that there was not greater care taken to commit this Bishop to the Tower then to release another from it of which he saith that Munday the 16 of Novemb. the Lord Bishop of Lincolne was set free of his imprisonment in the Tower upon the suit of the House of Peers to His Majestie and the next day being a day of Humiliation he was brought into the Abbey Church by six Bishops and officiated there as Dean of Westminster before the Lords So shall it be done unto the man whom the People honour Never was man more honoured for the present both by Lords and Commons his person looked upon as sacred his words deemed as Oracles and he continued in this height till having served their turn against the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Earle of Strafford he began sensibly to decline and grew at last the most hated man of all the Hierarchie But he was wise enough to foresee the change and prepare himself for it For I remember that congratulating him for the high esteem to which he had attained in both Houses of Parliament and representing to him the many opportunities which he had thereby of doing service to the King and good to the Church He told me that he did not think that the Parliament had any better affections for him than for the rest of his Brethren that the difference between them stood onely thus that some of them might be more hated than he but that he was not more beloved than any of them And finally such was the freedome he used with me that all the courtesâ—…e he expected from them was that which Poliphemus promised to Ulysses that is to say to eat him last after he had devoured his fellows How truly this was said the event hath proved It was unanimously voted by the Commons That the Charge imposed upon the Subject for the providing and furnishing of Ships and the Assesments for raising of money for that purpose commonly called Ship-money are against the Laws of the Realme Nor was it only voted thus in the House of Commons but afterwards in the House of Peers and all proceedings in the Case both at the Councell Table the Star-Chamber and the Courts of Justice declared null and void yet for all this the opinion of the Legality of it was so fixed in the mindes of many understanding men that it could not easily be removed 1. In regard of the great learning and integrity of the man by whom it was first set on foot 2. Because all the Judges had subscribed unanimously to the Lawfulnesse of it in time of danger of which danger the King was declared to be the Judge 3. Because being brought to a publick tryall after it had been argued by the Councel on both sides in the Courts of Justice and by all the Judges in the Exchequer Chamber there passed a definitive sentence for it in behalf of the King 4. Because voted down by the Houses of Parliament in a meer arbitrary way than was expected without being brought to a review neither the Kings Councell being heard nor the Judges called to shew the Reasons of their opinions 5. Because it was ordered by the House of Commons that the Arguments of Justice Crooke and Justice Hutton for the illegality thereof should be put in print those of the other eight Judges which were for the Lâ—…gallity of it continuing suppressed which gave occasion to most men to think that there was more reason for it in those Arguments than was thought fit to see the light And last of all because notwithstanding all this care to vote down this Assesment they were faine to have recourse to the King for obtaining of an Act of Parliament to secure them from it for the time to come In the mean time it was thought fit to impeach the Judges of high Treason that having such a rod over them they might be sure that nothing should be declared for Law but as they would have it Not being satisfied in this Vote I fear I shall finde lesse satisfaction in that that follows that is to say that The Clergie in a Synod or Convocation hath no power to make Canons Constitutions or Lawes to binde either Laity or Clergie without a Parliament This is a new piece of State-doctrine never known before the Convocation having no dependence upon the Parliament either in the calling or dissolving of it nor in the confirmation authorizing of the Acts thereof but only on the King himselfe and not upon the Kings sitting in the Court of Parliament but in his Palace or Court Royall wheresoever it be And this appeareth both by the Statute made in the 26 of Henry 8th and the constant practise ever since But whereas it was voted also that the Canons are against the Fundamentall Lawes of this Realme and against the Kings Prerogative c. I am to tell my Author that before the Canons were subscribed they were imparted to the King and by Him communicated to the Lords of the Privy Councell the Judges and the Kings Councell learned in the Laws of this Realm being then attending in the hearing of all which they were read and by all approved which had been strange if any thing tending unto faction and sedition or to the diminution of the Subjects property and the Kings prerogative or otherwise against the known Laws of the Land had been found in them And finally whereas our Author doth inform us that this censure passed upon the Canons upon a full debating of the Cause on both sides I would faine know by whom it was debated on the behalf of the Clergie I have some reason to believe that none of the Clergie of that Convocation who best understood their own businesse were called to the debating of it or that they did appear there by their Councell learned sufficiently authorized and instructed to advocate for them and therefore if any such debating was it must be managed either by some Members of their owne House or by some London Ministers purposely called out of the rest to betray the Cause and be it which of these it will it is not to be doubtâ—…d but their Arguments were either fiâ—…ted to the sence of the House or built on such weak promises as nothing but a Vote of Condemnation could ensuâ—… upon them Nor was it thought sufficient to decry the Canons unlesse the Canon-makers were kept under by the hand of terrour And therefore as before they impeached the Judges so did they Frame a Bill for Fineing all the Clergy of that Convocation according to the place and station which they held therein By this meanes keeping them in such awe that sew of them durst appeare in maintenance of their owne Authority or in opposing those encroachments and Innovations which day by day were thrust upon them Toward which worke our Nation was so auxiliary so assistant yet at the end brought them in no Bill of charges There was no reason why they
there inhumed c. Our Author tells us in the end of his Preface what an espâ—…ciall care he hath of his Temporalities as his owne word is in assigning unto every action it s own proper time and yet he fails us here in the first beginning For neither was the body of that King interr'd on the 4th of May nor the Letters of procuration kept undelivered till the 8th as he after teâ—…ls us nor the Marriage celebrated after the Funerall of the King as is there declared though possibly in the intention of King Charles for the reasons there delivered it had been so resolved on at the first designation of those Royall pomps For upon Sunday May the 1st the Marriage was celebrated at the Church Nastre Dame in Paris on Tuesday May the 3d the news thereof came unto the Court and was welcomed the same night with Bells and Bone-fires in all parts of London on Saturday May the 7th was King James interred and on Sunday morning May the 8th there came an Order from the Lords of the Council to the Preachers appointed for St. Pauls Crosse as I have heard him say more than once or twice requiring him that in his Prayer before the Sermon he should not pray for the Queen by the name of Henrietta Maria but by the name of Queen Mary ouely And yet it is true too which he after telleth us that is to say That the Marriage was celebrated in Paris on the 11th of May. But then he is to understand that this was on the 11th of May in the French Accompt which following the Gregorian Calender anticipates ten daies in every Month that being the 11th day of the Moneth to them in the new Style or stylo novo as they phrase it which is the first day of the Moneth in the old Style and Accompt of England He sent Letters of Prolucution to the Duke of Chevereux If it be asked why the King when he was onely Prince of Wales should look no lower for a Proxy than the King of Spaine and being now the mighty Monarch of Great Britaine should pitch upon so mean a Prince as the Duke of Chevereux it may be answered that the Duke of Chevereux was a Prince of the house of Guise from which his Majesty was extracted Mary of Loraine Daughter to Claud of Loraine the first Duke of Guise being Wife to James the fift of Scotland Grandmother unto James the sixt and consequently great Grandmother to King Charles himself From Canterbury his Majesty took Coach for Whitehall where the third after his arrivall c. If our Author meaneth by this that his Majesty went in Coach but some part of the way onely he should then have said so but if he mean that he went so all the way to Whitehall he is very much out their Majesties passing in Coach no further than Gravesend and from thence in theâ—…r Royall Barge by water unto his Palace at Whitehall accompanied or met by all the Barges Boats and Wherries which could be found upon the Thames the Author of these Observations beholding from Tower-wharfe that magnificent passage For as man is without a female Consort so is a King without his supreme Councell a halfe formed sterill thing Our Author in these words and the rest that follow maintains a Paradox most dangerous to supreme Authority in making Parliaments so necessary to all Acts of State as if that Kings or they that have the Supreme power could doe nothing lawfully but what they doe with their assistance and by their consent which were it so a Parliament must be Co-ordinate to Kings or such as have the power of Kings not subordinate to them Nor need the Members write themselves by the name of His Majesties most loyall and most humble Subjâ—…cts but by the name of Partners and Associates in the Royall power which doctrine of what ill consequence it may be in Monarchical Government I leave Counsellors of State to consider of His speech being ended the King vailed his Crown a thing rare in any of his Predecessouâ—…s Our Chroniclers tell us of King James that at his first coming to the Crown of England he used to go often to the Tower to see the Lyon the reputed King of Beasts baited sometimes by Dogs and sometimes by Horses which I could never reade without some râ—…gret the baiting of the King of Beasts seeming to me an ill presage of those many baitings which he a King of Men sound afterwards at the haâ—…s of his Subjects And Mr. Prin tells us of K. Charles that on the day of his Coronation he was cloathed in white contrary to the custome of his Predecessours who were on that day clad in purple White is we know the colour of the saints who are represented to us in White robes by S. John in the Revelation And Purple is we know the Imperiall and Regall colour so proper hereto sore unto Kings and Emperours that many of the Constantinoplitan Emperours were called Porphirogeniti because at their first comming into the world they were wrapt in purple And this I look upon as an ill presage that the King laying aside his Purple the Robe of Majesty should cloathe himselfe in White the Robe of Innocence as if thereby it were fore-signified that he should devest himselfe of that Regall Majesty which might and would have kept him safe from affront and scorn to relie wholly on the innocence of a vertuous life which did expose him finally to calamitous ruine But as all ill presages none like that which our Authour speaks of I mean the veiling of his Crown to this his first Parliament which I consider of the Introduction to those many veilings of the Crown in all the Parliaments that followed For first he vailed his Crown to this in leaving Mountague in their hands and his Bond uncancelled as you tell us after Fol. 12. notwithstanding that he was his sworn Chaplain and domestick Servant and that too in a businesse of such a nature as former Parliaments used not to take cognizince of he vailed his Crown unto the next when he permitted them as you tell us Fol. 25. to search his Signet Office and to examine the Letters of his Secretaries of State leaving him nothing free from their discovery a thing not formerly practised he vailed his Crown unto the third first in the way of preparation to it releasing all the Gentlemen whom he had imprisoned for their refusall of the Loane many of which being elected Members of the following Parliament brought with them both a power and will to avenge themselves by the restraint of His Prerogative within narrower bounds next in the prosecution of it when hearing that the Parliament had granted him some Subsidies not a man dissenting he could not restraine himselfe from weeping which tendernesse of his was made good use of to his no small dammage adding withall and bidding his Secretarie tell them as our Authour tells us Fol.
resolutâ—… was Queen Elizabeth to maintain Her Prerogative though King Charles yeiâ—…ded to the times and released His Prisoners upon this Declaration of the Judges and a Remonstrance of the Commons in pursuance of it which was another vailing of his Crowne before noâ—… mentioned because reserved uâ—…to this place For the Lords feared an antient Order that no Lords created sedentâ—… Parliamento should have voice during that Session c. Upon which their suffrage was excluded The Lords had been to blame indeed if when the Judges had declared for Law in 〈◊〉 of the House of Commons they could not make an Order to serve themâ—… both antient alike and of like Authority because both contrary to the practice and proceedings in foregoing Parliaments But whereas our Authour writes that uâ—…on the finding out of this Order the suffrage of the new Lords that is to say Kimbolton Imbercourt and Tregote was excluded for this Session I somewhat doubt his intelligence in that particular and that I doe for these two Reasons First because in the long Parliament which began in Novemb. An. 1640. when the prevailing Parties in both Houses were better backed than they were at this present the Lordâ—… Seymour Littleton and Capell created sedente Parliamento and the Lords Digby Rich and Howard of Charleton called to the House of Peers by especial Writ were all admitted to their Votes in that Sâ—…ssion of Parliament without any dispute And secondly whereas it was offered to the King being then in a farre lower condition than He was at thâ—…s present in the last of the Nineteen Propositions which were sent to Yorke That His Majestie would be graciously pleased to passe a Bill for râ—…straining Peers made hereafter from sitting or voting in Pâ—…liament unlesse they were admitted thereunto with the consent of both Houses of Parliament the King did absolutely refuse to assenâ—… unto it as appeareth clearly by his Answer unto those demands The affection of the Peers so elevated him that he received the Attorneys Charge with such an undaunted spirit and returned so home an Answer as the House was amply satisfied with it In all this there was nothing strange that either the Earle of Bristol should receive the Attorneys Charge with such an undaunted courage as you say he did being so backed and elevated by the affection of the House of Peers as you say he was or that the House should be so amply satisfied with his Answer to whom they had before shewed so great affections It was not the Answer but the Person which prevailed most with them as on the other side in the businesse of the Duke of Buckingham the Answer fared the worse for the Persons sake of whom you tell us in this place That the ill opinion which the Peers had of him did as much depresse him as it did elevate the other For though the Duke his Answer to his Impeachment so contrived and inlaid with modâ—…sty and humility that it was like to have a powerfull influence towards the conversion of many as our Authour tells us Fol. 53. yet was it so farre from giving any and much lesse ample satisfaction as Bristols did that it bâ—…came a new grievance to his Adversaries who thereupon resolved on the prosecution for feare it might be thought that themselves were worsted if the poor Gentleman should have mâ—…de but a saving game of it So true is thâ—…t of Velleius Paterculus saying Familiare est hominibus invidiam non ad causam sed ad voluntatem personasque dirigerâ—… that is to sâ—…y that it is usuall with most men to govern themselves in mâ—…tters of this inviduous nature not by the merits of the cause but by the intercesse of their own passions and the â—…espect or disrespect which they bear the persons But all would not smooth the aspâ—…rity of this illegall Tax c. The money which was then required of the Subjâ—…ct was not imposed on them in the way of a Tax if I remember it aright but required of them as a Loanâ—… and that too in a way which might seem to have some Loyalâ—…y in it For whereas the Parliament had passed a Bill of Subsidies and that the said Parliament was dissolved before the Bill passed into an Act His Majesty was advised that He had good grounds to require those Subsidies of the Subject which the House of Commons in their names had assented to and yet not to require them by the name of Subsidies but onely in the way of Loane till the next Parliament should enable Him to make payment of it or to confirm His Levying of those moneys by a subsequent Act. But this devise though it brought in good sums of mony for the present yet by the Articles of some men who were resolved That the King should have no other assistance towards the maintenance of His wars than what He could procure-by His compliance with His Houses of Parliament it brought forth those effects which our Authour speaks of So miserable was the Kings condition at this time that having formerly been made the Instrument to break off all Treaties with Spaine and declare a Warre against that King at the earnest solicitation of the House of Commons He was so wilfully deserted I dare not say betrayed by those that engaged Him in it Where for three daies all was so calme on both sides as if they had sworn a Truce c. This was the first great errour in the Enterprise of the Isle of Rhe And the second was as bad as this viz their not taking in of the little Fort called La Pree For had the Duke marched directly on he had in all probability taken both the Town and Citadel of St. Martin the Fortifications being then unfinish'd and the people in no small dismay for the rout of their Forces whereas the losse of those three dayes gave time and leisure enough to Mounseiur de Toyrax Governour of the place to compleat his Works in such a manner that they were thought impregnable by our ablest Souldiers Or had he took the Fort of La Pree in his pissage by it he had not onely hindred the French from bringing new Forces by that Postern to the relief of the Town but might have used the same to make good his Retreat when the necessity of his affairs should compell him to it Both which miscarriages I have heard a Person of great Honour well skilled in the Art Mâ—…litary and no professed friend unto the Duke not to impute so much to the Duke himself who was raw ignorant and unexperienced in the Warres as to Sir William Courtnâ—…y and Sir John Borrowes two great Souldiers who had the Conduct of his Counsels the one being no lesse famous for his service at Bergan ap Zone than the other was for his couragious holding out in defence of Frankendale And yet there was another thing no lesse contributing to the losse of the whole designe than these two miscarriages viz the
attended it was at last forgotten If this suffice not I shâ—…ll borrow our Authors help for a further answer who telleth us of Archbishop Abbot fol. 127. That his extraordinary remissnesse in not exacting strict Conformity to the prescribed Orders of the Church in the point of Coremony seemed to resolve those legall determinations to their first Principle of Indifferency and led in such an habit of Inconformity as the future reduction of those tender-conscienced men to long discontinued obedience was interpreted an Innovation then which nothing in the world could be said more truly I have said nothing of the Antient and Generall usage of those severall Ceremonies because the Question is not now of the Antient usage but whether and how farre they were to be used or not used in the Church of England according to such Rubricks Lawes and Ganons which remain in force Nor shall I adde more at the present than that I think our Authour hath not rightly timed the businesses in dispute between us the placing of the Communion Table Aâ—…tarwise bowing or cringing toward it and standing at the Gloria Patri not being so generally in use at the time of this Parliament as to give any scruple or offence to the greatest Zealots or if they were they could not honestly be fathered on Archbishop Laud as countenanced or brought in by him in the time of his government of which more hereafter our Authour now draws toward an end and telleth uâ—… finally But thâ—…se were but part-boyled Popery or Popery obliquâ—… So then the Ceremonies above-mentioned how Primitive soever they were must be damned for Popery though it be onely part boyled and oblique Popery as our Authour calls it and with that brand or by the name of English Popish Ceremonies as the Scotish Presbyterians term them the rest as well as these may be also blemished but let them call them what they will we see now by a most wofull and lamentable experience that the taking away of these part boyled Poperies these English Popish Ceremonies or whatsoever eâ—…se the malignity of any men shall please to call them the substance of Religion hath been much impaired and by this breaking down of the Pale of the Vineyard not onely the little Foxes have torn off her elusters but the wilde Bores have struck at her very root I have no more to addâ—… now but a witty and smart Epigram made on this or the like occasion and is this that followeth A learned Pâ—…late of this Land Thinking to make Religion stand With equall poize on either side A mixture of them thus he try'd An Ounce of Protestant he singleth And then a Dram of Papist mingleth With a Scruple of the Puritane And boyled them all in his brain-pan But when he thought it would digest The scruple troubled all the rest The greatest danger was from Popery direct And from this the danger appeared very great c. And here I thought I should have heard that some points of direct and down right Popery had been obtruded by the Bâ—…shop and Prelaticall Clergy but on the contrary I finde all silent in that case and good reason for it Whence then appeared so great a danger not from the introducing of Popish Doctrinâ—…s but increase of Papists and that not onely in some Counties of England but in the Kingdomes of Scotland and Ireland also with those of Scotland and Ireland I forbear to meddle though the Committee for Religion having an Apostolical care of all the Churches did take them also into their consideration marvailing onely by the way how our Brethren of the Kirke who stood so high upon the termes of their Independencie could brook that their affaires should be so much looked into by an English Parliament But where our Author telleth us that in some Counties of England the Papists were multiplied to some thousands of Families more than there were in Queen Elizabeths time there may be very good reason given for that for since the death of Quâ—…en Elizabeth the Holy-dayes had been made dayes of common labour and yet all sports prohibited on the Sunday also the Common-prayer-Book either quite neglected or so slubbered over that there was no face of Regular Devotion to be found amongst us the Churches in most places kept so slovenly and the behaviour of the people so irreverent in them that it is no mervail that men desirous to worship God in the beauty of holinesse should be induced to joynâ—… themselves to such societies of men as seemed to have more in them of a Christian Church The King having thus dissolved the Parliament c. That is to say after so many indignities and provocations as were given unto him by the disorder tumultuous carriage of some of the Members which our Author very handsomely and ingenuously hath described at large it was the opinion of most men as our Author telleth us Fol. 132. that the dissolution of this Parâ—…lament was the end of all And certainly there was very good reason why it might be thought so the King never having good successe in any of his Parliaments since his first coming to the Crown and withall having an examplâ—… before his eyes of the like discontinuance of assembling the three Estates in the Realme of France by the King then Reigning and that upon farre lesse provocations then were given King Charles For whereas in an Assembly of three Estates Anno 1614. the third Estate which represents our House of Commons entrenched too busily upon the liberties of the Clergy and some preheminencies and exemptions which the Nobility enjoyed by the favour of some former Kings it gave the King so great offence that he resolved first to dissolve them and never after to be troubled with the like Impertinencies Nor was there since that time any such Assembly nor like to be hereafter in the times ensuing those Kings growing weary of that yoake which that great Representation did indeavour to impose upon them But because he would not cut off all communication betwixr himselfe and his people he ordained another kind of meeting in the place thereof which he called La Assembli des natables that is to say the Assembly of some principall persons composed of some selected persons out of every Order or Estate of his own nomination whereunto should be added some Counsellor out of every Court of Parliament of which there are eight in all in France throughout that Kingdome which being fewer in number would not breed such a confusion as the generall Assembly of the States had done before and be withall more pliant and conformable to the Kings desires and yet their Acts to be no lesse obliging to all sorts of people then the others were Such an Assembly as this but that the Clergy had no vote in it was that which was called here by my Lord Protector immediately after the dissolving of the late long Parliament who possibly had his hint from this Institution And this
Protestant It is true the Covenanters called it the Bishops warre and gave it out that it was raised onely to maintaine the Hirarchy but there was little or no truth in their mouthes the while for the truth is that though Liturgy and Episcopacy were made the occasions yet they were noâ—… the causes of this Warre Religion being but the vizard to disguise that businesse which Covetousnesse Sacriledge and Rapine had the greatest hand in The Reader therefore is to know that the King being engaged in a Warre with Spaine and yet deserted by those men who engaged him in it was faine to have recourse to such other waies of assistance as were offâ—… to him And amongst others he was minded of a purpose which his Father had of revoking all such grants of Abbey-Lands the Lands of Bâ—…shopricks and Chapters and other Religious Corporations which having been vested in the Crown by Act of Parl. were by that Kings Protectors in the time of his minority conferred on many of the Nobility and Gentry to make them sure unto the side or else by a strong hand of power â—…xtorted from him Being resolved upon this course he intends a Parliament in that Kiâ—…gdome appoints the Eâ—…rl of Niddisdâ—…ale to preside therein and arms hâ—…m with Instructions for 〈◊〉 of an Act of Revocation accordâ—…gly who bâ—…ing on hâ—…s way as farre as Barwick was there informed that all was in a Tumult at Edenbobrough that a rich Coach which he had sent before to Dalkeith was cut in pieces the poor Horses killed the people seeming onely sorry that they could not doâ—… the like to the Earle himselfe Things being brought unto this stand and the Parlâ—…ament put off with a sine die the King was put to a necessity of some second Councels amongst which none seemed so plausible and expedient to him as that of Mr. Archibald Achison then Procuâ—…ator or sollicitor generall in that kingdome who having first told the King that such as were estated in the lands in question had served themselves so well by the bare naming of an Act of Revocation as to possesse the people whom they found apt to be inflâ—…med on such suggestions that the true intendment of that Act was to revoke all former Acts for suppressing of Popâ—…ry and setling the reformed Religion in the Kirk of Scotland and therefore that it would be very unsafe for his Majesty to proceed that way Next he advised that instead of such a general Revocation as that Act imported he should implead them one by one beginning first with those whom he thought least able to stand out or else most willing to conform to his Mâ—…jesties pleasure assuring him that having the Lawes upon his side the Courts of Justice must and would pasâ—…e judgement for him The King resolved upon this course sends home the Gentleman not onely with thâ—…nkes and Knighthood which he had most worthily deserved but with instructions and power to proceed therein and he proceeded in it so effectually to the Kings advantage that some of the impleaded parties being lost in the suite and the rest seeing that though they could raise the people against the King they could not â—…aise them against the Lawes it was thought the best and safest way to compound the businesse Hereupon in the yeare 1631. Commissioners are sent to the Court of England and amongst others the Learned and right Noble Lord of Marcheston from whose mouth I had this whole relation who after a long treaty with the King did agree at last that all such as held hereditary Sheriffdomes or had the power of life and death over such as lived within their jurisdiction should quit those royalties to the King that they should make unto their Tenants in their severall Lands some permanent Estates either for three lives or one and twenty yeares or somâ—… such like Terme that so the Tenants might be incouraged to build and plant and improve the Patrimony of that Kingdome that they should double the yearly rents which were reserved unto the Crown by their former grants and finally that these conditions being performed on their parts the King should settle their Estates by Act of Parliament Home went the Commissioners with joy for their good successe expecting to be entertained with Bells and Bonefires but they found the contrary the proud Scots being resolved rather to put all to hazard than quit that power and Tyranny which they had over their poor vassalls by which name after the manner of the French they called their Tenants And hereunto they were encouâ—…aged under-hand by a party in England who feared that by this agreement the King would be so absolute in those Northern Regions that no aide could be hoped from thence when the necessity of their designes might most require it Just as the Castilions were displeased with the conquest of Portugall by King Philip the second because thereby they had no place left to retire unto when either the Kings displeasure or their disobedience should make their owne Countrey too hot for them From hence proceeded that ill bloud which the King found amongst them when he went for that unlucky Crowne from hence proceeded the seditious Libell of the Lord Ballmerino which our Author speakes of the greatest part of whose Estate was in Abby-Lands From hence proceeded all the practises of the great ones on that busie Faction principled onely for the â—…uine and destruction of Monarchies and finally from hence proceeded the designe of making use of discontented and seditioâ—…s spirits under colour of the Canons and Common-Prayer Book to embroyle that Kingdome that so they might both keep their Lands and not lose their Power the Kings Ministers all this while looking mildely on or acting onely by such influences as they had from Hamilton without either care or course taken to prevent those mischiefes which afterwards ensued upon it But from the Ground proceed we to the Prosecution of the Warre intended concerning which our Author telleth us that The King had amast together considederable power whereof the Earle of Arundel had the chiâ—…fe conduct And so he had as to the command of all the Forces which went by Land the Earl of Essex being Lieutenant Generall of the Foot the E. of Holland of the Horse But then there were some other forces embarqued in a considerable part of the Royall Navy with plenty of Coine and Ammunition which were put under the command of Hamilton the King still going on in his fatall over sights who anchoring with his Fleet in the Frith of Edenborough and laâ—…ding some of his spent men in a little Ifland to give them breath and some refreshments received a visit from his Mother a most rigid Covenanter The Scots upon the shore saying with no small laughter that they knew the Son of so good a Mother could not doe them hurt And so it proved for having loytered thereabouts to no purpose till he heard that the Treaty for the Pacification was begun
an affront to the Fundamentals of Government but on what reason as he doth not tell us so for my part I am not able to conceive It is indeed an affront to Government noâ—… to submit or yeild obedience unto civill Establishments when made and legally established but it is no affront not to give consent to any such establishments while they are in treaty for then the liberty of assenting or dissenting of yea or nay would be taken away from every Member in the Houses of Parliament and every man must give consâ—…nt to every Bill which is offered to him Besides there were but few of the Convocation whose consent was likely to be asked when any change of Church-Government should be set on foot so that their dissenting or assenting was not much materiall but as by their readinesse of consenting to such Innovations in the publicke Government they might encourage others to proceed against it Here then is no affront to Government much lesse to the Fundamentals of it the Oâ—…th not binding any man not to yeild obedience but not to give consent to such alteration no more than it is now at this present time for many a well-minded man to live quietly and peaceably under the present Government of the Civil State who never gave consent to the present change But so I trow it was not in the solemn Covenant in which it was not thought enough to binde men to submit to such alterations as were then contriving but actually to indevour the â—…xtirpation of the whole Prelaciâ—… that is to say the Government of the Church by Archbishops Bishops Dâ—…ans Deans and Chapters Arcâ—…deacons and all other Officers which depend upon them Nor was this â—…quired of the Clergiâ—… onely which had before taken an Oath of Canonicall obedience to their severall and respâ—…ctive Bishops but even of the Bishops Deans Archdâ—…acons and Members of Capitular bodies who having took a former Oath for the preservation of the Lands and Priviledges of their severall Churchâ—… must by this Covenant be bound to indeavour their own extirpation and the subversion of those Churches and consequently every one of them must be a Fâ—…lo de se as our Lawyers phrase it Our Author hath not done with the Oath for he findes fault nâ—…xt That the Juror therein declares he swears willingly to which he was to be constrained under the highest penalties This is a grievous crime indeed but such if any crime it be as the high Court of Parliament hath been guilty of in drawing up the Oath of Allegiance in the third yeare of King James In which the party is to sweâ—…re that he â—…akes that recognition not only heartily and truly but also Willingly 〈◊〉 and yet the â—…aking of that Oâ—…th is imposed on all the Subjâ—…cts under severall Penalties if any of them should refuse it A crime it is in both or neither and therefore our Author hath proceeded with great partiality in faulting that as ill done in the Convocation which passed with so great judgment and authority in the Court of Parliamenâ—… Our Author having done with the Oath goes back to the Canon about Socinianisme which he excepts against because As the Scots condemned the Arminian Tenets without defining what those Tenets were so did these the Socinians not declaring wherein they were culpable I am loth to think our Author to be a Socinian though his advocating for them in such manner may invite me to it for otherwise the Case he putteth is extremely different The Arminian Tenets were but few reduced to five and not increased in the long agitation of those weighty Controversies and so might easily have been reckoned and defined when the Scots condemned them But Soâ—…inianisme is a complication as the Canon calls it of so many Herâ—…sies that the bare specification and recitall of them which must be made by searching into their Books and Papers might have taken up the greatest part of the time which the Convocation had to spend in all other businesses It was as much as they could doe to condemne it under that generall Notion to interdict the bringing in printing and studying such Books as contained those Heresies And finally to lay such a brand upon it as men might know how much these Tenets were abhorred by the Church of England And yet for all this great care they had little thanks not onely ouâ—… Author being displâ—…ased with their proceedings but the rise growth and danger of Socinianisme was not long after charged on the Archbishop and divers eminent Members of that Convocation by one Mr. Cheynell and that too in a printed Pamphlet written to that purpose Anno 1643. So hard a thing it is to keep a good conscience and to please all parties From this our Author passeth to the Benevolence which the Clergie granted to the King in that Convocâ—…tion being of Four shillings in the Pound to be payd yearly for six years next following Which was beheld saith he as an act of very high presumption and an usurpation upon the prâ—…minence of Parliament no Convocation having power to grant any Subsidies oâ—… aid without confirmation from the Lay-Senate With ignorance enough in them that beheld it so or looked upon it as an Act of very high presumption The English Clergie being the greatest slaves which the Sunne ever shined on if they could not give away their own without leave from others But whereas our Author puts it down for a Rule in Government That no Convocation hath power to grant any Subsidies or aide without confirmation from the Parliament I must let him and all that shall reade him know that never was any rule more false nor more weakly grounded The Clergie in Convocation having as much power to give away the money of the Clergy by whom they are chose to that employment as the Commons in Parliament have to give the money of the Cities Towns and Counties for which they serve For in the choosing of the Clerks for the Convocation there is an Instrument drawn up and sealed by the Clergie in which they binde themselves to the Archdeacon or Archdeacons of their severall Diocesses upon the pain of forfeiting all their lands and goods se ratum gratum acceptum habere quicquid dicti procuratores sui dixerint fecerint vel constituerint that is to say to allow stand to and perform whatsoever their said Clerks or Proctors shall say doâ—… or condescend unto on their behalfe Greater authority than this as the Commons have not so why the Clergie in the Convocation should not make use of this authority as they see occasion I can finde no reason Nor is it a speculative authority onely and not reducible unto practice and authority which was then in force but not then in use as our Author hath distinguished in another place but very safely praecedented in Quâ—…en Elizabeths timâ—… For in the year 1585 if I remember it right as I think I doe the Convocation having
given one Subsidie confirmed by Parliament and finding that they had not done sufficiently for the Queens occasions did after adde a Benevolence or Aide of two shillings in the pound to be levied upon all the Clergie and to be levied by such Synodicall Acts and Constitutions as they digested for that purpose without having any recourse to the Parliament for it which Synodical Acts and Constitutions the Clergie of this present Convocation followed word for word not doubting but they had as good authority to doe it now as the Convocation in Q. Elizabeths time hâ—…d to doe it then and so undoubtedly they had whatsoever either our Author here or any other Enemy of the Churches power can alledge against it Our Author hath now done with the Convocation and leads us on uâ—…to the Warre levied by the Scots who had no sooner made an entrance but the King was first assaulted by a Petition from some Lords of England bearing this inscription To the Kings most excellent Majestie The humble Petition of your Majesties most loyall and most obedient Subjects whose names are under-written in behalf of themselfs divers others Concerning this we are to know that a little before the Scots fell into England they published a Pamphlet called the Intentions of the Army in which it was declared That they resolved not to lay down Armes till the Reformed Religion were setled in both Kingdomes upon surer grounds the Causers and Abettors of their present Troubles brought to publick Justice and that Justice to be done in Parliament and for the Causers of their Troubles they reckoned them in generall to be the Papists Prelates and their Adherents but more particularly the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Lieutenant of Ireland In Correspondence hereunto comes this Petition subscribed by six Earles one Viscount and four Barons being no other than a superstructure upon that foundation a Descant only on that Plain Song And presently on the back of that another is posted to the same effect from the City of London So that the clouds which gathered behinde Him in the South were more amazement to the King than this Northern Tempest The Petition of the Londoners that we may see how well the businesse was contrived was this that followeth To the Kings most excellent Majestie The humble Petition of your Majesties loyall Subjects the Citizens of London Most gracious Soveraign BEing moved by the duty and obedience which by Religion and Lawes your Petitioners owe unto your sacred Majestie they humbly present unto your Princely and pious consideration the severall and pressing grievances following viz I. The great and unusuall impositions upon Merchandize imported and exported II. The urging and levying of Ship-money notwithstanding which both Merchants their goods and ships have been taken and destroyed by Turks and Pyrates III. The multitude of Monopolies Patents and Warrants whereby trade in the City and other parts of this Kingdome is much decayed IV. The sundry Innovations in matters of Religion the Oath and Canons newly imposed by the late Convocation whereby your Petitioners are in danger to be deprived of their Ministerie V. The concourse of Papists and their habitation in London and the Suburbs whereby they have more means and opportunities of plotting and executing their designes against the Religion established VI. The sudden calling and sudden dissolution of Parliaments without addressing of your Subjects grievances VII The imprisonment of divers Citizens for not payment of Ship-money and other impositions and the prosecution of others in the Starre Chamber for non conformity to commands in Patents and Monopolies whereby trade is restrained VIII The great danger your sacred Person is exposed unto in the present Warre and the various fears that have seized upon your Petitioners and their Families by reason thereof Which grievances and feares have occasioned so great a stop and destruction in trade that your Petitioners can neither sell receive nor pay as formerly and tends unto the utter ruine of the Inhabitants of this City the decay of Navigation and Cloathing and other Manufactures of this Kingdome Your Petitioners humbly conceiving the said grievances to be contrary to the Laws of this Kingdome and finding by experience that they are not redressed by the ordinary Courts of Justice doe therefore most humbly beseech your Royall Majestie to cause a Parliament to be summoned with all convenient speed whereby they may be relieved in the Premisses And your Majesties c. The like Petitions there came also from other parts according as the people could be wrought upon to promote the business which makes it the lesse maâ—…vell that Petitions shouâ—…d come thronging in from all parts of the Kingdome as soon as the Parliament was begun craving redresse of the late generall exorbitancies both in Church and State as Fol. 129. we are told by our Author And to deny the Scoâ—…s any thing considering their armed posture was interprered the way to give them all In the Intentions of the Army before mentioned the Scots declared that they would take up nothing of the Countrey people without ready money and when that fâ—…iled they would give Bills of Debt for the pâ—…yment of it But finding such good correspondence and such weak resistance after their enâ—…ry into England they did not onely spoil and plunder wheresoever they came but would not hearken to a Cessation of Armes during the time of the Treaty then in agitation unlesse their Army were maintained at the charge of the English And this was readily yeilded to for fear it seems lâ—…t by denying the Scots any thing we should give them all I know indâ—…ed that it is neither safe nor prudent to deny any reasonable request to an armed power arma tâ—…nti omnia dat qui justa negat as the Poet hath it and thus the story of David and Nabal will inform us truly But then it must be such a power which is able to extort by force thaâ—… those which they cannot otherwise procure by favour which whether the Scots were Masters of I do more thâ—…n question Exceedingly cryed up they were both in Court and City as men of most unmatchable valour and so undoubtedly they were till they found resistance their Officers and Commanders magnified both for wiâ—… and courage the Common Soldiers looked on as the Sons of Enoch â—…he English being thought as Grasse-hoppers in comparison of them which notwithstanding the Earl of Strafford then General of the English Army would have given them battaile if the King had been willing to engage and signified by Letters to the Archbishop of Canterbâ—…y that he durst undertake upon the pâ—…rill of his head to send them back faster thâ—…n they came but that he did not hold it concellable as the case then stood It is an old saying a true that the Lion is not so fierce as he is painted nor were the Scots such terrible fellowes as they were reported For when they met with any who knew how to 〈◊〉 with
Justice on the Earl of Strafford The two main points which the Scotish Covenanters aimed at in bringing their Army into England In order whereunto the Eâ—…le of Strafford is impeached of high Treason now And Thereupon requested from the Parliament House and committed to the usher of the black rod. Which was the least that probably would be requâ—…sted upon such an Impeachment and that being granted a question was raised amongst knowing men whether the Earl of Strafford took his accustomed wisdome and courage along with him when he came to the Parliament Some thinke he failed in point of wisdome in regard hee could not chuse but know that the Scots and scotizing English had most infallibly resolved upon his destruction and that Innocency was no armour of proof against the fiery darts of malicious power that seeing such a storm hang over his head he rather should have kept himselfe in the English Army being then under his command which he had gained upon exceedingly by his noble carriage or have passed over into Ireland where the Army rested wholly at his Devotion or have transported himselfe to some forraine Kingdome till faire wether here in reference to his owne safety and the publick peace might invite him home that it was no betraying of his Innocency to decline a triall where partiality held the Scales and selfe-ends backed with power and made blinde with Prejudice were like to over-ballance Justice that if sentence should be passed against him for default of appearance which was the worst that could befall him yet had he still kept his head on his shoulders untill better times and in the meane time might have done his Master as good service in the Courts of many forraigne Princes as if he were siitting in White-Hall at the Councell table On the other side it was alledged that all these points had been considered of before his leaving of the Army that whilst he lay so neer the Scots in the head of this Army he had gained as he thought certaine and assured evidence that the Scots Army came not in but by imitation that there was a confederacy made between the Heads of the Covenanters and some of the leading Members of both Houses his most capitall enemies to subvert the Government of the Church and innovate in that of the Civill State that he had digested his intelligence in those particulars into the form of an Impeachment which he intended to have offered in the House of Peers assoon as he had taken his place amongst them that Mr. Pym whom it concerned as much as any fearing or knowing his intendments followed him so close at the heels and had his Impeachment so ready in his mouth that he was ready to give and did give the blow before the Earle of Strafford could have time and leisure to effect his purpose This therefore being left undecided it was said by others that the Earle shewed not that praesentiam animi that readiness of courage and resolution which formerly had conducted him through so many difficulties in giving over his designe for though he lost the opportunity of striking the first blow yet he had time enough to strike the second which might have been a very great advantage to his preservation For had he offered his Impeachment and prosecuted it in the same pace and method as that was which was brought against him it is possible enough that the businesse on both sides might have been hushed up without hurt to either And for so doing he wanted not a fair example in the second Parliament of this King in which he served for the County of Yorke in the House of Commons when the Earle of Bristol being impeached of high Treason by the Kings Attorney at the instance and procuâ—…ement of the Duke of Buckingham retorted presently a Recrimination or Impeachment against the Duke and by that meanes tooke off the edge of that great adversary from proceeding further This I remember to have been the substance of some discourses which that time produced how pertinent and well grounded must be left to the Readers judgment Certain I am it was much wondred at by many that a man of so great spirit and knowledge should yeild himself up so tamely on a generall Accusation only without any particular Act of Treason charged upon him or any proof offered to make good that Charge not only to the losse of his liberty as a private person but to the forfeiture of his priviledge as a Member of Parliament all which points were so much insisted not long after by Mr. Pym and the rest of the Five Members when they were under the like impeachment though not so generall as this on the Kings behalf But being all these considerations were not thought of or passed over by him and that the Commons sped so well in their first attempt it was not wondred at that they brought the Archbishop within few weeks after under the like generall Charge of Treason or that he yieâ—…ded without any opposition to the like commitment of whom our Author telleth us That a mixt accusation halfe Scotch halfe English was preferred against him And on the 18 â—…e was voted guilty of high Treason and committed to the Usher of the Black Rod. To give the true timeing of this businesse which our Author doth a little faile in he may please to know that on Wednesday the 16 of Decemb the Canons being voted down in the House of Commons of which more hereafter a Committee was appointed to draw up a Charge against him and the same day not on the 17 as our Author he was named an Incendiary by the Scotch Commissioners who promised to bring in their Complaint against him on the morrow after the Lord Paget being made the Instrument to serve them in it No complaint coming from the Scots on Thursday Mr. Hollis is sent up with the Impeachment on the Friday morning and presently came in the Charge of the Scotch Commissioners upon the reading whereof he was committed to the custody of James Maxwell Usher of the black Rod as our Author telleth us There he continued full ten weeks before any particular Charge was brought against him during which time he had gained so much on the good opinion of Ginne Rider Mr. Maxwells Wife that she was pleased to say amongst some of her Gossips That certainly he was a very devout and religiouâ—… man but one of the simplest Fellows to talk with that ever she knew in all her life On Friday Feb. 26. on the ten weeks end the Charge before spoken of was brought up by Sir Henry Vane the younger from the House of Commons And upon Munday March the first he was conveyed unto the Tower continuing in the state of a Prisoner from the first to the last above four years before he came unto his last and fatall Tryall But it is time that we goe back unto the place where we left our Author and we shall finde there
did most depend for this businesse was the Bishop of Lincolne of worse affections than the other in regard that when the Bishop was under the Star-chamber suit the Lieutenant then Lord Deputie of Ireland put off his going thither for a Term or two of purpose as it was conceived to have a fling at him before he went This struck so deep in the Bishops stomack that he would not think â—…imself in safety where the Earle had any thing to doe and so was like to help him forwards to the other world Nor speak I this but on some good ground For when the Bishop being then Prisoner in the Tower had made means by the Queen to be admitted to a reconciliation with His Majesty offering both his Bishoprick and Deanery of Westminster in confidence that the King would so provide for him that he should not go much lesse than he was the King upou the Queens desire sent the Earle of Dorsâ—…t from whose mouth I have it to accept the Bâ—…shops offer on the one side and on the other side to promise him in his Majesties name the next good Bishoprick that should fall in Ireland which Proposition being made the Bishop absolutely refused to hearken to it telling the E. of Dorset that he had made a shift by the power and mediation of his friends to hold out against his enemies here for 7 yeares together but if they should send him into Ireland he should there fall into the hands of a man who once in seven months would finde out some old Statute or other to cut off his head Think you the King was not likely to be well informed in His conscience when men so interessed were designed unto the managing and preparing of it and so it proved in the event For our Author telleth us that on the morrow after being Munday May the 10th in the morning His Majesty signed a Commission to the Earle of Arundel c. for the passing of the two Bills one for Continuation of the Parliament during the pleasure of the two Houses the other for the Attainder against the Earle of Strafford And these two Bills he signed as I have been told with one pen full of Inke by one of which he waâ—… sufficiently punished for his consenting to the other By his consenting to the Bill of Attainder he did not onely cut off his right hand with his left as was affiâ—…med of Valentinian the Emperour when he caused Aetius to be slain but found such a remorse of conscience still attending on him that it never left him till his death Aâ—…d by consenting to the other He put such an irrevocable power into the hands of his enemies as was mâ—…de use of afterwards not onely to His own destruction but to the disherison of His Children and the undoing of all those who adhered unto Him who drew Him to the first we are told by our Author and who perswaded Him to the last may be now enquâ—…red Some charge it on the Queen who being terrified with the Tumults perswade the King to yield unto it as the onely expedient for appeasing the people some attribute it to the Lord Say then Master of the Wards and one of His Majesties privie Councell who as it is reported when the King asked him if a Continuance for seven years might not serve the turn made answer That he hoped they should dispatch all businesses in so many moneths and that if His Majestie passed the Bill it should be so farre from making the Parliament perpetuall that he was canfident they would desire to be dissolved before three years end Most lay the blame of it as of all things else on the Marquesse of Hamilton who by cutting out so much work for the King in England was sure to carry on his designes in Scotland without interruption and I have heard from credible persons that he did bragge much of this service when he was in that Kingdome 〈◊〉 frequently that he had got a perpetuall Parliament for the English and would procure the like for the Scots too before he had done so hard a thing it is to say by what private perswasions and secret practises He was drawn to that which proved so prejudiciall to Him that it made Hâ—…m presently grow lesse in the eyes of His people insomuch that a Night before the passing of this Act a Paper was set up near the Gates of Whitehall importing that on the Morrow next there was to be Acted in the House of Peers a famous Tragie-Comedie called A King and no King But as for the publick outward motives which were used to induce Him to and of the great power He had parted with by this Condescension you may hear Himself thus speaking in His Declaration of the 12th of August Upon information saith He that credit could not be obtained for so much money as was requifite for the relief of our Army and people in the Northern parts for preventing the eminent danger the Kingdome was in and for supply of Our present and urgent occasions for fear the Parliament might be dissolved before justice should be done upon Delinquents publick grievances be redressed a firm peace between the two Nations of England and Scotland concluded and before provision should be made for the repayment of such moneys as should be so raised though We know what power We parted from and trusted Our Houses with by so doing and what might be the consequence of such a trust if unfaithfully managed We neglected all such suspitions which all men now see deserved not to be slighted and We willingly and immediately passed that Act for the Continuance of this Parliament being resolved it should not be Our fault if all those particulars were not speedily provided for which seemed then to be the grounds of their desire May the 11. he wrote to the Lords this Letter the bearer whereof was no meaner person then the Prince of Wales In tâ—…Letter which our Author passeth â—…o sleightly over there are many things which gave great occasion of discourse to discerning men 1. That the King having sped so ill by his last addresse unto the Parliament on the first of May should put himselfe upon the hazard of another repulse 2. That he should send this Letter of which he could not rationally expect a contenting answer by the hands of the Prince as if he would accustome him from his very childhood to the Refusalls of his Subjects 3. That he should descend so much beneath himselfe as to be a Supplicant to his People and yet be in such a diffiâ—…ence with them as not to move his owne desires but by the mediation of his Peers 4. That he should put himselfe to such a hopelesse trouble as to write to them for the altering or anulling of a sentence passed but the day before which they had gained with so much danger and so many artifices or to desire the Respit of two or three dayes for the condemned Gentleman
which was a power he had not parted with by the Act of Attainder 5. That in the subscription of the Letter he should give himselfe the name of their Friend as if by passing the Act for the â—…ntinuance of the Parliament he had â—…de himselfe but as one of them at the best their Equall for Amicitia est inter Pares true friendship is amongst Equalls onely as the saying is 6. That he should give himselfe the title of unalterable considering that he had publickly declared not long before that neither feare nor favour should make him doe a thing so much against his Conscience as to act any thing in order to the Condemnation of the Earle of Strafford with reference to the matters which were charged upon him and yet should signe the Bill for his Attainder within ten dayes after And finally not to say any thing of the Militia with the Forts and Navy wherein they had not his consent But that which gave matter of most amazement was that he should subscribe at all it being a thing so contrary to his owne custome and the custome of his Predecessors who used to write their names on the heads of those Missives which were directed to their Subjects And then that when the Letter was brought back to him without any effect he ordered that it should be registred in the House of Peers on a wan hope that they would use to his honour Assuredly this under-writing of his name in his Letter to this last Parliamement was of as bad presage to him as the vailing of his Crowne to the first and his desire to have it put upon the register did serve as a momento to them that they should keep him under now they had him down For having reduced him to this passe how easily did they gaine from him severall Acts for suppressing the Authority of the Clerk of the Market and the Court of Stannaries for intrenching the preambulation of the Forrests and the Repealing the old Acts for Knighthood with what a strong hand did they draw him to the abolishing of Ship-money the Star-Chamber the High Commission the Courts of the Marquesse on the North the Jurisdiction of all the Ecclesiasticall Courts some priviledges formerly enjoyed by the Councell Table besides the many Concessions at the Treaty in the Isle of Wight which either should have been soon granted or not at all All of them certaine Testimonies of his being brought under and all of them incouraged by so strange a submission of himselfe to the Power and Courtesie of his People as he caused to be registred in this Letter Thus died this unhappy Earle And to dye thus by the stroak of Justice c. The highest Acts of Justice are seldome without some obliquity or injustice in them For summum jus est summa injuria as the saying is But whether it were so in this case or not whether he were not sent out of the world per viam expedientiae rather then per viam justitiae as most wise men thought Posterity free from all engagements of Love or Hatred will be best able to determine And so I leave him to his rest in the bed of Peace with this Epitaph of Clevelands making to be fixt upon it that is to say Here lies wise and valiant Dust Hudled up 'twixt Fit and Juâ—…t Strafford who was hurryed hence 'Twixt Treason and Convenience He spent his time here in a mist A Papist yet a Calvinist His Princes neerest Joy and Griefe He had yet wanted all reliefe The prop and ruine of the State The peoples violent love and hate One in extreams lov'd and abhor'd Riddles lye here or in a word Here lieth blood and let it lye Speechlesse still and never cry An Alphabetical Table Containing the uncouth and unusuall Words which are found in our Author those which are in a different Character being used by him in a differing sense from that which commonly they carry A ACquist Accalladoes Ablude Avisoes Affix Adoption Acclaime Asperse Alimprovist Abstruse Appliated Adoequate Anealed August Anthemes Aculâ—…ated Acquiescing Amphibious Accostable Aborted Autopsie Atocritie Anniversary Aâ—…nasitie Anomabous Apostrophe Accriminated Agnified Aetiologie Animadverted Articulate Agression Antagonist Adventitious Alleviate Adiaphorus B BOorne C COmplicated Cuergo Ceremoniale Conflagration Celebrities Culpabilitie Condignitie Coition Canceleir Concinnesse Compensate Cognascible Conceded Commensurate Complacence Combustion Caresses Concrete Calâ—…lled Causalitie Clientelary Confraternitie Concriminaries Clancular Consiguration Congelable Chirographie Chachexie D DElatory Duall Destination Depredation Despondence Detrunk Despensation Decussation Donative Dâ—…sponding Decore Decocted Deplumed Desideration Diaphonous Dilapidation Detrenching Decretory Disopsie Delatorians E EXasse Erect Enormitants Exuberancie Externe Elemented Exorated Emerging Ebullitians Emposted Evacuate Equilebrated Excogitate Equiperate Emrod Ematin Embryo Epiphonoma Effigies Emergent Emolument Everteth Excoriated Erudition Eradicated F FUligenous Ferocient Fortuitously Foculent G GErminated Gust Gestation Grison H HOlocaust Halcionian Hectique Hailemen Horizontall Hibernall Hypothesis I IMpede Ithacu Incuriouâ—… Inhumed Iteration Inauspicious Innitiated Intrinsique Incuriasfitie Individuation Impetuously Incendiary Innitiation Inventioned Irritateth Judications Infortunium Joco-seriously Intersect Inflame Inaudable Intend Impunitie Inorganicall Impertinence Insolation Intense Intemorate Imperiositie Inquietude Incantations Incompassible Identitie Interfered Jurors Impregned Imminent L LUminaries Luxuriancie Leve-se-quere Luminans M MOlis Magnetique Metuculossitie Morasse Missivus Metastrophe Meamorphusis Mode Meliorate Mercurialists Mutulated Mynatorie N NOnsenâ—… Neutralitie Noxiousnesse Narrators Nave Nude O OBliquâ—… Ocular Organicall Omen Operate Otium Occult Odium Offertory Opine Officiate Onerous P POstliminâ—…ted Puisnesse Patrite Procluded Principalitie Ponderous Postlimineation Pollicitation Parole Precarious Piaculary Protervity Pare-Royall Portentous Pondulous Periclitations Pact Paramonts Posthume Presidianes Preponderate Parade Protended Paralious Parashier Philargicus Pâ—…cognition Prâ—…cation Pan Angliam Placable Portentous Pertrude Penultimo Palladium Perpending Preterition Promove Propensitio R REverberation Rependans Remora Recondito Ritention Râ—…tualities Reciprocated Reductive Respond Ranciditie Reparti Renvoy Relax Relatives Refulgent Recomation Repertory Radiant Rusticitio Researched Recidivatior Recognitante Resuâ—…ed Ranciditie Reduction S SIngle unite Superinducted Scintillation Superfetation Seminasities Sterill Synodites Subsortitiously Series Stipulateth Salubrius Stimulated Strictures Statiurch Salvas Simulary Synopsis Susceptible Salitary Suburbicary Superannuate Sedulous Symbale Syteme Supinely Succentoriated Stronded Scheme Sopited T. TEmporalities Temerated Temeritie Terrene Trepidation Tendancie Transfiguration Transpretation Tempestively Treatment V VAlediction Unanim Veteran Unite Vigill Virile Vanum Vacuitie Venialitie Unizon and so I end this table with the Counsell of an old Grammarian who adviseth thus Moribus antiquis praesentibus utere verbis That is to say Retaine old Vertues but for bear New words not fitted to the 〈◊〉 The End ERRATA PAge 4. line 7. dele two p. 5. l. 22. for Coines r. Laws p. 6. l. 6. for able r. old p. 9. l. 23. for no r. on p. 16. l. 12. for 〈◊〉 r. mola ibid l. 16. for University r. Divinity p. 21. l. 15. for animalon r. animatum p. 24.
l. 21. for and r. but p. 33. l. 21. for House r. Houses p. 41. l. 18. for his r. this p. 44. l. 30. for unreasonable r. reasonable p. 45. l. 21. r. resolutions p. 58. for faciente r. â—…vente p. 64. l. 15. for paper r. prayers p. 76. l. 22. for pressed r. suppressed p. 78. l. 28. for Westminâ—… r. Winchester p. 95. l. 6. to no body but themselves adâ—… in case they should be discontinued for the times to come p. 105 l. 14. for menâ—… r. mutare p. 106. l. 23. for that r. not p. 140 l. 11. foâ—… finding r. hiding ibid. l. 19. for 〈◊〉 r. offense p. 149. l. 10. for restrain r. â—…range p. 152. l. 11. for then r. therein p. 153. l. 26. for last r. cast p. 154. l. 2. for 1631. r. 16â—…0 p. 160. l. 15. for Gadus r. Gades p. 184. l. 26. for yet could this r. yet could not this p. 186. l. 30. for insalvation r. inâ—…tuation p. 190. l. 25. for asserting r. offering p. 204. l. 27. for Enoch r. 〈◊〉 p. 208. l. 22. for judicious r. judiciary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 more p. 234. l. 8. for cars r. â—…ouse p. 238. l. 9. for committeâ—… r. admitted ibid. l. 16. for neither r. either p. 143. l. 6. r 〈◊〉 p. 247. l. 13. del And finally not to say any thing of the Militia with the Forts and Navy wherein they had not His consent and adde the same to the end of the 12 line in the page next following p. 248. l. 10. for intrenching r. retrench A Table of the principal Observations A DR Abbot Archbishop of Canterbury his Irregularity through killing a Keeper casually 55 His Remissnesse in not exacting Conformity to the Churches Orders occasioned the term of Innâ—…vations 〈◊〉 Arminians what they are 15 Whether Enemies of Gods Grace 18 What caused K. James to be an adversary to them 23 Montacu's Book called Appello Caesarem licensed by King James his command 33 Call'd in again by King Charles 69 Arminianism call'd a Bridge to Popery 80 B BIshops War falsly so called 151 Bishops Presbyters terms not of equivalent import 183 Their Office calling defended to be by divine Rght even Laymen 185 Mr. Grimstons Argument against it retorâ—…ed by Mr. Selden 188 Whether they may be assistant in causes of Blood and Death for which cause they were excluded the House of 〈◊〉 at my Lord of Straffords triall 224 Earle of Bristol V. Digby Duke of Buckingham V. Viliers Dr. Burgesse his answeâ—…ing the Act at Oxford 182 C CAlvinianism how it differs from S. Augustine's Doctrine 110 King Charles crown'd in White an Emblem of Innocence his Predecessors in Purple an Emblem of Majesty 29 How he vail'd his Câ—…owne to his subjects 30 48 His Maxime 'T is better to be deceived than to distrust 105 His Entertainment at Bolsover Castle cost 6000â—… 106 His neglecting those arts for keeping up of Majesty which Qu â—…lizah practised 109 The true cause of the miscarriage of his Expedition against the Scots 157 His error in recalling his Forces thence 160 How the Hollanders affronted him and made him vaile his Crown 166 Clergy-mens Vices to be concealed rather than published 140 A Minister as good as any Jack-Gentlemen in England well interpreted 141 The Clergy in Convocation have a power to grant Subsidies not confirmed by the Commons in Parliament 196 Coronation Rites thereof no vain Ceremonies 37 D SIr Edw Decring his character 177 Digby E. of Bristoll not impowred by proxie to celebrate the Marriage with the Infanta 8 His impeachment by the D. of Buckingham 43 50 F FAme no ground for an Historian 41 G GLoria Patri standing up at it retained in our Reformed Church ex vi Catholicae consuctudinis 87 H MR. Hamilton's end in raising Forces for Germany 101 His being sent Commissioner into Scotland 142 His subtill practises against the King 149 The Scots speech of him That the Son of so good a Mother would do them no hurt 156 He the cause of dissolving the short Parliament 175 Hate Naturale est odisse quem laeseris 170 I K. James Whether the wisest King of the British Nation 13 His seeing a Lion the King of beasts baited presag'd his being baited by his subjects 28 Dr. Juxon Bishop of Lond. why made Lord Treasurer 130 His moderation and humility in that officce being neither ambitious before nor proud after 132 K KNighthood the Statute for taking that order 98 L DR Lamb his death the city not fin'd for it 66 Lambeth Articles when made part of the confession of the Church of Ireland 40 When and why the articles of Ireland were repeal'd c. or 39 Articles substituted in their places 127 The occasion of making them the Lambeth articles 72 Of no Authority in the Ch of England 75 What mov'd K. James to send them to Dort 23 And put them into the Irish Confession 77 Dr. Laud Archbishop of Canterbury Whether a favourer of the Popish faction 171 Ceremonies renued by him tended rather to the ru ine than advancement of the Catholike cause 173 He no cause of dissolving the short Parl. 174 His being voted guilty of High Treason and committed to the Bl. Rod 215 Lyturgie-English endeavoured by K. Charles to be brought into Scotland 143 His Error in not suppressing and punishing the Tumults at Edenburgh when the Scottish service was first read 145 Bish. of Lincoln v. Williams Londoners Petition for redressing of Grievances 200 M MAsques That of the four Inns of Court how occasioned 118 E. of Montrose the cause of his adhering to the Covenanters 206 N MR. Noy Attorny general his great parts 121 Integrity 124 Parliaments not co-ordinate to Kings but subordinate 28 The Members thereof have been imprisoned 43 Whether Lords created sedente Parliamento may be admitted to Vote 48 House of Commons called by Writ only to consent submit not to judg 58 Whether the H. of Commons could 〈◊〉 the H. of Peers consisting of 118 thrice over 59 Bishops Members of the H. of Peeres 60 Their Exclusion thence had this consequent the abrogating of the Kings Negative Voyce 60 The King no Member of the H. of Peeres but supreme Head of all 61 Disorderly and tumultuous carriage of Parliaments cause of their change and discontinuance 94 Members presented not to be questioned without the House's Order 95 Scotcâ—… Parliament how called anciently 162 The Kings calling a Parliament after the Expedition against the Scots unsafe unseasonable 167 That Parliament which was the ruine of Woolsey and overthrow of Abbeys began the third of Novem. the same day of the month began our long Parliament which ruin'd the Archb of Canterbury the whole Church 207 No reason for holding the Parliam at Westm. it had been better at York 209 Who perswaded the King to assent to the Act for a perpetual Parliament 243 S. Pauls Church the repairing thereof 103 Peoples Darlings of short continuance 35 Popery Montacu and â—…osins not
questioned for preaching Popery 81 Placing the Communion Table Altar-wise had both law and practise for it and therefore was no Popery 82 133 Taking away part-boyled Poperies or English popish Ceremonies an impairing the substance of Religion 90 The reason of so great an increase of Papists in England was the neglect of Holy-dayes and Common-prayer 92 Prince his Marriage a branch of the royall Prerogative 12 Puritans rejoyced not at the Prince his birth 97 Protestation taken by the Parliament and injoyn'd the Kingdome 239 Puritan party how they were to be sweetned with the great Offices of the kingdome 226 Religion House of Commons set up a CoÌ„â—…ittee as a Consistory of Lay-elders to take cognizance of Causes ecclesiastical 31 They sate in the Divinityschooles at Oxford Parliament 34 Isle of Rhee errors in that Enterprise 52 S SAbbath Sports allowed on that day the motives thereto and restrictions therein 112 Divinity of the Lords day Sabbath a new Doctrine 114 The Pâ—…iesthoods O der and Revenue under the Gospel not grounded thereon 116 Scots A certaine maintenance setled on the Scots Clergy 107 Scotch Service-book Tumults at reading thereof 145 The true occasion of raising up the seditious Scots 112 Card. Richelieu animated the Scots to rebellion 162 Scots lost by favours and gain'd by punishments 169 They promis'd payment for their quarters at their first coming but afterwards plunder'd all 204 Their cowardly carriag 205 Why freely help'd by the English to drive out the French 223 Sea The Kings dominion in the narrow seas asserted by Selden against Grotius 128 The King regain'd his dominion at sea and secured our coast from piracies through the benefit of ship-mony 120 Ship-mony How and why Kings have levied it as a Navall aid 121 How the Writs issued our 123 The whole charge thereof amounted to 236000 l. which was buâ—… 20000 li. per mensem 123 Clergy not exempted therefrom 124 Socinianisme charg'd upon the Members of the Convocation who made a Canon against it 195 Spaniards old friends to the English 9 They intended really to restore the Palatinate to the Prince Elector 11 Earle of Strafford v. Wentworth Synod or Convocation rightly continued by the same Writ that call'd them 179 Their danger in sitting after the Parliament was up 181 The Oath c. how occasioned 189 Taken for upholding the Church-government then established 191 And that willingly 193 The Clergy's power therein to make Canons binding without a parliament 220 T COmmunion-table v. Popery Bowing towards it a primitive custom no Popery revived by B. Andrews 85 Its setting up within the Railes Altar-wise to prevent profanation enjoyned by the Kings authority 133 Bishop of Lincoln's Book against it 136 V SIr George Villers Duke of Buâ—…kingham made the Ball of fortune 36 His Impeachment by the Birle of Bristol 43,50 By whom render'd odious to the people 63 Feltons motive to murder him 64 His eâ—…tate at his death not comparable to Cardinall Richelieu's 67 W SIr Th VVentw 〈◊〉 of Straff not wise in coming to the Parliament 211 His Triall why defer'd so long 226 Why â—…ecretary Vane was incensed againâ—…t him 228 For want of legall Evidence a Bill of Attainder brought in against him by Legislative power 230 The Kings censure of him in the H. of Lords 233 The names of those Commons that were for his acquitting 236 The Bishop of Armagh and Lincoln with two Bishops more sent to resolve the Kings Conscience 241 The Kings Letter to the Lords in his behalf 246 Sent out of the world per viam expedientiae His Epitaph 240 Dr. VVilliams B. of Lincolne an instrument to set the Parliament against the Duke of Buckingham 36 When and by whose means the great Seale was taken from him 39 Whether he was Eunuchuâ—… ab utero or no 41 Bishop Andrew's opinion of him 56 His Book call'd Holy Table c. wrote against his Science and Conscience 136 He was Head first of the Popish then of the Puritan party 138 He was set free from the Tower much about the time of the Archbishops impeachment 217 VVords New coyning of them an Affectation 4 Y YOrk The Kings second Son not born but created Duke thereof 117 FINIS Fol. 1. Fol. â—… â—…ol 3. â—…bid Fol. 4. Ibid. Fol. 5. Fol. 6. Ibid. Fol. 7. Fol. 9. Fol. 11. Ibid. Fâ—…l 12. Ibid. Fol. 15. Fol. 17. Fol. 20. Ibid. Fol. 21. Fol. 29. Fol. 45. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 64. Fol. 69. Fol. 71. Fol. 73. Fol. 75. Ibid. Fol. 78. Fol. 88. Fol. 89 Fol. 91. Fol. 94. Ibid. Fol. 96. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 101. Fol. 102. Fol. 108. Fol. 110. Fol. 112. Ibid. Fol. 124. Fol. 125. Fol. 126. Fol. 126 Fol. 127. Ibid. Fol. 128. Fol. 129. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 130. Fol. 131. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 132. Ibid. Fol. 136. Fol. 137. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 138. Ibid. Fol. 147. Ibid. Fol. 150. Ibid. Fol. 158. Fol. 159. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 161. Fol. 163. Fol. 165 Fol. 167. Fol. 168. Ibid. Fol. 182. Ibid. Fol. 184. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 1â—… Ibid. Ibid. Fol. 189. Fol. 194. Fol. 195 Fol. 196. Ibid. Fol. 199. Fol. 202. Fol. 200. Fol. 205. Ibid. Fol. 210. Fol. 219. Ibid. Fol 246. Fol. 152. â—…ol 253. Fol. 256. Ibid. Fol. 257. Fol. 158. Fol. 160. Fol. 165.