of Peace declaring That he took the Crown upon him to preserve the Protestants in the free exercise of their Religion The Saxon replied That he had no way to make his Peace but to renounce the Kingdom of Bohemia and the Provinces Incorporate and to beg the Emperors pardon Afterwards the Elector Palatine goeth to Brandenburgh and then to Segenburgh where there was an Assembly of Princes and States Protestant to oppose the exploits of Spinola In the mean while Count Mansfield stirs in Bohemia pillages several Towns and the Goods of all those that cryed God save King Ferdinand The relation of England to these affairs of Foreign States had caused a general liberty of discourse concerning matters of State which King Iames could not bear but by Proclamation commanded all from the highest to the lowest not to intermeddle by Pen or Speech with State-concerments and secrets of Empire either at home or abroad which were no fit Themes or Subjects for Vulgar persons or Common meetings On the Thirtieth day of Ianuary the Parliament began to sit and the King came in person and made this Speech MY Lords Spiritual and Temporal and you the Commons Cui multiloquio non deest peccatum In the last Parliament I made long discourses especially to them of the Lower House I did open the true thoughts of my heart but I may say with our Saviour I have piped to you and you have not danced I have mourned and you have not lamented Yet as no mans actions can be free so in me God found some spices of vanity and so all my sayings turned to me again without any success And now to tell the reasons of your calling and this meeting apply it to your selves and spend not the time in long Speeches Consider that the Parliament is a thing composed of a Head and a Body The Monarch and the Two Estates It was first a Monarchy then after a Parliament There are no Parliaments but in Monarchical Governments For in Venice the Netherlands and other Free Governments there are none The Head is to call the Body together And for the Clergy the Bishops are chief for Shires their Knights and for Towns and Cities their Burgesses and Citizens These are to treat of difficult matters and to counsel their King with their best advice to make Laws for the Commonweal And the Lower House is also to petition their King and acquaint him with their Grievances and not to meddle with their Kings Prerogative They are to offer supply for his Necessity and he to distribute in recompence thereof Justice and Mercy As in all Parliaments it is the Kings office to make good Laws whose fundamental cause is the Peoples ill manners so at this time that we may meet with the new Abuses and the incroaching Craft of the times Particulars shall be read hereafter As touching Religion Laws enough are made already It stands in two points Perswasion and Compulsion Men may perswade but God must give the blessing Iesuites Priests Puritans and Sectaries erring both on the right hand and left hand are forward to perswade unto their own ends and so ought you the Bishops in your example and preaching But Compulsion to obey is to bind the Conscience There is talk of the Match with Spain But if it shall not prove a Furtherance to Religion I am not worthy to be your King I will never proceed but to the glory of God and content of my Subjects For a Supply to my Necessities I have reigned Eighteen years in which time you have had Peace and I have received far less supply than hath been given to any King since the Conquest The last Queen of famous memory had one year with another above a Hundred thousand pounds per annum in Subsidies And in all my time I have had but Four Subsidies and Six Fifteens It is Ten years since I had a Subsidy in all which time I have been sparing to trouble you I have turned my self as nearly to save expences as I may I have abated much in my Household expences in my
Navies in the charge of my Munition I made not choice of an old beaten Soldier for my Admiral but rather chose a Young man whose honesty and integrity I knew whose care hath been to appoint under him sufficient men to lessen my Charges which he hath done Touching the miserable dissentions in Christendom I was not the cause thereof For the appeasing whereof I sent my Lord of Doncaster whose journey cost me Three thousand five hundred pounds My Son in law sent to me for Advice but within three days after accepted of the Crown which I did never approve of for three Reasons First for Religion's sake as not holding with the Jesuites disposing of Kingdoms rather learning of our Saviour to uphold not to overthrow them Secondly I was not Iudge between them neither acquainted with the Laws of Bohemia Quis me Judicem fecit Thirdly I have treated a Peace and therefore will not be a Party Yet I left not to preserve my Childrens Patrimony For I had a Contribution of my Lords and Subjects which amounted to a great sum I borrowed of my Brother of Denmark Seven thousand five hundred pounds to help him and sent as much to him as made it up Ten thousand and Thirty thousand I sent to the Princes of the Union to hearten them I have lost no time Had the Princes of the Union done their parts that handful of men I sent had done theirs I intend to send by way of Perswasion which in this Age will little avail unless a strong hand assist Wherefore I purpose to provide an Army the next Summer and desire you to consider of my Necessities as you have done to my Predecessors Qui cito dat bis dat I will engage my Crown my Blood and my Soul in that Recovery You may be informed of me in things in course of Justice but I never sent to any of my Iudges to give sentence contrary to Law Consider the Trade for the making thereof better and shew me the reason why my Mint for these eight or nine years hath not gone I confess I have been liberal in my Grants but if I be informed I will amend all hurtful Grievances But who shall hasten after Grievances and desire to make himself popular he hath the spirit of Satan If I may know my Errors I will reform them I was in my first Parliament a Novice and in my last there was a kind of beasts called Undertakers a dozen of whom undertook to govern the last Parliament and they led me I shall thank you for your good office and desire that the World may say well of our agreement In this Parliament the Commons presented Sir Tho. Richardson for their Speaker The King minded his former engagements and in the beginning of the Parliament sends Sir Iohn Digby now made Lord Digby into Flanders to the Archduke Albertus to gain a present Cessation from War and to make way for a Treaty of Peace with the Emperor And also about the same time he sent Mr. George Gage to Rome to join with Padre Maestre the Spanish Agent in negotiating the Popes Dispensation The Archduke at Bruxels assented to a Reconciliation in favor of our King and obtained from Marquis Spinola a suspension of all hostility against the Country and Subjects of the Elector Palatine which continued till the death of Archduke Albert who died 17º Iulii following So the Lord Digby returned into England bringing the Cessation of Arms about the same time that Sir Edward Villers brought the Palsgrave's Submission But the Twelve years Peace between Spain and the United Provinces at this time expiring Spinola returned into Flanders and left the Palatinate to the Imperial Forces After the Assembly at Segenburgh the Palatine and his Princess took their journey into Holland where they found a refuge and noble entertainment with the Prince of Orange who gave a high testimony of honor to the Electress at her first arrival for her magnanimous carriage in Bohemia The Ambassage of Weston and Conway prevailed little The Emperor went on in a severe Reformation and frequent Executions among that vanquished people He destroyed most of their antient Laws and made new Ordinances declaring a soveraignty over them not as an Elected King but as a Lord by right of Conquest More Princes of the Union reconcile themselves to the Emperor The Imperial Protestant Towns Strasburgh Worms and Nuremburgh subscribe to Conditions of Peace The reconciled Princes and States intercede for the Elector Palatine but their motion displeased the Emperor who alleadged that the Palatine did not acknowledge his faults nor sue for Pardon but made Levies in Holland and elswhere to renew the War in the Empire For the King of Denmark the United Provinces and divers German Princes did adhere to the Palsgrave's cause and stickle for him But the Princes Confederates being already scattered and the heart of the Union broken Those counsels and enterprises of War on his behalf in stead of repressing the progress of the Austrian party did minister occasion of their more absolute and plenary Conquest But to return to the Parliament in England They petition the King for the due execution of Laws against Jesuites Seminary Priests and Popish Recusants Likewise they take in hand to redress the Peoples Grievances by illegal Patents and Projects and chiefly that of Inns and Alehouses for which there was a great Fine and an Annual Revenue throughout the Kingdom and the Monopoly of Gold and Silver-thread whereby the People were abused with base and counterfeit Wares But the examination of these Abuses was accompanied with the grant of Two Subsidies which was very acceptable to the King Sir Giles Mompesson was convented before the House of Commons for many heinous offences and misdemeanors in this kind to the intolerable grievance of the Subject the great dishonor of the King and the scandal of his Government This Delinquent was committed to prison but he escaped thence and got beyond sea and was pursued by the Kings Proclamation The Commons at a Conference with the Lords offered to prove That the Patents of Gold and Silver-Thread of Inns and Alehouses and of power to Compound for obsolete Laws of the Price of Horse-meat Starch Cords Tobacco-pipes Salt Train-oil and the rest were all illegal Howbeit they touch'd not the tender point of Prerogative but in restoring the Subjects liberty were careful to preserve the Kings honor The Lords resolved to admit no other business till this were ended Hereupon the King came to the House of Lords and there made a Speech MY Lords The last time I came hither my errand was to inform you as well as my memory could serve me of things so long past of the verity of my proceedings and the caution used by me in passing those Letters-Patents which are now in question before you to the effect that they might not be abused in the execution And this I did by way of
and since the malice of deceitful men hath crost those fair ways abusing his Majesties trust goodness he must cast about and sail by another point of the Compass whereby he might securely and easily attain to his noble and pious ends The means whereunto were these First that his Enemies know the Lyon hath teeth claws Next that he imbrace and invite a strict association and friendship with those whom neighborhood alliance and common Interest of State and Religion had joined to him Feb. 19. the Parliament began at Westminster The King being set in the Throne spake thus I Have assembled you at this time to impart to you a secret and matter of great importance as can bâ— to my State and the State of my Children wherein I crave your best and safest advice and counsel according as the Writ whereby you were assembled imports That the King would advise with you in matters concerning his Estate and Dignity And as I have ever endeavored by this the like ways to procure and cherish the love of my people towards me so do I hope and my hope is exceeded by faith for I fully now believe that never any King was more beloved of his people whom as you my Lords and Gentlemen do here represent so would I have you truly â—o represent their loves all to me that in you as in a true Mirror or glass I may perfectly behold it and not as in a False glass that represents it not at all or otherwise then it is indeed Give me your free and faithful counsels in the matter I propose of which you have often heard the Match of my Son wherein as you may know I have spent much time with great cost in long Treaties desiring always therein and not without reason hoping to have effected my desires the advancement of my State and Children and the general Peace of Christendom wherein I have always constantly labored depending upon fair hopes and promises At the earnest instance of my Son I was contented although it was of an extraordinary nature to send him to prosecute his desires in Spain and for his more safety sent Buckingham in whom I ever reposed most trust of my person with him with this command continually to be present with him and never to leave him till he returned again fafely unto me Which he perform'd though not with that effect in the busines that I expected yet not altogether without profit For it taught me this point of wisdom Qui versatur in generalibus is easily deceived and that Generality brings nothing to good issue but that before any matter can be fully finished it must be brought to particulars For when as I thought the affair had been before their going produced to a narrow point relying upon their general propositions I found when they came there the matter proved to be so raw as if it had never been treated of the generals giving them easie way to evade and affording them means to avoid the effecting of any thing The particulars that passed in the Treaty I mean not now to discover to you the time being too short I refer you to Charls Buckingham and the Secretaries Reports who shall relate unto you all the particulars And after that super totam materiam I desire your best assistance to advise me what is best and fittest for me to do for the good of the Commonwealth and the advancement of Religion and the good of my Son and my Grandchildren of the Palatine And of our estate I know you cannot but be sensible considering that your welfare consists in ours and you shall be sure to have your share in what misery shall befall us And therefore I need to urge no other Argument to you in this behalf in offering me your wisest and surest Counsel and Furtherance And I assure you in the faith of a Christian King that it is res integra presented unto you and that I stand not bound nor either way engaged but remain free to follow what shall be best advised To plant is not sufficient unless like good Gardiners you pluck up the weeds that will choak your labors And the greatest weeds among you are Jealousies root them out For my Actions I dare avow them before God but Jealousies are of a strange depth I am the Husband and you the Wife and it is subject to the Wife to be jealous of her Husband Let this be far from you I can truly say and will avouch it before the seat of God and Angels that never King governed with a purer sincerer and more uncorruâ—â— heart then I have done far from all will and meaning of the least error or imperfection in my Reign It hath been talked of my remisness in maintenance of Religion and suspition of a Toleration But as God shall judge me I never thought nor meant nor ever in word expressed any thing that savored of it It is true that at times for reasons best known to my self I did not so fully put those Laws in execution but did wink and connive at some things which might have hindred more weighty affairs But I never in all my Treaties ever agreed to any thing to the overthrow and disagreeing of those Laws but had in all a chief preservation of that Truth which I have ever professed And as in that respect I have a charitable conceit of you I would have you have the like of me also In which I did not transgress For it is a good Horse-mans part not always to use his spurs and keep strait the rein but sometimes to use the spurs and suffer the reins more remiss so it is the part of a wise King and my age and experience in Government hath informed me sometimes to quicken the Laws with strait executions and at other times upon just occasion to be more remiss And I would also remove from your thoughts all jealousies that I might or ever did question or infringe any of your lawful Liberties or Priviledges but I protest before God I ever intended you should enjoy the fulness of all those that former Times give good warrant and testimony of which if need be I will enlarge and amplifie Therefore I would have you as I have in this place heretofore told you as S. Paul did Timothy avoid Genealogies and curious Questions and nice Querks and Jerks of Law and idle Innovations And if you minister me no just occasion I never yet was nor never shall be curious or captious to quarrel with you But I desire you to avoid all doubts and hinderances and to compose your selves speedily and quietly to this weighty affair I have proposed for that I have found already delayes have proved dangerous and have bred distraction of this business and I would not have you by other occasions to neglect or protract it God is my Judge I speak it as a Christian King Never any waifaring man that was in the Desarts of Arabia and in
presented to and answered by the King And the Commons the same day resumed the Debate again concerning the Duke and Misgovernment and Misimployment of the Revenue c. Ordered the Duke to have notice again thereof The next day the King sent a Message to the House of Commons That they do to morrow at Nine of the clock attend his Majesty in the Hall at Whitehall and in the mean time all Proceedings in the House and Committee to cease Where his Majesty made this ensuing Speech My Lords and Gentlemen I Have called you hither to day I mean both Houses of Parliament but it is for several and distinct reasons My Lords you of the Upper House to give you thanks for the Care of the State of the Kingdom now and not only for the Care of your own Proceedings but for inciting your Fellow-House of the Commons to take that into their consideration Therefore my Lords I must not only give you thanks but I must also avow that if this Parliament do not redound to the good of this Kingdom which I pray God it may it is not your faults And you Gentlemen of the House of Commons I am sorry that I may not justly give the same thanks to you but that I must tell you that I am come here to shew you your errors and as I may call it Unparliamentary proceedings in this Parliament But I do not despair because you shall see your faults so cleerly by the Lord Keeper that you may so amend your Proceeding that this Parliament shall end comfortably and happily though at the beginning it hath had some rubs Then the Lord Keeper by the Kings command spake next MY Lords and you the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons You are here assembled by his Majesties commandment to receive a Declaration of his Royal pleasure which although it be intended only to the House of Commons yet his Majesty hath thought meet the matter being of great weight and importance it should be delivered in the presence of both Houses and both Houses make one General Council And his Majesty is willing that the Lords should be Witnesses of the Honor and Justice of his Resolutions And therefore the Errand which by his Majesties direction I must deliver hath relation to the House of Commons I must address my self therefore to you Mr. Speaker and the rest of that House And first his Majesty would have you to understand That there was never any King more loving to his People or better affectioned to the right use of Parliaments then his Majesty hath approved himself to be not only by his long patience since the sitting down of this Parliament but by those mild and calm Directions which from time to time that House hath received by Message and Letter and from his Royal mouth when the irregular humors of some particular persons wrought diversions and distractions there to the disturbance of those great and weighty Affairs which the Necessity of the Times the honor and safety of the King and Kingdom called upon And therefore his Majesty doth assure you that when these great Affairs are setled and that his Majesty hath received satisfaction of his reasonable Demands he will as a just King hear and answer your just Grievances which in a dutiful way shall be presented unto him and this his Majesty doth avow Next his Majesty would have you know of a surety That as never any King was more loving to his People nor better affectioned to the right use of Parliaments so never King more jealous of his Honor nor more sensible of the neglect and contempt of his Royal Rights which his Majesty will by no means suffer to be violated by any pretended colour of Parliamentary Liberty wherein his Majesty doth not forget that the Parliament is his Council and therefore ought to have the liberty of a Council but his Majesty understands the difference betwixt Council and Controlling and between Liberty and the Abuse of Liberty This being set down in general his Majesty hath commanded me to relate some particular passages and proceedings whereat he finds himself agrieved First Whereas a seditious speech was uttered amongst you by Mr. Cook the House did not as they ought to do censure and correct him And when his Majesty understanding it did by a Message by Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer delivered to the House require Justice of you his Majesty hath since found nothing but protracting and delaies This his Majesty holds not agreeable to the wisdom and the duty which he expected from the House of Commons Secondly Whereas Doctor Turner in a strange Unparliamentary way without any ground of knowledge in himself or offering any particular proof to the House did take upon him to advise the House to enquire upon sundry Articles against the Duke of Buckingham as he pretended but in truth to wound the Honor and Government of his Majesty and of his renowned Father And his Majesty first by a Message and after by his own Royal mouth did declare That that Course of Enquiry was an Example which by no way he could suffer though it were against his meanest Servant much less against one so neer him and that his Majesty did much wonder at the foolish insolencie of any man that can think that his Majesty should be drawn out of any end to offer such a Sacrifice so unworthy of a King or a good Master Yet for all this you have been so far from correcting the Insolencie of Turner that ever since that time your Committees have walked in the steps of Turner and proceeded in an Unparliamentary Inquisition running upon generals and repeating that whereof you have made Fame the groundwork Here his Majesty hath cause to be exceeding sensible that upon every particular he finds the Honor of his Father stained and blemished and his own no less and withal you have manifested a great forwardness rather to pluck out of his bosom those who are neer about him and whom his Majesty hath cause to affect then to trust his Majesty with the future reformation of these things which you seem to aim at And yet you cannot deny but his Majesty hath wrought a greater Reformation in matters of Religion Execution of the Laws and concerning things of great importance then the shortness of his Reign in which he hath been hindred partly through sickness and the distraction of things which we could have wished had been otherwise could produce Concerning the Duke of Buckingham his Majesty hath commanded me to tell you That himself doth better know then any man living the sincerity of the Dukes proceedings with what cautions of weight and discretion he hath been guided in his publick Imployments from his Majesty and his blessed Father what Enemies he hath procured at home and abroad what peril of his person and hazard of his estate he ran into for the service of his Majesty and his ever blessed Father and how
Peace as they doubted he would not be brought to enter into War But Count Mansfield procured the King of France to Contract to receive our Troops with promise to enter into the War upon condition it might be regulated by the Council of the French King and England This favor to Count Mansfield That France agreed that his Armies should joyn with the Kings Troops wrought the Princes of Germany to believe that the King would enter into a War Thereupon the Imperialists left their Dyet and sent Tilly to Friezland and to take up the River of Embden which if he had obtained they would have trampled the Low-Countreys under foot and would have become Governors of the Sea Upon this the King of Denmark sent to our King and offered to raise an Army of Thirty thousand men if our King would allow Thirty thousand pounds a Moneth and said He would admit no time of respite for if Tilly had not been presently met and headed all had been lost Whereupon our King called a Counsel and appointed Commissioners and from that time all the Warrants for the issuing of the Moneys were all under the Kings own hand to the Council of War and from them to the Treasurers and the Warrants were from the Lords of the Council for the Levying of Men and for Coats and Conduct-Money A List whereof is hereunder specified Thereupon the Duke asked the Question Whether any thing was done by single Council To which the Lord Conway answered No. For the Treaty of Denmark Project of Count Mansfield Treaties with France and the business of the Navy were done all by the King himself and who can say it was done by single Council when King Iames commanded it whose Council every man ought to reverence especially in matters of War whereunto that King was not hasty The Total of Moneys paid by Warrants of the Treasurers of the Subsidy Money IN Toto for the Four Regiments of the Low-Countries from the Thirtieth of Iune 1624. till the One and twentieth of Iuly 1624. 99878 l. 00 s. 06 d. For the Navy from the Thirteenth of Iuly 1624. till the Three and twentieth of December 37530 l. 08 s. 04 d. For the Office of the Ordinance and Forts in England from the Twentieth of Iuly 1624. till the Fifteenth of Iune 1625. 47126 l. 05 s. 05 d. To defray Charges for Forts in Ireland about October 1624. 32295 l. 18 s. 04 d. For the Service under Count Mansfield for Provisions of Arms transporting of Soldiers from the Fourth of October 1624. till the Tenth of December 1624. 61666 l. 13 s. 04 d. Sum Total 278497 l. 04 s. 11 d. MEmorandum That over and above the several Services before specified and the several Sums issued and to be issued by our Warrants for the same We did long since resolve and order accordingly that out of the Moneys of the Second and third Subsidies these further Services should be performed and Moneys issued accordingly viz. In full of the Supply of all the Forts and Castles before-mentioned Surveyed per Sir Richard Morison Sir Iohn Ogle Sir Iohn Kay in September 1613. with all sorts of Munitions according to several Proportions and Warrants for the same 4973 l. In full for the Reparations of all the said Forts and Castles according to the said Survey 10650 l. 06s 08 d. But the said Subsidies being not like to afford means to perform these so necessary Works We humbly commend the supply of what shall be wanting for the same unto your Majesties Princely consideration Whilest the Commons were inquiring into Publick Grievances the Lords represented to the King a Grievance to their own Order in this following Petition To the Kings most Excellent Majesty The Petition of your ever Loyal Subjects the Lords Spiritual and Temporal now in Parliament Assembled In all humility sheweth THat whereas the Péers and Nobility of this Your Kingdom of England have heretofore in Civility yeilded as to strangers Precedency according to their several degrées unto such Nobles of Scotland and Ireland as being in Titles above them have resorted hither Now divers of the natural born Subjects of those Kingdoms resident here with their Families and having their cheif Estates among us do by reason of some late created Dignities in those Kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland claim Precedency of the Péers of this Realm which tends both to the disservice of Your Majesty and these Realms and to the great disparagement of the English Nobility as by these Reasons may appear I. It is a novelty without president that men should inherit Honors where they possess nothing else II. It is injurious to those Countreys from whence their Titles are derived that they should have a Uote in Parliament where they have not a foot of Land III. It is a grievance to the Country where they inhabite that men possessing very large Fortunes and Estates should by reason of Foreign Titles be exempted from those Services of Trust and Charge which through their default become greater pressures upon others who bear the burthen IV. It is a shame to Nobility that Persons dignified with the Titles of Barons Viscounts c. should be obnoxious and exposed to arrest they being in the view of the Law no more then méer Plebeians We therefore humbly beséech your Majesty That you will be pleased according to the examples of the best Princes and times upon consideration of these inconveniencis represented to Your Majesty by the nearest Body of Honor to Your Majesty that some course may be taken and an order timely setled therein by Your Princely Wisdom so as the inconvenience to Your Majesty may be prevented and the prejudice and disparagement of the Péers and Nobility of this Kingdom be redressed To this Petition the King gave Answer That he would take order therein The Earl of Bristol who continued under Restraint and was debarred Access to his Majesty ever since his return out of Spain had been examined touching his Negotiation there by a Committee of Lords appointed by the King Certain Propositions were tendred unto him in order to his Release and composing of that Affair concerning which he had written to the Lord Conway and about this time received the ensuing Letter from him The Lord Conway to the Earl of Bristol My Lord I Received a Letter from your Lordship dated the Fourth of this Moneth written in Answer to a former Letter which I directed to your Lordship by his Majesties Commandment This last Letter according to my duty I have shewed unto his Majesty who hath perused it and hath commanded me to write back to you again That he findes himself nothing satisfied therewith The Question propounded to your Lordship from his Majesty was plain and clear Whether you did rather chuse to sit still without being questioned for any Errors past in your Negotiation in Spain and enjoy the benefit of the late gratious Pardon granted in Parliament whereof you may have the benefit Or
he had heard by several ways the King suffered much and was infinitely pressed by the Duke concerning the said Earl and his affairs and this he said was the suffering he had spoken of to their Lordships the other day The Earl craved leave of their Lordships to specifie some other particulars whereby it should appear that his Majesty was in no kind ill opinioned of him till his dying day viz. That several persons will depose that they have heard his Majesty say that he esteemed him an honest man And that he was pleased to accept of Toyes by way of Present from him graciously and in good part and at last was likewise pleased to give him leave to come to London and to follow his own affairs and that his pleasure was signified unto him by the Duke his own Letter Whereupon he determined to come to London intimated to the Duke his intention of going to his Lodging in Whitehall but the Duke was therewith incensed again and said he mistook the Kings meaning which was that he might privately follow his own business And this he said was the true State and Condition when it pleased God to take unto his mercy his late most gracious Majesty Upon his Majesties coming to the Crown he said he wrote a most humble Letter unto his Majesty imploring his grace and goodness and desiring the Dukes mediation But he was pleased to answer by his Letter of 7 Maii 1625. That the resolution was to proceed against him without a plain and direct Confession of the Point which he had formerly required him to acknowledge and in a Courtly manner of menace telleth him That he would take the freedom to advise him to bethink himself in time what will be most for his good But in the interim his Majesty was graciously pleased that his Writ of Parliament should be sent him and thereupon he wrote unto the Duke of the receipt of the said Writ but that he should do nothing but what he should understand to be most agreeable to his Majesties pleasure Whereunto the Duke answered in his Letters of May in this manner I have acquainted his Majesty with your requests towards him touching your Summons to the Parliament which he taketh very well and would have you rather make excuse for your absence notwithstanding your Writ then to come your self in person Whereupon he sent humbly to desire a Letter of leave under his Majesties hand for his Warrant but in stead thereof he received from the L. Conway an absolute Prohibition and to restrain and confine him in such sort as he hath been in the late Kings time And although he was indeed absolutely set free he could never get cleared by the Lord Conway though he sent him all the Papers to examine and when he could make no further reply he said he conceived he was under restraint and that his liberty expired with the late Kings death when indeed Restraint may expire but Liberty is natural After this he continued for the space of three quarters of a year in the Country without moving in which time he was removed from those Places and Offices he held during his late Majesties life and the greatest part of his Estate being laid out in their Majesties service by their particular appointment he could never be admitted so much as to the clearing of Accompts Yet hereof he never made the least complaint But against the time of his Majesties Coronation he thought it fit to lay hold of that occasion when Princes do Acts of grace and favor to be a most humble Suitor to his Majesty for his grace and goodness and addressed his Letters unto the Duke of Buckingham from whom he received a Letter all written in his own hand and therein a Letter inclosed from his Majesty so different from some gracious Message which he had received from his Majesty since the said Earl returned into England upon the occasion of a great sickness and likewise from his speeches several times delivered to his Wife to wit That he had never offended him and that for his faults he no ways held them criminal but to be expiated by any easie acknowledgment That he confessed he knew not what judgment to make of the said Letter neither hath presumed hitherto to make any Answer thereto although by reducing the occasions of speeches and circumstances to his Majesties memory he no ways doubteth but he shall be able to give unto his Majesty such satisfaction to every particular as his Majesty would not remain with the least scruple in any one point After this he said that his Writ of Parliament was detained whereupon he addressed himself to the Lord Keeper that he would be a Suitor to his Majesty for him in that behalf which diligences not taking effect by Petition he became a Suitor to their Lordships for their Honorable mediation to his Majesty and thereupon his Writ of Parliament was awarded But the Duke of Buckingham upon that took occasion as he had published Copies of the said Letter over all the Kingdom to read it likewise in that Honorable House as was best known unto their Lordships and the Writ was accompanied with a Prohibition from the Loâ—d Keeper whereupon he addressed himself for Justice to that Honorable House being possessed of his Cause by his Petition for both redress of his own wrongs and likewise of Complaints against the Duke for many Crimes And that Honorable House being possessed of his Cause by his Petition there is preferred against him a succeeding Complaint amounting as high as Treason as it is pretended although he for divers years hath not been questioned yet since his Complaint against the Duke he hath been fetcht up like a Prisoner and brought into that House as a Delinquent And the Duke of whom he hath complained for his great Crimes is admitted still to sit in the House as one of his Judges The which with all that he hath formerly said together with his Life Fortunes and Honor he did with all willingness humility and duty submit to the Justice and Honor of that House Then the Lords asked him When he would bring in his Answer He promised to answer as soon as might be but knew not how far he should have occasion to use his antient Dispatches The Lord Keeper told him that Mr. Attorney might help him by letting him know it The Attorney said that his Charge should in nothing look further back then to the year 1621. Which he desired might be recorded Whereupon the Earl thanking their Lordships for their patience he was carried away by Mr. Maxwell the Gentleman-Usher in whose house and custody he remained Then were read the Earls Articles against the Duke and the Lord Conway viz. Articles of the Earl of Bristol whereby he chargeth the Duke of Buckingham bearing Date the First day of May 1626. I. THat the Duke of Buckingham did secretly combine with the Conde of Gondomar Ambassador for the King of Spain before
end will be only rapine and ruine of all is worthy a prudent and preventing care I have thus far delivered with that freedom you pleased to admit such Difficulties as I have taken up amongst the Multitude as may arrest if not remove Impediments to any Supply in Parliament Which how to facilitate may better become the care of your Judgments then my Ignorance Only I could wish to remove away a personal distaste of my Lord Duke of Buckingham amongst the people He might be pleased if there be a necessity of a Parliament to appear first Adviser thereunto and of the satisfaction it shall please his Majesty of grace to give at such time to his people which I would wish to be grounded by president of his best and fortunate Progenitors And which I conceive will satisfie the desires and hopes of all if it may appear in some sort to be drawn down from him to the people by the zealous care industry that my Lord of Buckingham hath of the publick unity and content By which there is no doubt but he may remain not only secure from any further quarrel with them but merit a happy memory amongst them of a zealous Patriot For to expiate the passion of the people at such times with sacrifice of any of his Majesties Servants I have found it as in Ed. 2. Rich. 2. Hen. 6. no less fatal to the Master then to the Ministers in the end These and such like Considerations being represented to the King Ian. 29. A Resolution is taken at the Council-Table to call a Parliament to meet the 17. of March following And now Warrants are sent according to a preceding Order made in this moneth to all parts to release the Imprisoned Gentry and confined Gentlemen for the business of the Loan-money And as fast as Writs came to the Counties and Boroughs to choose Members for Parliament those Gentlemen who suffered for the Loan were chiefly in the Peoples eye to be elected to serve for them in the ensuing Parliament to present their Grievances and assert their Liberties The Names of the Gentry who about the time that Writs issued out for a Parliament were released out of Restraint and Confinement appear by the ensuing Order and List. At Whitehall Present The Kings Majesty Lord Treasurer Lord President Lord Admiral Lord Steward Lord Chamberlain Earl of Suffolk Earl of Dorset Earl of Salisbury Earl of Morton Lord Viscount Conway Lord Bishop of Durham Lord B. Bath and Wells Mr. Treasurer Mr. Comptroller Master of the Wards Mr. Secretary Cook Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer Mr. Chancellor of the Duchy IT is this day Ordered by His Majesty being present in Council That the several persons hereunder written shall from henceforth be discharged and set at liberty from any Restraint heretofore put upon them by His Majesties Commandment And hereof all Sheriffs and other Officers are to take notice Knights Sir Iohn Strangewayes Sir Thomas Grantham Sir William Armin Sir William Massam Sir William Wilmore Sir Erasmus Drailon Sir Edward Aiscough Sir Nathanael Barnardiston Sir Robert Poyntz Sir Beacham St. Iohn Sir Oliver Luke Sir Maurice Berkley Sir Thomas Wentworth Sir Iohn Wray Sir William Constable Sir Iohn Hotham Sir Iohn Pickering Sir Francis Barrington Sir William Chancey Esquires William Anderson Terringham Norwood Iohn Trigonwell Thomas Godfrey Richard Knightley Thomas Nicholas Iohn Hampden George Ratcliffe Iohn Dulton Henry Pool Nathanael Coxwell Robert Hatley Thomas Elmes Gent. Thomas Wood Iohn Wilkinson William Allen Thomas Holyhead All these remained confined to several Counties Knights Sir Walter Earl Sir Thomas Darnell Sir Harbotle Grimston Esquire George Catesby Londoners Edward Hooker George Basset Londoners Iames Wooldrond Londoners Henry Sanders Londoners All Prisoners in the Fleet. Knights Sir Iohn Corbet Sir Iohn Elliot Esquire William Coriton Londoners Iohn Stevens Thomas Deacon Iohn Potter In the Gate-house Knight Sir Iohn Heveningham Londoners Samuel Vassal William Angel In the Marshalsey Londoners William Savage Mathanael Manesty In the New-Prison Londoners Robert Lever Iohn Peacock Edward Ridge Iohn Oclabery Andrew Stone William Spurstow Roger Hughes Iohn Pope Iames Bunch Thomas Garris Iames Waldron Iohn Bennet Ambrose Aylot Thomas Sharp Thomas Totham Augustine Brabrook Robert Payne Edward Talston Iohn Whiting Thomas Webb Iohn Ferry All in the Custody of a Messenger Orders issued also from the Council to the Lord Major and Aldermen of London To use moderation in the demanding of the Loan-money from those of the City of London who deferred paiment And now Archbishop Abbot the Earl of Bristol and the Bishop of Lincoln notwithstanding the cloud they were under are had in consideration by the King and Council and Writs are ordered to be sent unto them to sit in the House of Peers the ensuing Parliament After the Writs of Summons went forth the King gave direction for a Commission to raise monies by Impositions in nature of an Excise to be levied throughout the Nation to pass under the Great Seal And at the same time ordered the Lord Treasurer to pay Thirty thousand pounds to Philip Burlemac a Dutch Merchant in London to be by him returned over into the Low-Countries by Bill of Exchange unto Sir William Balfour and Iohn Dalbier for the raising of a Thousand Horse with Arms both for Horse and Foot The supposed intent of which German Horse was as was then feared to inforce the Excise which was then setting on foot The Council also had then under consideration the Levying of Ship-money upon the Counties to raise the King a Revenue that way But now that a Parliament was called the Council held it unfit and unseasonable to debate these matters any further at that time A little before the Parliament assembled a Society of Recusants was taken in Clerkenwell Divers of them were found to be Jesuites and the House wherein they were taken was designed to be a Colledge of that Order Among their Papers was found a Copy of this Letter written to their Father Rector at Bruxels discovering their Designs upon this State and their Judgment of the temper thereof with a Conjecture of the success of the ensuing Parliament Father Rector LEt not the damp of Astonishment seise upon your ardent and zealous soul in apprehending the sudden and unexpected Calling of a Parliament We have not opposed but rather furthered it So that we hope as much in this Parliament as ever we feared any in Queen Elizabeth's days You must know the Council is engaged to assist the King by way of Prerogative in case the Parliamentary way should fail You shall see this Parliament will resemble the Pelican which takes a pleasure to dig out with her beak her own bowels The Election of Knights and Burgesses hath been in such confusion of apparent Faction as that which we were wont to procure heretofore with much art and industry when the Spanish Match was in Treaty now breaks out naturally as a botch or boil and
Friends and Allies be not sufficient then no Eloquence of Men or Angels will prevail Only let me remember you That my duty most of all and every one of yours according to his degree is to seek the maintenance of this Church and Commonwealth And certainly there never was a time in which this duty was more necessarily required then now I therefore judging a Parliament to be the antient speediest and best way in this time of Common danger to give such Supply as to secure our selves and to save our Friends from imminent ruine have called you together Every man now must do according to his conscience Wherefore if you as God forbid should not do your duties in contributing what the State at this time needs I must in discharge of my conscience use those other means which God hath put into my hands to save that which the follies of particular men may otherwise hazard to lose Take not this as a Threatening for I scorn to threaten any but my Equals but an Admonition from him that both out of nature and duty hath most care of your preservations and prosperities And though I thus speak I hope that your demeanors at this time will be such as shall not only make me approve your former Councels but lay on me such obligations as shall tie me by way of thankfulness to meet often with you For be assured that nothing can be more pleasing unto me then to keep a good Correspondence with you I will only adde one thing more and then leave my Lord Keeper to make a short Paraphrase upon the Text I have delivered you which is To remember a thing to the end we may forget it You may imagine that I came here with a doubt of success of what I desire remembring the distractions of the last Meeting But I assure you that I shall very easily and gladly forget and forgive what is past so that you will at this present time leave the former ways of distractions and follow the Councel late given you To maintain the unity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace The Lord Keeper seconded his Majesty on this manner YE are here-in Parliament by his Majesties Writ and Royal command to consult and conclude of the weighty and urgent Business of this Kingdom Weighty it is and great as great as the honor safety and protection of Religion King and Country And what can be greater Urgent it is It is little pleasure to tell or think how urgent And to tell it with circumstances were a long work I will but touch the sum of it in few words The Pope and House of Austria have long affected the one a Spiritual the other a Temporal Monarchy And to effect their ends to serve each others turn the House of Austria besides the rich and vast Territories of both the Indies and in Africa joined together are become Masters of Spain and Italy and the great Country of Germany And although France be not under their subjection yet they have invironed all about it The very Bowels of the Kingdom swayed by the Popish Faction They have gotten such a part and such intercession in the Government that under pretence of Religion to root out the Protestants and our Religion they have drawn the King to their adherence so far that albeit upon his Majesties interposition by his Ambassadors and his engagement of his Royal word there was between the King and his Subjects Articles of Agreement and the Subjects were quiet whereof his Majesty interessed in that great Treaty was bound to see a true accomplishment yet against that strict Alliance that Treaty hath been broken and those of the Religion have been put to all extremity and undoubtedly will be ruined without present help So as that King is not onely diverted from assisting the Common Cause but hath been misled to engage himself in hostile acts against our King and other Princes making way thereby for the House of Austria to the ruine of his own and other Kingdoms Other Potentates that in former times did ballance and interrupt the growing greatness of the House of Austria are now removed and diverted The Turk hath made Peace with the Emperor and turned himself wholly into Wars with Asia The King of Sweden is embroiled in a War with Poland which is invented by Spanish practices to keep that King from succoring our part The King of Denmark is chased out of his Kingdom on this and on that side the Zound so as the House of Austria is on the point to command all the Sea-coasts from Dantzick to Embden and all the Rivers falling into the Sea in that great extent So as besides their power by Land they begin to threaten our Part by Sea to the subversion of all our State In the Baltique-Sea they are providing and arming all the Ships they can build or hire And have at this time their Ambassadors treating at Lubeck to draw into their service the Hans-Towns whereby taking from us and our Neighbors the Eastland-Trade by which our Shipping is supplied they expect without any blow given to make themselves Masters of that Sea In these Western parts by the Dunkirkers and by the now French and Spanish Admiral to the ruine of Fishing of infinite consequence both to us and the Low-Countries they infest all our Coast so as we pass not safely from Port to Port. And that Fleet which lately assisted the French at the Isle of Rhee is now preparing at S. Andrews with other Ships built in the Coast of Biscay to reinforce it and a great Fleet is making ready in Lisbon where besides their own they do serve themselves upon all Strangers Bottoms coming to that Coast for Trade And these great preparations are no doubâ— to assault us in England or Ireland as they shall find advantage and a place fit for their turn Our friends of the Netherlands besides the fear that justly troubles them lest the whole force of the Emperor may fall down upon them are distracted by their Voyages into the East which hath carried both Men and Money into another World and much weakened them at home Thus are we even ready on all sides to be swallowed up The Emperor France and Spain being in open War against us Germany overrun the King of Denmark distressed the King of Sweden diverted and the Low-Country-men disabled to give us assistance I speak not this to increase fear unworthy of English courages but to press to provision worthy the wisdom of a Parliament And for that cause his Majesty hath called you hither that by a timely provision against those great imminent dangers our selves may be strengthened at home our Friends and Allies encouraged abroad and those great causes of fear scattered and dispelled And because in all Warlike preparations Treasure bears the name and holds the semblance of the nerves and sinews And if a sinew be too short or too weak if it be either shrunk or strained the part becomes
a free man imprisonable upon command or pleasure without cause expressed to be absolutely in worse case then a villain and if he did not make this plain he desired their Lordships not to believe him in any thing else and then produced two Book Cases 7. Edw. 3. fol. 50. in the new print 348. old print A Prior had commanded one to imprison his villain the Judges were ready to bayl him till the Prior gave his reason that he refused to be Bayliff of his Manour and that satisfied the Judges 2d Case 33. Edw. 3. title Tresp 253. in Faux imprisonment it was of an Abbot who commanded one to take and detain his villain but demanded his cause he gives it because he refused being thereunto required to drive his Cattel Ergo free men imprisoned without cause shewn are in worse case then villains that must have a cause shewn them why they are imprisoned 3. A Free man impisoned without cause is so far from being a Bondman that he is not so much as a man but is indeed a dead man and so no man imprisonment is in Law a civil death perdit domum familiam vicinos patriam and is to live amongst wretched and wicked men Malefactors and the like And that death and imprisonment was the same he proved by an Argument ab effectis because they both produce the like immediate effects he quoted a Book for this If a man be threatned to be killed he may avoid seoffment of Lands gifts of goods c. so it is if he be threatned to be imprisoned the one is an actual the other is a civil death And this is the first general Argument drawn a re ipsa from the nature of imprisonment to which res ipsa consilium dedit The second general Reason he took also from his books for he said he hath no Law but what by great pains and industry he learnt at his book for at ten years of age he had no more Law then other men of like age and this second reason is a minore ad majus he takes it from Bracton Minima poena corporalis est major qualibet pecuniaria But the King himself cannot impose a fine upon any man but it must be done judicially by his Judges per justitiarios in Curia non per regem in Camera and so it hath been resolved by all the Judges of England he quoted 3. R. 2. fo 11. The third general Reason is taken from the number and diversity of remedies which the Laws give against imprisonment Viz. Breve de homine replegiando De odio atia De Habeas Corpus An appeal of Imprisonment Breve de manucaptione The latter two of these are antiquated but the Writ De odio atia is revived for that was given by the Statute of Magna Charta Cha. 26. and therefore though it were repealed by Statute of 42. E. 3. by which it is provided that all Statutes made against Magna Charta are void now the Law would never have given so many remedies if the free men of England might have been imprisoned at free will and pleasure The fourth general Reason is from the extent and universality of the pretended power to imprison for it should extend not onely to the Commons of this Realm and their Posterities but to the Nobles of the Land and their progenies to the Bishops and Clergy of the Realm and their Successors And he gave a cause why the Commons came to their Lordships Commune periculum commune requirit auxilium Nay it reacheth to all persons of what condition or sex or age soever to all Judges and Officers whose attendance is necessary c. without exception and therefore an imprisonment of such an extent without reason is against reason The fifth general Reason is drawn from the indefiniteness of time the pretended power being limited to no time it may be perpetual during life and this is very hard to cast an old man into prison nay to close prison and no time allotted for his coming forth is a hard case as any man would think that had been so used And here he held it an unreasonable thing that a man had a remedy for his Horse or Cattle if detained and none for his body thus indefinitely imprisoned for a Prison without any prefixed time is a kinde of Hell The sixth and last Argument is a Fine and sapiens incipit a Fine and he wisht he had begun there also and this Argument he made three-fold Ab honesto This being less honourable Ab utili This being less profitable A tuto This Imprisonment by will and pleasure being very dangerous for King and Kingdom 1. Ab honesto It would be no honour to a King or Kingdom to be a King of Bond-men or Slaves the end of this would be both Dedecus Damnum both to King and Kingdom that in former times hath been so renowned Ab utili It would be against the profit of the King and Kingdom for the execution of those Laws before remembred Magna Charta 5. Ed. 3. 25. Ed. 3.28 Ed. 3. whereby the King was inhibited to imprison upon pleasure You see quoth he that this was vetus querela an old question and now brought in again after seven Acts of Parliament I say the execution of all these Laws are adjudged in Parliament to be for the common profit of the King and People and he quoted the Roll this pretended power being against the profit of the King can be no part of his Prerogative He was pleased to call this a binding Reason and to say that the wit of man could not answer it that great men kept this Roll from being Printed but that it was equivalent in force to the printed Rolls 3. A Reason a tuto It is dangerous to the King for two respects first of loss secondly of destroying of the endeavors of men First if he be committed without the expression of the cause though he escape albeit in truth it were for treason or felony yet this escape is neither felony nor treason but if the cause be expressed for suspicion of treason or felony then the escape though he be innocent is treason or felony He quoted a Cause in print like a reason of the Law not like Remittitur at the rising of the Court for the Prisoner traditur in ballium quod breve Regis non fuit susficiens causa The Kings Command He quoted another famous Case Commons in Parliament incensed against the Duke of Suffolk desire he should be committed The Lords and all the Judges whereof those great Worthies Prescot and Fortescue were two delivered a flat opinion that he ought not to be committed without an especial Cause He questioned also the name and etymologie of the Writ in question Corpus cum causa Ergo the Cause must be brought before the Judge else how can he take notice hereof Lastly he pressed a place in the Gospel Acts 25. last verse which Festus conceives is an
of the People Certainly hereafter it will be conceived that an House of Parliament would not have made an unnecessary addition to this Petition of Right and therefore it will be resolved that the Addition hath relation to the Petition which will have such operation as I have formerly declared and I the rather fear it because the late Loan and Billeting have been declared to have been by Soveraign Power for the good of our selves and if it be doubtful whether this Proposition hath reference to the Petition or not I know not who shall judge whether Loans or Imprisonments hereafter be by that Soveraign Power or not A Parliament which is made a Body of several Writs and may be dissolved by one Commission cannot be certain to decide this question We cannot resolve that that the Judges shall determine the words of the Kings Letter read in this House expressing the cause of Commitment may be such that the Judges have not capacity of Judicature no Rules of Law to direct and guide their judgements in Cases of that transcendent nature the Judges then and the Judgements are easily conjectured it hath been confessed by the Kings Councel that the Statute of Magna Charta bindes the King it bindes his Soveraign Power and here is an Addition of Saving the Kings Soveraign Power I shall endeavor to give some Answer to the Reasons given by the Lords The first is That it is the intention of both Houses to maintain the Just Liberty of the Subject and not to diminish the just Power of the King and therefore the expression of that intention in this Petition cannot prejudice us To which I answer First That our intention was and is as we then professed and no man can assign any particular in which we have done to the contrary neither have we any way transgressed in that kinde in this Petition and if we make this addition to the Petition it would give some intimation that we have given cause or colour of offence therein which we deny and which if any man conceive so let him assign the particular that we may give answer thereunto By our Petition we onely desire our particular Rights and Liberties to be confirmed to us and therefore it is not proper for us in it to mention Soveraign Power in general being altogether impertinent to the matter in the Petition There is a great difference between the words of the Addition and the words proposed therein for reason viz. between just Power which may be conceived to be limited by Laws and Soveraign Power which is supposed to be transcendent and boundless The second Reason delivered by their Lordships was That the King is Soveraign That as he is Soveraign he hath power and that that Soveraign Power is to be left for my part I would leave it so as not to mention it but if it should be expressed to be left in this Petition as it is proposed it must admit something to be left in the King of what we pray or at least admit some Sovergain Power in his Majesty in these Priviledges which we claim to be our Right which would frustrate our Petition and destroy our Right as I have formerly shewed The third Reason given from this Addition was That in the Statute of Articuli super Chartas there is a Saving of the Seigniory of the Crown To which I give these Answers That Magna Charta was confirmed above thirty times and a general Saving was in none of these Acts of Confirmation but in this onely and I see no cause we should follow one ill and not thirty good Precedents and the rather because that Saving produced ill effects that are well known That Saving was by Act of Parliament the conclusion of which Act is that in all those Cases the King did well and all those that were at the making of that Ordinance did intend that the right and Seigniory of the Crown should be saved By which it appears that the saving was not in the Petition of the Commons but added by the King for in the Petition the Kings will is not expressed In that Act the King did grant and depart with to his People divers Rights belonging to his Prerogative as in the first Chapter he granted That the People might choose three men which might have Power to hear and determine Complaints made against those that offended in any point of Magna Charta though they were the Kings Officers and to Fine and Ransome them and in the 8.12 and 19. Chapter of that Statute the King departed with other Prerogatives and therefore there might be some reason of the adding of that Soveraign by the Kings Councel But in this Petition we desire nothing of the Kings Prerogative but pray the enjoying of our proper and undoubted Rights and Priviledges and therefore there is no cause to adde any words which may imply a Saving of that which concerns not the matter in the Petition The fourth Reason given by their Lordships was That by the mouth of our Speaker we have this Parliament declared That it was far from our intention to incroach upon his Majesties Prerogative and that therefore it could not prejudice us to mention the same resolution in an Addition to this Petition To which I Answer That that Declaration was a general Answer to a Message from his Majesty to us by which his Majesty expressed That he would not have his Prerogative straitned by any new Explanation of Magna Charta or the rest of the Statutes and therefore that expression of our Speakers was then proper to make it have reference to this Petition there being nothing therein contained but particular Rights of the Subject and nothing at all concerning his Majesties Prerogative Secondly That Answer was to give his Majesty satisfaction of all our proceedings in general and no man can assign any particular in which we have broken it and this Petition justifies it self that in it we have not offended against the Protestation and I know no reason but that this Declaration should be added to all our Laws we shall agree on this Parliament as well as to this Petition The last Reason given was That we have varied in our Petition from the words of Magna Charta and therefore it was well necessary that a Saving should be added to the Petition I Answer That in the Statute 5 E. 3.25 E. 3.28 E. 3. and other Statutes with which Magna Charta is confirmed the words of the Statute of Explanation differ from the words of Magna Charta it self the words of some of the Statutes of Explanation being that no man ought to be apprehended unless by Indictment or due process of Law and the other Statutes differing from the words of Magna Charta in many other particulars and yet there is no Saving in those Statutes 〈◊〉 much less should there be any in a Petition of Right There are the Answers I have conceived to the Reasons of their Lordships and the
of the Church he would take away occasion by commanding all persons that had any of those Books in their hands to deliver them to the Bishop of the Diocesse or if it be in either Universities to the Chancellor and Vice-Chancellor thereof who were commanded to suppresse them And if any by preaching reading or making of Books pro and contra concerning those unnecessary questions shall revive the difference he was resolved to take such order with them and those Books as they shall wish they had never thought upon those needlesse Controversies But ere this Proclamation was published the Books were for the most part vented and out of danger of seasure and the suppressing of all writing and preaching in Answer thereunto was it seems by some the thing mainly intended for the several answers made by Doctor Featly and Doctor Goad in their parallels by Master Burton Master VVard Master Yates Master VVotton as also by Francis Rows Esq in a Book called King Iames his Religion were all suppressed and divers of the Printers questioned in the high Commission Moreover Bishop Montague and Doctor Manwaring procured a Royal pardon of all Errors heretofore committed by them either in speaking writing or printing for which they might be hereafter questioned And Doctor Manwaring censured by the Lords in Parliament and perpetually disabled from future Ecclesiastical preferments in the Church of England was immediately presented to the Rectory of Stamford-Rivers in Essex and had a dispensation to hold it together with the Rectory of St. Giles in the fields The Town of Rochel was at this time straitly beleagured by the French King and the King of England had prepared a Fleet to relieve it under the Command of the Duke of Buckingham who being advanced as farre as Portsmouth on Saturday August 23. being Bartholomew Eve was suddenly slain in his own Lodgings there by one Leivtenant Felton about nine in the morning who with one blow having got a knife for the purpose struck the Duke under the left rib and up into the heart leaving the knife in his body and got away undiscovered In the fall to the ground the Duke was heard to say The villaine hath killed me Company coming presently in found him weltring in his blood and each person looking upon another marvelled who should do so horrid an act a jealousie was presently had of Monsieur Sobeez who was then there labouring for speedy relief to be sent to Rochel but he protesting his innocency Felton immediately stept out and said I am the man that did the deed let no man suffer that is innocent whereupon he was immediately apprehended sent to London and there imprisoned The King was within four miles of Portsmouth when the news was brought him of the death of the Duke he bid secure the murderer and Bishop Laud had advertisement of his death the 24th of August being then at Croiden with Bishop Neal and other Bishops consecrating Bishop Montague for Chichester Notwithstanding the death of the Duke the King pursued the design of relieving Rochel and again set out a Fleet with provision and fire-ships to put relief into the Town the Fleet went from Plymouth the beginning of September did several times attempt the Barricado but in vaine and so was enforced to give over any further attempt which the Rochellers perceiving gave themselves for lost and immediately came to a capitulation upon very mean tearmes as to themselves yet Lowes King of France was careful by Articles had they been performed that those outrages should not be committed upon the entry of the Town which the few remaining inhabitants were much afraid of and afterwards felt and so mixt mercy with his conquest yet presently after high outrages were committed and great was the persecution of the Reformed Churches which constrained them again to send to the King of England to implore aid with these expressions that what they writ was with their teares and their blood but the treaty being shortly after made between the two Crowns all things were setled in peace between the King and those of the reformed Religion Concerning the state of Rochel at the surrender we have seen a Relation to this purpose that the misery of the besieged was almost incredible having lived long upon Horse-flesh Hides and Leather Dogs and Cats hardly leaving a Horse alive still in hopes that the relief promised from England would prove effectual to them they held it so long till they were but about four thousand left alive of fifteen thousand souls most of them died with famine and when they begun to be pinched with the extremity of hunger they died so fast that they usually carried their Coffins into the Church-yard and other places and there laid themselves in and died great numbers of them being unburied when the forces of the King of France entred the Town and many corps eaten with Vermin Ravens and Birds The Fleet which thus put to sea for the Relief of Rochel was defective both in victuals which was tainted and in tackling and other materials insomuch as at the return thereof information being given to the King and Council of divers defaults and defects in the said ships victuals and provision of this and the former expedition to Rochel and in the discipline and performance of Commands and resolutions taken in that action to the great prejudice of the service it was ordered that the Earls of Denbigh Linsey and Morton and the Lord Wilmott and Master Secretary Cook should forthwith meet together and consider of the Relation made by the Earl of Linsey and inform themselves of defaults in the particulars before mentioned and make report thereof to the Board The Scots under the command of the Earl Morton and some Irish also were sent to quarter in the Isle of VVeight which Island was unacquainted with the quartering of Forreigners In Essex many robberies and outrages wâ—re committed by the Souldiers then returned from Sea Whereupon the Privy Councellors required the Justices of Peace in that County to choose a Provost Marshal for the apprehending of all such as wandred up and down the Country or behaved themselves dissorderly that they might be punished according to Law and to cause strong guards and watches to be kept in all passages And upon advertisement of some hostile preparations from forraign enemies the Privy Councel taking care for securing the coasts in Kent Sussex Hampshire Dorcetshire and Devonshire renued their directions to the Lords of those Counties for the careful watching of Beacons c. About the time the Fleet went last to the relief of Rochel the King being solicited by the Ambassadours of the King of Denmark and the united Provinces to send shipping to secure the Elbe and men for the defence of Lackstat resolved upon the sending of five Ships accordingly but first to dispatch the men for the relief of the Town the preservation whereof did mainly impart
in chains in manner as is usual upon notorious murders IN Michaelmas Term the Farmers and Officers of the Custom House seized great quantities of Currants belonging to Mr. Samuel Vassal of London Merchant because he refused to pay an Imposition of five shillings and six pence upon every hundred weight of the said Currants so imported alledged to be due and demanded on his Majestie behalf Mr. Vassal refused to pay the same conceiving it was an Imposition against the Law of the Land Whereupon the Kings Attourney General exhibited an Information in the Exchequer against the said Vassal setting forth that King Iames did by his Letters Patents command the taking the said Imposition and that his Majesty that now is by his Letters Patents dated 26. Iunii 2. Caroli by the advice of his Privy Councel did declare his Will and Pleasure to be that Subsidies Customs and Impost should be Leavied in such manner as they were in the time of King Iames until it might receive a setling by Parliament and the Information did set forth that the said Samuel Vassall before the first day of October 4. Car. did bring into the Port of London 4638. hundred weight of Currants for which he refused to pay Custom To this information the said Samuel Vassal appeared and pleaded the Statute of Magna Charta and the Statute de talagio non concedendo and that he was a subject born under the Kings allegiance and a Merchant and that the said imposition of five shillings six pence upon every hundred weight of Currants was not Antiqua seu recta consuetudo and that it was imposed without assent of Parliament to which Plea the said Attourney General demurred in Law and Mr. Vassall joyned in demur c. Afterwards the Barons of the Exchequer did publickly deny to hear Master Vassals Councel to argue for him saying that his the said Vassalls Case would fall under the same rule with one Bates Case and therefore the Case was already adjudged Master Vasalls Councel alledged that they had nothing to do with Bates his Case but desired to argue Master Vassalls Case The Barons replied that they knew the opinion of the Court and should be heard no further and said that the King was in possession and they would keep him in possession and shortly after the Court of Exchequer imprisoned the said Master Vassall for not paying such sums of mony as the Officers of the Custome-house required as due upon the said imposition and he could not obtain restitution of his goods and the Court gave their opinion upon the said information for the King against Mr. Vassal About the same time divers goods and Merchandizes belonging to Richard Chambers of London Merchant were seized and conveyed into Store-houses at the Custom-house by the Officers of the Custom because the said Chambers refused to pay the subsidy of Tunnage and Poundage demanded by the Farmers the said Chambers conceiving no such subsidy or duty was due or payable the same having not been granted by Parliament to his Majesty and having sued forth a writ of Replevin the proper remedy in Law to regain the possession of his goods the Barrons of the Exchequer did order an Injunction under the Seal of the said Court directed to the Sheriffs of London commanding them thereby not to execute the said writ or any the like Writs of Replevin that should afterwards be sued forth by any person or persons for the delivery of any goods in the like nature detained and did declare publickly in Court that the said goods by Law were not repleviable and the Sheriffs of London did accordingly forbear to execute the said Writ of Replevin Master Chambers finding this obstruction offered to give great security unto the Court for payment of such duties as should be made appeare to be made payable to his Majesty in such manner as the said Barrons should direct the Court afterwards debating this matter would not give way thereunto unlesse the said Chambers would deposite all such summes of money as the said Officers respectively demanded of him for duties to his Majesty which he refused to do The Court did order the Officers of the Custom to detain double value of the summes by them demanded for duties to his Majesty and to restore the residue The same course of proceeding the Barrons of the Exchequer held in the Case of Master Iohn Rolls of London Merchant whose goods were detained for not paying of Tunnage and Poundage The meeting of the Parliament now drawing nigh the King consults with a select Committee of his Privy Councellors what probably the Parliament at their next meeting would insist upon and how the Privy Councel who are members of the Parliament shall demean themselves in such cases And first it was proposed to his Majesties consideration that if in the House of Commons it shall be moved with any strength that the Merchants goods be delivered before they proceed to the Bill of Tunnage and Poundage the Answer by such as are Privy Councellors and Members of the House to be that if the House intend to grant Tunnage and Poundage to the King as it hath been granted to his Predecessors it will end all dispute but if they proceed otherwise then before they come to a resolution the King to speak to them and to declare that though his Predecessors claimed it not but by grant of Parliament yet took it de facto until it was granted by Parliament and that his Majesty hath done the like and that if they will passe the Bill to his Majesty as his Ancestors had it his Majesty will do any reasonable thing to declare that he claimes not Tunnage and Poundage otherwise then by grant in Parliament but if this do not satisfie then to avow a breach upon just cause given not sought by the King And for bringing the Kings business to a speedy issue it was advised that the Bill of Tunnage and Poundage be prepared before the Parliament sit in the same form as it passed to King Iames adding words to give it from the first day of the Kings Reigne and that the Bill be presented at the first sitting of the Parliament and the Privy Councel of the House to declare that his Majesty caused it to be timely presented to cut off all questions and debates and to perswade them to a dispatch thereof and that they will returne a speedy answer whether they will grant Tunnage and Poundage or not They also took into consideration divers other matters which they apprehended the Parliament would insist upon as proceeding to censure the actions of the Duke of Buckingham to accuse some of the Kings servants now living upon common Fame to cast personal aspersions in Parliament upon the Kings Councellors or to charge them with giving ill counsel to the King to handle questions touching matters of Religion proper for his Majesty and a Convocation to determine to raise
offence treason is baylable And that he is baylable here I will offer two other reasons 1 st The Return here is for sedition and there is an information in the Star-chamber against the Prisoner for seditious practises against the King and his Government I will not affirm that they are the same offence but there is some probability that they are the self-same and if they be the same offence then the sedition here intended is not treason and so the party is baylable 2 ly This Prisoner was ready at this Bar the last Term and here was a Grand-Iury at Bar the last Term and here was the Kings Counsell present who are most watchfull for the King and yet an Indictment was not preferred to them against this Prisoner Which things induce me to be of opinion that the offence here mentioned in this Return is not treason or so great as is pretended on the other side I will remember one case which perhaps may be objected and yet I think they will not object it and so conclude 11 R. 2. Parliament Roll 14. in the printed Statute c. 3. and 5. where it appears that divers questions were propounded by the King to Tresilian and Bealknap the two chief Iustices and to the other Iustices one of which questions was How they are to be punished who resisted the King in exercising his royall power c And the answer of the Iudges was una voce that they are to be punished as traitors and 21 R. 2. c. 21. this opinion was confirmed But afterwards in 1 H. 4. c. 3. and 4. and 1 H. 4. in the Parliament-Roll numb 66 67 the Iudges were questioned for their opinion in Parliament They answered That they were threatned and enforced to give this opinion and that they were in truth of the contrary opinion And Bealknap said That he acquainted and protested to the Earl of Kent aforehand that his opinion was alwaies to the contrary But the Parliament was not content with these excuses but they were all adjudged Traitors and Tresilian's end is known to all and Bealknap was banished for his Wife in 2 H. 4. brought a Writ without naming her husband because he was banished And the said Statute of 21 R. 2. was repealed Therefore upon the whole matter I conclude that the Prisoner ought to be bayled On the same day Sir Miles Hubbart and Benjamin Valentine and Densill Hollis Esquires were at Bar upon an Habeas corpus directed to the severall Prisons and their Counsell was ready at the Bar to have argued the case for them also But because the same Return was made as above they said That all of them would rely upon this Argument made by Mr. Littleton The case of the grand Habeas corpus for Mr. Selden and others was now argued by Heath the Kings Atturney Generall That this Return was good and that the parties ought not to be bayled And that within the Return there appears good cause of their commitment and of their detaining also The case is great in expectation and consequence and concerns the liberty of the Subject on the one part whereof the Argument is plausible and on the other part it concerns the safety and soveraignty of the King which is a thing of great weight The consideration of both pertaines to you the Iudges without slighting the one or too much elevating the other The Return which now is before you is entire but I will first consider it as divided in parts First The first Warrant which is that of the Lords of the Privy Councill is generall that it was by the command of the Lord the King and this in former times was held a very good Return when due respect and reverence was given to Government but Tempora mutantur And this Return is no way weakened by any latter opinion for notwithstanding that the first commitment of a man may be generall for if upon the Return the true cause should be revealed to the Gaoler by this means faults should be published and divulged before their punishment and so the complices of the fact will escape and it is not fit that the Gaoler which is but a ministeriall Officer should be acquainted with the secrets of the cause But when the cause is returned in Court more certainty is requisite for then as it hath been objected something ought to be expressed to which the party may answer and upon which the Court may ground their Iudgment And to this purpose it hath been much insisted upon the Petition of Right but the Law is not altered by it but remains as it was before And this will appear upon the view of all the parts of the Petition 1 st The occasion of the Petition and the grievance is shewed in these words Divers of your Subjects have been of late imprisoned without any cause shewed c. But in this Return there is a cause shewed to which the parties may answer Then secondly the prayer of the Petition is That no free-man in any such manner as before is mentioned be imprisoned or detained that is such manner of imprisonment the ground whereof doth not appear Then the answer of the King to the Petition was in sundry words 2 Jun. 1628. in these words The King willeth that right be done according to the Lawes and Customes of the Realm c. Which answer gave not satisfaction And afterwards his answer was in a Parliamentary-phrase Soit droit fait come est desire But afterwards on the 26 of June 1628. the King expressed his intention and meaning in the said Answer It must needs be conceived that I have granted no new but onely confirmed the antient liberties of My Subjects c. A Petition in Parliament is not a Law yet it is for the honour and dignity of the King to observe and keep it faithfully but it is the duty of the people not to stretch it beyond the words and intention of the King And no other construction can be made of the Petition then to take it as a Confirmation of the antient liberties and rights of the Subjects So that now the case remains in the same quality and degree as it was before the Petition Therefore we will now consider how the Law was taken before the Petition and for the discussing thereof we will examine the second part of the Return and in it two things 1 st if the Return as it is now made shall be intended for true 2. admit that it is true if there be any offence contained within it which is good to detain the Prisoners For the first It is clear that the cause shall be intended true which is returned though in truth it be false and so are 9 H. 6.44 and F. Corpus cum causa 2. and C. 11. Baggs case 2 ly It seems that there is such a crime contained in this Return which is a good cause for detaining the Prisoners It is true that it was confidently urged in Parliament
and others was now moved by Mason to have the resolution of the Iudges and the Court with one voice said That they are now content that they shall be bailed but that they ought to find Sureties also for the good behaviour And Jones Iustice said that so it was done in the case which had been often remembered to another purpose to wit Russell's case in 9 E. 3. To which Mr. Selden answered with whom all the other Prisoners agreed in opinion That they have the Sureties ready for the bayl but not for the good behaviour and desire that the bayl might first be accepted and that they be not urged to the other Sir Robert Heath the Kings Atturney-generall exhibited Information in this Court against Sir John Eliot Knight Denzill Hollis and Benjamin Valentine Esquires the effect of which was That the King that now is for weighty causes such a day and year did summon a Parliament and to that purpose sent his Writ to the Sheriff of Cornwall to chuse two Knights by vertue whereof Sir John Eliot was chosen and returned Knight for Cornwall And that in the same manner the other Defendants were elect Burgesses of other places for the same Parliament And shewed further that Sir John Finch was chosen for one of the Citizens of Canterbury and was Speaker of the House of Commons And that the said Eliot publickly and malitiously in the House of Commons to raise sedition between the King his Nobles and People uttered these words That the Councill and Judges had all conspired to trample under-foot the Liberties of the Subjects He further shewed that the King had power to call adjourn and dissolve Parliaments And that the King for divers reasons had a purpose to have the House of Commons adjourned and gave direction to Sir Joâ—n Finch then the Speaker to move as adjournment and if it should not be obeyed that he should forthwith come from the House to the King And that the Defendants by confederacy afore-hand spake a long and continued Speech which was recited verbatim in which were divers malitious and seditious words of dangerous consequence And to the intent that they might not be prevented of uttering their premeditate speeches their intention was that the Speaker should not go out of the Chair till they had spoken them the Defendants Hollis and Valentine lay violent hands upon the Speaker to the great afrightment and disturbance of the House And the Speaker being got out of the Chair they by violence set him in the Chair again so that there was a great tumult in the House And after the said speeches pronounced by Sir John Eliot Hollis did recapitulate them And to this information the Defendants have put in a plea to the Iurisdiction of the Court because these offences are supposed to be done in Parliament and ought not to be punished in this Court or in any other but in Parliament And the Atturney-Generall moved the Court to over-rule the plea to the Iurisdiction And that he said the Court might do although he had not demurred upon the plea. But the Court would not over-rule the plea but gave day to joyne in Demurrer this Tearm And on the first day of the next Tearm the Record shall be read and within a day after shall be argued at Barre But Hyde chief Iustice said to the Counsell of the Defendants So far light we will give you This is no new question but all the Iudges of England and Barons of the Exchequer before now have oft been assembled on this occasion and have with great patience heard the Arguments on both sides and it was resolved by them all with one voice That an offence committed in Parliament criminally or contemptuously the Parliament being ended rests punishable in an other Court Jones It is true that we all resolved That an offence committed in Parliament against the Crown is punishable after the Parliament in another Court and what Court shall that be but the Court of the Kings Bench in which the King by intendment sitteth Whitlock The question is now reduced to a narrow room for all the Iudges are agreed That an offence committed in Parliament against the King or his Government may be punished out of Parliament So that the sole doubt which now remains is Whether this Court can punish it And Crook agreed That so it had been resolved by all the Iudges because otherwise there would be a failer of Iustice. And by him If such an offence be punishable in another Court what Court shal punish it but this Court which is the highest Court in the Realm for criminall offences And perhaps not onely criminall actions committed in Parliament are punishable here but words also Mason of Lincolns-Inne argued for Sir John Eliot one of the Defendants The charges in the Information against him are three 1. For speeches 2. For contempts to the King in resisting the Adjournment 3. For conspiracy with the other Defendants to detain Mr. Speaker in the Chair In the discussion of these matters be argued much to the same intent which he had argued before upon an information brought in the Star-Chamber against the same Defendants and others for the same offences therefore his Argument is reported here very briefly 1 st For his speeches They contain matter of accusation against some great Peers of the Realm and as to them he said That the King cannot take notice of them The Parliament is a Councill and the grand Councill of the King and Councills are secret and close none other hath accesse to those Councills of Parliament and they themselves ought not to impart them without the consent of the whole House A Iury in a Leet which is sworn to enquire of offences within the said Iurisdiction are sworn to keep their own counsell so the House of Commons enquire of all grievances within the Kingdom and their counsells are not to be revealed And to this purpose was a Petition 2 H. 4. numb 10. That the King shall not give credit to any private reports of their proceedings To which the King assents therefore the King ought not to give credit to the information of these offences in this case 2 ly The words themselves contain severall accusations of great men and the liberty of accusation hath alwaies been Parliamentary 50 E. 3. Parliament-Roll numb 21. The Lord Latimer was impeached in Parliament for sundry offences 11 R. 2. the Arch-Bishop of York 18 H. 6. numb 18. the Duke of Suffolk 1 Mar. Dy. 93. the Duke of Norfolk 36 H. 6. numb 60. un Uickar Generall 2 3 E. 6. c. 18. the Lord Seymer 18 of King James the Lord of St. Albans Chancellor of England and 21 of King James Cranfield Lord Treasurer and 1 Car. the Duke of Buckingham 3 ly This is a priviledge of Parliament which is determinable in Parliament and not else-where 11 R. 2. numb 7. the Parliament-Roll Petition exhibited in Parliament and allowed by the King That
of Soldiers 546. His Answer to that Petition p. 552. The Lord Keepers Speech by his Command to rely on the Kings word p. 555. Secretary Cooks Speech thereupon on behalf of the King p. 555 556. Sir Benjamin Rudiards Speech concerning the Kings word p. 557. The King sends another Message by Secretary Cooke to know whether the Parliament will or no relie on his word p. 558 559. Several debates thereupon ibid. He sends another Message that he intendeth shortly to end that Session p. 560. Debates thereupon p. 561. The Speakers Speech in Answer to the Kings several Messages ibid. The Kings Answer thereunto p. 562. The King sends another Message to relie on his word p. 563. Several Debates thereupon ibid. The Petition of Right to be presented to the King delivered at a Conference p. 564. His Letter declaring that he will preserve Magna Charta c. communicated at a Conference p. 565 566. The Lords Addition to the Petition of Right to have a saving for Soveraign power p. 567. Several Debates and Conferences thereupon â—hewing the danger of such a Salvo p. 568 569 c. The Lords agree to the Petition of Right without the Addition p. 592. The Kings and Lord Keepers Speech at the presenting of the Petition of Right p. 596. The Petition of Right at large p. 597. The Kings Answer thereunto p. 598. Not satisfactory and several Speeches thereupon p. 598 599 c. A Message from the King to end the Session on such a day p. 601. He sends another Message that he will certainly hold his day to end the Session p. 613. Several Debates thereupon and the Duke declared the cause of all Grievances p. 613 614 c. The King commands the House to adjourn p. 616. The Lords Address to the King to prevent a dissolution ibid. The King sends another Message to qualifie his former Messages p. 622. Several Speeches thereupon p. 623. The Kings Privy-Seal for payment of monies to raise German Horse p. 624. Burlemachs Examination that they were to be imported into England ibid. The King receives a Petition from both Houses for a better answer to the Petition of Right p. 625. The Kings fuller Answer thereunto and his Speech ib. The Kings Commission for raising of Monies by way of Imposition p. 626. Debates thereupon p. 627. Debates about a Remonstrance to the King against the Duke p. 628. A Remonstrance to the King against the Duke p. 631 632 c. The King causeth the Proceedings in the Star-chamber against the Duke to be taken off the File p. 638. And causeth the Commission for Excise to be cancelled p. 640. A Remonstrance to him concerning Tonnage and Poundage ibid. The King ends the Session of Parliament p. 643. A Particular of such Laws as he passed that Session of Parliament p. 644. Suppresses Dr Manwaring's Sermon by Proclamation p. 645. Grants a Commission to compound with Recusants ibid. His Proclamation against the Bishop of Calcedon ibid. Sends Romish Priests to Wisbitch p. 646. Advances Sir Rich. Weston to be Lord Treasurer Bishop Laud to the Bishoprick of London and Montague to a Bishoprick ibid. Pardons Montague and Manwaring p. 647. Solicited to send Relief to the King of Denmark under Sir Charls Morgan p. 648. Adjourns the Parliament that was to meet the 20 of October to the 20 of January p. 650. Takes the advice of the Iudges about racking of Felton ibid. Declares his resolution about taking the Imposition upon Currants p. 651. Consults with certain of his Council concerning the ensuing Parliament p. 654. His Speech at the second meeting of the Parliament p. 656. Sends a Message about the Bill for Tonnage and Poundage p. 657. Sends a Message to give precedency to Tonnage and Poundage p. 658. Petition to him for a Fast p. 662. His Answer thereunto p. 663. Notwithstanding his Message precedency given to Religion ibid. His Answer to that Particular p. 664. His Declaration against Disputes about Religion debated p. 665. A Report concerning his Pardon to Manwaring and Montague p. 667. His Message about Customs p. 668. His Commission about it p. 669. His Declaration concerning the dissolving the third Parliament at large App. p. 1. Common Fame p. 221 222. Conway Lord p. 12 23 178 182 185 235 238 243 268 292 450 451 455 c. Cook Secretary p. 182 498 501 502 531 544 54 558 559 560 563. Cook Mr. p. 218 222 229 Cook Sir Edward p. 201 497 505 508 526 529 538 543 564 615 627. Corriton Mr. p. 660 Coronation p. 203 204 Cottington Mr. p. 9 13 18 76 122 Cotton Sir Robert p. 20 471 Coventry Sir Thomas made Lord Keeper p. 202. His Speeches in Parliament p. 206 225 481 555 567 592 596 623. Privy Council new sworn p. 169. They write to Dalbeir about disposing the German Horse p. 648. Creswel Mr. 502. Crew Sir Randolf displaced about the Loan p. 424. Crew Sir Thomas p. 55 117 149 150. Again made Speaker p. 176. Cromwel Oliver against the Bishop of Winchester p. 667. Cromwel Lord p. 199. Crosby Sir Piercy Lands with Supply of men p. 467. D. DArnel Sir Thomas about Habeas Corpus p. 462. Davenport Serjeant Argument App. p. 27. Dawes Mr. his Answer about Customs p. 668. Decimation projected 5 Car. App. p. 14. Denmark King his Declaration p. 421. His Battel ibid. His overthrow p. 422. Digby Sir John his discourse betwixt the Duke of Lerma about a Match with Spain p. 1. His advice to the King in that matter p. 2. Is authorised to treat and conclude the Match p. 3. Presents the first draught of Articles p. 4. Sent Ambassador into Flanders p. 23. The substance of his Ambassie to the Emperor and Duke of Bavaria p. 37. Gives an account in Parliament p. 39. Made Earl of Bristol p. 67 68. A Letter to him from the King p. 68. Gives the King hope of a Match p. 69. Hath a Proxy delivered to him by the Prince to consummate the Marriage p. 103. Receives also private instructions not to put it in execution p. 104. Labors to satisfie the Prince to recal his instructions but in vain p. 105. He and Sir Walter Aston again attempt it but in vain p. 106. Bristol sends his Apology to K. James for demurring upon the new instructions p. 112. Hath a tender of large offers from the K. of Spain p. 113. Protests against The Dukes Narration in Parliament p. 149. A Letter from the Lord Conway to him p. 238. His answer to the Lord Conway p. 239. His Petition for a Writ of Summons p. 240. The Kings Letter to him p. 241. He Petitions the Lords again about his Writ of Summons ibid. And desires to be heard in the Accusation of the Duke ibid. Sends a Copy of the Lord Keepers Letter p. 242. With his Answer thereto p. 243. A Message from the King concerning him ibid. He is brought to the Bar p. 252. Articles preferred against him by the Kings Command p. 253. His
of your Honors and mine own I must intreat you likewise to consider of the Times we are in how that I must adventure your lives which I should be loth to do should I continue you here long and you must venture the Business if you be slow in your resolutions Wherefore I hope you will take such grave Counsel as you will expedite what you have in hand to do Which will do me and your selves an infinite deal of honor You in shewing your love to me and me that I may perfect that work which my Father hath so happily begun Last of all Because some malicious men may and as I hear have given out that I am not so true a Keeper and Maintainer of the true true Religion that I profess I assure you that I may with S. Paul say that I have been trained up at Gamaliels feet And although I shall be never so arrogant as to assume unto my self the rest I shall so far shew the end of it that all the World may see that none hath been nor ever shall be more desirous to maintain the Religion I profess then I shall be Now because I am unfit for much speaking I mean to bring up the fashion of my Predecessors to have my Lord Keeper speak for me in most things Therefore I have commanded him to speak something unto you at this time which is more for formality then any great matter he hath to say unto you Then the Lord Keeper Coventry declared That the Kings main reason of calling the Parliament besides the beholding of his Subjects faces was to mind them of the great Engagements for the Recovery of the Palatinate imposed on his Majesty by the late King his Father and by themselves who brake off the two Treaties with Spain Also to let them understand That the succeeding Treaties and Alliances the Armies sent into the Low-Countries the repairing of the Forts and the Fortifying of Ireland do all meet in one Centre The Palatinate And that the Subsidies granted the last Parliament are herein already spent whereof the Accompt is ready together with as much more of the Kings own Revenue His Lordship further commended three Circumstances First The Time All Europe being at this day as the Pool of Bethesda the first stirring of the waters must be laid hold on Wherefore his Majesty desires them to bestow this Meeting on him or rather on their Actions and the next shall be theirs as soon and as long as they please for Domestick business Secondly Supply If Subsidies be thought too long and backward his Majesty desires to hear and not to propound the way Thirdly The Issue of Action which being the first doth highly concern his Majesties Honor and Reputation for which he relies upon their Loves with the greatest confidence that ever King had in his Subjects witness his Royal Poesie Amor Civium Regis Munimentum And he doubts not but as soon as he shall be known in Europe to be their King so soon shall they be known to be a loving and loyal Nation to him Iune 21. The Commons presented Sir Thomas Crew Knight and Serjeant at Law for their Speaker who was also Speaker in the last Parliament of King Iames and his Majesty approved the Choice After the House of Commons had setled their General Committees there were various Debates amongst them Some insisted upon the Grievances mentioned but not redressed by King Iames in the last Parliament others pressed for an accompt of the last Subsidies granted for recovery of the Palatinate others for the putting of Laws in execution against Priests and Jesuits and such as resorted to Ambassadors Houses and the questioning of Mr. Richard Montague for his Book intituled An Appeal to Caesar which as they said was contrived and published to put a jealousie between the King and his well-affected Subjects and contained many things contrary to the Articles of Religion established by Parliament and that the whole frame thereof was an encouragement to Popery Others again declared how the King no sooner came to the Crown but he desired to meet his people in Parliament it being the surest way to preserve a right understanding between him and them that since he began to reign the Grievances are few or none and when he was Prince he was observed to be very instrumental in procuring things for the Subjects benefit Wherefore it will be the wisdom of this House to take a course to sweeten all things between King and People and to express their duty to the King by giving Supply and therewith to offer nothing but a Petition for Religion that Religion and Subsidies may go hand in hand And whatsoever they did it was needful to do it quickly considering how greatly the Plague increased and the Bell was tolling every minute while they were speaking The Commons moved the Lords to joyn in a Petition to the King for a Publick Fast whereunto their Lordships readily concurred and the King consenting a Proclamation was issued forth for a Fast throughout the Kingdom Several particular Committees were appointed One to enquire of the Subsidies given the last Parliament another to consider of Tonnage and Poundage The Imposition on Wines was Voted upon the Merchants Petition to be presented as a Grievance Sir Edward Cook went to the House of Peers with a Message from the Commons desiring their concurrence in a Petition concerning Religion and against Recusants which being agreed unto and presented to the King his Majesty answered That he was glad that the Parliament was so forward in Religion and assured them they should finde him as forward that the Petition being long could not be presently answered Mr. Richard Montague was brought to the Bar of the Commons House for his fore-named Book This Cause began in the One and twentieth of King Iames when he had published a former Book which he named A New Gagg for an Old Goose in answer to a Popish Book entituled A Gagg for the New Gospel The business was then questioned in Parliament and committed to the Archbishop of Canterbury and ended in an Admonition given to Montague Afterwards the Bishops of the Arminian Party consulting the Propagation of the Five Articles condemned in the Synod of Dort concluded that Mr. Montague being already engaged in the quarrel should publish this latter Book at first attested by their Joynt-Authorities which afterwards they withdrew by subtilty having procured the Subscription of Doctor Francis White whom they left to appear alone in the Testimony as himself ofttimes complained publickly The Archbishop disallowed the Book and sought to suppress it nevertheless it was Printed and Dedicated unto King Charles whereby that party did endeavor to engage him in the beginning of his Reign The House appointed a Committee to examine the Errors therein and gave the Archbishop thanks for the admonition given to the Author whose Books they Voted to be contrary to the Articles established by
the Parliament to tend to the Kings dishonor and disturbance of Church and State and took Bond for his appearance Hereupon the King intimated to the House that the things determined concerning Mountague without his Privity did not please him for that he was his Servant and Chaplain in Ordinary and he had taken the business into his own hands whereat the Commons seemed to be much displeased Howbeit to take away all occasion of disgust from the King at the entrance of his Reign both Houses did humbly present two Subsidies granted to his Majesty as the first-fruits of their love whereof they craved acceptance The Lord Conway Secretary of State signified to the House of Lords the Commons being present the Kings gracious acceptance of the Bill of Two Subsidies Yet that the necessities of the present Affairs were not therein satisfied but required their further Counsels He reminded them that the late King was provoked beyond his nature to undertake a War for the recovery of his Childrens Antient Patrimony The charges of this War appeared by Computation to amount unto Seven hundred thousand pounds a year to support the Netherlands and to prevent the Emperors design of concluding with the Princes of Germany utterly to exclude the Palsgrave he levied an Army under Count Mansfield The Kings of Denmark and Sweden and the Princes of Germany levied another France Savoy and Venice joyned together for a War of Diversion and to uphold the Netherlands the charges of Mansfield and Denmarks Army must yet continue After this the Lord Keeper delivered a short Message from the King to both Houses That to the Petition of the Lords and Commons touching Religion his Majesty was pleased at the first to answer Gratiously but now he hath sent them a fuller Answer even an assurance of his real performance in every particular The Houses were preparing several Acts as against giving and taking of Bribes for places of Judicature about pressing of Soldiers and Tonnage and Poundage c. But by reason of the great increase of the Plague as appeared that week by the Bill of Mortality the King being moved by the Houses to grant a short Recess adjourned the Parliament to Oxford to reassemble the first of August following And for the same reason the receipt of the Kings Exchequer was removed from Westminster to Richmond and all Fairs within Fifty miles of London were prohibited to prevent a more general contagion In the time of this Recess the Vantguard a principal Ship of the Royal Navy with seven Merchant Ships of great burden and strength were lent to the French King and employed against Rochel which was thus brought about King Iames in his life time being in Treaty for a Marriage between his Son and the now Queen and entring into a War against the King of Spain and his Allies in Italy and the Valtoline had passed some Promise for the procuring or lending of ships to the French King upon reasonable Conditions but in no wise intending they should serve against Rochel or any of our Religion in France For the French Ministers pretended that the Ships should be employed onely against Genoa but afterwards the Protestants in France intimating their suspition that the design for Italy was a meer pretence to make up an Army to fall upon the Rochellers and others of the Religion King Iames willing to perform his promise and yet to secure the Protestants directed that the greater number of those that served in the Ships should be English whereby he might keep the power in his own hands For the performance of this Engagement the forenamed Ships were at this time commanded to the Coasts of France Nevertheless there wanted a sufficient care to prevent the abusing and inslaving them to the designs of the French King Captain Iohn Pennington the Admiral of this Fleet was much unsatisfied and presented to the Duke of Buckingham Lord High Admiral his Exceptions to the Contract between his Majesty and that King and chiefly for that the Companies were bound to fight at the French Kings Command against any Nation except their own and that the French might put aboard them as many of their own people as they pleased The Vantguard arived at Deep but the rest lingred behinde for the Companies understanding that the French design was to surprise the Ships and to block up the Harbor of Rochel resolved to sink rather then go against those of their own Religion Captain Pennington received Letters from the Duke and a Warrant from Secretary Conway in the Kings Name to command him to deliver up the Ships to the hands of such Frenchmen as his Christian Majesty shall appoint but withal directing him not to dissert his charge by which latter passage he was willing to understand that it was not the Dukes intention that he should dispossess himself and his Companies of them for he supposed his Grace had no such unjust thought as to continue him there alone These Orders were delivered unto him by the hands of the French Ambassador together with a Letter from the French King which willed him to receive his Soldiers and his Admiral the Duke of Montmorance and joyn with his Fleet against his Rebellious Subjects Whereupon the Ambassador urged the Surrender of the Ship and nothing would satisfie him but a present possession and a discharge of the English Soldiers save a very few in case they were willing to be entertained in the service Pennington after much dispute although he were promised an ample reward in Money to be given him at the Surrender and of a Royal Pension during his life came to this resolute Answer That without an express and clear Warrant he would not surrender nor discharge a man of his Company Whereupon the French Ambassadors Secretary came two several times to the Ship to protest against the Captain as a Rebel to his King and Countrey but at the making of the last Protest which was accompanied with threatning Speeches the Soldiers and Mariners grew into such a fury and tumult that they got up their Anchors and set fail for England saying They would rather be hanged at home then surrender the Ship or be Slaves to the French and fight against their own Religion All which Captain Pennington did not gainsay nor oppose but when they came to Anchor in the Downs he advertised the Duke of all that had hapned and craved further direction but complained of the Bondage of this Engagement assuring him That the Mariners would rather be hanged then return again into France So in all the rest of the Ships the Captains and Companies utterly refused the Service and protested against it though they were tempted with Chains of Gold and other Rewards All this while the Body of the Council were ignorant of any other design then thâ— of Genoa then divers persons came over from the Duke of Rohan and the Protestants of France to sollicit the King and Council against