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A88829 An examination of the political part of Mr. Hobbs his Leviathan. By George Lawson, rector of More in the county of Salop. Lawson, George, d. 1678. 1657 (1657) Wing L706; Thomason E1591_3; Thomason E1723_2; ESTC R208842 108,639 222

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bulwark of and best remedy for to preserve our liberty a disease and hath turned the King Peers and Commons into three independent factions and this Government he saith some call a mixt Monarchy Whether there can be a mixt State is a question in Politicks yet if we understand what mixture is and could determine whether this mixture be in the supreme power as fixed in the Constitution or exercised in the Administration we might more easily satisfie our selves But this hath not been exactly done For its probable that in the exercise of the supreme power in the three acts of Legislation Judgement Execution there might be a mixture and these brought to a just and regular temperament But a mixt Monarchy in proper sense there cannot be Yet a limited and well-poised Monarch there may be To place the power Legislative which includes all the rest in three co-ordinate parties granting to every one of them severally a negative to me seems irrational for it may easily turn them who should be one into three factions as here it is affirmed at least it will retard all businesses which for for dispatch require secrecy and expedition But to place the universal power originally in the general assembly without any negative the judicial in the Lords and the executive in the King seems to be far more agreeable to the rules of reason This some think was our untient Constitution and the same excellent Difficulty of raising moneys necessary for the defence and preservation of the State monopolies popularity in a subject are diseases which much weaken a State there is no doubt of this That one City should in gross the wealth and strength of a Nation and be so rich and populous as to be able to set forth a potent Army and maintain it may be judged very dangerous to a Common-wealth as Mr. Hobbs informs us By this City in particular he means London which as some tell us furnished the Parliament with men and moneys whereby the King was vanquished and over-thrown Yet they seldom did assist the Parliament but upon high terms and advantagious to themselves in so much as their Petitions were Commands unto the Parliament which did depend more upon the City then the City upon them by which means they might in time engross the whole power and so rule the Nation Yet an army of their own did break their strength and reduce them unto their own terms and its clear that City depends much upon the River both for fuel merchandize and provision and by a wise provident counsel may be easily kept in order And this might the more easily be done because the Citizens have so many several interests and the same inconsistent amongst themselves as that they can hardly be united After all these diseases from within which weaken and may dissolve a Government he informs of a destructive cause and that is a forreign or intestine war wherein the enemy obtains a final victory so that the Soveraign cannot protect his subjects in their loyalty This indeed may cut off a line change the Governors and alter the form of Government Yet in all this the Community may continue and never be like a subject matter without any form but the Government may be the same and the Governors only altered nay the Constitution may stand firm and the Administration only varied or if the the form be changed yet the privation of the former is an introduction of the latter Here it s confessed that when the power of protection faileth in the Soveraign obligation in the subject is taken away But he starts a question though with him no question whether the right of a Soveraign Monarch can be extinguished by the act of another He saith it cannot Yet experience tells us it may For a conquered Monarch fallen into the power of another ceaseth to be a Soveraign and this is by the act of another And again if God by another take away his sword though his person escape and be at liberty he hath but the name and not the thing or real title If his subjects freed from obligation because he can give no protection do submit themselves unto another his right is lost If his life be taken away and his line cut off all right is extinct and in all these cases by the act of another yet he thinks that if the power of an assembly be suppressed their right is extinct The assembly in an Aristocracy or Democracy for such he means may be extraordinary or ordinary and the same the immediate subject of the supreme power or only trusted for a time with the administration and exercise thereof and the power of an assembly may be suppressed for a time and so only suspended the assembly remaining still Except he let us know what kind of assembly he understands and what kind of suppression of power he means he doth nothing An assembly whose power depends upon a certain place time number may lose their right if once they be scattered or defective in that circumstance CAP. XIV Of the 2. part the 30. of the book Of the Office of the Soveraign Representative IT s very expedient for those whom it concerns to know what Majesty is and what be the several rights thereof as also that in every State it be fixed in a certain subject person or persons that every one may know whom to obey and subject himself unto yet the principal thing is for Soveraigns to exercise their power in the administration of the Common-wealth according to the rules of Wisdom and Justice without which the best constitution in the world is in vain It might be worth the while to examine what the Author hath delivered concerning the office of a Soveraign Representative if he had informed us in this point of any thing formerly unknown or more excellent then we read in other Writers But he is so far from having done any such thing that he comes much short of others The duties of all Civil Governors are most exactly taught in the Scriptures which if this man had followed he might have given Princes far more and more excellent instructions In this Chapter we find little but what we heard before for it consists chiefly in the repetition of his former rules and his method is not exact He presumes much of his own knowledge above others and conceits he hath given us a better model of Government then ever any had before and so much he admires his own rules that he thinks them worthy to be taught in the Universities and taictly decries all former Politicks and undertakes to prove his dictates out of Scripture which he can never do Many of his Rules I confess are good but most of them are such as are very ordinary and commonly known But in those points wherein he is singular he can hardly be excused from error His first and chiefest care after the good of the people is to preserve the absolute power of Rulers which he asserts to