haue fostered it as they did with Garlandes statues trophies and triumphes in which notwithstanding it is but temporary and short but in histories of worth it is onely perpetual This Cicero perceiuing he dealt with Luceius to commit his actions to the monuments of his writings and Plinie the yonger did wish that he might bee mentioned in the histories of Cornelius Tacitus because he did foresee that they should neuer decay But these are such as are not led away with a lust eyther to flatter or to deface whereby the creadite of historie is quite ouerthrowne Yet the endeuour to curry fauour is more easily disliked as bearing with it an open note of seruility and therefore Alexander when he heard Aristobulus read many things that he had written of him farre aboue truth as he was sayling the floud Hidaspis he threw the booke into the Riuer and sayd that hee was almost mooued to send Aristobulus after for his seruile dealing but enuious carping carieth a counterfeite shew of liberty and thereby findeth the better acceptance And since I am entred into this point it may seeme not impertinent to write of the stile of a history what beginning what continuance and what meane is to be vsed in all matter what thinges are to bee suppressed what lightly touched and what to be treated at large how creadit may be won and suspition avoyded what is to bee obserued in the order of times and discription of places and other such circumstances of weight what liberty a writer may vse in framing speeches and in declaring the causes counsailes and euentes of thinges done how farre he must bend himselfe to profit and when and how he may play vpon pleasure but this were too large a field to enter into therefore least I should run into the fault of the Mindians who made their gates wider then their towne I will here close vp onely wishing that all our English histories were drawne out of the drosse of rude and barbarous English that by pleasure in reading them the profit in knowing them myght more easily bee attayned THE FIRST PARTE OF THE LIFE AND RAIGNE OF KING Henry the fourth Extending to the end of the first yeere of his raigne THe noble and victorious Prince king Edward the third had his fortunate gift of a long prosperous raigne ouer this realme of England much strengthned and adorned by natures supply of seuen goodlye sonnes Edward his eldest sonne prince of Wales commonly called the Blacke Prince William of Hatfield Lyonel Duke of Clarence Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster Edmund of Langley Duke of Yorke Thomas of Woodstocke Duke of Gloucester and William of Windsore These sonnes during the life of their renowmed Father were such ornaments and such stayes to his estate as it seemed no greater could be annexed thereunto For neither armies nor strong holdes are so great defences to a prince as the multitude of children Fortes may decay and forces decrease and both decline and fall away eyther by varietie of fortune or inconstancie of mens desires but a mans owne bloud cleaueth close vnto him not so much in the blisses of prosperitie which are equally imparted to others as in the crosses of calamity which touch none so neere as those that are neerest by nature But in succeeding times they became in their ofspring the seminarie of diuision and discord to the vtter ruine of their families and great wast and weakning of the whole Realme for they that haue equall dignitie of birth and bloud can hardly stoope to termes of soueraigntie but vpon euery offer of occasion wil aspire to indure rather no equall then any superiour and for the most part the hatred of those that are neerest in kinde is most dispitefull deadly if it once breake forth The feare of this humor caused Remulus to embrewe the foundations of the Cittie and Empire of Rome with the bloud of his brother Remus According to which example the tyrants of Turkie those butchers of Sathan doe commonly at this day beginne their raigne with the death and slaughter of all their brethren Prince Edward the thunderbolt of warre in his time dyed during the life of his father And although he was cut off in the middle course and principall strength of his age yet in respect of honour and fame he liued with the longest hauing in all parts fulfilled the measure of true Nobiliâ—e He left behinde him a young some called Richard who after the death of King Edward was Crowned King in his steade and afterward died childe-lesse William of Hatfield king Edwards second sonne dyed also without issue leauing no other memorie of his name but the mention onely Liâ—â—â—ll Duke of Clarence the third sonne of King Edward was a man of comely personage of speach and pace stately in other qualities of a middle temperature neither to bee admired nor contemned as rather voide of ill partes then furnished with good He had issue Philip his only daughter who was ioyned in marriage to Edmunde Mortimer Earle of March Who in the Parliament holden in the eight yeare of the Reigne of King Richard was in the right of his wife declared heire apparant to the Crowne in case the King should die without children but not many yeares after hee dyed leauing issue by the said Philip Roger Mortimer Earle of March This Roger was slaine in the rude and tumultuous warres of Ireland and had issue Edmund Anne and Elienor Edmund and Elienor dyed without issue Anne was married to Richard Earle of Cambridge sonne to Edmund of Lâ—ngley Duke of Yorke the fift sonne of King Edward Of these two came Richard 〈◊〉 Duke of Yorke who by the right â—â—uolued to him from his mother made open claime to the Crowne of England which was then possessed by the family of Lancaster first by law in the Parliament holden the thirtieth yeare of the Raigne of King Henrie the sixt where either by right or by fauour his cause had such furtherance that after King Henrie should die the Crowne was entayled to him and to the heires of his bloud for euer But the Duke impatient to linger in hope chose rather to endure any daunger then such delay Whereupon he entred into armes soone after against King Henrie in the fielde But being carried further by courage then by force hee coulde beare through hee was slaine at the battaile of Wakefield and left his title to Edward his eldest sonne who with inuincible persistance did prosecute the enterprise and after great varietie of fortune at the last atchieued it Iohn of Gaunâ— Duke of Lancaster the fourth Sonne of King Edward the third was a man of high and hardie spirite but his fortune was many times not answerable either to his force or to his forecast He had two sonnes Henrie Earle of Derby of whome I purpose chiefly to treate and Iohn Earle of Somerset This Iohn was Father to Iohn Duke of Somerset who had issue Margaret Countesse of Richmond mother
any should imagine that they meant of good Princes onely they speake generally of all and further to take away all doubt they make expresse mention of the euill For the power and authoritie of wicked princes is the ordinance of god and therfore Christ told Pilate that the power which he had was giuen him from aboue and the Prophet Esay calleth Cyrus being a prophane and heaâ—â—en Prince the Lords anoynted For God stirreth vp the spirit euen of wicked Princes to doe his will and as Iehoshaphat sayd to his rulers they execute not the iudgement of man but of the Lord in regard whereof Dauid calleth them Gods because they haue their rule and authority immedyatly from God which if they abuse they are not to bee adiudged by theyr subiects for no power within theyr dominionis superior to theirs but God reserueth them to the sorest tryall Horribly and sodainly saith the Wiseman will the Lord appeare vnto them and a hard iudgement shall they haue The law of God commaundeth that the Childe should be put to death for any contumely done vnto the parents but what if the Father be a robber if a murtherer if for all excesse of villanyes odious and execrable both to God and man surely he deserueth the highest degree of punishment and yet must not the Sonne lift vp his hand against him for no offence is so great as to be punished by parricide but our country is dearer vnto vs then our parentes and the Prince is pater patriae the Father of our Country and therefore more sacred and deere vnto vs then our parentes by nature and must not be violated how imperious how impious soeuer hee bee doth he commaund or demaund our persons or our purses we must not shunne for the one nor shrinke for the other for as Nehemiah saith Kinges haue dominion ouer the bodyes and ouer the cattle of their subiectes at their pleasure Doth he enioyne those actions which are contrary to the lawes of God we must neyther wholy obey nor violently resist but with a constant courage submit our selues to all manner of punishment and shewe our subiection by enduring and not performing yea the Church hath declared it to bee an heresie to holde that a Prince may be slaine or deposed by his subiectes for any disorder or default eyther in life or else in gouernment there will be faultes so long as there are men and as wee endure with patience a barren yeere if it happen and vnseasonable weather and such other defectes of nature so must wee tollerate the imperfections of rulers and quietlye expecte eyther reformation or else a change But alas good king Richard what such cruelty what such impiety hath he euer committed examine rightly those imputations which are layde against him without any false circumstance of aggrauation and you shall finde nothing obiected eyther of any truth or of great moment It may bee that many errours and ouersightes haue escaped him yet none so grieuous to be termed tyranny as proceeding rather from vnexperienced ignorance or corrupt counsaile then from any naturall and wilfull mallice Oh howe shall the world bee pestered with tirantes if subiectes may rebell vppon euery pretence of tyranny howe many good Princes shall daylye bee suppressed by those by whome they ought to bee supported if they leauy a subsedy or any other texation it shall be claymed oppression if they put any to death for trayterous attemptes against theyr persons it shall be exclaymed cruelty if they doe any thing against the lust and liking of the people it shall bee proclaymed tyrannie But let it be that without authority in vs or desert in him king Richard must be deposed yet what right had the Duke of Lancaster to the Crowne or what reason haue wee without his right to giue it to him if hee make title as heyre vnto king Richard then must he yet stay vntill king Richards death for no man can succeed as heyre to one that liueth But it is well knowne to all men who are not eyther wilfully blinde or grosely ignorant that there are some now aliue lineally descended from Lionell Duke of Clarence whose ofspring was by iudgement of the high Court of Parlament holden the viii yeere of the raigne of King Richard declared next successour to the Crowne in case King Richard should dye without issue Concerning the tytle from Edmund Crouchbacke I will passe it ouer seeing the authors thereof are become ashamed of so absurde abuse both of theyr owne knowledge and our credulity and therefore all the clayme is now made by right of conquest by the cession and graunt of King Richard and by the generall consent of all the people It is a bad wooll that can take no colour but what conquest can a subiecte pretend against his Soueraigne where the warre is insurrection and the victory high and heynous treason as for the resignation which king Richard made being a pent prisoner for the same cause it is an acte exacted by force and therefore of no force and validity to binde him and seeing that by the lawes of this land the king alone cannot alienate the auncient iewels and ornaments pertaining to the Crowne surely hee cannot giue away the Crowne it selfe and therewithall the kingdome Neyther haue we any custome that the people at pleasure should electe theyr king but they are alwayes bound vnto him who by right of bloud is next successour much lesse can they confirme and make good that title which is before by violence vsurped for nothing can then be freely doone when liberty is once restrained by feare So did Scilla by terrour of his legions obtayne the lawe of Velleia to bee made whereby hee was created dictator for fourescore yeeres and by like impression of feare Caesar caused the law Seruia to be promulged by which he was made perpetuall dictator but both these lawes were afterwardes adiudged void As for the deposing of king Edward the 2. is no more to be vrged then the poysoning of King Iohn or the murdering of any other good and lawfull Prince we must liue according to lawes and not to examples and yet the kingdome was not then taken from the lawfull successour But if we looke backe to times lately past we shall finde that these titles were more stronge in King Stephen then they are in the Duke of Lancaster for king Henry the first being at large liberty neyther restrained in body nor constrained in minde had appointed him to succeed as it was vppon good credite certainly affirmed The people assented to this designement and thereupon without feare and without force he was anoynted King and obtained full possession of the realme Yet Henry Sonne of the Earle of Aniowe hauing a neerer right by his mother to the Crowne notwithstanding his father was a stranger himselfe borne beyond the seas raysed such rough warres vppon King Stephen that there was noe end of
bee sufficient to blotte out this blemish What other action could they haue doone more ioyfull to theyr enemyes more woefull to theyr friendes and more shamefull to themselues Oh corruption of times Oh conditions of men The Frenchmen were nothing discontented at this discontentment of the Aquitanes supposing that opportunitie was then offered to get into theyr possession the Duchie of Guian if eyther power or pollicie were thereto applyed Herevpon Lawe Duke of Burbea came downe to Angiers who from thence sent many messengers to the chiefe cities of Guian and by faire speeches and large promises solicited the people to change alleageance on the contrarie side sir Robert Knowles Lieutenant of Guian endeuoured with all diligence to represse the 〈◊〉 to staye the doubtfull to confirme the good and to 〈◊〉 all in order and obedience but he profited very little whether by the weakenesse of his owne arme or stiffe necke of the people it is not certainely assured Neither did the Duke of Burbone much preuaile when it was considered 〈…〉 the yoake of Fraunce was aboue the English subiection for all men were well acquainted with what tributes and 〈◊〉 the Frenchmen were charged hauing in euerye countrie Lieutenants and Treasurours assigned the one to drawe the bloud the other the substance of the slauish subiects whose crueltie and couetousnesse laide holde without exception vppon all the 〈…〉 other vndooing by lawe Thus stood the 〈…〉 which the winde driueth one way and the 〈◊〉 another desirous they were to displease the English but 〈◊〉 to endanger and vndoe themselues Vppon aduertisment whereof King 〈◊〉 sent into Guian the Lord Thomas Percie Earle of Worcester whom he knew to bee faithfull vnto him and expert in matters of charge hauing in his companie a strong and seruiceable band of Souldiers who not by vnseasonable exprobating their fault but by reason conuincing it 〈◊〉 with his wisdome and credite so perswaded and partlye with his authoritie and forces so terrified the wauering people that he wanne them to his opinion and confirmed them in their alleageance the grauer sorte with respect of dutie and faith the rest with regarde and 〈◊〉 of daunger Them hee receiued oathes of obedience vnto King 〈◊〉 and planted 〈◊〉 strong garison in plaâ—es of chiefe import without molestation if they remained quiet and yet of force to represse them if they should rebell This done he returned againe into England where he shewed an excellent example of moderation in seeming rather to haue found then to haue made the Aquitanes duetifull subiectes No sooner could this stir be stinted but another more daungerous and desperate did foorthwith arise for diuerse noble men who eyther had dissembled or did repent the furtherance that they vsed to the aduauncement of King Henrie did conspire together to compasse his destruction the hystories of that time doe vary concerning the causes of this conspiracy whether it were for fauour to King Richard as the nature of man is inclinable to beholde sodaine misfortune with a pittifull eye or for enuy to King Henrie as commonly wee can 〈◊〉 excessiue forrâ—â—e no where so little as in those that haue beene in equall degree with our 〈◊〉 or whether vpon dishonours receiued in the late 〈◊〉 or vpon 〈◊〉 to see others goe before them in the Princes fauour many sought to reuenge theyr vniust anger with lewde disloyaltye likewise it is not assuredly knowne by what meanes the workers thereof were drawne together and the secret deuises of some 〈◊〉 to the rest whether one of them did perswade another to enter into the action or whether all were induced by the same vnconstant disposition and light account of faith which being once falsed to King Richard was afterwardes vppon euery light discontentment lyttle respected to any but concerning these matters the most current report is this There was at that time an Abbot of Westminster one that applyed his studies not as the most part to cloake idlenesse and slouth vnder the glorious tytle of religion but to enable himselfe for counsaile and direction in publique affayres who for the generall opinion of his wisedome and integritie was in good fauour and credit with King Richard and did accompany him in his last voyage into Ireland This Abbot called to his remembrance a speach which hee heard once fall from King Henrie when hee was but Earle of Derbie and not yet come to any great stayednesse eyther in yeares or iudgement that Princes had too little and religious men too much At that time the riches of the church were growne so great that many began to looke vpon them with an enuious eye but least couetousnesse should shew it selfe with open face policie was pretended and the excesse thought daungerous both to the King and also to the 〈◊〉 as verie like to cause want to the one and 〈◊〉 in the other Heerevpon many billes had beene put vppe in the parlaments houlden in the reigne of King Richard that 〈◊〉 might be made to represse the increase of religious possessions namely that inquisition and redresse might be had against such religious persons as vnder the licence to purchase ten pounds yearlie did purchase foure score or a hundred pounds and also against such religious persons as caused their villaines to take to their wiues free women inheritable whereby the landes came to those religious mens hands yea it was mooued in open Parlament that the king should seaze into his hands all the temporall liuings of religious houses as beeing rather a burthen then a benefite vnto religion Vppon these and the like petitions the Archbishop of Canterburie and the Archbishop of Yorke for themselues and the Cleargie of their Prouinces were oftentimes compelled to make their solemne protestations in open Parlament that if any thing were attempted in restraint of the libertie of the Church they would in no wise assent but vtterlie withstand the same the which their protestations they required to be enrouled So partly vpon loue to King Richard and partly vpon feare least King Henry would bee as ready to inuade as hee was to enueigh against the richesse of religious houses this Abbot was the first man that blew the coales and put fewell to the fire of this confederacy And first hee obserued a farre off then hee searched more neerely and narrowly and yet warely too howe the myndes of certaine Noble men were affected or rather infected agaynst King Henrie tempering his speeches in such sorte that if matters sorted to his minde hee myght take them vpon him if his coâ—â—ses were crossed he might cleerely disclayme them at last hee inuited to his house vppon a daye in Michaelmas terme those whome hee had sounded to bee moste sound for his purpose the chiefe of whome were such as in the Parlament before had in some sorte beene touched in reputation although by pardon and reconcilement the harme did seeme to bee closed vp theyr names were Iohn Holland Duke of Exceter of whome mention hath beene made before Thomas
to the noble Prince Henrie the seuenth Henrie Plantagenet Earle of Derby was likwise by his mother Blaâ—ch extracted from the bloud of Kngs being discended from Edmund the second sonne of King Henrie the third by which line the Dâ—chie of Lancaster did â—â—creâ—e vnto his house Hee was a man of meane stature well proportioned and formally compact of good strength and agilitie of body skilfull in armes and of a ready dispatch ioyntly shewing himselfe both earnest and aduised in all his actions Hee was quicke and present in conceite forward in attempt couragious in execution and most times fortunate in euent There was no great place of imployment and charge which hee would not rather affect for glorie then refuse either for peril or for paines and in seruice hee often prooued himselfe not onely a skilfull commaunder by giuing directions but also a good Souldier in vsing his weapon aduenturing further in person sometimes then policie would permit his expences were liberall and honourable yet not exceeding the measure of his receiptes he was verie courteous and familiar respectiuely towards all men whereby hee procured great reputation and regarde especially with those of the meaner sort for high humilities take such deepe roote in the mindes of the multitude that they are more strongly drawne by vnprofitable curtesies then by 〈◊〉 benefits In all the changes of his estate he was almost one and the same man in aduersitie neuer daunted in prosperitie neuer secure reteining still his maiestie in the one and his mildnes in the other neither did the continuance of his Raigne bring him to a proude port and stately esteeming of himselfe but in his latter yeares he remained so gentle faire in cariage that therby chiefely hee did weare out the hatred that was borne him for the death of King Richard He could not lightly be drawne into any cause was stiffe constant in a good Yet more easie to be either corrupted or abused by flattering speeches then to be terrified by threats To some men he seemed too greedie of glorie making small difference of the meanes whereby he attained it and indeede this humour in noble minds is most hardly ouer-ruled and oftentimes it draweth euen the 〈…〉 But before I proceede any further in describing either the qualities or actes of this Earle I must write something of the Raigne of King Richard the second his cosin germaine so farre forth as the follies of the one were either caâ—fer or furtherances of the fortunes of the other Richard sonne to Edward Prince of Wales a little before deceased was after the death of King Edward the thirde Crowned King ouer this Realme of England in the eleuenth yeare of his age at which yeares the minde of man is like to the poâ—â—teis earth apt to bee wrought into any fashion and which way so euer it hardneth by custome it will sooner breake then bend from the same Now the gouernaunce of the King at the first was comitted to certaine Bishops Earles 〈◊〉 and Iustices But either vppon 〈…〉 the King or negligence to discharge their dutie 〈…〉 was more ready with pleasant 〈◊〉 to delight 〈◊〉 then with profitable counsaile to doe him good for smooth and pleasing speaches neede small endeauour and alwaies findeth fauour whereas to aduise that which is meete is a point of some paines and many timesâ— thanklesse office Herrâ— vpon two daungerous euils did 〈…〉 In and priuate respects did passe vnder publike 〈◊〉 In the thirde yeare of his Raigne it was thought meete that this charge should be committed to one man to auoide thereby the vnnecessarie wast of the treasure of the Realme by allowing yearely stipend vnto many So by the whole consent of the nobilitie and commons assembled together in Parliament this office was deputed to Lord Thomas Beauchampe Earle of Warwicke and a competent pension was assigned him out of the Kings Eschequer for his paines But the King being now plunged in pleasure did iâ—â—â—deratly bend himselfe to the fauouring and aduansing of certaine persons which were both reproueable in life and generally abhorred in all the Realme and this was the cause of two great inconueniences for many yong noble-men and braue Courtiers hauing a nimble eye to the 〈…〉 and dislikes of the King gave ouer themselues to a dissolute and dishonestlise which findeth some followers when it findeth deth no furtherancers much more when it doth flourish and thriue the King also by fauouring these was himselfe little fauoured and loued of many for it is oftentimes a daungerous to a Prince to haue euil and odious adherents as to bee euill and odious himselfe The names of these men were Alexander Neâ—ill Archbishop of Yorke Robert Veâ—â—â— Earle of Oxford Michael 〈◊〉 afterwards Earle of Suffolke Robert Triâ—iliane Lord chiefe Iustice Nicholas Brambre Alderman of London and certaine others of no eminencie either by birth or desert but obsequious and pliable to the Kings youthfull humour These were highly in credit with the King these were alwaies next vnto him both in companie and counsell by these he ordered his priuate actions by these he managed his affaires of state he spared neither the dignitie nor death of any man whose aucthoâ—â—ie and life withstoode their preferment In so much as in the fifth yeare of his Raigne he remooued Sir Richard Seroopâ— from being Lord Chauncellor of England to which office he was by aucthoritie of Parliament appointed because hee refused to set the great Seale to the graunt of certaine lands which had wantonly passed from the King alleaging for his denial the great debts of the King and small demerites of the parties vpon whome the King might cast away and confirme but spend in good order he could not aduertising him also to haue respect that ryote did not deceiue him vnder the tearme and shewe of liberalitie and that gifts well ordered procure not so much loue as placed without descretion they stirre 〈◊〉 This Chancellor was a man of notable integritâ— and diligence in his office not scornfully turning away from the ragged coat of a poore suppliant or pale face of a fickely feeble 〈…〉 holding vp their simple soiled billes of complaint not yet smothering 〈…〉 with partiall 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 mighty but being alike to all he was 〈◊〉 disliked of 〈…〉 In the eight yeere of this 〈◊〉 the destruction of the duke of Lancaster was extended likewise vpon the like dislike the plot was layed by Iustice 〈◊〉 offences were deuised appelloâ—s appointed and peâ—res named â—e should haue bene put vnder 〈◊〉 and foorthwith â—â—â—â—igned condemned and executed But the duke vpon 〈◊〉 intelligence of these continuances fled to his castle at Pomfret and there made preparation for his defence against the king So this matter began to grow to a head of diuision which the common people at that time very busily desired and sought but the kings mother trauelling 〈◊〉 betweene the king and the duke notwithstanding shee was both 〈…〉 〈◊〉 them both to are conâ—â—lement