he perceaved they would never doe Sect. 69. Besides he told me most of those with whome you treat play now their owne after game they began theise trowbles which have browght me to this estate and haveing by their owne Improvidence throwgh their rigid dealing when they had the power to have agreed with me lost the dignity and authority of Parliament would now recouver themselves by my hazard wherefor I shall goe as far along with them as I finde consistent with the publique and my owne interest chargeing you not to engage my name further Sect. 70. I replyed that to communicate what measures his Ma tie intended to take would never be approuved by those leading men and might break of and Frustrate the whole dessein upon which one way or other his personelle safety and restauration entirely depended therefor the best course I coud steer was not to let them know that I had lately spoken to him about it and that in case they should press me to it that they might have his engagement to adhere to them in their proceedings I would employ all the adresse I could to divert them from urging his Ma tie to any promesse against them in whose hands and power he was and many of them if not all desperately disposed to his destruction which would undoubtedly produce violent and precipitate practises against him if they came to the least knowledg or even jalousie that his Ma tie was in any kinde of colusion against them He approuved of this expedient adding that it was neither more nor less then truth Sect. 71. Shortly after I was desired to mouve the King herein where upon I aleaged the above mentioned reasons against it with such enlargements as they were satisfied In fin the trayne tooke the citty put in excecution all that had been secretly contrived petitioning the Parliament for the confirmation of their Militia according to the Establishment where in it was Secondly that they might have power to rayse new forces for the defence of the Parliament and themselves Thirdly that they might be empowered to chuse their owne General officers Fourthly that the King should come to London in order to a personall treaty and that the aleaven secluded members should returne to their cession in Parliament Sect. 72. Here upon all Cromwels party in both houses resorted to the army The rest which constituted more then the nomber requisite remayned assembled voting all the citties demands Whoe began to rayse forces chose theyr General officers which were S r. William Waller Major General Massy and others Theise enrolled both horse and foote which came howerly in to them Many officers and soldiers whoe had been reformed at the instances of the army as being of different principles from them were againe employd A proposition was made of seazing all the horses within the lines of Communication where withall they Could have mounted 4 or 5000 troupers which joyned to the citty Militia with the new leavied foote would have made a more considerable force then that of the army which they knew and apprehended Where upon Cromwell concluded that the fox might on that occasion doe more good then the lion employed all his artifices even totum vlissem to hinder all accord betwixt his Ma tie the Parliament and citty and the Kings party from joyning prognosticating the entire ruine of all his vast designs with the inevitable destruction of his person and complices from soe fatal and ominous a conjoncture which to prevent he presented aleaven proposals to the King Sect. 73. First for the repealing of all the penal Statuts against recusants with the takeing away of all coercive authority from the Bishops Secondly the repealing of all acts constrayning the use of the common prayer Thirdly against the enforcing of the Covenant The next proposal was compiled in most ambiguous and conditional termes whereby as I conceaved the very quintessence of this cheat was manifest as followes here Fourthly the things before mentioned being sufficiently assured and provision made for setling and securing the rights liberties safety and peace of the nation his Ma ties person and Royal issue may be restored c. In this proposall all man kinde may see that there was nothing positive nor to have been certaynly depended on for the Kings person or posterity the means for satisfaction in these great matters which compose the body of the proposal being left indeffinite must have been the subsequent result of a newe treaty whereby a port remained open to render the later clause of no manner of Effect seeing they might continually have declared that no concessions which the King Could consent to with the preservation of Monarchy were judged by them sufficient to have secured in their sence the rights liberties safety and peace of the Nation The seaven following proposals concerned entirely the moderating of divers severities towards the Kings partie which were wise and just in themselves but most Achittophally politique as to his end which was only to bynde up the hands of the Royal party at that conjoncture and to hinder a coalition Sect. 74. To render all his offers to the King fruitless he had this reserve which he had formerly made use of on the like occasion before his Ma tie escaped from Oxford that thowgh he and most of his officers had thowght those proposals a good fowndation for the Kings reestablishment and for the nations safety yet if the Parliament would not be led to the same opinion he could not constraine them That he the officers and army were but the nations and Parliaments servants not their masters That they could only recommend their proposals not enforce their acceptation Sect. 75. However his Ma tie haveing perused theise proposals debated them and lent to favourable an ear to his and his son inlawes explanations and deep protestations did conceave very strong hopes that they were in ernest and really intended his restauration upon which grounds whereunto was joyned the councels and pressing persuations of three persons permitted by the army at that tyme about him and in great credit with him as likewise being in their hands and power might apprehend that his safety required his compliance At their desire he signed a paper utterly desavowing and disapprouving the proceedings of the Parliament and citty embracing the armies proposals as the surest fowndation for a well grounded and durable peace Cromwell haveing obtayned this caused some thowsands of copies to be imediately printed and dispersed throwgh the cittie and nation which gave soe full a satisfaction to allmost all the Kings frends that they dissuaded what cittizens they could have influence upon not to oppose the army Sect. 76. Haveing gained this great point he marched furiously towards London where the desordre and consternation was soe great by the paper his Ma tie had signed by the endeavours of the Royal party and of Cromwells owne which were considerable in that place as at his arrival he fownd
no opposition S r. William Waller fled into Hollande S r. Phillip Stapleton to calais where he died in eight or ten days after and many others retired to several other places divers of both houses as well as of the citty were imprisoned A great part of his army marched throwgh London in triumph he made one of his owne partie Leutenant of the Tower modelled the Militia to his owne pleasure and interest left some Regiments about the Mewes and Whitehall to encourage his frends and terrifye his enemies in Parliament Sect. 77. This thowgh at that tyme a bloodless victory was in effect one of the greatest that ever he gained makeing way to that unbownded power which he after atchieved and waded to throwgh a sea of blood in all the three nations and which was most extraordinary died in peace and declared his successour Sect. 78. This haveing succeeded according to what he had long designed yet hardly hoped for but was resolved to hazard he began to put of the masque where withall he had hithirto desguised himselfe as to what concerned the King thowgh not as to other subsequent and great projections Sect. 79. He quartered part of his army in the adjacent places neer London Conveyed the King further from it the councels of the officers and agitators were assembled at putney t' was now thowght high tyme to breake with his Ma tie and for him with his Mirmidons to appear in their pure naturals Sect. 80. Subjects for desperate and bloody debates touching the King were propownded in their meetings by his and his son in lawes instruments and secret instigations thowgh it was yet unseasnable that the scean of execution showld be exposed Sect. 81. He seemed much concerned for the danger he had plunged the King into and would appear willing to quench a reall fyre which he had kindled nourished and now cheefly administred fuel to with an imaginary water Sect. 82. This danger of his Ma tie was communicated to him both by his frends and enemies but with very different intentions Cromwell would not appear the last nor the least concerned for his security which undoubtedly and visibly was to have it provided for in the Isle of wight To which end he wrote a letter to his Couzin Commissary General Whaly whoe had the guarde of his Ma ties person signifying the desorders of the army with the Kings danger which being communicated to his Ma tie he recalled his word which had been given that he would not endeavour to escape notwithstanding whaly tooke not the least care to prevent it which he undoubtedly would have done had he not foreknowne what arrived very shortly after Peradventure being at that tyme a preacher as most of the officers then were he was likewise a prophet and Could divine that his Ma ties escape would prove but a translation from an ill imprisonment to a worse In short he left Hamton Court I will not say saved himselfe from it few knew what path he had taken thowgh some I am confident did besides those with him till the newes came to the Parliament of his being in the hands of Colonel Hamond in the Isle of wight It not being my business here to enlarge to much or to discant upon other mens alegations for the excuse of Cromwells and Iretons after proceedings as extorted from them throwgh danger and necessity for their owne preservation some whereof being falce others frivolous and childish I shall leave them as they are without further reflexions passing on cursorily to some few matters of weight leading to the fatall event of this most unhappy business The King being in the Isle of wight and not finding his entertainment answerable to his hopes and that the personall security oraculously promised him was to be interpreted in the sence of his enemies tending directly to his stricter and surer confinement and in the extremest danger which could threaten him his escape was become much more difficult if not impossible and being advertised from London means haveing been sudainly fownd out for correspondence with him of those things which most neerly concerned him and particularly that propositions were preparing to be sent him to obviate which that he foresaw would be to his prejudice He wrote a letter to the Parliament confirning what he had offered them in his Message from Holmby some months before with other very considerable additions of the Militias being in their hands during his life together with the chusing the councel and Ministers of State as likewise the payment of the arrears of the army and concerning other things he ernestly pressed that he might with honour and safety have come to a personall treaty at Londen Sect. 83. In answer where unto the Parliament passed four bills to be sent to the King provisionally for his ratification which being returned as acts his Ma tie should be admitted to a personall treaty Theise bills were large and needless to be recited here verbatim the first regarded the Melitia both by sea and land to be entirely in their hands and for the raising mony for the maintainance there of the last by inevitable consequence must have contiued that Parliament to all perpetuity by investing them with full power to prorogue and meet againe at their pleasure By twoe of these acts the King must have devested himselfe and his posterity of the sword and treasury and established them in it And by the last given them such a power as was little less then the legislative which in a short tyme they would undoubtedly have drawne to themselves It is here remarquable that Cromwell and ireton whoe six or seaven months before by an adresse from the army had in a mennacing manner demanded of the Parliament to resolve upon and declare a fixed period to their cession thereby to make roome for a trienniall to be assembled in this occasion were the most violent in pressing theise four acts before his Ma tie were admitted to any personall treaty And when the King had passed all at this tyme demanded and came to a treaty it was in their power whither they would have agreed with him or not from all which considerations and divers others which undoubtedly he had he waved the ratifying of any acts untill all were agreed Sect. 84. Upon this refusall which he foresaw from the very nature of the demands must ensue Ireton after an invective speech tending to the Kings rejection and to the setling the Gouverment without him moved that it might be resolved to make no more adresses to him the debate lasted long and as Ireton began Cromwell ended with bitter reproches against his Ma tie and threatings of the Parliament if they passed it not at length this resolution was forced out not without vigorous opposition of neer the halfe in both houses Sect. 85. First that no further adresses be made to the King Secondly that no application be made to the King by any of his subjects without permistion
with M r. Moray whoe the King sent expressly to me with a letter and with his Commands I fownd means to speak with Generall Waller whoe was returned from the Hague whither he was constrained to fly some months before and sate now againe in Parliament and by his means and ordnarily at his house with divers others of both houses The great and severe demands about church Gouverment which really and sencibly touched his Ma ties conscience in regard of his othe and of other considerations the first forty days to which the treaty was limited were expired without coming to a conclusion in which tyme I had written very often to the King and received letters from him in all I writ I humbly and yet freely as the matter required represented to him the dangerous and allmost desperate condition of his affaires by the protraction of tyme and dit not faile on the other side to lay before those persons of both houses with whome I had dayly Communication as demonstrably and as forcibly as my reason Could reach to the horrible confusion which would inevitably arrive both in religion and the Politique Gouverment to the utter ruine of the nation the consequencies where of their posterity might feel and bewaille in case the accord were not concluded tyme enough to make some reasnable and solid Provision against the desperate designes of Cromwell and his army which was on its march furiously towards London before it Could arrive there desiring them to consider that they would finde empty Imaginations supported only by the votes of both houses to weak to encounter the reall dangers which threatned them and the Nation by the audatious violence of those whoe had allready gone soe far towards their pernitious projects that they Could never thinke themselves secure but by goeing boldly on to ye bloody accomplishment of it which was clearly and dayly perceaved by the comportment of Cromwells party in both houses I wrote an ample letter as sencibly and convincingly as I could to the same effect to the late Lord Hollis which to my knowledg haveing effaced my name whither for his owne or my consideration I know not he read to others of the commissioners and fownd means to let the King see it thowgh at the same tyme I wrote fully to his Ma tie particularly and plainly it being then no season to lessen or render objects more agreable then they were in themselves I represented that Cromwells army advanced with all possible diligence I acquainted him with the practices of his party both in the Parliament the citty of London and in severall other parts of the Nation where they had influence humbly beseeching him to conclude the treaty before the army Could approache to hinder the effects of it that the Parliament might have had tyme to have declared all the Generall officers commissions voyde and some others whoe were most desperately active to make niew Generalls and to raise an army in the citty of London and in the neerest adjacent Provinces and to bring his Ma tie with honour and freedome to London and since it was feared that he whoe commanded the Guards about the King would not have obeyd as to what concerned his person in such an unhappy event I added some particulars which I thowght moste conducible not only to the prevention of the greatest and neerest danger to which his Ma ties person lay exposed but in the worst which could fall out to the preservation of Monarchy in the persons of his posterity in their just degrees according to the due course of law in that case provided and not otherwise it is most true that upon a weighty matter I had a most just and necessary occasion to mention nominally twoe of his children to him as I had done when I judged it requisite very often before adding for the conclusion of that paragraffe which contained my humble opinion for it was no more theise following words that it would undoubtedly be a great security to his affaires and of no less encouragement to his frends when his children were at the head of those whoe should appear for him where withall I ended my letter which was the last that ever I had the honour to write to him Had it been then printed would have fully convinced all men whoe might have read it of my Loyallty and Zeal to the King and for the preservation of his person and no less of my fidelity and affection to the service of his lawfull successours in theire just degrees as God Nature and the lawes of the Land had ordayned without ever mentioning or soe much as thinking upon that villainous and most foolish hysteron proteron which I was secretly accused of not long after the Kings death by one single person alone to have inserted in that letter Had it been soe it neither was nor is comprehensible howe he Could have knowne it I never trusted him enough to let him have seen any letter I either wrote or received nordid I ever know any person of what quality soever more exactly circomspect in Keeping of his correspondencies secret and the letters of those whoe wrote to him then his late Ma tie was nor Could he have had any end which might have counterballanced the inconveniencies that were reasnable to apprehend for his service by communicating that letter to him or indeed to any els unless it had been for their Councel which this person in the judgment of all whoe knew him was no ways capable of nor proper for in which regard his Ma tie would rather have communicated it to some other persons of the greatest capacity in the nation and of the greatest credit with him and were at that tyme permitted about him then to a yongue Man of no Importance and whoe had never served him the truth is had I wrote what I was accused to have done it had been in the highest degree factious and seditious as well as the most foolish project and proposition which Could have entered into the thowghts of any man not actually in a frenzy and fitter for bedlam then for any reasnable society nor Could I ever observe that my greatest enemies were at any tyme inclined to place me in that cattegory In fin my letter was never produced nor seen by any man that I Could hear of but by my accuser nor by him neither in that sence he reported it I well know to what an extent words written as well as spoken may be wrested if there can in them be any possibility of a double sence the change of a point of a comma or of the least accent may vary a whole sentence or periode as may be confirmed by a multitude of examples both in history and frequent moderne practice but in what I wrote there was nothing but simple and categorique naratives of matters of fact pregnant and visible dangers and humble representations touching the best and likeliest means to obviate and prevent them where of
COLONEL JOSEPH BAMFEILD'S APOLOGIE Written by himselfe and printed at his desire Facit indignatio versus ANNO 1685. PREFACE ALbeit the unbounded liberty of the press may sufficiently warrant my necessary undertaking and that a modest and needful Apologie free from all passion or unlawful Aymes may hee by an ordinary charity excused if not fully justifyed yet I had not run the hazard of the publique sensure being conscious of my owne incapacity had I not been in need thereunto by some reasonable pressages that the end of my misfortunes which can finde no other period and that of my life neerly approches 1. Neither had this alone prevailed with mee unless constrain'd thereunto by the injust and to any ingenious nature most insupportable injuries and Calomnies of some who are totally ignorant of the truth of my affaires nor have ever had the least provocation on my part to couver the cruelty of their secret practises and obscure proceedings against mee to the endangering of my life even since I came in this Province of Freesland which next the protection of God I thinke has been chiefly preserved by my neglecting it I not being ignorant of my danger nor of the causes thereof which I saw no certaine meanes of preventing but by flight disguise and concealment which I have ever through the whole cours of my great troubles been resolved against chusing rather to dye once if I could not fairly defend my selfe then live in fear of dying always Especially having a long time considered death if not in a dishonourable way as the only end of my calamities which I could reasonably hope for and my most sure azile 2. No less have their sinister and malitious practices contributed to the traversing of my fortune which I am persuaded had not otherwise been thus long desolate and obscure by encreasing the jalousies and indignation of some who I have never willingly offended nor otherwise then through the insupportable necessity of my affaires heeretofore and the indispensable compulsions of honour which would not permit me to doe what I might and most others would have done nor to have left undone what in policy and the general practice of mankind I ought to have avoided as essentially needful to my interests and to the raising me out of this sepulcher wherein I have for some years lain buried alive which peradventure I should not have come short of had I not been secretly calomniated and circumvented by underground darck and unavow'd or rather never to bee avowed mines and traines which in some kind have not a little contributed to the rendring my wounds incureable as well in England as elswhere 3. This being really my case is also the sole cause why I am enforced to expose my discreation to the capritious sensure of critiques rather then to abandone my honour by a womanish modesty timiditie and silence leaving these persons triumphant in their victorie which they have atchived by indirect and most unjust means I am not ignorant what wrongs have been done mee by whom and how but know I shall never be openly accused and by consequence not have any occasion of vindicating my selfe but by this means to which onely I can have recourse and although I am far from all hope of recovering what I have lost yet I shall endeavour to let some see demonstratively how far their credulity has been abused and my innocency wrong'd which I can no otherwise performe then by declaring truly and sincerely what I have done or not done leaving it to the judgment and sentence of all unprejudiced and unpassionate persons to what degree I have been either unfortunate or criminel 4. What my transactions have been in some great conjonctures I shall be as sincere and candid in as if my eternal happiness or misery depended on the truth or falsehood of what I here expose to the common view which I onely make publique for the vindication of my honour though I clearly foresee my interest may suffer by it which weighs soe little with mee that if this adventure meets but with a charitable reception from good men and unpreoccupied I beleeve as far as I know my self I shall not be much troubled if my death should prove immediately after the Epilogue to this tragedy JOS. BAMFIELD AT 17. years of age I began to serve the late King of happy memory Charles the-First being ancient under my Lord Ashley General Major of the Army in the first expedition against the Scots an Accord was made as other agreements in those times of very short continuance for the spring following the war was the second time declared in that expedition I was first Leutenant in the Regiment of Colonel Henry Wentworth brother to the Earl of Cleveland shortly after a Compagnie falling vacant in the same Regiment by the favour of the King I obtain'd it In the space of a year the peace was again made and the Armies disbanded The war betwixt the King and the Parliament followed shortly after I continued in his Majesties interest and service I commanded the Regiment of the late Duke of Somersent at that time Marquess of Hartford Generall for the King in the Westerne Provinces 2. In the first incounter which Arrived betwixt his Majesties and the Parlaments forces I was hurt and taken Prisoner brought so to London by the late Lord Hollis at that tyme Colonel under the Parlament Not long after being at liberty the King honnoured mee with a Commission for a Regiment not being at that tyme full twenty years old having levied it I returned to Oxford where his Majesty held his court Few days after his Hyghness Prince Robbert gave me a Commission which he had procured of the King to be Governour of Malmesbury whereof I knew not any thing before he was pleased to deliver it mee About the month of April following his Majesty sent mee order being pressed for troupes to march with three Regiments of foote and as many Compagnies of horse to Joyne his Army for the relief of Reading besieged by the Earle of Essex and was rendered by Colonel Fielding at the same tyme the King arrived there which might greatly have endangered his Army had the Enemy seen and made use of their advantage 3. In the month of June following his Majestie sent Prince Maurits and the Duke of Somerset with an Army into the west whereof my Regiment was part to Joyne with My Lord Hopton and Lord Berkeley who had beaten the Parlements forces Commanded by the Earle of Stamford not long before in the Province of Cornwell the Conjunction was made the towns of Weymouth whereof the late Earl of Shaffsbury was left Gouvernour Taunton and Bridwater being taken and garrisons placed in them the body of the Army Marched towards Generall Waller haveing first despatched my Lord Berkelay with four Regiments of foote and some few troupes of horse to blocque up Exeter to prevent the Earl of Stamfords raising of forces in Devonshire Who was
at the end of about 14. days his horse broke through Eastward under Lieutenant General Balfourd the Foote disputed their post a while and then capitulated to leave their Arms Collours Artillerie Ammunition and Bagage and to march away with cudgels onely Essex embarqued himself at Foy this blemished his reputation and shortly after lost him the Generalat 15. The King marched towards Oxford in his way thither was forced to the second battaile of Newbury were his Armie was something unfortunate and had been more soe if the jealousies or rather the Diametrally opposite principles and aimes of the Chiefs of the Enemie had not at that time in some kinde favoured his Majestie 16. The Winter following the whole model of the Parliaments Militie was changed the Earles of Manchester Essex and General Waller put out Fairfax made General Cromwel Leutenant General and the officers and souldiers composing the Niew Armie for the most part if not all at Cromwels devotion almost all confiderable persons of the Presbiterean partie put out The King had for the following somer assembled rather a good then a great Armie betwixt which despising the new model and that of the Parliament was fought that fatal battaile of Naesby where his Majestie lost his Armie and as the unfortunate consequence thereof not long after his Crown and Life 17. The King being returned to Oxford the Winter following employ'd me to London Sir John Bamfield haveing procured me a pass to returne thither to penetrate as far as was possible into the designes of the two parties in the Parliament in relation to his Majesties Person and Authoritie I wanted neither means nor assiduitie to performe what I was commanded I found the one very severe in their principles as wel to the Civile as Ecclesiastical Gouvernment the other which was influenced entirely by Cromwel resolved and labouring to change and destroye both I clearly sawe by Joyning with the first the roote of monarchy was to be preserved and did believe the branches would againe growe out to trust the latter I saw no reasnable ground what ever the specious pretences of some amongst them were in their secret Correspondency with persons of great quality and no less credit about the King 18. The Bulke of the party and the leading men as I knew always sayd and writ both to the King himselfe and divers others of the greatest quality some whereof yet live were resolved upon an entire subversion of monarchie and the Establishment of a new Gouernment 19. Having as I thought light sufficient to make these twoe points as Clear as by a Mathematical demonstration I desguised my selfe in my Groomes Clothes and went with the Tame Carrier to that Towne and thence on foote to Oxford where I Entered in the Evening without being knowne to any onely the Captaine of the guard caused me to be brought to Sir Thomas Glemham who was then Gouvernour but I was so disguised that he knew me not I tould him in private that I came from London about some affayres which Concerned his Majestie desiring him to appoint me to some convenient place where I might be private and that he would send one of his servants to M r. Oudart who at that tyme was Under-Secretary to Sir Edward Nicolas principale Secretary of State to come to me which he Immediately did and returned forthwith to acquaint the King with my arival who sent him back with his commands to put the heads of what I had to say to him in wryting that he might have time to consider of it and would speak with me at large the night following in the day it being almost impossible without discovery 20. Accordingly about eight of the clock the next evening I was brought where his Majesty was none being present but M r. Secretary Nicolas the Duke of York came in for a moment to receive his fathers Benediction before his going to his rest The King debated at large Every point and circumstance contained in my memorial being at that tyme fully convinced that he could not exspect any thing but ruine from the Army and there adherents in the Parlament giving me newe instructions concerning divers eminent persons of the Presbiterean party with letters to two of the Chief and to a great and a wise Lady who was in extraordinary credit and had much influence upon the transactions of those tymes His Majestie commanded me to acquaint the Queen from tyme to tyme with all that passed betwixt him and me and of all my transactions concerning his service which I could better doe from London then he from Oxford which I did performe by a constant Correspondence with the Earle of S t. Albans during the space of about three Years untill I was commanded out of England for other services 21. The King having charged me with new Instructions letters and all things expedient for his service dispatched me againe to London when Imediately upon my arrivall I spake with those to whom his Majestie had written two whereof where unwilling to receive their letters but contented to hear them read and after to see the hand and signature which they knew to have been all his owne 22. By these means some where gained by publique others by their owne particular Interests a few who had been his Majesties menial servants and in his favour I thinke repented really what they had done and resolved to efface What had passed by their future fidelity 23. But much the greatest part where brought about through the apprehension that the power of the Army which dayly encreased would overgrow the authorithy of Parliament treading under foote all lawes and constitutions changing the Gouverment and Gouvernours as frequently as the Pretorian Chohorts did that of Rome whereby the publique miseries of the preceding civile war might prove but the prologue to the following tragedy Anarchy usurpation and tyranny which begun was nourished and ended in blood as the whole world has been witness of 24. Not long after I had left the King at Oxford the Army having reduced all the rest of the Nation some few places excepted marched towards that Citty to besiege both his Majestie and it who being resolved not to fall into their hands as long as he could avoyde it was constrained to save himself disguised in an Ecclesiasticall habit which was the most proper he could assume who not long after sacrificed his life for the maintaining of that profession which he was fully convinced was of Apostolical Institution and had sworne at his Coronation to upholde as it had been established by law at the first solid reformation under the Reigne of Queen Elisabeth who though a most Zealous Protestant and the greatest pillar of the reformed Religion throuwghout all Christendome could never be induced upon any consideration to the taking away of the Episcopal function 25. The King haveing for that tyme thus Escaped threw himself upon the Scotish Army which then besieged Newarke and upon the rendering of the Place
was conducted to New Castle Whither Imediately at his arrivall he sent me his commands to Come with all diligence haveing obeyed his Majestie was Pleased to Acquaint me with the State of his affaires with the Scots Whose conduct towards him had not Given him the Satisfaction which he reasnably hoped for when he had volontarily betaken him selfe to them for Refuge in his distress haveing heard all I had to represent concerning the affaires at London wich could any ways relate to his person or Intrest since his Escape from Oxford he commanded me to make a short deduction of all in writing to leave with him for the refreshment of his Memory 26. Haveing remained there a few days his Majestye was pleased to trust me with new Instructions according to the change and Exigence of his affaires and to dispatch me back to London 27. Not long after I receaved a Letter from him by an express whome he eminently trusted to whose Information he referd me chiefly in the following termes The Severall ends I have in this despatch I have fully communicated to the Bearer resulting from what you left with me when you where Heere and from what you and others have written to me since the Particulars are to long and troublesome to bee put in chypher and to important to be hazarded out of it Wherfore I must refer you to him for answer to your two last and for direction in your conduct touching what you have propownded Your assured frend CHARLES R. 28. Part of this Business needs not to bee mentioned Heere being in some Kinde particular relating to what degree two or three persons might or might not be trusted and in what Maters but the principall thereof was to Engage the Earl of Essex the Earl of Holland Mylord Willoby of Parham with severall others of both houses so to contrive the Business by their owne and frends credit that the propositions of the Parliament which were resolved should be drawne up upon his Maj. message a litle before pressing earnestly a treaty migt be as moderate as possible Could be Procured and that such commissioners by the influence of theise persons might be chosen to compile them as neer the model which his Ma tie had given in writing to the person all ready mentioned as Could be effected 29. The business was communicared where it was most convenient but the sudaine death of the Earle of Essex throwgh an appoplexy rendered the propositions more harsh and difficult then peradventure they would have been had he lived whoe was animated resolute would hazard more then all the others had credit and was every moment incited by the influence and persuations of his sister the late Dutchess of Somerset 30. However Cromwell the army and their adherents in Parliament fearing the very possibility of the Kings assent in that extremity of his affaires and by consequence the frustration of their designs leading to the destruction of his person and the subversion of Monarchy Employd all the artifices Imaginable to have the King desposed to reject entirely the propositions Without soe much as demanding any treaty or Explication which they concluded would disgust to that height both the Scotch and severer of the English Presbitereans as indeed it did that they should the easilier arrive at their great designe in the overthrowe of all as it after fell out and chiefly throwgh that maxime which he all a long persued of keeping the King and Presbiterans from agreeing whereof the success was even at that tyme clearly probable 31. To this end they connived at the escape of a person out of the tower there Prisoner and in reasnable credit with the King being moreover a clergy Man animated in the highest degree against the Scotch and Presbitereans was a very proper instrument for their designe thowgh I shall doe him that right as to declaer my persuation that he suspected not the deceit wherein he was flattered employed and deceaved as many others were unblemishedly faithfull to the King but to credulous This man as I have sayd escaped made his speedy repaire to Niew Castel being fortified with powerfull recommendations from twoe or three great and worthy persons 32. The same day that he parted from London one whoe was at that tyme very intimately my frend and in the secret gave me a visit telling mee with joye even in his eyes that he came to tell me the best newes that ever I had heard being a particular recite of the Escape of the fore Mentioned person with his Message instructions and the ouverteurs he was charged with to his Maj. from some of the army and principal persons of their adherents whoe as he sayd were absolutely resolved to restore the King upon his utterly rejecting the Parliaments Propositions and graunting them a full liberty of conscience and such a power in the Militia as might secure all to them which his Maj. as affaires stood should finde himselfe necessitated to accord them Sect. 33. He added as allready in tryumph that the business was as good as done and that in less then three months we should see the King on his throne and in the full Execution of his Regal authority haveing heard him with great attention for his discource was weighty thowgh his judgment deluded without one word of interuption I answered him at lenght that I was sorry I could not rejoice with him at his triumphant niewes which I should undoubtedly doe as much as any Man alive if I believed the success would prove what he and those engaged in that designe figured to them selves for he had told me whoe they were three or four of the greatest and one of the wisest men that served the King on whose prudence and integrite his Maj. relyed as much as any mans I added I believe or rather I knowe this to be a manifest cheat concerted betwixt Cromwell Ireton and some cheif persons of their adherents in the twoe houses whose reall and hidden end is what specious pretences soever they make to abuse the credulity of you and others to render this treaty ineffectuall which has been browght about with great difficulty and against stronge opposition even of those persons whoe make theise ouvertures now hoping hereby to frustrate by adress what they Could not hynder by their debates in the twoe houses and by Makeing it break of abruptly by his Maj. Rejecting all the propositions in Generall cast the odium upon him and render the breach irreconcilable betwixt him and the Presbitereans whereby as I had much reason to fear the moste zealous the most violent and the least reasnable which are allways the greatest nomber would entirely abandon the wisest and most moderate uniting them selves to the armies party in both houses whereby the authority of Parliament being joyned to the power of the army both the Kings person and Monarchie would be desperately exposed Sect. 34. I aleaged further that I knew his Maj. would never consent to the propositions as
they lay nor was it councellable he Should only that he would demande a treaty and debate by a power given to the commissioners to explaine and discuss Every artickle apart and in particular which was the likeliest means to produce a good Effect and that by such an answer and demande those persons whoe had as then the most credit and cheif direction would endeavour to despose the Parliament to consent by which means and throwgh reasnable expedients which might be fownd out the severest things might have been moderated and great difficulties remouved To which end I told him I had already written to the King whoe seemed to be very well satisfied therewith and disposed to give such an answer 35. He replyed that he was upon good grounds assured when his Maj. had hearâ—d what this messenger forementioned had to propownd be would not demande any treaty and that the army would set him on his throne and make him a great King I besowght Allmighty God that it might prove soe but that I feared thy would at last take away his life and crowne together puting him in a capacity of possessing another in Heaven more durable Sect. 36. The next day I went to waite on the Marquis of Hartford since Duke of Somerset whoe the forenamed Gentilman had told me was acquainted with all this transaction and concurred in it which I fownd true and that he was persuaded the army would restore his Maj. sudainly perceaving me obstinate in the contrary opinion he sayd theise words to me Colonel Bamfield I have allways wished you well and doe soe Still and therefor would advise you not to oppose your selfe further to obstruct this cource towards the Kings recouvery for some of the clergy begin to suspect that you have particular interests in your transactions with the Presbitereans which weigh more then that of his Maj. I made answer that I had no other worldly interest but what was involved in and subordinate to the Kings that I never expected any advantage neither from the one or from the other partie but that I was soe fully convinced of the desperate designs secret practices and principles of the army and their adherents where of I did not want light that the groundless jalousie of some men nor their deluding hopes should never make me prostitute my reason nor act against it or have any thing to doe with those whose end and underground workings were for the destruction of the Kings person and Monarchie Sect. 37. A few days after this his Maj. answer came but not alltogether such as theise his freinds whoe I have mentioned desired but unhappy enough for him to doe the armies business at that tyme for the most Zealous part of the Presbitereans left the wisest and most moderate whoe endeavoured to have made the Kings answer the fowndation of a treaty and being likewise irritated by the Schotish Ministers Gyllaspy and others joined with the armies adherents in Parliament to demande of the Scots the delivery of his Maj. person to commissioners whoe were sent to receive him and guardes commanded by Collonel Graves This was clearly foreseen by the late Duke of Lauderdalle then one of the Commissioners for Scotland the Earle of Holland my Lord Willowby of Parham my Lord Hollis S r. Phillip Stapleton and very many others in both houses whoe were ar that tyme entirely for the Kings restauration upon as moderate termes as their conduct and credit in Parliament Could possibly worke out and as the only expedient to remoue difficulties wished and endeavoured to bring the business to a personall treaty by which means they hoped to abate the severity of some demands which all reasnable and truly conscientions men amongst them knew his Maj. Could not graunt without violence to his conscience in the breach of his othe and divesting himselfe of all power to maintaine ye lawes protect his subjects or to preserve himselfe and his posterity from being deprived of that less then halfe his regall and just authority which his assenting to those propositions in the termes they were drawne up would have left him the remaining part of his power being but precario and at the arbitrement of every succeeding Parliament Sect. 38. The wisest amongest them Considered and acknowldged theise truths and seeing a part of the Nation desposed with the army and their adherents towards a popular Gouverment would willingly have had more power in the King then when they began the war they desired or designed Sect. 39. On the contrary the adverse partie was absolutely against a treaty which they feard might lead to moderation on both sides and produce an accord destructive to those great projects the cheifs of them had figured to themselves for a long tyme and resolved upon after the niew modeling of the army to prevent an agreement they must hinder a treaty to which end that party in both houses haveing at first vigorously opposed sending of any propositions to the King but that being carried against them in the affirmative by great adress and infusing jalousies concerning Religeon into the greatest nomber of the Presbitereans few of them being States men by experience and peradventure not all by reason they easily drew them to a vote that his Maj. Should be obliged to signe the propositions in the termes as they were sent him by both houses alowing no latitude to the Commissioners by whome they were sent to treat or debate one syllable knowing very well that the King neither would nor indeed Could consent to them as they were neither with Conscience honour or safety however least the extreme danger whereunto he lay exposed might have prevayled with him to consent they made use of the stratagem I have allready mentioned of infusing into the belief of many of the most considerable of the Kings freinds that the army would restore him upon certaine conditions specified whoe led his Maj. himselfe to some hopes of it Sect. 40. By theise means the King was by the Scots delivered to the commissioners sent by the Parliament to receive him by them browght to Holmby one of his owne houses where he was rigorously guarded and very hardly used in all considerations not permitted to Speak with any man but in presence of some of the Commissioners not one of his domestique servants suffered about him nor the liberty to write or receive a lettre from the Queen any of his Childeren or freinds knowing nothing what his enemies did or what he was to doe himselfe In this deplorable condition one nepar whome the Parliament had placed about him as his barber being gained whose employment every morning and evening neer his person gave him the oportunity of conveying letters unpercevably into his hands how strictly soever he was watched by this conveniency haveing written to him at large concerning many things and especialy of the desorders begun betwixt the Parliament and the army and of all els which I judged necessary for his Knowledg in that estat
assured that they would deal syncerely and moderately with me afterwards I should witsh te armies casheering but the very ill usage I receive as yet from them makes me suspect alle things that I can hardly resolue what is best for me to doe in such an unhappy conjoncture and shall deliberate a little longer however take you hence the occasion to let those see whoe say they are my frends how much more reasnable I am even according to their owne rules then the authors of theise desorders which can never be appeased unless they agree with me they know what will satisfy me but the botom of theise mens designes is not easily sownded upon the place where you are you know best how to urge this with the most efficacy According to the advice your next letter brings me I shall take my measures Send the inclosed to my wife and deliver the other your selfe to my Lord Dumfermlin and keep my correspondence with him secret farewell Your frend CHARLES R. Sect. 46. Upon the answer which I made to this letter which contained very many matters of fact of great importance betwixt the Parliament and army whose differences flew very high with the opinion of others as well as my owne there upon the particulars where of all thowgh to long to be Here Mentioned may be guessed at by the Kings answer which followes May the 16. SEct. 47. Monday last I received yours which put such thowghts into my head that I could not delay the dispatching my Message to the twoe houses for undoubtedly reason will be sooner heard by unreasnable men when they dispute whoe shall be master then when there is no opposition and certainly seeing many of those in the Parliament whoe pretend to be my frends make soe little account of what you have offered them in my name I can expect nothing from them but extremest rigour when they have no competitors for in the incertainty of their affaires they may judg me necessary but then useless What I send you now is no more then what you know allready touching the four cheif propositions and for the covenant I have Done as much as I promised them Cause my message to be printed and published all you can Make my excuse to the french Ambassadour for what he has written to me in his last is of soe little concernment that it is not worth the payns to answer it in cipher to him selfe Assure him from me that neither Dumfermlin whoe is now here nor any els saving you shall know what passes betwixt him and me Send the inclosed to my wife to whome faile Not to give an account of all that passes farewell Your frend CHARLES R. Sect. 48. I have many other letters from his Ma tie touching theise negotiations at that tyme not necessary here to be inserted for the end I propose to my selfe The Parliament had past an ordinance in both houses for the disbanding of the army which would not obey their refusall and proceedings there upon were very high and factions and out of the power of the houses to restraine their only force lying in their votes and orders which the other laughed at and dispised whoe haveing thus begun fownd themselves obliged to goe on or perish The Parliament was here at much alarmed and the wisest amongest them began to repent their haveing rejected a proposition which was secretly made to them and often urged with weighty reasons not to send the Scotch army out of England entirely and at once but at the same tyme to disband part of their owne and send away a like proportion of the Scots and soe by degrees make them selves quit of both But this was refused without aleaging any solid reason against it but only depending on Parlementary authority which they sayd the army would never dare to disobey they were likewise sorry they had soe long and soe much neglected the great advances which the King had made and told me plainly they would endeavour the passing of a vote in both houses for the Kings coming to London but that they apprehended the army there upon would seize upon his person before he could come thither Sect. 49. They desired me to write to his Ma tie to know his inclination I told them I would goe my selfe to a frends house within less then an hower from Holmby and would write from thence which I did all the same night post Arriving where I intended before noon the next day from thence I wrote I mediately to his Ma tie inclosing my letter in one to the Earle of Dumfermlin I acquainted him with the great danger he was in of being seized by the army to prevent which I saw no means unless his Ma tie would and could save himselfe by night in desguise and that I would have horses ready very neer the place to bring him to London where as affaires stood I was persuaded he might come to a reasnable accord on the fowndation of his Message The next morning he sent my Lord Dumfermlin to me whoe gave me the following lerter Holmby June 4. SEct. 50. Referring particulars to the Earle of Dumfermlin I shall only tell you that what you proposed to me by your letter of yesterday is quickly to be answered that ever since I heard of the armies refusal to disband I have often thowght of what you now propownd and am resolved not to fall into their hands if I can avoyde it I have sownded the commissioners about the expedient which you mention of escaping with them to London I have assured them to confirme my last message and to treat with the Parliament concerning the other things in question I have layd before them the publique danger as well as of my person in case I should be taken by the army all agree to it except two whoe say they connot Consent without order from the Parliament it being to betray their trust soe that I see no way to shun falling into the hands of the army if they have the designe to take me as soone as Dumfermlin returns I will try againe what may be done with those whoe make the greatest difficulty Expecting your answer this evening if I can put in execution by any means what you move you shall know my resolution speedily to which end you shall doe well to remain where you are farewell Your frend CARLES R. Sect. 51. My answer to this letter was very short haveing acquainted my Lord Dumfermlin fully with all things whoe had likewise himselfe received letters from some of the Scotch Commissioners at London which confirmed all I had written and savd and therefor concluded some thing was to be done out of hand for the Kings escape He named the twoe persons to me whoe opposed it one where of commanding the troupes which garded his Ma tie without him it was not possible to have been done The next morning in stead of receiving any advice from the King how I might serve him in
his escape the newes came of his being secured by a party of the army commanded by a cornet named Joyce by his trade a taylour His Ma tie demanded of him what commission or autorite he had to offer him the violence he did without soe much as mouving his hat or shewing the King the least respect he shewed him with his hand the five or 600 soldiers which he commanded saying there is my commission his Ma tie without any the least emotion smilingly replyed t' was written in avery faire hand In short he was carried away to the army some furious spirits amongest them as Major General Harrison and others were for the putting of him to death by an unammous sentence of the army but Cromwell Ireton and the most politique heads were for delay and temporising soe long by amusing the King with hopes that they would restore him till they had entirely broken the Presbiterean party and rendered them powerless and themselves more absolute Upon this fowndation Cromwell Ireton and other principal persons of the army became very Civile and some thing respectfull to his Ma tie makeing great protestations of haveing no other designe but the setting him with honour upon his throne on his graunting them a free liberty of Conscience with such a power in the Militia as they judged convenient for their assurance that they might not be deprived thereof at pleasure but that tyme was needfull to prepare the way and to dispose the minds of the army to a submission thereunto Sect. 52. These promises and deep Protestations seconded by a free permission of his frends to wait on him of some of his domstiques to serve him and of his chapelens to performe their functions in his devotions according to the Constitutions and Customes of the Church of England wrought very much upon the King especially from the hopes he had of not being constrained in his Conscience in Matter of Divine worship and church Gouverment wherein he was much more sencible then in what concerned his prerogative or the rights of the crowne Sect. 53. The chiefs of the army especially Cromwell and Ierton whoe were great masters in that art made large promises and specious apparencies without effecting of any thing or makeing any demandes tending to a positive conclusion of what would satisfy them or of what they would doe for his Ma tie and which was then to me remarquable and worthy at all tymes of observation that amidest all theise faire pretences the armies adherents in both houses whoe did not any thing but by secret concert with Cromwell continually clamoured in Parliament at the seeming liberty which the King had often aleadging that he should be more restrayned and that the chief delinquents which was the Phraise in those tymes owght to be brouwght to condigne punishment Sect. 54. Twoe or three of the leading men whoe thirsted for his blood severall tymes let fly expressions of that kinde directly against his person and others a little cautious more obliquely but soe that both the end and the way to it which theise men had long projected by mutuall agreement was in my opinion sufficiently visible where of I advertised the King constantly and frequently the Queen by my constant adresses to the Earle of S t. Albanes whoe lived when I wrote and intended to Print this relation As I mentioned all particulars of that nature spoken in both or either house soe I named the authours haveing had ordnarily once in four and twenty howers knowledge of all that passed which concerned the King whoe was trained from place to place according to their apprehensions and designes during the space of divers months till Colonel Hamond was made Gouvernour of the iste of wight and Kairesbrooke Castel more magnificently furnished out of the publique warderobe then was needfull for him or sutable to his condition which by some others was taken notice of and by me especially throwgh an unexpected accident to long to be here inserted which gave me cause to suspect and fear what shortly after unhappely arrived which important circomstance joined to divers others not of much less weight put restless thowghts into my head till such tyme as I could obtaine a particular audience from the King to whome I gave an exact account of my apprehensions with the grownds of them Sect. 55. His Ma tie answered theise reasons have weight one may fear as well to little as to much especially as my condition is yet if there be any faith in them they will never come to such extremities however their feeding me hitherto with good words and deep protestations without reall effects or coming in all this tyme to any particular or positive conclusion makes me some tymes doubt the event but on the other side I cannot fall into all your apprehentions which seem now and then to hyppocondriacal Sect. 56. I replyed I beseech God thy may all prove soe where unto I added that I hoped there was yet an expedient either to constraine them to doe his business or to have it done without them He smiled and told me such a proposition was well worth the hearing asking mee what it was Sect. 57. I answered some of the most considerable persons of both houses whoe I named were unchangeabley convinced that the army jugled with him whoe were resolved upon a totalle change of the Gouverment which designe they whoe had sate during the space of five or six years in the same assembly with them and had been privy to their principles and debates and without doubt to many of their most secret contrivements could see further into them then any els and wished his Ma tie would bring them to a short and peremtory resolution touching what would content them as likewise what they would doe for him because that every day they gained power and others whoe really desired his Ma ties Conservation and reestablishment lost it Sect. 58. If they meant syncerely as they pretended Cromwell and Ireton Could absolutely engage that party in both houses to a concurrance with them whoe were inseperably linked to his interests and that the Presbitereans would not hinder but further it to prevent what they reasnably and exceedingly feared to late finding that they had raised a spirit which they could not easily lay againe And that the event was very uncertayne in their opposing of that power which insencibly they had let glide out of their owne hands and nourisht against themselves to long to be able to give limits to it Sect. 59. They considered that if the liberty of Conscience which the army seemed to insist upon were consented to and the penal statutes repealed the Presbitereans would have been included as well as others and for the power of the Militia which was demanded for security it must have resided in King Parliament or both for in the Officers of the army it could not be without keeping up a continued standing Militia which the nation Could not bear
as unsafe both for King Parliament and people Sect. 60. They were therefor of opinion that his Matie without further delay should have pleased to press them to a particular and Catigoricall explanation of their full demands which if he fownd such as he could agree to and that the armies partie in both houses would syncerely concur there Could be no insuperable difficulty in the business nor any opposition saveing what the Scotch Ministers could have stirred up whoe would never have approuved of a liberty of Conscience nor of any thing less then a Presbiterean Gouverment jurê Divinô which the armies adherents in both houses were declaredly against and I dare boldly say for I understood at that tyme the temper and costitution of that Parliament as it really was ten of those whoe went by the name of Presbitereans were not of the Schots opinion but either for a moderate episcopacy as the King had volontarily offered it at the treaty at uxbridge when he was under no force as the wisest expedient to have remouved all jalousies about Religeon or els were erastians and for haveing the politique Gouverment of the church dependant on the civile as it had been from the midle of Henry the eights raigne to that very tyme the six years of Queen Mary only excepted And undoubtedly there was great and clear reason foreseeing that where the Ecclesiasticale policy of the church in the one or the other extreme is received or shall be as Jurê Divinô the Hyrarchy has and will gouverne more absolutely then the civile and supreme Magistrate which has been manifest for many ages and is as demonstrable for the future as any probleme of euclide from which clear and experienced ground it may be thowght that no wise souveraigne Autority will volontarily part with the best halfe and surest fowndation of its power Sect. 61. But insencibly I forget my selfe this not being my business nor was then any part of my humble representation to his Ma tie thowgh above a year before he had towght me that lesson when he was at new-castle in soe much that by what I have here sayd upon this subject I become but his echoe Sect. 62. Wherefor I shall returne without goeing further astraye to the matter which led me to this short digression to conclude as I did then to the King that the opposition of the Scotch Ministers thowgh it might have made a little noise could not have occasioned any interuption to the success of what has been sayd Sect. 63. But in case his Ma tie Could not bring the army to such a conclusion as this councel imported and that he fownd himselfe convinced that their promises and protestations were but delusory they whoe gave this advice promised to endeavour the passing of an order in both houses to command the army to retire further from London and to permit the King to come to some of his houses neer the citty to treat personally for a well Grownded peace Sect. 64. His Ma tie replied this has some weight being what I heartily desire but I much doubt the armies obedience either to leave me at soe much liberty or to retire to such a distance However I will press them as far as is possible and prudent for me in the condition I am to a fixed and positive Conclusion with me and by you shall acquaint them with the success if I finde it usefull to me Theise men whoe propownd this to you see to late that they have improvidently cut out more worke then they can make up without my help but I cannot resolve to doe it all at my owne expence Sect. 65. His Ma tie however put this in practice with all the ernestness he Could but met with continual demurs and delays that things were not yet sufficiently ripe that the army was not soe unanimous as was hoped it would become that there were desordres in it which Cromwell underhand raised to have a colour for protarction and for other greater ends which appeared on the the theatre shortly after that their frends in the Parliament Could not be wrowght to a full concurrence with them Sect. 66. Theise pretexts were soe grosse and obvious that the Kings hopes deminished dayly Where upon those persons allready mentioned procured an order in the twoe houses that his Ma tie should reside at Richmond house that he should be attended by the same persons whoe were about him at Holmby thirdly that Colonel Rossiters regiment should guarde him All which Cromwell refused and laughed at declaring that the King should come no neerer to London then the Parliament permitted the armies quarter to be Where upon I alâ—aged to those persons that all their votes would signify nothing unless means could be fownd out where by their orders might be seconded by such force as in some degree was able to counterballance that of the army To which end none Could be thowght on saveing the Militia of London which at that tyme of trayned bands and auxillianes amounted to at least fiveteen or sixteen thowsand foote and to have been browght together in six howers tyme they were for much the greatest part Commanded by Presbiterean officers which in divers battayles had done as good service and fowght as well as those of the army Sect. 67. Whereupon the Earles of Manchester Holland Lauderdalle whoe thowgh not of the Parliament but one of the Scots Commissioners had great credit in the city my Lord willowghby of Parham my Lord Hollis S r. Phillip Stapleton S r. William Waller Major General Mastey Major General Browne all which and divers more whoe had great influence on the citty judged it now the crittical season to engage it to petition the Parliament for the continuance of their Militia under the establishment it was which Cromwell and his adherents laboured to have changed but secondly to order that the King should be left at his House at Richmond in order to a personall treaty thirdly that the citty should be autorised to rayse forces for the Parliaments and its owne defence and have power to chuse their General Officers Fourthly that aleaven members of the Parliament whoe had been a little before throwgh an impeachement of the army sequestred from their cession with their owne consent should returne to their places in Parliament this designe was Caried on in the beginning with as great secrecy as such a transaction Could be by the persons above mentioned where in I slept not Sect. 68. I acquainted the King with it whoe approuved the whole conduct withall commanding me soe to Gouverne my selfe in my part there of that he might not be necessitated to appear there in first for his personall safety as being in the power of the army secondly that he might have been free in Conscience and honour to agree with the army in case that this designe should drive them to the necessity of makeing good their severall protestations to him which without being forced to it
of Parliament under the penalty of high treason The last vote was relative to the first as before theise votes all most as soone as he was in the Isle of wight I had fownd out means of correspondence with him and of giving his Ma tie constant advertisements of all occurrencies which concerned him soe notwithstanding this danger of being punished as a traitour I continued it even to the last continuing to write to him and to receive letters from him both for my selfe and others the greatest part of his intelligence both with english and Scotch passing throwgh my hands whilest I remayned in England not without great hazard as may easily be conceaved which had it ever been discouvered no humane means that I sawe could have secured my head Sect. 86. Cromwell haveing as I have already sayd and demonstrated from tyme to tyme opposed and by his several artifices prevented all treaties as much as he possibly could and agreements betwixt the King and the Presbitereans by degrees wrowght the Earle of Essex Bedford and Manchester the Generall Waller Major General Massy Major General Browne and all those Military persons out of all employment whome he judged capable to bring any opstacle to his projects in some Kinde reduced the citty of London and jugled the King prisoner into the Isle of wight in the custody of Colonel Hammon one of his creatures he belived his game sure which was the sole reason why I ever declined all treaty or colusion with those people foreseeing clearly their ends and as visibly their ways to them even when the Generallity of the Kings party assured themselves that they would infallibly restore both him and them Sect. 87. My stedfastness in the contrary opinion and my endeavours against that gross delusion not prostituting my reason to other mens phantasies procured me many enemies with very severe sensures leading divers to a jalousie that I had rivited my selfe into that interest rather for my owne private ends then for his Ma tie service or for the publique behoofe of the Nation which most groundless and unreasnable credulity together with the animosities and calomnies which arose therefrom had prepared the way and facilitated my after mine all thowgh I solemnly and syncerely protest that I alone declined the one party as being unchangeably convinced that they designed his Ma ties destruction nor applyed my selfe to the other then by his commands and as things were in those tymes that I Could perceave no other means for his preservation Sect. 88. Upon advertisements I gave the King which I know he had from other hands of the foregoeing votes as likewise of what Cromwell and Ierton had sayd against him he sawe to late howe perfidiously they had jugled with him which first disposed him to treat with the Scotch and with as many of the Presbitereans in England as safely Could and would be treated with which evidently refutes that rediculous assertion of some whoe pretend to be the Kings frends that Cromwell and Ireton broke with his Ma tie because he treated with the Scots makeing the effect the cause it being notorious to all whoe had any transactions in and knowledg of the affaires at those seperate tymes that the King after the armies proposalls had no treaty with the Scots or any els till the votes of non adresses and unanimous protestation of the army to live and dye with the Parliament in the persuance of those votes and for the setlement of the Gouverment without his Ma tie and a little after the like was done by the Parliament to live and dye with the army for the same ends and which was the wonder of wonders the house of Lords Passed this resolution first with great zeal and sent it downe to the Commons for their concurrence whoe for some tyme opposed it vigorously till threatnings and fear caused many members to absent themselves soe that it was carryed in the affirmative by five or six vooices Thus the commons contended to preserve the Peerage for the abolishing of which the Peers themselves layd this fowndation which ensued in about a year after Sect. 89. Theise proceedings haveing been visible and his Ma tie no other recource for the gaining of his liberty with the preservation of his crowne and life came to a conclusion with the Scotch Commissioners whoe were permitted by the Parliament to repaire to the King about the Gouverment of their owne nation Sect. 90. The agreement with them gave such satisfaction that they engaged themselves to enter into England with an army as speedily as well could be and in order to conjonction with them severall treaties were secretly mannaged with the principall persons of the Presbiterean party In a Parliamentary way nothing Could be done with them nor by them because of the awe of the army and the incertainty of many amongst themselves whoe in divers debates voted with the contrary party Besides that the very late resolutions and protestations of both houses rendred all propositions of that Kinde vaine and exceeding dangerous in soe much that there remained no other way but to treat with them a part and with the greatest Privacy The result was that they should declare at the same tyme with the Scotch the Kings party being to joine with them Upon the Scotch commissioners leaving the Isle of wight his Ma tie was more severely guarded then ever Not with standing I had constant correspondence with him all or much the greatest part of his intelligencies either with the Kingdome of Scotland or England passed my hands not without great difficulty danger and expence When all these transactions were concluded the King sent me the following letter of credit to be communicated to as many of the Gentilemen of the Easterne assotiation as I should thinke fit with the advice of those with whome I had before treated The Duke of Lauderdalle did me the honour to deliver it me at his returne from Cairsbrook Castel and to let me know what was concluded betwixt his Ma tie and the sotch Commissioners Cairsbrooke Decemb 1647. SEct. 91. Gentilemen I have been long since advertised by Colonel Bamfield whoe I have often employed to you of your good affections to my service and since there may fall out in a short tyme an occasion wherein they may be usefull to me in the present condition I am it may prove inconvenient for me and to you dangerous that I should give you Particular directions under my hand I have left it to Colonel Bamfield whoe knows my affaires and has order to communicate to you as much of them as is necessary for the direction of your Councels and endeavours for the publique good of your country and for him whoe is Your most assured frend CHARLES R. For the Gentilemen of the Easterne association Jan. the 24. SEct. 92. I have received yours of the 17 present but have not as yet decypherd the other letters inclosed because I would first fiuish this despatch
his Ma tie himselfe was the most competent judge whither they were reasnable honest and appliquable to the condition he then was to have been made use of or rejected according to his owne prudence and pleasure I shall here conclude this where upon I have the longer insisted as being the fowndation of my utter ruine the source of my great sufferings during six or seaven years and those calamities and necessities whereinto I was plonged at that tyme the causes of my offending his Ma tie to that degree he ever remained It is beyond the limits I propownd to my selfe to enlarge to a particular relation of the artickles presented to the King of the debates and disputes there upon during the treaty which has been allready the worke of other pens more proper for it then mine I shall only say that had his Ma tie and the Parliaments Commissioners come to the same conclusion they at last did fut twenty days sooner which they might have done for to the best of my remembrance there were twice fourteen dayes added to the first forty which was spun out to the last three or four the King in my opinion had not come to a violent death the Nation and the protestante Religeon had been free from the infamy there of and secured against the cruel confusions which Imediately followed the effusion of that blood all thowgh his Ma tie and the Parliament were fully agreed and his concessions voted entirely satisfactory and a sufficient fowndation for a happy peace and firme establishment in all his Dominions yet by the violence of the army which over whelmed all very much the greatest part of the Parliament were secluded and allways kept out till Imediately before the Present Kings restauration divers of the members emprisoned and others constrayned to save themselves beyond sea In this deplorable condition of things his Ma tie a little before he was remouved from Niewport by the army to Hurst Castel apparently calling to minde what I had severall tymes represented to him was gratiously pleased to send me by Mr. William Moray the ensuing letter THe danger to which you expose your self cannot be contreballanced by any service there now remains for you to doe me the severity of the Presbitereans haveing ruined me and themselves You will doe well to save your selfe and to returne to your Master and I commande you not to Councell him to any thing touching publique matters without the knowledg and approbation of the Queen his Mother and of the Prince his Eldest brother haveing no more to say to you then to commit you to the protection of the Allmighty God I remain Your assured frend CHARLES R. Imediately after his Ma ties death I was suspended from the Honour of wayting where I had done and my coming to the court prohibited which caused me to continue secretly and desguised in England in several places not knowing well in the disgrace I then was plonged how to subsist els where besides that I hoped there to finde some favourable occasion of serving the King where by to remouve his displeasure thowgh it prouved not soe easy a matter as some to Consolate me flattered me with the beliefe of I remayned in that condition about a year some tymes in one place and some tymes in another till at length I was betrayd by one whoe had served me long whome I had bred up from a boy and much obliged I was taken and Imprisoned and had certainly lost my head unless by the extraordnary Providence of God I had fownd the means of saveing my selfe throwgh a window of the Prison which all circonstances considered was little less then Miraculous the sea ports were soe layd for me that I was constrained to remaine secretly in the citty of London in faithfull frends houses during the space of three weeks when at last I was convey'd over into Holland by S r. Roger de Lyvedy Capitaine of a Man of war belonging to Rotterdam whose brother was since vice Admirall of the Meuse twoe or three years after his ship was seized upon at Hull he put in Prison where I have heard he dyed I had no sooner set foote on land but I was forced into another misfortune which was unavoydable that constrained me for some tyme to take my refuge at vienna neer utrect which added to his Ma ties indignation but it pleased God that the occasion in few weekes was taken away where upon I repayred to Breda where the King was in treaty with the Scots Commissioners his Ma tie would not permit me to appear in his Presence nor at his court he agreed with them went into Scotland it was not alowed me to wayte on him thither thowgh I made use of the intercession of some great persons in no less credit with him to obtayne that Grace Shortly after I followed in company with the with the Earle of Disert where being arrived Duke William Hamilton whoe was killed at woster the late Duke of Lauderdalle with most of the Nobility of Scotland whoe were then about his person employ'd theire mediation as ernestly as duty and descretion would admit to bring me into grace but Could not obtayne any thing which constrained me to returne againe into Holland In this State I continued about five years endeavouring to doe all the services I Could frequently agitated betwixt hope and despaire till at length I had the happiness to performe such a service as that some very great persons both in quality and credit Improuved it all they Could to restore me to his Ma ties favour whoe prevayled soe far as that he was pleased to admit me into his Presence and to kiss his hand as allsoe to receive the account I had to give him of some matters which regarded his service and to deliver his opinion freely enough concerning persons and things relative there unto Which gave occasion for me and such as wished a period to my misfortunes to hope that by degrees I might have recouvered his Ma tie favour which I belive I had not come short of unless unfortunately I had offended a person of quality and at that tyme in the greatest Credit and trust about him whoe before my disgrace had been one of my best frends and very highly obliged me in many occasions and after my misfortune had carried himselfe indifferently without doeing me either good or harme untill at that conjoncture he began againe to favour me giveing me his promesse to doe me what good offices he Could but being diametrally opposite in his Jugdment Councells and Proceedings to my humble opinions touching the likeliest means leading towards the Kings restauration I unhappily used to much freedom in my argumentations with himselfe and excessively more in my discources with others concerning him in a letter I had written to the Earle of Difert then at Antwerp which was intercepted to avow the truth I had made some bitter reflexions upon his conduct thowgh without nameing him but being
Generall in the West for the Parlament but after the Battaile of Stratton reduced to the Gouvernment of that Citty 4. The first day wee came before it the Enemy despising our small Number sillied out with a very considerable party but was vigorously repulsed beaten and some of their out worcks and the south subburbs possessed which by reason of our want of Amunition and our few forces wee quitted of our own accord very many of their men where killed and taken prisoners The siege continued about twoe months the Parlement endeavoured twice to succour it once by land from plimouth and Dartmouth which where surprised in their march beaten and totally Dissipated Secondly by sea with the Parlaments fleet commanded by the Earl of Warwich having two thowsand souldiers aboarde which he designed to land at Apsom under the favour of his Cannon but was prevented by our sinking the night before divers vessels with stones in the Channel He endeavoured to land at other places on the strand in his long Botes but was always repulsed with loss one of his ships was fired by us another so raked through by our Cannon that they were Constrayned to fire it themselves not able to bring it of 5. About this time Bristol was taken by the Kings forces Prince Maurits arrived before Exeter with about 3000 Cornish foote and some horse having viewed all the quarters and Approches resolved on an Attaque by the south gate which was Committed to Colonel Chudly and mee with 2000 men the manner left to our selves at the place where wee intended to fall on the enemy had twoe out guards advanced from the southgate the distance of musquet shot of about 3 or 400 men with a line of communication from the port to the out works which wee could perceive was but slightly mand wee resolved with fire locks and Pikemen with pistols by their sydes that light matches should not discover our designe to march silently an hower before break of day to assault the line jointly by way of surprise he on the left hand neat the outguarde I on the right neer the port hopeing thereby if success full to cut of the retreat of the Enemy which wee did by this meanes all in the out work were either killed or taken Whereupon wee Lodged our selves under the wall reasnably wel couvered soe neer the port that they durst not attempt à sally in this condition and consternation they beat a parley desired a treaty sent out hostages Sir Richard Cave and I were employed to treat and had the place rendered even on our owne tearmes 6. Having refreshed the Army twelve or fourteen days the Prince marched to Dartmouth though late in the year to begin a siege before the several Quarters were fully fixed his Highness the Earl of Marborow General of the Artillery c. and Major General Basset fell all three at one time dangerously sick which caused disorder and delay the greatest part of the Officers were inclined to raise the siege and retire the Army into Winter-quarters Sir Richard Cave Colonel Chudley and my selfe opposed it and wrote to My Lord Berkeley who was Gouvernour as well or the Province as of Exeter to come to the Army at whose arrival resolution was taken to attacque the Town in two places Colonel Chudley and my selfe were ordered as at exeter to assault one post in divers places he entered the first beat the Enemy out of some Workes but being unfortunately killed his Troupes were repulsed those I commanded entered likewise drove them from all their outworks which was their chief strenght in that quarter and commanded the Towne which immediately treated and rendered whereof Colonel Seymour was made Gouvernour 7. Towards the end of October the King sent order to my Lord Berckely to dispatch mee with my own Regiment and what other troupes he could spare with all expedition to joyne with my Lord Hoptons Army for the relief of Basing then besieged by Sir William Waller I was immediately sent away with a Brigade of Foot consisting of his Lordships Sir William Courtenays not he of Devonshire but another of the same name Sir John Acklands Colonel Strangeways and my own Regiment with three troupes of Horse I joyned my Lord Hoptons Army Basing was relieved Waller retired incamped advantagiously under Farnham Castel General Hopton followed him presented him Battaile the one would not dislodge nor the other attacque him as he lay the day following a Councel of war was held about the beginning of December where it was resolved that the Amy should separate into four Brigades and retire to Winter-quarters one with my Lord Hopten to Winchester another under Sir Charles Vavasour to Alsford a third commanded by Colonel Boles to Alton the fourth with mee to Petersfield the Horse were divided accordingly a party with every Brigade of Foote whereof I had with mee Sir Edward Stowels Regiment of Cavallery Sir Edward Fords Sir Edward Bishops four Troupes of my Lord Bellasis his Regiment commanded by his Major Bovel with the three Troupes which came with mee out of Devonshire One present at the Councel declared his opinion that it was dangerous to divide the Army into so many open quarters whilest Sir William Wallers remained in one entire Bodie since he could in one night as his custome was to march force any of the neerest to him before the others could be advertised joine and succour the quarter aetacqued this comming from a verry youngman was neglected as of no moment though the consequence ten days after made it appeare as one of Cassandra's predictions which though always true were never believed till accomplished or pastremedy 8. Four of five days after my Lord Berkeley arrived at my quarter from Oxford bringing with him Sir William Butler his Regiment of Horse with the Kings commands to march incontinently towards Arundel to take it if possible I marched all tuesday with the Horse and as many Musquetiers as I could mount being favoured by a great mist without any discovery about four of the clock wednesday morning wee surprised and forced the Towne the greatest part of the Enemie retired into the Castel which was rendered the Saturday following when my foote came up that the Souldiers should goe whither they would leaving all Armes and Amunition both of war and mouth having in three or four days given the necessary orders touching the defence of the Town and Castel I left Sir Edward Ford there with 400. Foote marching all night with the rest at the instances of Sir William Butler whom his Majestie had made Sherif of Kent hoping to have taken Bramber Castel but were prevented by Colonel Morley and Sir Michael Livesie who had possessed themselves of the place and passage over the River with about 2000. Men out of Kent whilest I was seeking another forde where I might pass the River with more conveniencie then in the face of the Enemy my Lord Hopton by an Express sent mee advertisement that the General Waller