1399. who declared that after their diligent search they could finde nothing in it worthy of correction or amendment and so 't is intitled the Golden Book and hath been several times printed with approbation Henricus Sedulius hath writ a vindication for it and e Martyrol Francisc IV Novemb. Sect. 4. 5 6 7 8. Arthurus à Monasterio will have nothing spoke against it but commends the Author as worthy of f IV Octob. 11. belief and so I hope one may the more freely present them with that they so much magnifie Nor have the Predicant Fryars less extolled their Patron St. Dominick Vid. Antonin Archp. Flor. chron part 3. tit 23. who as they say had power over all Celestial Terrestrial and Infernal things and that both Angels and Elements did serve and obey him that he shew'd an easier way to Heaven than St. Paul did and that the Prophet intended this Dominick by the g Zech. 11. 7. Staff of Beauty as he did St. Francis by the bands and ten to one but he thought of both alike God they say never denyed him any thing that he h Nic. Jansenius vit Domin l. 2. c. 3. p. 119. asked that he received the Holy Ghost with the same glory of a flaming i Id. l. 1 c. 8. p. 56. Tongue as the Apostles did and had also the gift of k Id. l. 2. c. 11. p. 170. Tongues given him by Inspiration They go on and tell us that St. Dominick himself never committed l Id. l. 2. c. 14. p. 188. Villegas flos Sanctorum IV August mortal sin from the day of his birth and the other Fryars of his Order exactly m Villegas ib. imitated the Apostles in Life Works and Miracles And what favours might not St. Dominick be capable of since he was seen to proceed from Gods n Nic. Jansen l. 2. c. 14. p. 190. breast but Christ onely from his mouth And by this way of o Nic. Jans l. 2. c. 14. Antonin part 3. tit 23. Nic. Jans l. 2. c. 12. p. 179. comparing do they make our Saviour and this Fryar contend as I may say for superiority and yet in Miracles Dominick carries the day Nay so great was the Virgin Maries affection as they say to this Spaniard that not long since even within the memory of man viz. 1606. the Fryars of Soriano in the farther Calabria in Italy not having a Picture of their Founder Dominick she with Mary Magdalene came from Heaven and with their own hands presented them with his Picture which she bid them hang up in their Chappel and for ought that I know there it yet hangs and if you will believe them cures the blinde lame and such like diseases and miracles Nor do I know any reason why this Picture might not do as pretty feats as well as the very p Nic. Jansen p. 242. dust at Calervega in Old Castile where he was born though I think q Phil. Briet Geogr. Tom. 1. l. 5 p. 298. some doubt of the place And if this do not shew her love sufficient they will tell you other stories as that she preserves the Fryars of this Order safe and sure from harms-way under her r Ben. Gâ—non Chron. B. Virg. p. 212 218 223. Mantle and that by her Intercession she hath obtain'd of her Son that none of this Order shall continue long in s Id. p. 221. mortal sin and several other such like Tales for old Women to pass away the time withal Neither will their back-friends the Jesuits be wanting in magnifying their Founder and Order as that their t Imago primi Saeculi soc Jesu p. 64. Valderama serm Society was not of humane Invention but proceeded from Christ himself that the first Colledge of it was in the Womb of the Virgin Mary that instead of u Act. 9. 15. St. Paul their Patron Ignatius Loyola was him whom Christ declared should carry his name before the Gentiles as the Portugal Doctor w de societatis Origine p. 14. Jacobus Payva would perswade the world that this is an Order which the Prophet x Is 65. 22. 18. 2. Isaiah hath several times prophesied of as the Jesuits of y Imago primisaeculi soc Jesu p. 25. 60. Flanders testifie and that God the Father was seen to commend this Order to his Son Jesus by way of Protection Valderama Deza and Rebulloza though of other Orders have in their Sermons extoll'd this Ignatius to a wonder as that the name of Jesus was I know not how imprinted in his hands that he did greater Miracles than others for as Valderama saith Though Moses did great wonders with his Rod and that was onely by the vertue of the name of God written on it and also what the Apostles acted were onely by the power of the name of God But as for Loyala the Founder of the Jesuits he onely by his own name writ in a piece of Paper did more Miracles than Moses and all the Apostles which was admirable Nay that as long as he lived his actions were so holy that none but Popes as St. Peter none but Empresses as the Mother of God none but some Soveraign Monarch as God the Father and his Son had the happiness and favour to behold them And that which was spoke of our a Heb. 1. 2. Saviour Pedro Deza applies to the Institutor of this Order telling his Auditors and the world that In these last days God hath spoken to us by his son Ignatius whom he hath appointed Heir of all things 'T is true these three Sermons of Valderama Deza and Rebulloza were b 1 Octob. 1611 censured by the Sorbonists at Paris but within nine days after Francois Solier a French Jesuit and one well known for his many Translations and who also turned these three Spanish Sermons into French writ against this Sorbone-censure accusing the Faculty of Paris of c Leâ—tte justificative p. 25 32. Ignorance Impudence and Malice and that they acted more by Passion than Reason And a little after this Jaques de Montholon though there might be some probable Reasons that the true Author was the noted Jesuit Peter Cotten Confessor to Henry the Fourth but be it who it will under the name of Montholon was a large d Plaidoyâ— pour les Jesuites p. 462 463. Apology writ for this Order which towards the latter end hath also a Vindication of these Sermons and that printed too by publick Authority and lastly that they were received with applause and approbation needs no farther evidence than their several Impressions and Translations But besides these others are not ashamed to tell us that God did often e Imago primi saecula soc p. 584. Exod. 33. 11. talk with Ignatius Loyola as he talked with Moses face to face and as a man speaks unto his friend that the Virgin Mary is such a Patroness of this Order that she f
bidding him remember how Becket dyed for the Church and writes to the Bishops of London Ely and Worcester to interdict the whole Kingdom if they found the King c Contumacem Rebellâ—m disobedient and rebellious They acquaint the King with this Mandate who is willing to condescend with the Salvo's d Prâ—ns Hist of Popes intol uâ—uâ—pat boâ—k 3. c. 1. p. 251. that his rights liberties and dignities may not be violated But the Bishops would allow none of these conditions and yet we must think it hard that Becket might not have the liberty of Salvo's which provoked the King so much thus to be trod upon by his own subjects that he swore per dentes Domini that if they or any other of his subjects should presume to interdict his Dominions he would send them with the rest of their fraternity to their friend the Pope and confiscate their goods and so warn'd them from his presence Stephen Langton had in England a Brother call'd Simon who also came in the presence of the Bishops to desire the admittance of his brother to Canterbury to whom the King proffer'd to do so e Pryn p. 252 saving only his right and dignity But no sooner began the King to mention this Salvo but Simon replyed in an insolent manner He would do nought for the King therein unless he would wholly refer himself into his hands without any such saving The Bishops seeing the King would not dance after their pipe without fear or wit interdict the whole Kingdom which continued almost six years by which means there was no use of divine service only Christening of Children and giving the Sacrament to the dying insomuch that the Church-doors were shut up some say wall'd up and the bodies of the dead carried out into the fields and thrown into ditches or high-ways like f Corpora defunctorum decivitatibus villis â—fferebantur mora canum in bivâ—is fossatis sine orationibus sacerâ—oâ—â—n ministerio sepeliebaâ—tur Paris p 226. Dogs without any prayers or Christian offices An excellent sign of the meekness and charity of him that glories to be Christs Vicar to unchristen as I may say a whole Kingdom for one mans fault supposing him an offender though the case being truly stated the contrary will appear or at least not meriting so grand a punishment For if the Pope hath power to nominate to all Bishopricks he must have it either by divine right and so unalterable and therefore the now Roman Catholick Kings who deny such power are guilty and the Popes too for allowing or winking at it or by the Kings concessions which is of no validity no Monarch having authority to transfer his Prerogatives to a forraign power and if they doe so of no force to bind their successors besides story tells us that a little before this the Bishops of England rejected the designs of the Bishop of St. Davids meerly because he was elected at g â—â—rus Hist of Popes usurpat l. â— c. 1. p. 236. Rome whereby we may judge Pope Innocent to have been more faulty and extravagant than King John The Bishops aforesaid perceiving to what inconveniency and danger being Subjects they had run themselves into by opposing their Soveraign in behalf of a Forreign Power stole out of the Kingdom Excommunicating those who obey'd the King The King seeing himself and Nation thus trampled upon seized upon all the Church-mens Lands that obey'd this Interdiction and refused to celebrate Divine-Service yet was so favourable as to allow the Dissenters and Rebels to sell their Corn for their better provisions And the white Monks in obedience to God the King and their Duty continuing to say Divine-Service for the benefit of Christian people were again suspended by the Pope and for their compliance to their duty they were not after allowed the same Priviledge as others who right or wrong obeyed the Pope and his Forreign Authority The King weary of these troubles was willing to comply with 121â— the admission of Langton and the restauration of others whom he had exiled for their disobedience But give a little take an Ell if he condescended so far they doubted not to make him grant more and therefore they would have him refund the Treasures of the vacant Churches by reason of the banishment of the turbulent spirits This he refus'd as an impossibility having imploy'd them for the security of his Dominions in these tulbulent times Being not satisfied in this trifle they scorn to agree with him which made many leave their Flocks here and go beyond Seas to the Kings Enemies Upon which the King wisely and bravely by Proclamation orders all to return to their respective Churches by such a day or to forfeit their incomes and that all should be seiz'd upon who brought any Order or Bull from the Pope into his Dominions for that time knowing such things could then bring no peace to him or his Kingdom The Pope seeing King John stand so resolutely for his Prerogative year 1212 and Freedom of his Subjects from Forreign yoaks goeth to his last refuge pulls out his Nut-cracker and Louse-trap by which he deprives the King of his Dominions absolves his Subjects from their Allegiance curseth all those who take the Kings part And because this of it self hath no more power then a Dogs barking over the Moon he sends to the King of France Pâ—â—is p. â—31 desiring him to seize upon the Kingdom of England for he liberal man had given it to him and his Heirs he might as well have given the Moon and to carry this the more clearly he commanded all the Nobles Knights and other Warriors in several Countries to assist the King of France and cross themselvâ—s a Military Badge appointed for those who went against the Infidels in the Holy-land for this enterprise and they need not doubt of a reward he having order'd that their souls in this warfare shall have the same benefit as those who visit the sacred Sepulchre which we may suppose to be no less than the a In remissionem suoâ—um peccaminum Pari p. 233 238. Paris p. 232. â—ryn p. 266. pardon of all their sins And the better to withdraw Englishmen observed to be apt to give credit to tatling Prophecies from their obedience they had thrust up one b Peter of Prontfract Stow. p. 169. Peter Wakefield of Poiz to Prophesie the death or downfal of the King by such a day to which a great many idle people gave too much credit but being found a false cheating knave according to his deserts he was hang'd The King to preserve himself and people from the French had year 1213 got to the Sea-Coasts a mighty Army and Navy but a composition hindred their action For Pandolphus who had been in England once before the Popes Legate landed at Dover tells King John with what a great force the French were coming against him with whom joyn'd many of the
from Rome when this point cometh to a pinch and a serious debate then we shall see some of them like Coton and the other French Jesuits to have two Consciences one at Rome and another at home As when any mischief is done the Childe cryeth Nobody did it thereby thinking to secure it self so now when some Kings and Princes have look'd upon this King-deposing Doctrine as wicked and dangerous we have some of the secular Priests and some French of a freer humour will throw all the fault upon the Jesuit and would gladly make the world believe that all other Roman Catholicks are innocent as to these accusations being true Subjects to their Prince and Enemies to Treason or Sedition and that the contrary Principles are onely taught by the Jesuits to which Order many other Catholicks having no good will make it their business to expose them as much as they can and this Quarrel is now grown to such an height that there appears no signes of a Reconciliation which every day weakens the Papal Authority and may in time squeez that jurisdiction within its own narrow limits The truth is some other Orders think the Jesuits carry too high an hand and others suppose them too busie and active in State-affairs and have been the Fomenters of many troubles and Wars in Europe to which purpose I meet with this biting Character Martem norunt animare Et Tumultus suscitare Inter Reges sedare Tanquam sancti adorantur Tanquam Reges dominantur Tanquam Fures depraedantur Dominantur temporale Dominantur spirituale Dominantur omnia male Hos igitur Jesuitas Nebulones Hypocritas Fuge si Coelica quaeras Vita namque Christianv Abhorret ab hoc doctrina Tanquam ficta Insana Another will offer these Anagrams upon the word JESUITA ES VITIA and SEVITIA I non es vita at VITIA ES mortis Imago Et Saevitia dans vim tibi nomen erit But this following for its brevity and pithiness may carry away the Bell Seductor Sueco Gallo Sicarius Anglo Proditor Imperio Explorator Davus Ibero Italo adulator dixi teres ore Suitam Nay the very Spaniards though great admirers of the Papal Prerogative and might have some respect for this Order their Founder Ignatius being their Countryman yet have some pique against them as appears by this Libel found in the Spanish Court by way of the Jesuits Ten Commandments Los Mandamientes de los Teatinos Mas humanos son que Divinos 1. Adquirir mucho dinero 2. Sugetar todo el mundo 3. Buen Capon y buen Carnero 4. Comprar Barato y vender caro 5. Con el blanco aguar el tinto 6. Tener siempre el lomo en siesto 7. Guardarse bien del sereno 8. Obrar lo suyo y lo ageno 9. Hazar del Penetente esclavo 10. Mesclarse en casas d'estado Estos diez Mandamientes se encierran en dos Todo para mi y nada para vos The Ten Commandments the Jesuits signe Are far more Humane then they are Divine 1. Great Riches see you do procure 2. Bring the whole world to your lure 3. Eat fat Capons and the best cheer 4. Buy but cheap yet sell full dear 5. Water your red wine with white 6. Lye with ease and warmth at night 7. Keep you from th' ill evening ayres 8. Do your own and others affairs 9. Make slaves of your Penitents 10. Plot in State-deeds and Events These Ten Commandments are thus made two All for my self nothing at all for you But too much of this Learned Order whose exact or Blinde Obedience as their Founder words it is maligned by some others Caeca Obedientia who have faults enough of their own and make a clamour against these Fathers not that the other are of sounder principles but thereby to turn people eyes upon another Object that their own faults might not be take notice of But though Clark and Watson the two secular Priests ranted dapperly against the Jesuits as the onely Teachers and Instructors of Sedition and Treason yet scarce was a year turn'd round but these pretended good Subjects were taken napping in Rebellion and accordingly had their reward And as for the Tenents of the Jesuits I finde the Fathers Reply to that Objection that a On dira tousiours que Bellarmine Gretserus les Peâ—es Jesuites en corps en particulier ne croyent ne croyront n' enseignent n' enseigneront autre chose que ce qu' en croit l'Eglise Responce Apologetique à l'Anticoron pag. 90. neither Bellarmine Gretserus nor any other particular Jesuit whatsoever do teach any thing but what is held for a truth and believed by the Church it self What they mean by the Church of Rome we have told you from themselves formerly and 't is certain that according to History the Pope hath been so active in maintaining this King-deposing Doctrine and so furious and active with his Sword that even honest Pasquin thought himself obliged to keep to the Proverb Whilst thou art at Rome do as they do And thus to Apologize Hâ—nr Estten â—pol pour Hered p. 382. for the Pope and answer all Objections Quum tibi non aetas habilis sit Caeraphe bello Et castris habeas cognita claustra magis Quum desit miles bellique pecunia uervus Quis te praecipitem cogit ad arma furor Infirmis humeris damnata quid induis arma Quae tibi cum libeat ponere non liceat Cur respirantem curantem vulnera mundum Concutis Martem solus ad arma cies Da miseris requiem spatium concede malorum Si nobis Pater es si tua cura sumus Conde senex gladium Christi reminiscere berbi Quod dixit Petro dixit ille tibi To this Pasquino one would think a doughty Romanist thus returns an answer in behalf of his Holiness Quod dixit Petro Christus nolim esse putetis Dictum Pontificum pace Petrique mihi Nam neque sum Petri successor nec quoque talem Agnoscit bona pars Christicolorum hodie Pauli ego successu coeptis meliore deinceps Dii faveant sumpsi nomen arma simul Et Christi verbi memor intrepidusque minister NON VENI PACEM MITTERE SED GLADIVM And now Gentlemen though at the beginning I gave you I hope good Reasons for this my undertaking yet because the other discourses intervening might possibly dash them out of your memories give me leave to reminde you of them with this previso that I think my Mother the Church of England a good Church and the King our Soveraign a true and lawful Kâ—ng And therefore in short when I finde a compact amongst your b Jesuits never to give over their attempts till they have â—tâ—er ruin'd themselves or reduced England to their Romish obedence When I finde a S. W. Schism disarmed pag. 181. you declare that our Kings have forfeited the claim to the Title of the
the Covenant and declare himself the Head of it Having done this beyond their expectation he resolves to be as cunning as themselves and so he desires since they seem willing for war to furnish him with Moneys to carry it on At this they demur for though they loved mischief yet were unwilling to lay their Moneys at the Kings disposal by which trick Henry seem'd left to his own discretion The Covenanters thus non-plus'd try other means First they move that the Council of Trent might fully be receiv'd into the Kingdom but this is rejected by a Majority of Nobility and Commons and a great part of the Interested Clergy as thwarting the Privileges of the Gallican Church for though they love the Religion yet they care not for the Popes Authority over them This not fadging they consult how to restrain the Kings power for which purpose they propound that his Council might be reduc'd to the number of XXIV and that the King should not chuse them but the Kingdom but this was also rejected many of the Covenanters themselves thinking it not safe too much to exasperate the King And thus the design but half done the Assembly break year 1577 up And the King doubting the greatness of the Guisians might too much inlarge their Interest a little to clip their wings by publick * Spond an 1576. §. 11. Order confirms the Preeminence and Priority to the Princes of the Bloud The Covenanters perceiving that the King had seen too far into their designs conclude it safe for some time to forbear all open endeavours but were very sedulous in their private Consultations by which means they whispered the people into discontent against the King and his Government scattering abroad Libels bewitching many * Jo. de Bassieres tom 4. p. 205 Nobles and others to their Faction And several other Plots and Contrivances they had to carry on which they took hold of any opportunity insomuch that many Fraternities being now brought into use for Devotion as Processions Prayers c. the Guisians under this †Davila 16. p. 447. pretence would meet the more boldly and openly to disperse their poison by their seditious discourses amongst the people The King also did not want his ways of Devotion assisting often in their Processions undergoing Penances wear Hair shirts had his Beads openly hanging at his girdle would observe Canonical hours and by such like shews of piety some of the people were persuaded that for all the ill speeches given out against him he was a good Romanist in his heart and so were the more willing to have the better opinion of him Journal du Hen. III. Mart 1583. Spond anno 1583. § 11. But others who pretended to see a little further were of a quite contrary judgment looking upon it to be but Hypocrisie Amongst the rest Dr. Maurice Poncet a Benedictine at Paris preach'd very bitterly against his new-invented Brotherhoods and their Processions calling of them Hypocrites and Atheists And indeed it cannot be deny'd that this King hath sometimes carried on his * Vid. d'Aubigne tom 2. l. 4. c 1. Confession Catholique de Sancy c. 8. Love-tricks under these shews of Religion being too much addicted to ease and pleasures as appear'd by his other Carnival actions for which he was †Journal du Hen. III. Fevrier 1583. twitted in the Pulpit by Dr. Guillaume Rose afterwards Bishop of Senlis and others Yet necessity did force him sometimes to look about him and nothing did he dread more then the Guises and their League whose power must now be all his study to diminish To which purpose he promotes as many into Places of Trust as he could conveniently and whom he could confide in and knew to be no Favourites of the House of Lorrain The Guisards not ignorant of this design and knowing full well that the King had really no good affection for them endeavour what they can to have the Peace broken with the Huguenot to which purpose a Pâ—erefixe Hist Hen. le Grand thousand affronts are committed against the King of Navarre the Prince of Condé and their Adherents But passing by these things the number of Male contents was increas'd for though the King advanc'd some of his trusty Friends yet many times Preferment went more by favour then desert and others were discontented to see themselves slighted these Male contents the Guisards attaque and more easily won to joyn with them and enter into their League And that the House of Lorrain might appear in its greatest lustre the Antiquitiy and Glories of that Family are thought fit to be shewn to all To which purpose François de Rosieres Archdeacon of Toul putteth pen to paper and writes a large Book of their Pedegrees and Relations making them as ancient and as near related to the French Crown as he could invent and this was printed at Paris 1580. by the Kings Licence But sometime after the Book being more nearly look'd into several things were taken notice of which gave some great offence For besides the unseasonable timing of it considering the designs of the Guises and his declaring * Fran. Ros Stâ—mmatum Lothar fol. 451. Hues Capet to be an Usurper which sounded the harsher seeing some will have the Valoises issued from Hues his Line but besides he had several odd Reflections on the †Id. fo 369 1583 King himself of Idleness Luxury and bad Government In short Rosieres is cast in prison the Duke of Lorrain cometh to Paris to pacifie the King at last Rosieres publickly confessing his faults craving pardon on his knees by the intercession of the Queen-mother is released and the book torn before his face Yet was it carefully spread abroad that the Guises were descended from Charles the Great related to Hugh Capet and had Title good enough to the Crown But against this by the Kings Command Pontus de Tyard afterwards Bishop of Chalon Cabilonum writ but for fear of the Faction conceal'd his name and Matthaeus Zampinus a Lawyer also took the task And the same year also I mean 1583 came out a little French * Discourse sur â—e droict pretendu par ceux de Guise sur la Couroune de France Tract of about two sheets of paper in opposition to the pretence of the Lorrainers but for all this the people will believe as they please CHAP. III. year 1583 Francis Duke of Anjou the onely Brother to the King dying the Guisards rejoyce not doubting but to make themselves next Heirs to the Crown by wheedling in Cardinal Bourbon with the several Declarations and Proposals between them and the King THE Leaguers who for some time that the King might not be too suspicious of them had proceeded but leisurely had now an encouragement offer'd them to be more brisk in their designs For Francis Duke of Anjou of a fickle and hair-brain'd humour year 1584 the only Brother to the King died not without suspicion and
Hieron Platus de bono statu Religiosi l. 1. c. 34 p 108. Imago soc Jâ—s p. 1. â—0 preserves it also under her Mantle or Garments And which is more that God hath granted the same benefit to this Society that was formerly bequeath'd to the Benedictans that for the first three hundred years not any that dyed in this Order should be g Imago societ Jesu p. 648 649 damned And so much for the Jesuits and their Founder Ignatius Loyola whose life I have writ formerly in another Treatise They tell us that Pachonius was in that esteem with God that an h Dâ—â—â—ultius â—â—â—r Exempl cap. 7. tit 77. Sect. 1. Angel from Heaven brought the Rules for him and his Brethren to live by But the Trinitarian Fryars go a little higher affirming that the i â— â—â—â— Hist de Bâ—â—â—ie de les Câ—â—saiâ—â— â— 6. c. 1. Sect 2. p 466 Father Son and Holy Ghost were their Founders and Institutors which in part is hinted at by these Verses so common amongst them and for ought that I know may yet be seen over the Door of their Cloyster in the Suburbs of Arras in Artois and several other of their Covents Hic est Ordo Ordinatus Non à sanctis fabricatus Sed à solo summo Deo This Order made by God himself we see And not by Saints or men as others be The truth is this Order of the Trinity begun by two French-men betwixt four and five hundred years ago though I shall not give too much credit to the Miracles they say occasioned it was upon a Charitable Account viz. to redeem the Christian Slaves from the Turkish Tyrannical Bondage whereupon I shall willingly agree with i Caâ—aâ— gloâ—mundâ— part ◠〈◊〉 â—3 Cassanaeus and his Arch-bishop Antoninus of Florence that this Order should have preheminency above the rest But I fear of late days the Slaves are not so much regarded as their own preferments Though the Carmelite-Fryars will not draw their Institution so high yet they plead pretty fair for Antiquity and continuance by affirming the Prophet a D' Avity discours de l'Origine de toutes les Religions Sect. 26. Elias to be their Founder and that their Order shall remain to the end of the world which grand Priviledge as they say the Virgin Mary b Gonon Chron. p. 319. told one of this Fraternity the Prophet desired of our Saviour Christ at the time of his appearance to him in his c Mat. 17. 2 3. Mark 9. 2 3 4. transfiguration on the Mount But this is not all the benefit belonging to these people for they assure us that all of this Society shall stay no longer in Purgatory than the next Saturday after their death and this they publickly d Vid. P. du Moulin Defence de la foy Catholique Article 21. p. 441. printed in certain Theses at Paris 8 Octob. 1601. and mainly defended by Doctor Cayer Besides this they tell us that the Virgin Mary perswaded Fryar Francis to enter himself into this Order and then in Heaven she would give him a Crown of Flowers which she then shew'd him and that he obeying this advice because neither himself nor their Covent at Siena through poverty was able to buy him an Habit an e Gonon p. 203. Angel very freely came and gave him one And lastly that she appear'd to our Country-man Simon Stock so call'd from his f Jo. Pitseus de Scriptor Angl. p. 345. living in a hollow Stock or Trunk of an Oak General of this Order holding a Scapulare in her hands positively assuring him that all the Carmelites who dyed in that Habit should be g Gononus p. 256. saved Here might I tell how the Premonstrensian Monks so call'd from the Village Premonstré in Picardy whither their Founder Nortbert Arch-bishop of Magdeburg retired himself for Devotion affirm they received their habits h Gonon p. 159. from Heaven by the Virgin Mary And here might I shew how the Cistercian Monks so call'd from Cistertium Cisteaux in Burgondy where they began for all this affirm the Virgin Mary to be kinder to them than others by i Id. pag. 156. protecting them under her Arms and Cloak or Mantle and many such like fopperies of other Orders but this may serve for the present to give the Reader a taste of their Fooleries in the too too much magnifying of their respective Orders and Societies CHAP. II. Thinking to honour their Religion the Romanists relate 1. several ridiculous Stories to the abuse of the B. Virgin Mary 2. and childish Fopperies to the reproach of our Saviour Jesus Christ THe hardest Students have their Intervals and the greatest Scholars SECT I. Several ridiculous Stories to the abuse of the B. Virgin will now and then have a frolick or crotchet to divert their more serious thoughts Methinks it was not amiss in Mr. Geast formerly of Cambridge when under the Parliamentary persecution and their Prisoner for his Loyalty and Honesty to throw away an hour or two to finde out a Mystery in their abominable and treasonable Presbyterian-Covenant viz. that the number of the words in its six damnable Articles agrees with the number of the Beast 666. The Learned Thomas Lansius pleas'd himself in these two opposite Consult German in Prefat â—d Lectorem Verses the one exhibiting a Catalogue of good things the other of bad Lex Rex Grex Res Spes Jus Thus Sal Sol bona Lux Laus Mars Mors Sors Vis Lis Styx Nox Crus Pus mala Fex Fraus and took the pains to know how many alterations they would indure by which he found out that either of them by the transposition of words might be changed excluding bona or mala XXXIX Millions DCCCC Hundred XVI Thousand and VIII Hundred times And Bernardus Bauhusius the Poetical Jesuit of Antwerp made this Verse of our Saviour Rex Dux Sol Lex Lux Fons Spes Pax Mons Petra Christus Epigram lib. 2. pag. 39. which he saith may be converted 3628800 times And in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary he composed this Verse Tot tibi sunt dotes Virgo quot sidera Coeli which he saith may be changed a thousand twenty two ways according to the number of the Stars And Erici de Puys Puteanus bestowed a great deal of time and Paper to prove it yet as he might increase his number of the Stars so if the Verse will bear it might he the changes too if Lansius his account be true that VIII words may be varyed 40320 times Nor need any of these seem strange when we consider what variety and multitude of Languages and Words are composed of XXIV Letters Against such commendations as this of the Virgin Mary I shall say nothing leaving every man to imploy his Ingenuity upon what he pleaseth But for any to think they can or should advantage her glory by fathering a thousand lies and fopperies upon her is beyond reason
murther of the King When Parry read in Cardinal Allans Book that Queen Elizabeth had no right to the Crown being an Heretick it incouraged him to endeavour her Murther And the two Henry's the Thâ—rd and Fourth of France upon the same zealous account got their deaths by the assassinating hands of Clement and Ravallaiâ— 'T is but a poor plea that Andraeas Eudaemon-joannes makes in behalf Confutat Anticoâ— cap. 1. pag. 12. of the Jesuits when to quit them from Anticotons accusation viz. that they allow that Kings may be killed replyeth that Jesuits never writ that a private man might murther a King since those who onely except against the actions of private men do thereby allow the same wickedness to be done by the Magistrates or those in Authority And he 's as much a Villain and as far from Christianity who allows that a Rump or Parliament may judge and kill their Soveraign as he that commends the same fact in a private person be it a Jacobin or any other Many we have and some I dare say who speak cordially and with grief who rant bravely against the wickedness of the late Murder of King Charles the First and do lay it as a guilt too upon our Church and yet a Jury might be call'd of some of the chief Doctors of Rome who would have eas'd the Rump of their labour and iniquity and would themselves have brought in the innocent King guilty What shall we think of Leonardus Lessius a Belgick Jesuit of as great repute as most of that Order However take his judgement in short if a King do not Rule but for the harm of his People what must be done with him He tells you That a Secundo potest quis esse Tyrannus ratione duntaxat â—dministrationis ut si is qui est verus Princeâ—s Regni administrationem flectat non ad bonum publicum sed ad sua privata compendia onerando illud injustis exactionibus vendendo Ossâ—cio judicum câ—ndendo leges sibi commodas â—ubâ—ico parum utiles Talis non potest à Privatis interunis 〈…〉 Leon. Lâ—ss de justitia lib. 2. cap. 9. dub 4. § 10. such a King cannot be slain by private men as long as he remains a Prince Yet let us see this a little explained by the same Pen. b Ib. § 1â— Adde si tanâ—uâ— exerescat Tyrannis ut non videatur amâ—lius toletabilis nec ullum aliud remâ—â—â—m supâ—rsit primum à Râ—pub vel Comitus Regni vel alâ—o habenâ—e authorâ—tatem esse deponendum 〈…〉 siem declarandum ut iâ— IPSâ—US PERSONAM LICEAT QUICQUID ATTENTARE TUM â—â—IM DESINIT ESSE PRINCEPS But if saith he his Tyranny grow to such an height that he seems intolerable and no other remedy remaining then the People Parliament or any other having Authority may depose him and declare him an Enemy whereby ANY THING MAY BE ATTEMPTED AGAINST HIS PERSON because HE THEN ceaseth to be a KING Here we have enough to ease Lessius of some Loyalty and honesty viz. that Kings may be deposed and then are not Kings so that they may be kill'd as private persons But had he weigh'd his Doctrine as he did his meat in this he would either have been silent or appear'd in another Opinion or had he been as temperate in one as the other his Politicks would not have thus much out-swell'd his meager Carkas As he had no Tutor for his Greek it had been well if he had had no Church or Example to have instructed him in such pernicious Principles If in his other writings he affordeth no honester Doctrines than such as these for ought that I know he might have been more advantagious to Christendom had he followed the first advice of his Parents and imploy'd himself in a Trade And he who publickly repented for the breaking of a foolish glass might in true reason be more troubled for his divulging such wicked Principles but this it may be he thought would have made him an Heretick though 't would have proved him more honest and a better subject Another Jesuit Gregorius de Valentia speaks somewhat to the former purpose though a little mincingly yet plain enough to understand his meaning For though he saith that a private Person may Nulli particulari licet eum occidere Nam id pertinet ad Rempub. quae posset jure oppugnare illum vocare in subsidium cives Valent. Tom. 3. disp 5. q. 8. punct 3. not kill a King yet observe his Reason Because saith he that belongs to the Common-wealth which may oppose him and call the people in to their assistance But Ludovicus Molina another Spanish Jesuite and of as great repute as any speaks a little more plainly first he saith that any body may kill a King in his own defence Upon which account a man may frame what silly pretences he will 't is true he affirms that otherwise it is not lawful for a private man to kill him but then let us observe what comes after The people saith he may depose their King and punish him when he is deposed But because he names not Posset ita Respub ipsa quo ad Capita convenire eique resistere lataque sententia deponereillum ab administratione atque illum depositum PUNIRE Ante latam tamen sententiam nefas privatis esset eum interficere Molina de justitia Tom. 4. Tract 3. disp 6. § 2. exactly the way of his Punishment let us take it by a consequence in these words 'T is not lawful for private men to kill the King before he be declared deposed which plainly intimates that after his deposition it may be done And a little plainer than him doth another Spanish Jesuit speak viz. Franciscus Toletus a Cardinal and the first that was of his Order and held to be the most famous of his time for Piety and Judgement But let them be never so wise or vertuous something or other is in the wind that over-perswades them to maintain such abominable Principles as these Tolets Rule is this that a wicked King a Tyrannum administratione qui habet verum titulum sed Tyrannice tractat subdiditos hunc non licet absque publica auctoritate occidere Tolet Instruct Sacerdot lib. 5. c. 6. § 10. cannot be slain without publick Authority For which good Doctrine the Rump may rejoyce to see their actions vindicated if they supposed Virtue to be Vice and themselves a Parliament by a man of such declared prudence and honesty one of great repute with several Popes and Henry the Fourth of France who tasted to the purpose of the mischief of these Doctrines and one so hugely valued for his learning and discretion that Gregory the Thirteenth thought it not fit that his writings should lye under the censure of any man but might be Printed without license But here I dare say the Cardinal hath been wide from Truth yet hath this Opinion of Tolet been several times
printed in several Nations And if you think that these Spaniards speak not plain enough yet we shall shew you another Jesuit but of another Country viz. Brabant yet under the subjection of Spain And this is Martinus Becanus of great esteem amongst the learned honoured by the Emperour Matthias and Confessor to Ferdinand the Second but let us hear him speak and then we shall scarce think him fit to be imploy'd so neer the Conscience of so great a Monarch as Caesar since he attributes too much power to one who thinks himself a better man in Temporals one way or another than the Emperour Sometimes Aliquando factum est ut etiam Reges essent leprosi ergâ— poterat pontifex mandaâ—e ut feorsim habitarent si nollent obedire ut VITA PRIVARENTUR NIHIL CERTIUS Hâ—nc colligimus Pontificem duplici titulo potuisse Reges privare suo Regno primo quia poterat eos si â—ONTUMAâ—ES esâ—ent PRIVARE VITA Ergo Regno de hoc nemo DUBITAT Becan Controvers Angl. pag. 115. saith he it so falls out that Kings become wicked or Hereticks then the Pope may command that they be removed which if they disobey they may be kill'd and then this nothing is MORE CERTAIN And again The Pope may deprive Kings of their Kingdoms upon a double account for if they be CONTUMACIOUS he may have them Kill'd and so they are also deprived of their Kingdom and that this may be done no man doth doubt But yet if you think that this is not plain enough we will afford you another Jesuit and a Spaniard â—â—z Franciscus Suarez a man that seemed to excel Abulensis by thâ— multitude of his writings and one of the greatest esteem of all his Order Pope Paul the Fifth himself having honoured him with several Letters That Kings may be kill'd Suarez affirms no less than three times in one a Defens fid lib. 6. cap. 4. § 18. Paragraph but a little before this he speaks more plain by endeavouring to prove it by reason after this manner b Id. Lib 6. c. 4. § 14. Postquam Rex legâ—time depositus est jam non est Rex neque Princeps legitimus consequenter non potest in illo subsistere assertio quae de legitimo Rege loquitur Imo si Rex talis post depositionem legitimam in sua pertinacia perseverans Regnum per vim retineat incipit esse Tyrannus in Titulo quia non est legitimus Rex nec justo titulo Regnum possidet declaratur hoc amplius in Rege Haeretico nam statim per haeresim ipso facto privatur aliquo modo dominio proprietate sui Regni Post sentenâ—am latam omnino privatur Regno ita ut non possit justo titulo illud possidere Ergo ex tunc poterit tanquam omnino Tyrannus tractari Consequenter a QUOCUNQUE PRIVATO POTERIT INTERFICI When a King is deposed then he is neither lawful King nor Prince And if therefore he endeavour to keep the Kingdom under him by strength then he is an Vsurper because he is no lawful King having no true title to the Crown For that after the Decree of deposition gone out against him he is altogether deprived of his Kingdom so that he cannot with a just title possess it and so he may be used as a Tyrant or Vsurper and by consequence MAY BE SLAIN BY ANY PRIVATE MAN And this he saith if he be an Heretick And is not this as clear as the noon-day and as plain as a Pike-staff is not this down-right to call a spade a spade and to say that Kings may be deprived and then kill'd by any body Nor was this Principle set down without great consideration and firmly believed to be true not onely by Suarez but the chief of Portugal and others As for himself so far was he ever from recanting or thinking this Doctrine to be amiss but agreeable to the Church of Rome that the Jesuits tell us that when he was told how his book had been burnt in England he declared his consent so freely to his Principles contain'd Phil. Alegambe p. 138. therein that he said that nothing would be more pleasant and desirable to him than to have been burnt in the same flames with his book And he was so assured that his principles were agreeable to all of his Church that he had the confidence to dedicate such stuff to all Kings and Princes who were Roman Catholicks That it was held in great veneration with others cannot be denyed for we shall scarce see a book honour'd with such censures of approbation Alphonso à Castello Branco Bishop of Coimbria and Privy Councellor to the King of Spain Philip the Third declares that he hath read it exactly over and findes all things in it to agree to the holy Scriptures Apostolical Traditions General Councils and Papal Decrees Fernando Martiner Mascaregnus Bishop of Sylvis saith that he hath also read it over and findes nothing in it but what is Orthodox And Martiner Alonso à Mello another Privy Councellor and Bishop of Lamego saith also that he hath read it over and thinks it worthy to be publisht for the publick good of Christendom And the Provincial Jesuits of Portugal and Germany allow it the same priviledges and so doth the Inquisition Nor is this all but the University of Alcala de Henarez after a serious view and consideration of it declare that there is nothing in it contrary to the Roman Catholick faith nor any thing in it but what ought to be approved of and commended every thing being according to their own opinions and judgements All this put together is enough to blot out the bad reception it received by the Senators of Paris the Kings Murther then fresh in their memories and their hatred to the Jesuits being strong motives As for the Sorbone an Association really to be honour'd in many things its Doctors as most of other Convocations are oft so carryed on with interest and faction that many times in the most considerable things we shall finde their Decrees to clash one with another 'T is true this ancient Colledge of Sorbone built about 1250 by Robert de Sorbone hath for several ages kept up a great reputation and splendour but they have somewhat been troubled by the springing up of the Jesuits with whom I may say they and the University have had a continual bickering for this hundred years and of late have something lost ground especially at Rome where the Fathers carry the bell away clearly from the Doctors both in repute authority and preferments which are such considerable Arguments that of late times viz. since 1650 the interest of the Jesuits hath got in a manner the upper hand in the very Colledge of Sorbone and Paris the latter of which hath onely a company of Curates too weak to oppose against the subtile Loyolists and if the secular Authority do not intervene they will all in
people of his Order that some of them had thoughts and hopes to get him a Cardinals Cap in the mean time he was several years Rector of the English Colledge at Rome where he dyed 1610 and in its Chappel he is honour'd with a fair Marble Monument with a long commendatory Epitaph We have another French-man who vindicates the murther of the aforesaid b Fran. Verone Apol. pour Jehan Chastel p. 29. King Henry the Third as lawful but this he onely doth by the by yet plain enough to shew his treasonable malice and this is one who calls himself Franzois Verone But his designe is upon another person though much of the same account For anno 1594 one John Chastel a Scholar to the Jesuits with a knife wounded King Henry the Fourth in the mouth and struck out one of his teeth intending to have murdered him upon which Chastel was condemn'd to suffer as a Traytor Franzois Verone undertakes the vindication of the Villain declaring that it was a Apol. paâ—t â— c 7 p. â—1 est unâ—ctegeâ—â—ueâ— â—ertueâ—x heroique com 〈…〉 aux â—â—â—â—grande plâ—s recommendablâ—s qui se soâ—ent veuz eâ— l'antiquite de l'hi â—oâ—e tant sacrée que proâ—â—â—e a generous vertuous and an heroick act and comparable to the most renowned and great deeds of the ancients either in sacred or prophane History and that Chastel b Pag. 23. was a true Martyr And he goeth over again that it was c Part. 2. pag. 25. Sonâ—acte est purement juste vertueux herioque an action purely just vertuous and heroick Nay that it was d Id. Part. 4. cap. I. pag. 147. c'est un acte tres-sainct tres humain tres digne tres louable tâ—es recommendable most holy most humane most worthy most to be praised and recommended and e Id. Cap. 3. pag 155 156. Ce que Nature mesme enseigne qui est justifié par le droict tant civil que Canonique Celle que la Nature enseigne conformement à Dieu aux loix au Decrets à l'Eglise justified by both the Civil and Canon-Law and that it is natural agreeable to God and all Laws and Decrees and the Church And as for Chaestel himself he calls him f Part. 3. cap. 10. Ame heureuse c. Happy soul and runs on in a rambling commendation of him And lastly as for those who condemn'd Chastel he saith that g Part 4. cap. 2. pag. 152. Ilz ont jugé contre Dieu sa Parolle contre l'Eglise les decrets contre les Estats loix fondamentales du Royaume they have judged against God against the holy Scriptures against the Church and her Decrees and against the States and Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom What this Franzois Verone was I cannot certainly tell onely this we know that somewhat about the same time there was a French Jesuit of the same name who a little after writ some books against the Protestants But whether they were both one and the same person I cannot determine yet Mr. h History of King James the Sixth of Scotland p. 156. William Sanderson saith positively that he was a Jesuit i See Jesuita sicarius p. 271 272. Another there is who keeps a great deal of triumphing and rejoycing at the murther of Henry the Third as an action most commendable but because he 's unwilling to be known I shall trouble my self no farther with him since we need not make use of such obscure persons seeing Pope Sixtus the Fifth himself in a full Consistory of Cardinals took the pains and pleasure to speak a long Oration Septemb. 11. 1589. in commendation of that wicked act These have hit the nail on the head speak to the purpose without any mincing or dwindling their cut-throat principles plainly describing Laws and Methods to murther in spight of either sacred or civil honesty Nor are those without shame and guilt who allow villany by a consequence by making but one trifling exception or so open away for other means to the same end the question not being whether one may be kill'd this way or that way but whether any way at all and it is but small comfort to a man to tell him that he Quid interest an ferro an veneno perimas Jo. Marian. de Reg. Institut lib. 1. cap. 7. shall be murther'd but not after such a fashion 't is all one to Titius or Sempronius whether they suffer by a private or publick way it being not the breath of this or that Authority but the Instrument of execution that doth the feat and renders the body fit for the worms and whosoever commands it 't is probable that it is but one and a private man too that renders the other a real sufferer And amongst these mutterers of King-murthering we may esteem a Spanish Fryar Mendicant viz. Michael Bartholomeus Salon who saith that a Nulli privato liceat occidere quia cum ille habeat justum titulum non est deponendus nec puniendus quin prius audietur judicetur vel à superiore habente authoritate ad id vel ab ipsa Republica quando deest superiorem Mich. Salon in D. Tho. Tom. 1 col 1157. a King may not be kill'd by a private man because he having a just title is not to be deposed nor punished till he be first heard and accordingly judged either by some having authority to do so I know not what he means unless he grant some such Authority or by the Common-wealth Nor should we abuse b Theol. scholast Tom. 3. disp 4. Q. 8. duâ— 3. numb 32. Adamas Tannerus a German Jesuite if we place him amongst those who by excepting against a private person doth hint a strange authority to be in the people or Common-wealth whereby the safety of Princes may be hazarded And Dominicus Soto one of the most famous Dominicans of Spain and one of the chiefest Divines of the Tridentine Council as also Confessor to the Emperour tells us that c Communis consensus est nemini licere ipsum privatim interimere Et ratio est quod cum jus habeat ad Regnum non est illo nisi per publicum judicium expoliandus ut scilicet audiatur lata vero in eum sententia quisque potest institui executionis minister Soto de justitia lib. 5. Quaest 1. Art 3. it is the common opinion that it is not lawful to kill a King upon a private account and his reason is with the former that seeing he hath a right to the Crown he is not to be deprived of it but by a publick judgement where he must be heard but if once a Decree be gone out against him that then any one may be the Executioner And he also layeth down for a positive rule that any one may kill a King in his own defence As for d Vincentius Filliucius the Italian and e Not in An.
And here Eulalius lost himself with the Emperour for contrary to his express command he enters into the City upon which new Tumults begin and odd threatning and bickering there was in spight of the Governour or Authority Symmachus himself being in great danger in this hurlyburly all parties striving to possess the Lateran Upon this Honorius expresly orders Eulalius for peace-sake to depart the City and that in the mean time he should not be acknowledged and that the Bishop of Spoleto according to the former Order onely remain there and solely have the possession of the Lateran Church for the time of Easter These Orders Eulalius also very unadvisedly withstands and having gotten his party together thought by main force to have seis'd upon the Lateran upon this more mischief falls out but at last Eulalius is beat out of the City Achilleus remain'd possess'd of the Church and had good Guards appointed him for his and its defence Sigon Hist de Occid Imp. an 419. Honorius the Emperour being certified of and offended at this expresly excludes Eulalius and settles Boniface in the Popedom to which he had a meeting of many Bishops consenting Thus we have seen in short the storie of another riotous canvasing and because this is of no smaâ—l concern Baronius would by no means have us to think that Eulalius had any right by Election upon the Narrative of Symmachus because as he saith he was partial and seem'd to favour Eulalius But to this may be return'd I. That if the Governour favour'd a Coeffeteau Resp p. 245. Heathenism he might be as much an Enemy to the Christianity of the one as well as the other they objecting nothing against the soundness of either of them for Principles of Religion II. Symmachus in his third letter to Honorius when the Emperor shew'd no more favour for the one than the other b Religiosos viros Bonifacâ—um Eulalium nameth Boniface before Fulalius which somewhat signifieth rather his favour for the former III. And lastly Symmachus in his Letters to Constantius Brother-in-Law to the Emperour writes virulently against Eulalius accusing him of occasion of misbehavour and riots from which some may suppose that the Governour was impartial and true when he assured to the Emperour that Eulalius was rightly chosen But besides this another dispute may arise upon this story viz. c Lib 4. cap. 160 Petrus de Natalibus d Generat 15. pag. 511. Nauclerus e Vit. Bonâ—fac I. Plâ—tina f Cronicle Universale fol. â—66 Filippo da Bergamo g Hist de O cid Imp. l. 11. anno 419. Sigonius h Hist Pontifical fol. 74. Gonzalo de Illiscas and their ancient Vatican i See the Councils Liber Pontificalis with k Epit Pontif Rom. de Pontif. Caâ—dinalium crea ione Edict venet 1557. vit Eulalii But this is left out in the Colen Edition at the end of Platina And in that of Jo. Gaulter Chron. Chronicorum Tom. 1. Onuphrius do declare that the Emperour Honorius was at Milan at this time and thence sent his Orders which if be true and these men had no reason to affirm this if false nor need the Roman Catholick question them being all noted Historians of their Religion then must those Letters in Baronius which carry their date to and from Honorius at Ravenna concerning this Schism be spurious and counterfeit and so for ought that I know we may lose part of the story and if these be be false and 't is plain the two Vatican Manuscripts contradict each other I shall give the less esteem to the pretended Records that are produced from those Archives for many cheating writings not forgâ—tting the Gift and Decree of Constantine are shewn to us for true and authentick out of that Library of which Platina was Keeper and a diligent searcher into the ancient Manuscripts of it and Onuphrius had the liberty and was well read in every piece of Antiquity in it The often mention of Symmachus Governour of Rome in the late Tumults puts me in minde of a Pope not long after of that name noted also for a Schism in his time For Anastasius the Second being a an 498. dead those of Rome ran head long into a new disorder some chusing for Pope Symmachus whilst others elected one Laurentius upon which great disorders riots and mischiefs arises which continued for some years to be short the business was refer'd to Theodorick an Arian King of the Ostrogothes who had then over-run Italy and Symmachus carryed it those of the party of Laurentius troubled at this frame Articles against Symmachus accusing him of some Vices and admit Laurentius upon which new disorders growing and the King being vext at this dissention as b Platina vit Sym. Fil. dâ— Bergamo Cronicle Universale fol. 245. Ant. Sabellic En. 8. l. 2. Jo. Maucler Gener. 17. some say sends Petrus Bishop of Altino in the Territory of Venice now ruined and no Episcopal Seat to Rome there to rule as chief the other two being turn'd out to conclude Petrus is rejected Laurence his party strive to carry all all sorts of villanies are committed Sacred places violated Priests slain but at last after suchlike infinite outrages and murders Symmachus is acknowledged as Pope and in the Chair of Rome ruled several years But before I shake hands with this story I hope you will give me leave to tell you one Tale in confirmation of the right of Symmachus to the Papal Chair and this upon no less authority than Pope c Dialog l. 4. c. 40. Gregory the Great But first we must understand that one Paschasius stood fiercely for Laurentius against Symmachus and that this Paschasius for his learning honesty and holiness was especially famous in those times yet for all these noble qualifications he would never acknowledge Symmachus but on the contrary look'd upon Laurentius to have all right equity and law of his side and so stedfast was he in this that to his dying day he would hold none other for Pope And this was not a little blot to the reputation of the Cause of Symmachus and by consequence to the true Succession of Popes that this Paschasius so knowing so just so vertuous and one who hath got an holy name in the Roman d Baron Martyrol Rom. Maii 13. Martyrologies should look upon Symmachus as an Antipope and acknowledge Laurentius as the onely true one But though good Paschasius dyed in this opinion yet we shall now here the storie of his punishment and repentance for so doing and so the objection cleer'd It chanced upon a time that Germanus Bishop of Capua now an Archbishop See being not well was desired by his Physitians for healths-sake to go into an hot Bath whither being gone he findes there Paschasius dead long before standing in a penitent and piping-hot condition at which Germanus being troubled ask'd him Why he so good a man had to do there
Pope being known 't is the custom of the King of Spain c. to send instructions to his Ambassadour or some other Confident at Rome how to carry on the Conclave that a friend of his might be chosen and also nominates five or six any of which he is willing to be Pope and at the same time sends the names of some others whom by no means he will not allow to be elected by which means Cardinal Baronius lost the Title of Holiness the Spaniard wholly excluding him for a An. 1097. This Tract is left out in some Edition of his Annals the King of Spain having made an Edict against it See D'Avily les Estats p. 235. scratching a little upon the Spanish Territories of Sicily The instructions being come the Cardinals of his Faction act accordingly And he though he deserve the Chair never so much as for Example Baronius who is thus excepted against by a King 't is an hundred to one he shall never change his red Hat for a Triple Crown 'T is true sometimes a few Cardinals in the Conclave when they see they cannot bring their own ends about exclaim pittifully against this mode of submitting their suffrages and consciences to the pleasure of this or that King and now and then Pen and Paper are imploy'd in making little Tracts of Oppositions and Justifications of such Actions but this scribling and crying out of a few Cardinals never hinders the rest from prosecuting their intended designs And thus we see that yet the Temporal Authority hath a main stroke if not all in the election of Popes And here I cannot but smile at Thomas Bozius who makes a great deal of noise and blustering in behalf of the Popes jurisdiction and De Italiae statu lib. 4. c. 3. p. 388. 390. what an horrid danger and judgement 't will be to cross the Bishops of Rome For saith he the Emperours Honorius and Valentinian the Third restrained the Popes of some Temporal Power and then the Goths Vandals and Heruli wasted Italy Again that the Emperour Justinian made a Law that the Popes should not be consecrated without first consulting the Emperour and paying a certain Id. p. 395. sum of money for it and so the Plague or Pestilence seis'd upon Italy and Totila the Goth took Rome Again long after this another Law was made that the Pope should not be consecrated but in the presence of the Emperours or their Deputies and therefore besides Pag. 403. Plagues great Earth-quakes troubled Italy and the Saracens and Huns lorded it there also And suchlike consequences as these he hath store of and all as true as the Star fell down and therefore the Astronomer shot it with his Jacobs-staff And truely the rest is much after the same fashion the sum of his whole Book being onely this Italy is more fruitful hath more and greater Cities and Towns brave Monasteries and Churches better Houses and Colledges and more knowing men and women for these last twelve hundred years than it was or had before Ergo the Pope and his Authority is the greatest happiness that can happen to Italy And is not this a notable wonder that building should increase in so many hundred years If this way of Argumentizing be authentick 't is coming time not Scripture or Antiquity that must prove any Religion the which upon this account must grow better and better and so as they say Modern Protestantism must be held a greater blessing and benefit than that which they call ancient Popery in those Nations where the reformed Religion bears the sway Sect. 3. An Essay upon this Quere Whether for some years past there hath been according to their Decrees and Orders really any true Pope HAving thus hastily discours'd something concerning the Election of Popes it will not be amiss to add these few following Observations which may add some light to the business and by a farther prosecution may be of greater consideration than at this time I shall trouble my self withal but leave it to the censure of every man In the time of Paul the Fifth who began his Popedom in 1605 there lived in Italy a great Scholar and a severe Roman Catholick who being troubled at the odd carriage of the Popes and their Election thought it convenient to have a General Council to rectifie all but knowing the Bishops of Rome to have a natural aversness from this look'd upon himself obliged as a true son of the Roman Church to endeavour as much as lay in his power the promotion of such a publick benefit to his Religion And therefore knowing the Popes against it he drew up a a Supplicatio ad Imperatorem Reges Principes super causis Generalis Concilii convocandi Petition to the Emperour and other Christian Kings to bring this noble and charitable design about And possibly fearing that if this his supplication should onely come into the hands of the Potentates of the Roman Catholick perswasion it might there be stifled by the over-perswasion of their interested Favourites and Councellors To prevent this seeing our King James of a publick spirit for the benefit of the Church he directs it onely to him that by his means his necessitating reasons might be discover'd to the Emperour and the other Christian Princes Upon this the Author a An. 1611. dyeth at Rome leaves this Petition with a dear Friend of his who delivers it to an English Gentleman then there who accordingly convey'd it to King James who presently dispers'd it all Europe over As for the Author I shall positively say nothing but that he appears one to have been very well versed in the Roman affairs the common opinion is that it was the famous Neapolitan Civilian Dr. Marta of whom we have formerly hinted and indeed his very subscribing himself to the Supplication NOVVS HOMO doth intimate that he had now in something changed his Opinion and we cannot but observe that this Supplication carryeth all along a grand respect and veneration to Temporal Authority over Rome it self in some things whereas Dr. Marta in his other Volumes is so resolute a Champion for the Popes very Temporal Prerogative that he screws up the power and jurisdiction of the Romish Bishops even to trample upon all other Potentates in this world If Marta be the man it must be the discovery of some grand iniquities that could thus alienate his affection from Pope Paul the Fifth In this his discourse is indeavoured to prove a failing in the succession of Popes raising the Foundation from the Simoniacal entrance of Sixtus the Fifth But probably one might fetch a farther rise than this even by viewing over their own schisms where sometimes we shall finde such odd chopping and changing of Popes that the wisest then living could not tell which or where was the Head of the Church and yet every party creating Cardinals and declaring himself Christ's Vicar Now this is certain since the time they have acknowledged
far off and the Bishops of Rome suppose Councils especially the latter do rather take away then give them any jurisdiction whereby such conventions are both chargeable and troublesome to them in the carrying on of their interest and therefore they use all their cunning and reason to draw such power and thoughts from Temporal Princes and with a thousand slights will prolong the time To which purpose the Italians say not amiss of them Coll ' arte el ' Inganno Lui passa Mezzo anno Coll ' Inganno è coll ' arte Se vive l' altra parte With art and with guile O' th' year they past one while With guile and with art They live the other part And for confirmation of this we need go no farther than their Council of Trent it being a long time before the Popes would be perswaded to call it and when 't was held 't was carryed on with so much cunning and jugling even to the trouble and grief of many Eminent Roman Catholick Divines there that the Legates would permit nothing to be concluded upon but according as they received directions and orders by Letters from the Pope which occasioned the unlucky Proverb That the Council of Trent was guided by the Holy Ghost sent to them from Rome in a Cloak-bag Insomuch that several of the Divines there did divers times publickly complain that it was not a a Paolo pag. 507 508 530 551 623 635 644 659 661 683 566 569. free one and both the b Id. p. 279. Emperour and the King of c Id. p. 818. France call'd it a Convention As for the Testimonies in the Italians supplication I have no reason to suspect them it having been above these fifty years dispersed all Europe over and not that I know of in the least contradicted besides several of their own Historians do almost confess as much CHAP. III. The Murther of the Emperour Mauritius with his Empress Children c. by wicked Phocas with Pope Gregory the First sirnamed the Great his judgement and opinion of that barbarous action and his Authority pretended over Kings HAving hitherto briefly seen the forgery of Constantine's Donation year 600 the low condition of the Bishops of Rome for some hundreds of years the power and practice of Temporal Princes over them in their Nominations or Approbations with some short Observations concerning their Elections We shall now proceed to what we first designed Their great Lawyer a De Repub. lib. 2 6. cap. 7. § 10. Gregorius Tolosanus tells us that though the Christians indured grievous oppressions and cruel torments yet for the first three hundred years they never rebell'd against their Kings or Temporal Governours And had not the Pope incouraged and fomented it this sin of witch-craft had never been I am certain so much practised by those who call themselves Christians But here Cardinal b â—e Rom. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 7. Bellarmine the Jesuit joyns hand in hand with c De jure Reg. Buchanan the Puritan to free the Primitive Christians from this scandal of Obedience and would have the fault to lye not in Religion but the want of strength though the former d Loco citato Gregorius will dash this Argument in pieces by telling you that they had force and number enough to perpetrate such wickedness if their wills and piety would allow of it As for the Popes Temporal Authorities Guicciardine will tell you that they had none long after these Nel qual tempo i Pontefici Romani privaâ—i in tutto di potentia Temporale Guâ—cciard Hist d'Ital lib. 4. times 'T is true this Section is knavishly left out in some Italian Editions and others who followed them but you have it at large in the e French 1612. Paris f Engl. 1618. London and some others and it hath been several times printed by it self as at g 1561. Basil in three Langues viz. Italian French and Latin and at h 1595. London in four the English being added to the sormer of which the Italian according to Guicciardines own Manuscript in Florence As for the Popes spiritual Power as Bishop of his own See I They are also lately with amendments of Thuanus printed at Amsterdam 1663. have nothing to do with nor shall I trouble my self with the Excommunication of the Emperour Anastatius by the Popes h Platina Gelasins h Anaestatius the Second or by i Baron an 502. Symmachus because it may be all will not agree of what was the meaning and authority of such censures in those times We are also told that Euphemius Patriarch of Constantinople threatned to depose this Anastasius if so then it seems others besides Rome can unthrone Princes but I wonder why a An. 491. Baronius brags so much of this it being quite contrary to the Roman greatness and prerogative But let us come to realities Tiberius the Second being dead there succeeded him in the Empire Mauritius famous in War but he was tainted with covetousness In this time John Patriarch of Constantinople made the means to have himself call'd Vniversal Bishop at this Title Gregory the First sirnamed the Great Bishop of Rome taketh great offence and hoping to get this null'd by his acquaintance with the Emperour Maurice having formerly been at Constantinople with Tiberius and him to prove a confirmation for Pelagius the Second in his Popedom having also been God-father to one of Mauritius his Sons as also himself confirmed in the Papal Chair by the same Emperour Upon these and suchlike good turns and acquaintance he questioned not but to have this Title taken from John of Constantinople to which purpose he sends to Mauritius his Empress and others Letters after Letters affirming it to be a b Lib. 4. Epist 32. New name against Gospel and Canon a title of vanity profaness and blasphemy a c Id. Epist 38 39. horrible and wicked word d Epist 36. that none of his Predecessors had ever used such a profane title to be abhor'd by a Christian minde and suchlike to be read in his Epistles But the Emperour did not care to trouble himself with these paper-squablings onely wish'd that they would not bring a scandal to the Church by this railing This troubles Gregory yet he giveth the Emperour all the noble Titles that could be calling of himself onely e Lib. 6. Ep. 62 63 64. Dust and very Worm of the Earth his most unworthy man or servant c. And indeed he as well as f Duarenus de sacris Eccles Minist lib. 1. cap. 5. and see more of this in Andr. Rivet Jesuita Vapul cap. 28. § 37 38 39 40 41 42. pag. 539 540 541 54â— c. other Bishops of Rome in those times were exactly obedient to the Emperours however the case is alter'd now of which one instance at this time may satisfie This Emperour perceiving that every one in those zealous times thought
himself either cock-sure of Heaven or lived more idle or lazie or freer from trouble or danger if he got but a Monks Cowl on and lived hum-drumming in a Cell or Monastery made a Decree against as I may say run-away Souldiers against whom I onely concern my self in the former censure In which he Ordain'd that no Souldier unless he was dismiss'd should enter himself in a Monastery to turn Monk except he were lame or otherwise unfit for the Wars And this he sends to Pope Gregory ordering him to see it put in practice and divulged Gregory looks upon this as an unjust law even contrary to Christianity and desires the Emperour to consider how he can answer it at the day of Lib. 2. Ep. 62. Judgement yet declared that he had fulfill'd his duty by yeilding obedience to his commands and so had accordingly published the Order abroad But I warrant you Gregory the Eighth and our Modern Popes would not thus obey the Emperours and yet they will not say that this Gregory the Great an holy Saint in their Calendar in this his obedience and humility was erronious or committed a fault In the Emperours Army there was one Phocas a common Captain or Centurion but a most cruel and wicked man who upon a Mutiny in Sclavonia made himself very active so that they flew into open Rebellion and in this humour he plaid his Cards so well that he became the onely Ring-leader those that were loyal being forced to flee insomuch that they heaved him upon a Shield an old Ceremony not onely in Armies but also in France and Spain in proclaming their Kings and shouted him up for Emperour Having gone thus far in villany he proceeds and to loose no time in all haste marcheth to Constantinople and that with such a strength that the Emperour Mauritius who of late had led a very religious life having sent to all places to be pray'd for was forced to flee and so in a little Bark with his Wife and Children stole out of the City over the Chanel to Chalcedon now call'd Scutari or Calcitiu but being overtaken by Phocas his Souldiers was brought back to Constantinople where Phocas had the Emperours Children which then he had seis'd on murther'd before the Fathers face the poor Mauritius onely repeating that of the Psalmist Just art thou O Lord and righteous are thy judgements And which was more the Emperour having there one of his Sons a little Childe the kinde Nurse of it through a strange pitty love and loyalty stole it away and put her own Childe in its stead to be slain But the Emperour not to be out done in compassion unwilling to allow of such a cruel charity withstood the design and so had his own innocent Infant murdred before his face and at last was himself also slain then their heads were cut off and their bodies exposed to all manner of contumelies There were also murder'd Petrus Brother to the Emperour and many of the Loyal Nobility Theodosius eldest Son to Mauritius who had also been some years before Crown'd Augustus and co-Emperour to his Father being sent upon this Rebellion to Cosâ—hoes of Persia to desire his aid and assistance against Phocas was also overtaken and beheaded And to make the Tragedy compleat one Scholasticus an Eunuch having saved the Empress Constantina Daughter to the Emperor Tiberius thus a Father-in-law and Predecessor to Maurice and her three Daughters hid them secretly in a Church yet was not this so privily done but Phocas heard of it and sent to have them delivered Cyricius the Patriarch of Constantinople made some opposition nor would he yeild them up till Phocas had by Oath sworn to do to them no violence which for some time he kept thrusting them into a Monastery but at the years end had them all four most barbarously butcher'd Here we have Phocas one of the most absolute Villains in the world as for Mauritius a An. 602. § 23. Baronius himself cannot but give him many commendations yet he will quickly shoot his bolt to finde out the Reason of all these Judgements against him and all this because forsooth he would not comply with the liberty of the Church as they call it and was not a sure Friend to Gregory for this is that which he aims at And now let us see how Pope Gregory behaved himself towards this Villain he no sooner hears of this abominable Murther and how the Tyrant had made himself Emperour but he hath the Statues of Phocas and his Wife carryed through Rome in triumph with a great many pretty cantings and then with a great deal of state and glory placed up amongst the other Emperours Nor was this all for he writes to Phocas congratulating his good success as the Angels did the Nativity of our Saviour a Baron an â—â—3 § 3. Glory be to God in the highest who as it is written changeth the times and translateth Kingdoms For which we rejoyce that thou art come to the Empire Let the heavens rejoyce and let the earth leap for joy and of your gracious actions let all the people be exceeding glad In another b Id. § 5. Letter to the same Tyrant he rejoyceth and thanks God that he is Emperour and that Mauritius was taken away And in another to Leontia Wife to Phocas he thus begins c Ib. § 6. What tongue can declare what minde can conceive the thanks which we owe to God for your Empire And yet if we consult Historians they will assure us that this Phocas was not onely a cruel furious and bloudy fellow but also a drunkard wencher yea and an Heretick too But d Ib. § 9. Baronius and e Tom. 1. pag. 333. Coquaeus are very busie to quit him of the last fault and so make him a good Roman Catholick But be as bad as he will 't is confest that his Wife Leontia was guilty of the same vices Whereby I can scarce think of Pope Gregory's Letters but I must at the same time remember the flattering and wicked Addresses of late days made to Oliver and his Son Richard by their canting Armies and suchlike knavish Phanaticks who in the hight of their wickedness would impudently pretend the Spirit of God to be their Informer I do not here compare Pope Gregory to these Villains yet I can easily perswade my self that he had not as the Turks story of their great Prophet the Pigeon or Holy Ghost at the writing of these Letters directing him at his ear as they say sometime he had and so they always paint him The Patriarch of Constantinople having as aforesaid somewhat angred Phocas for not delivering the Empress Constantina and her Daughters to his cruelty without an oath of security and the Tyrant seeing himself thus bravely courted by the Infallible Roman condescended to the request of Pope Boniface the Third and so decreed That the Church of Rome should be the e Hic Rogante Papa Bâ—nifacic
power of nominating Bishops in his own Territories whom he left to be Consecrated by others Now on the contrary the Pope would take all power into his own hands allowing no man to be Bishop of what Country soever but whom he pleas'd by which means he would wrest all favours from the Temporal jurisdiction to himself And whereas formerly Clergy-men were commonly marryed and their b Dist 28. c. si quâ—s docuerit c. si quis discernit dist 31. c. Omâ—no confitemur c. Quoniam Romani c. Aliter se Orient Canon-law it self grants them some favour in this case Now the Pope proceeds severely against the married Clergy by Excommunication and so in a manner deprived them of their Beings which was the cause of great troubles in Germany Nor was this all but also Gregory the Seventh thrust himself up above all Dominions and Authorities in the world by the assistance of a puny Synod at Rome thus declaring his Prerogative viz. That onely the Pope of Rome can depose Bishops Baron an 1076. § 31 32 33. That his Legat must take place of all other Bishops in a Council which Legat hath power to depose other Bishops That the Pope can depose those who are absent That it is lawful for the Pope onely according to the necessity of them Time to make new Laws c. That the Pope onely may use the Imperial Ensigns That all Princes are to kiss the feet of the Pope onely That his name is onely to be recited or mentioned in Churches That he hath Authority to depose Emperours That he onely can translate Bishops That no General Synod ought to be call'd without his command That no Book is Canonical without his Authority That his sentence ought not to be revoked by any body That no man ought to be Censured for Appealing to Rome That all Causes of great Importance of what Church soever must be referred to him That the Roman Church neither ever did or can err That there is but one onely name in the World i. e. the Pope That the Pope of Rome if he be Canonically Ordain'd is undoubtedly made Holy by the merits of St. Peter And some other such-like Priviledges as these were also then concluded upon Thus by little and little did the Roman Bishops dwindle the Temporal Authority to nothing by making themselves so great and powerful Alexander the Second had null'd all Lay-Patronage by making it unlawful to receive any Benefice from a secular Authority which then they call'd Simony though gave a Coquaeus p. 513. nothing for it as b Pag. 874 875. Id. pag. 868. Genebrard saith And a little before this Leo the Ninth seemed to ease the Papal See from the Imperial jurisdiction but to no purpose that Chair falling after into the Imperial Nomination as it did also in him But Gregory the Seventh by a particular c 26. Q. 7. Quoniam Investituras Baron an 1078. § 26. Canon null'd and voided all Investitures that should be made to Bishops c. by the Emperour or the secular Prince Though we are told that his Master d S. Hen. Spelman Gloss v. Investur Gregory the Sixth mainly commended this way of nominating or designing Bishops by a Pastoral Staff and Ring by the Temporal Prince whereby the other Bishops might with more Authority and less prejudice Consecrate him and that this had also e G. Carleton's jurisdiction pag. 137 138 139 c. formerly been the practice cannot be denyed and the power of Nomination is yet used by all Christian Princes within their respective Dominions Suchlike actions as these procured some heart-burnings betwixt the Emperour and Popes which at last fell to open divisions and animosity to which the troublesome Saxons were not the least Authors who had for some time born a spite against the Emperour from whose Authority and Protection they had several thoughts and consultations of withdrawing themselves To prevent this Henry had built several strong Castles and Forts amongst them which incensed them more insomuch that they did not onely fortifie and defend themselves but sent to Rome complaints against the Emperour of Oppression and Simony which Vrspergensis saith were f Accusationes blasphemas inauditas false accusations Alexander the Second then Pope upon this took the confidence to send to Henry commanding him to appear at Rome to answer before him such complaints as were laid to his charge but the Pope g An. 1072. dying presently after this Tryal fell to the ground for a time After him was Pope Gregory the Seventh who was first call'd Hildebrand and under that name commonly met withal in History but the Germans who above all things hated him for jestsake used to call him Hellebrand i. e. a Firebrand from Hell they looking upon him to be the cause of all their misfortunes whilst some others magnifie him no less than a Saint Gregory had not been above a year Pope but he sent his Legats into Germany who though they behaved themselves stoutly to the Emperour yet could not procure the Priviledge of having a Synod held there by them the native Bishops not being willing to submit to such Masters the chief of the Opposers being Liemarus Archbishop of Breme whom they undertook to suspend and the Pope afterwards thought he had completed it and at last a An. 1075. excommunicated several Bishops who adher'd to the Emperour And not long after sent an express summons to Henry himself to appear before him at Rome and that if he were not there by such a day he should be forthwith excommunicated The strangeness and boldness of this Papal summons moved the Emperour so much that he not onely sent away the Legats with scorn but sent forth Orders to all Bishops and Abbots to meet him at Worms there to hold a Council who accordingly appear'd in a very great b Amâ—lâ—ssimo numero â—am Schafâ—ab anno 1076. number where having drawn up many Accusations and Crimes against Gregory they adjudge him not fit to be Pope declare his Election void whatever he shall do as Pope after that day to be null and of no effect and so deprive him from the Popedom And to this having subscribed they sent Rowland of Parma to declare the same at Rome In the mean time Gregory had call'd a Synod at Rome which being met Rowland appears amongst them and there boldly declares to the Popes face how the Emperour and the Bishops of Italy Germany and France in a Council had deprived the said Pope But Gregory to requite this kindness the next day excommunicates and deprives the chief of the Bishops who were at Worms and for the rest he appoints a set time for them to repent and submit to him which if they did not obey then were they also partakers of the same sauce Nor doth he forget the Emperour but very dapperly excommunicates and deprives him of his Dominions and Authority The chief part of which Deposition
ridiculous shadow without life or soul but as it received a being from Rome But leaving these we might tell you how a little after the English had got the Whim of a conditional Covenant and which is as bad Perjury For though they had sworn Allegiance to Maude Speed § 1 4 30. the Empress yet her they reject and swear a broken conditional subjection to Stephen Yet when they saw him a little downward then they cast him off and play the same conditional knack to the Empress Maude Sect. 2. The troubles of England by the arrogancie and obstinacie of Thomas à Becket against his Soveraign King Henry the Second HOwever waving these though treasonable enough we shall come to the next viz. King Henry the Second of part of whose Reign it will not be amiss to give some hints seeing so great a man as Thomas Becket is concerned in it whom some call Saint and Martyr whilst others allow him no better title than a Traytor But of this with all brevity This Thomas Becket was Son to one Gilbert Becket a Citizen of London and by the favour of Theobald Archbishop of Canterbury was made an Archdeacon in that See and was placed about the person of Henry then but Duke who coming to be King advanced him to be Lord High Chancellor of England and upon the death of the former Theobald made him Archbishop of Canterbury Having thus seen the great rise of Thomas by the Kings love grace and favour let 's now see how he lost the affection of King Henry For some time he thus lived in great repute with the King though Henry was a little troubled at the humour or design of Thomas to throw up his Chancellorship without acquainting him with it After this the Pope call'd a Council at Tours whither went the two Archbishops and several Bishops of England having first procured the Kings a Per missione Regis Matt. Paris an 1164 leave for going thither Where an ancient b Guil. Neubrig lib. 2. c. 16. Historian tells us that Thomas privately surrendred up his Archbishoprick to the Pope as if the Kings Nomination or Investiture had not been sufficient which was restored again by the Pope and so Thomas was cocksure of both Presentations and Authorities And probably this underhand-dealing and nulling of his jurisdiction might somewhat alienate the affection of Henry although c Baronius d An. 1163. § 29. will not allow of any such surrender at this time though for his dissent we must not be content onely with his word neither producing Reason or Authority for his so doing since 't is probable enough being thus back'd with the Testimony of Neubrigensis that Thomas might yeild it up now in his Prosperity for a farther confirmation and in his low condition do it also to procure pity and so make his party there the stronger against his King and Soveraign which was then his main design Add to these the strange Priviledges the Clergy boasted of by exempting themselves from all secular jurisdiction were the crime never so villanous insomuch that a Priest of the Diocess of Sarum having murder'd one Thomas had him deprived and placed in an Abbey that so he might not fall under greater punishment according to his desert by the Kings Justiciaries lest forsooth he should suffer twice for one fault And upon this last pretended Priviledge may we lay the Foundation of the following troubles For the King perceiving no signs of Peace and Tranquillity amongst his Subjects if this exception of the Clergy was permitted the people of that Coat having committed above an hundred Murthers in the short time he had yet Reigned was resolved that all the Clergy who were taken in any Robbery Murder Felony burning of Houses and the like should be tryed in Temporal Courts and suffer as well as Laymen Against this wholesome Law the Archbishop opposeth himself and will onely grant that Speed § 14. all Clergy-men so offending should be tryed in the Spiritual Courts and by men in Orders who if they were found guilty should for the first time onely be deprived of their Office and Benefice yet he granted that for the second time they might lye at the Kings pleasure as some think though d Baron an 1163. § 31. others confess that he would not allow them at any time to be delivered over to the Temporal Authority And for these irrational Priviledges Thomas was so resolute that at Westminster he openly opposed the King and got others to do so too which mightily incensed his Majesty but pleased Pope Alexander the Third to the purpose yet fearing their hearts might fail them he sends his incouraging lines into England commanding them by vertue of their obedience to stand firm for the Exemption of the Clergy nor at all to consent to the King and that if he or Baron an 1163. § 39 40. any of the rest had in these times promised obedience to the King not to keep such promises but all this did not much prevail For the King was resolved to have the Laws and Customs of his Ancestors kept up in full force and carryed his business so well that at last he had not onely the other Bishops of his opinion but Thomas also consenting who faithfully promised and sware to observe them And for their farther ratification and authority the King calls an Assembly at Clarendon in Wiltshire where the Bishops and Nobility meet him and John of Oxford sat as President But here Thomas for all his former promise at first absolutely falls off and denyeth consent to the Constitutions though at last he was so far worked upon one way or another that he there publickly sware that in the word of a Priest and sincerely he would observe them to the King and his Heirs for ever But when the King would have him to Subscribe and Seal to them as the other Bishops had done he absolutely refused and retracted what he had formerly sworn The Constitutions in all were sixteen but those which Thomas opposed were such as these That Priests guilty of Felony Murther c. should be tryed before the Secular Judges That it should not be lawful for any Archbishop or Bishops to depart the Kingdom and go to the Pope upon his summons without the Kings License That no Bishops should Excommunicate any holding of the King in Capite or put any other of his Officers under interdict without the Kings License or information to the Judge That if the Archdeacon cannot decide the Controversie they may go to the Bishop and from him to the Archbishop and lastly â—â— the King so that none shall appeal to the Pope of Rome for any cause whatsoever without the Kings License c. These and suchlike were approved of at Clarendon by all onely Thomas excepted who thought himself to have sinn'd so grievously for the former consenting to them that by way of Penance he suspended himself from his Priestly Function but
that offers it self in this Century is the year 1300 quarrel between Pope Boniface VIII and Philip IV sirnamed Le Bel i. e. the fair where the Pope will appear most in the fault being a busie-body medling with that with which he had nothing to do But first it will not be amiss to see how he came to the Pontifical greatness Nicholas IV dying the Chair was void about two years the Cardinals not agreeing in the choice at last one Petrus de Morone a pious Hermit was elected and call'd Caelestine V. All of their Authors acknowledging him for a true and legitimate Pope and accordingly the several Cardinals by him created legal Yet if their Canon-Law be Authentick and in this case ought to be observed as the Pope severely injoyneth then must this Caelestine be no Pope because he was never a e Dist 79. c. Oportebit c. Nullus unquam Cardinal out of whom onely the Popes are to be chosen nay farther I am not assured that he was in f Fr. Mason Consecrat of Bishops page 25 16. Orders and if this hold water then I fear Clement V and his Cardinals will run the same hazard and then I know not how they can make up a true Pope since that time by which rule the Bead-roll of their Pontiffs ended above three hundred years ago As for this Caelestine V he was but a small Polititian more acquainted with his private Devotion than State-Affairs easily to be cheated by his crafty Courtiers his good and easie nature prompting him to think the best of bad men and give too much credit to flattering words This made some after he had been Pope a little while consult his deposition to which they thought it no hard matter to get his own consent and he who most concern'd himself to procure this degradation was according to the common Opinion of their own Writers Cardinal a Volater l. 22. fol. â—56 Ant. Sabâ—l en 9. fol. 258. Naucler p. 865 866. Mâ—xâ—a fol. 441 L. Wadding Hist Minor Tom. 2â— an 1294. Benedict us Cajetanus who as some say cheated him with false Miracles as by a counterfeit b Genâ—braâ—d p. 998. Platinaâ— Carranza sum Concil pag. 818. voice convey'd into his Chamber by a Pipe or hollow-Trunk perswading him to resign up his Popedom the better to save his own soul and this stratagem was carryed so as if it had been a voice from Heaven However it was at the last Caelestine was over-perswaded to resign as one unfit for that imployment and then as the c Fil. da. Bergaâ—o fol. 377. Plot was laid the said Benedict Caetan was elected for Pope he making fair promise to the King of Naples and call'd himself Boniface VIII 'T is true at that time 't was a grand dispute whether a true Pope could resign up his Office of which it seems the then Cardinals were somewhat aware and therefore that no rub might stop their designs they perswaded Caelestinâ— before he was degraded to make a Decree that a Pope might resign a pretty trick if he could not do it without such an Order However the d J. Rubeus de Bonifac. p. 144. French and some others strongly maintain'd the Negative and therefore for some time held Boniface but for an Antipope And 't was somewhat strange to have him deposed for insufficiency since as long as Cardinal Latinus lived affairs were carried well enough and had he been weaker than he was rather than disturb the Church with such an innovation Benedict wise and cunning enough or some others might by advice and assistance have prevented any inconveniencie to arise from his too much good nature or negligence of worldly things But the Vizard is too open and the design so thin that every Childe may see through it For it must be private ends to make them lay aside a man whose Election as themselves confess was as by e Vid Coeffeteau p. 1003. Coquae Tom. p. 177. Ciacon Divine Inspiration that himself was not onely good and virtuous but of such exemplary Holiness that when alive he did many Miracles and when dead a glorious Saint in Heaven and as such have they placed him by their Canonization in their Martyrologies Calendars so that it seems he was too good to be a good Pope Yet against all this the Cardinals reason'd that the Church might be in danger by such a man and therefore they must mend themselves by the choice of one more fit for Christendom and to be Christs Vicar But this objection is formerly answered but suppose not their after-Election quite destroys the supposition for who doth their wise judgements and we must not doubt of the Holy Ghosts f Jo. Rubens de Boniface VIII p. 18. assistance pitch upon but the foresaid Cardinal Caetan now call'd Boniface VIII And if you would know what he was their own Writers will assure you that though he was a subtle man well learned and a good Lawyer yet withal that he was a Platina Mâ—xâ—as Bargamo Nauclerus Sabellious Ciaconius Bâ—nius Massonus Trevisa lib. 7. cap. 40. Rob. Gaguâ—n Jo. Marius de Schism Guil. Barclay de potestat Papae pag. 34 36. Proud Dissembling Arrogant Scornful Malitious and a Wicked man a stirrer up of Wars and Discord a great Persecutor of the Ghebillines a Trampler upon Kings and Kingdoms and one very ungrateful for he clapt up poor Caelestine in prison after his resignation which they suppose shortned his life And to these they add some of his other vertues viz. that he was b Vid. Jo. Marian. Hist Hisp lib. 15. c. 6. Spond anno 1303. § 14. cruel and sordidly avaritious and covetous and an astonishment and wonder to all the world And to these we may give the more credit seeing Monsieur Coeffeteau indeavouring to clear him from what blemishes possibly he could yet doth not deny but that he was guilty of c Response pag. 1005. great faults and it may be a Pastor vitious enough and plainly confesseth that he was d Pag. 1008 1009. not moderate in his doings but too much passionate and the Church of Rome hath disavow'd some of his actions These are the common sentiments of him of their own Writers but against all these within these few years one e It may be an Englishman under that foolish Vizard of Latinizing of Sirnames a custom too much vainly used by some men as if they were ashamed of their Country or Relations being scarce known under such a fond disguise Johannes Rubeus hath undertaken an Apology for this Boniface VIII being thereunto perswaded by the Cajetans of which House this Pope was and by them furnished with materials to try if he could possibly make Boniface a good Religious Pope and so wipe an old blot from their Family Rubeus falls to work and with a resolution to do as much in this grand and daring enterprise as his Skill and Materials would afford and two to one his eagerness
telling where you might see them viz. in Jo. Fox p. 448 449. and Traitez des droits libertes de l'Eglise Gall. Tom. 2. p. 14â— 141. poyntes many mo than one In a great synne pleynly and nat spared By him the Church was â—urte and not repared Put on him crymes of great mysgovernaunce Denonucynge enemy to all the Londe of Fraunce Put on him many great outrage Wrongly howe he had done offence To a Cardinal born of the lynage c Bâ—nâ—face was a mortal enemy to the Family of the Colonne banishing the Cardinals and making them and others of that house incapable of any preserment and it may be they might provoke him to it they were restored again by Benedict IX and Clement V. De Columpnys a kinrede of reverence For which cause he kept him in absence Out of the Court drough where he was born By which occasion the Pope his lyf hath lorn De Columpnys the Lynage hath so wrought d Sciarra Coâ—lonna others sâ—ddenly sâ—ized upon the Pope in Anagni some say they carryed him prisoner to Rome others say that he was rescued and went to Rome of his own accord and if so then he was not imprisoned in Castello S. Angelo Toke Bony face for his â—ruelte With great force and power they have him brought Vnto a Castel which stode in the Cite Called Sancta Angeli gave auctorite To Cardinal and by commyssion Power to do full Execution Of these maters hangynge in balaunce A twene partyes were it right or wronge Both of Romayns and Prelates eke of Fraunce The Pope ay kept within the Castel stronge Of aventure abydynge there nat longe Fyll in a flixe and afterwarde for nede For hunger e So saith Boccace Trevisa Walsingam but some others deny it ete his handys as I rede Howe af his dyeinge it is made mencion Aboute the Castel was mervelous lightnyng Where the Pope lay fettred in prison None such a form was seyn in their lyvynge c. The death of Pope Boniface might be reckoned for a blessing to Christendom for if this quarrel between him and the King of France came to such an height and extravagancie in the small time of two or three years with what combustion and miseries would it in all likelyhood have fill'd Europe had the lengthning of this Popes life prolong'd and so more stir'd up the mischief Boniface VIII dying Benedict IX succeeded who ruled not long being taken away as is supposed by poyson Then after him was elected Clement V though no Cardinal and besides he basely and illegally obtain'd the Chair by the interest of this King Philip to whose feet he humbled himself not onely Simoniacally promising but also f Jo. Rubens pag. 288. Bzovius Spondanus swearing before the Eucharist and giving farther security too that if he would let him be Pope for the King then carryed a main stroke to gratifie Philip in several Concessions as to condemn or rase out the very memory of Boniface c. Clement V having thus obtain'd the Popedom removes the Papal Seat from Rome into France where it continued many years At his Coronation at Lyons there was a great deal of hurley-burley by the falling of an old Wall whereby Charles the Kings Brother the Duke of Britanny with several others were hurt the Pope himself tumbled from his Rosanante by which fall he lost a rich Jewel from his Tiara or Pontifical Diadem And the King hardly escaped the scowring having like a dapper Page on foot waited on his Holiness and his Horse holding the g Spond an 1305. § 6. reins of the Bridle and when he was weary of that unkingly slavery or thought he had done enough h Coeffeâ— pag. 1018. his two Brothers others say Charles and the Duke of Britanny one on one side of his Horse and the other on the other performed the same humble service but the stones of the old Wall so knockt them for their pains that ten to one they repented of their servility and wished themselves farther off his Holiness After all these glories Clement reconciles all between France and the Popedom absolving those whom Boniface had Excommunicated restored the Family of the Colonni vindicating the King from any bad intentions in his actions against Boniface yet he would not be as good as his Oath to dash out the very memory of Boniface though Philip several times urged him earnestly to it But Boniface he makes no Heretick yet as unwilling that his actions in this quarrel should be remembred he commands under pain of Excommunication all i Spond an anno 1310. § 3. Acts Writings Registers c. of these things to be taken off the File abolished and razed out nor never for the future to be re-assumed or discovered to any And we are told that he also granted that the k Coeffet p. 1024. Kings and Kingdom of France should never for the future be Excommunicated or Interdicted The which if true must be thought a brave priviledge in those wrath-denouncing times To conclude with this Clement take one story several Monks had bought great priviledges of the Pope of which they were as proud as he glad of their Cash The Fryar Minorites go to Market too and offer Clement above forty thousand Florences of Gold for a dispensation to possess Riches contrary to their Order Tho. Walsingham in â—aw I. p. 19. Fox p. 480. Clement bites at this goodly bait asked them where their Money was they reply In the Merchants hands and ready The Pope bids them come again the third day In the mean time the Pope absolves the Merchants of their Bond made to the Fryars and commanded them to deliver him the Moneys The Merchants absolved obey and the Pope tells the Fryars that he would not violate the Rule of S. Francis And so the poor Fryars went sneaking away gull'd of their Moneys Clement being too cunning for such hoorders up of Wealth And so much for Clement who was a lover of Women as well as Riches CHAP. IV. 1. The Murther of the Emperour Albert. 2. The death of the Emperour Henry the Seventh 3. The troubles of the Empire by reason of the Papal arrogancy 4. The strange Tumults acted at Rome by Nicholao di Renzo and Francisco Barencello 5. The Dog-trick used by the Venetians to take off the Popes Censures against them 6. The bloudy actions in Hungary Sect. 1. The Murther of the Emperour Albert. YOu were formerly told how Adolph the Emperour was deposed and slain by Duke Albert which Albert now carryed himself as Emperour having the voice and consent of the Germans and though at first Pope Boniface VIII refused his confirmation yet at last hoping to make use of him against King Philip the fair of France he also acknowledged him for Emperour confirm'd him in the Throne approved of all that he had year 1303 done and commanded him to be obey'd and so according to their Rule he is now a lawful Emperour and
the famous Cardinal Ximenes whilst he govern'd those Dominions This great Minister of State of the Family of the Cisneres was first Christned Alfonso which afterwards in his Cloyster he changed to Francis being a Franciscan by Order first he studyed at Alcaela de Henares then read the Laws at Salamanca for some time acted as an Advocate in the Court of Rome In short he grew so famous for his learning and integrity that he rose to be Archbishop of Toledo got a Cardinals Hat and the Government of all Spain to be in his hands This Grandeur from a mean beginning procured him no small envy and ill-will from many of the Nobility but he kept his ground nor would he lose an inch of his Authority he was civil where he met with civility but was so great a friend to Justice that he would not let the Laws be like Spiders webs for he made no distinction the greatest Grandee lying as open to Chastisement as the meanest Vassal It would be too tedious to relate how he reduced the revolted Moores in Granada how he conquer'd Mersalcabir and Oran in Africa the latter of which they say was not acted without some miracles as how a Cross appear'd to them at their landing and that the Sun stood still for above four hours as an Assistant and Spectator of their Victory At home he was ever now and anon allarm'd with Conspiracies and Seditions but still he was himself undaunted and victorious One of the first who flew out was Don Pedro Portocarrero brother to the Duke Del Escalona who made some disturbance to make himself Grand Master of St. Jago but this uproar the Cardinal over-topt The next was more formidable the Ring-leader being Don Pedro Giron eldest son to the Earl Vregna who by force of Arms would seise upon the Dukedom of Medina Sidonia and in this he was seconded by many of the chief Nobility But this was also quell'd by the prudence of out Cardinal But that which threatned him most was the insurrections of Valladolid and the other chief Cities in Old Castile perswaded to this Revolt by many of the Nobles I so zealous were they that they mounted their Cannons fortified themselves crying along the streets This is against Ximenes the peoples Tyrant But this faction he also over-topt yet he is not quiet for those of Malaga mutiny beat out the Judges and the Admiralty fortifie themselves mount their Cannon making one piece bigger then all the rest with these words Ingraven on it Malacitanae libertatis Assertores F. C. The Defenders of the Malaquins liberty have caused this Gun to be made This he also supprest as he did the Sedition of D. John Velasques of Cuellor who would right or wrong keep the Town or Arevalo Nor did it fare any better with those Noblemen who had affronted the Cardinal and violated all justice in Villefratre and the Duke of Alva's contention for the Priory of St. John of Hierusalem came little better off being conquer'd and forced to submit In short this great Cardinal held up his head against all opposition and the better to strengthen his Authority he first rais'd in Spain the Train-bands consisting of above thirty thousand substantial house-holders all which he had ready at a small warning And though many dependants of the Nobility who must follow their Lords Example hated him yet never was there any favorite in all Spain better beloved then he by the generality of people such was his impartiality to Justice Charity to the Poor and care for the well-fare and honour of his Master and his Dominions One time some of the discontented Nobility desired to know by what right he acted as he did the Cardinal replyed By the will and power of his Catholick Majesty This not satisfying he shew'd them his Guards then shewing his Franciscan Girdle and kâ—acking his Fingers added This is enough to tame the proudest Vassals And lastly the better to inform their curiosity he order'd a Train of Artillery to be discharged concluding This is the power by which I do and will govern Spain until the Prince our Lord come to take the charge of it himself And in this he was as good as his word King Charles arrived in the Asturias in a 1517. September and the Cardinal dyed in November alter not without a grand suspition of poyson he was buâ—yed at Alcala de Henares where he had built an excellent Colledge and where to his immortal honour and vast expenses he had caused his Biblia Complutensia to be printed in diverse Languages as Hebrew Caldee Greek and Laetine to accomplish which he had procured many Copies from the Vatican and hired many excellent Linguists from sundry places And thus much in short of this great Cardinal of whom you may see more in Alvaro Gomez and Michael Baudier the first having writ his life at large in Latine and the other in French who in him endeavours to pattern out an exact Minister of State to the great Cardinal de Richelieu Nor doth envie it self finde any fault in him but that some fancie him to be one too lofty and one that could not brook an opposition qualifications which some think agreeable enough with a Governour But leaving him though I could say no less seeing he was Prud. de Sand val Hist del Carlos V. part 1. lib. 6. Ja. Wadswâ—â—th such a grand Patron to Learning let us take a view of a more formidable Rebellion In Spain we finde ruling Don Carlos I. a young Prince not well acquainted with the Kingdom having been brought up in Flanders he was born there in Gendt 1500. where the Flemings had so inveagled themselves into his favour that at his coming into Spain for the Crown they ruled all as they pleas'd and got the chiefest Preferments and places for themselves to the no small grief and trouble of the Natives Of the Forraigners Guillermo de Crouy Lord of Xeures or Cheures Duke of Sora in Naples and of Arschot in Brabant was the chiefest favourite and indeed sway'd the King and Kingdom as he pleas'd and in his actions was so partial and covetous that he became abominable to the Spaniards who for his faults lessen'd their Affection and Loyalty to their King And here by the way take one merry and instructive story of a favourite A Petitioner having presented this Xeures with an handsome Mule with rich Furniture that his desire might be the sooner granted Xeures being asked presently by another Gentleman where he had got that curious Beast replyed He knew not The poor Petitioner being by and seeing himself so soon forgotten and so his business neglected went his ways and orders his Mule to be cryed declaring all her Marks and Furniture Which the other Gentleman hearing went presently and told Xeures that according to the Marks it must needs be that this Mule had been stoln by which device the poor Petitioner recovered his Mule which he had given before to small
purpose Thus much for Cheures though related to the Royal Bloud of Hungary yet base cruel and covetous as most Favourites are by such vices getting their preferments All such grand Flatterers Pimps and Pick-thanks being the greatest bane and curse that can happen to a King and Kingdom Carlos had not been long King in Spain but the Emperor Maximilian year 1519 I. his Grand-father dying he was chosen Emperour at Franck-fort by the Electors and so was call'd Charles V. The Electors send him news of it desiring him to come into Germany to receive the Imperial Crowâ— He consents and prepares for his journey at which the Spaniards take an Allarum the great City of Toledo leading the way protesting against his going desiring the other Cities to joyn with them the better to hinder his departure The Emperour in hopes to get some money for his journey summons a Parliament to be held at St. Jago in Galicia Toledo obeys it and according to the custom of that City which was for the Aldermen Regidores and Common-council-men Jurados then present to draw lots and one of each to go upon whom the Lot falls it was Don Juan de Silva's chance to go as Regidor and Alonso de Aguirre as Jurate for Toledo But the Citizens knowing these two Burgesses not to be of their Faction would not afford them a full but a limited power which the other not accepting they went not Whereupon the Toledians chose four others of their own party to go and perswade the Emperour not to depart out of Spain These Commissioners hasted to Valladolid where Charles was year 1520 where being come they had a designe to get the people into a Tumult and so by force to hinder the Emperours departure and to seize upon Xeures and the other Flemings but this plot fail'd though some hours after opportunity offer'd it self if they could have taken hold of it For a Rumour being suddenly spread in the City that the Emperour was departing and that the Magistrates had granted him his desire the people in a hurly-burly ran madding about the streets shewing a willingness to hinder the Emperours journey In this hubbub and confusion one runs up into the Steeple of a A very ancient Paâ—â—sh where hung a great Bell commonly call'd the Council-Bell which never used to be ruâ—g but in times oâ— war upâ—oars or Alarms St. Michael and rings the Bell which being heard by the people without fear or wit they hurry to Arms. Charles informed of this dangerous Tumult resolves to depart though in a most stormy rain Being come to the Gates there he found some of the rabble who had seiz'd upon them began to shut them and Barricado up the way but the Emperours Guards presently made them quit their Post so having got â—ut he hastes to Tordesellas with such speed that nâ—ne but Xeures could keep him company But the Magistrates of Vallidolid plead their innocencie in this last uproar laying the fault onâ—ly upon the Rabble many of which were severely punished The Emperour hastes to St. Jago to meet his Parliament where the Commissioners or Burgesses shew nothing but their resolution to oppose the Emperours desires Though he promised a return after he had received the Imperial Crown Germany now falling into some distractions by reason of his absence From St. Jago Charles goeth to Corunna or the Groyne where the Commissioners of the Kingdoms go also and at last most of them grant him some monies for which they got no thanks from their Cities In the mean time Toledo falls into distractions the chief Authors of their troubles being Hernando de Avalos and Don Juan de Padilla with his high-spirited wife Donna Maria Pacheco all of good Families who fill'd the peoples heads full of many whimsies Insomuch that in a Religious Procession the Royal party were abused to the no small joy of the Rabble The Emperour informed of these things summons Juan de Padilla and some others to appear before him To put a plausible pretence to their non-appearance they desired some of their kindred to make a muteny and apprehend them and not to let them go but this trick failing they perswaded the Fryars of St. Augustine and those of St. Juan de los Reyes to seize upon them in their general Procession but this by another accidental disorder â—ailing also they addrest themselves to some mean and scandalous Fellows who consenting to their Plot then de Avilos and de Padilla made shew as if they intended to obey the Emperours commands and appear at the Court. Upon which the hired Rabble came and seised upon them declaring they would not part with such good Commonwealths men so carryed them to a Chappel where they made them promise not to go to the Emperour though the other seem'd teeth-forward earnestly to protest against such dealings and that they were willing to obey the Emperour This done the people made the Cowardly Governor of Toledo Don Antonio de Cordova to approve their actions and to forbid their friends to go to Court The mischief being gone thus far Hernando de Avalos and Juan de Padilla push them on farther for which they had the Fryars and Priests at their service who in their Pulpits incensed the people to the purpose who according as they were instigated though with the loss of some bloud seise upon the Gates Bridges and and Fort of the City and so all was their own they now publickly calling themselves the a La santa Comunidad HOLY COMMUNALTIE And this was the Order they governed themselves by every time they were to treat of any business the Inhabitants of every particular Parish were to assemble and two publick Notaries with them before whom every man how mean soever was to sit down and declare his Opinion The Emperour being at Corunna and fitting for his departure news comes to him of these Tumults of Toledo which did not a little trouble him but hoping that as their beginning was in haste so they would not last long Thus all things being ready he goeth b May 19. aboard lands at Dover in England where and at Canterbury being nobly entertain'd by Henry VIII he return'd to his Fleet which carryed him to Flushing thence by degrees he went for Aken there to receive the Imperial Crown where we leave him The Emperour before his departure had made Governour or Vice-roy Cardinal Adrian who had been formerly his Tutor and was afterwards Pope Adrian VI for he would not change his name according to the custom Upon the Emperours departure the Nobility and Gentry which waited upon him as far as the sea-side return'd to their own houses and the Commissioners or Burgesses to their respective Cities and the Cardinal took his way towards Valladolid And now began the people to be stark mad and the City of Segovia led the way and thus it was It is a custom in Segovia every Tuesday in Whitson-week that the Collectors meet to treat concerning the
Segovia Salamanca and Avila and Francisco Maldenado who now commanded the Salamanca forces who had all their heads cut off and stuck upon several Nails over the place of Execution The Army of the Commonalty being thus routed the Junta which was in Valladolid sneak'd away The City it self submitting which was graciously pardon'd though they had been the chief maintainers of the Rebellion And now Medina del Campo Palencia Duennas Mota and other Cities acknowledged their faults But Toledo would be brought to no reason the chief Incendiary of that City being Donna Maria Pacheco Mendoza Daughter to the Earl of Tendilla and wife to Don Juande Padilla lately beheaded a Lady of a daring and resolute spirit wherefore she was generally call'd The valiant woman La Muger valerosa and to excite the Citizens to compassion she made her Son be carryed up and down the streets on a Mule with a mourning hood and Cloak on and a Streamer with the Picture of her husband Padilla beheaded The Imperialists did not question if they could either get her out of the City or to joyn with them to reduce the place to his Majesty to effect which they sent a Captain who freely offer'd himself with a few men disguised thither Being arrived at Toledo he went directly to the Fort where she was desiring to speak with her But the people having some notice of the designe made an Alarm and ran in great multitudes to the Castle where finding the Captain in discourse with her they presently laid hands on him and flung him out of the high window by which fall he was broke all to pieces This done they cut the throats of all those who came along with him And now they resolve to fortifie themselves against all attempts fill'd their stores full took all the gold and silver plate out of the Cathedral Church which they coyned and they were not a little animated by the coming of the French who taking opportunity of these troubles enter'd Navar thinking to regain that Kingdom but all to no purpose and so at last the Toledians were brought to better terms and received into mercy Donna Maria Pacheco being forced for her own safety in a Country-womans disguise riding upon an Ass with some Geese in her hands to escape out of the City living the rest of her days in Exile and as some think dying in Portugal And now for Example was the house of Juan de Padilla pull'd down to the ground the foundation of it plow'd up and sowed with salt that the soyl where the Chieftain of so great troubles and mischiefs had his birth and habitation should not produce so much as grass or weeds and a Pillar was erected there with an Inscription declaring the manner of his life and death And now all is reduced to obedience the Emperour returns to Spain having received the Imperial Crown and on a Scaffold cover'd with Cloth of Gold and Silk erected in the chief Market-place in Valladolid the Emperour himself with his a They are so call'd whom the King gives leave to stand covered before him All Dukes in Spain are Grandes Grandees and Council about him being there Peace is b Octob. 28. 1522. proclaim'd and a general pardon granted onely some few excepted for example sake But before we leave this story let us see the end of one or two Chieftains the first shall be the Earl of Salvatierra who made such Tumults in Alava At last being taken Prisoner he was carryed to Burgos where he was let bloud to c 1504. death then carryed to his grave his feet hanging over the Bier with irons on them exposed to the publick view This unfortunate Earl whilst in prison was brought to such poverty being forsaken of all his Friends that he had nothing â—â— eat but a poor mess of Pottage which one Leon Picardo a Doâ—â—estick Servant and Painter to the Lord high Constable sometimes brought him His Son Don Athanasio de Ayala then Page to the Emperourâ— out of a filial compassion sold his Horse to buy his Father the Earl Victuals for which the Master of the Pages would have the young Gentleman punished and complain'd of him to the Emperour Carlos calls Don Athanasio to him and asking him for his Horse he presently answered That he sold him to buy Victuals for his Father at which the Emperour was so far from being displeas'd that he forthwith commanded forty thousand d A little Spanâ—sh coyn of lets vâ—lue thâ—n â—ur English â—â—â—â—ing which the Spaniâ—â—â— commonly account with Maravediz which is about thirty pound English money to be given him And now let us see the exit of Don Antonio de Acunna the furious and zealous Bishop of Zamora who seeing all his Confederates quell'd and so no safety for him to stay in Spain resolved to make France his refuge For this purpose having in a disguise got as far as the Borders of Navar at the same time that the French enter'd he was discovered and seised on by one Perote at a village call'd Villamediana not far from Legronno thâ—nce was carryed to Navaretta not far from Najara in Rioscia a little Province in Old Castile after which he was sent prisoner by the Emperours Order to Simancas in Leon. The old Bishop having been here kept some time at last consulted an escape To perform which he one time cunningly convey'd a Brick into his Bag wherein he used to carry his Breviary wherewith he knockt out the Governours brains that had the charge of him as they were in discourse together by the fire-side And so upon this opportunity might have made an escape but that the Governours Son discovering him brought him back again and carefully lockt him in his Chamber without doing any thing else to him although he had thus basely murthered his Father which was held and commended for a great piece of wisedom and patience in the young Gentleman The Emperour informed of these his wicked Prancks sent Judge Ronquillo of whom formerly to sit on him who condemn'd him and caused him to be a 1526. strangled within the said Fort and some report that he had him hung upon one of the Pinacles of the Tower to the end that he might be a spectacle and memento to all that passed that way but the Emperour was not pleas'd with such Examples And thus much for these three years troubles in Spain passing by some other Tumults and uproars there both before and after these as not of so general and dangerous concern CHAP. III. The Plots in Scotland against King James VI. HEre passing by the Excommunication of Ferdinand King of Hungary and Bohemia by Julius III. for the death of Fryar George Martinusius Bishop of Waradein and after Archbishop of Gran and by the said Julius created Cardinal a man powerful in Arms and noted for his great actions in Hungary Which Fryar George for so is he commonly call'd is by 1551. Giâ—l Bâ—ai vita dâ—â— oâ—iâ—â—olâ—
his own Queen as appears by his slaunders against her and his respect to Philip both which these following Letters will testifie To the most Mighty Monarch of World the Great King M S. F. 97. Laud. in Bibl. Bâ—dl â—xon fol. 180. of Spain give this at his Princely Palace of Madril Most Mighty Monarch I Humbly salute your Imperial Majesty giving your Highness to understand of our great misery and violent order wherewith we are of long time opprest by the English Nation Their Government is such as Pharaoh himself never used the like for they content not themselves with all Temporal Superiority but by cruelty desire our bloud and perpetual destruction to blot out the whole remembrance of our Posterity as also our old Catholick Religion and to swear that the Queen of England is Supreme of the Cburch I refer the consideration thereof to your Mâ—jesties high judgement the rather for that Nero in his time was far inferiour to this Queen in cruelty Wherefore and for the respects thereof Right Mighty Potentate my self with my followers and retainers and being also requested by the Bishops Prelates and Religious men of my Country have drawn my Sword and proclaimed Wars against them for the recovery first of Christs Catholick Religion and next for the maintenance of my own Right which of long time hath been wrongfully detained from me and my Father who by right succession was lawful heir to the Earldom of Desmond for he was eldest son to James my Grandfather also Earl of Desmond and for that my Vncle Gerald being the younger Brother took part with the wicked proceedings of the Queen of England to farther the unlawful claim of Supremacy usurped the name of Earl of Desmond in my Fathers true Title yet notwithstanding he had not long enjoyed his name of Earl when the wicked English annoyed him and prosecuted Wars that he with the most part of those that held of his side was slain and his Country thereby planted with Englishmen And now by the just judgement and providence of God I have utterly rooted these Malepart a a Boughs bowse out of the Orchard of my Country and have profited so much in my proceedings that my dâ—sterly Enemies dare not shew their faces in any part of my Country but having taken my Towns and Cities for their refuge and strength where they do remain as it were Prisoner for want of means to assail them as Cannon and Powder which my Country cannot yeild Having these wants most noble Potentate I have presumed with all humility to address these my Letters to your High Majesty craving the same of your gracious clemency and goodness to assist me in this godly enterprise with some help of such necessaries for the Wars as your Majesty shall think requisite and after the quiet of my Country satisfaction shall be truely made for the sâ—me and my self in person with all my forces shall be ready to serve your Highness in any Country your Majesty shall command me And if your Majesty will vouchsafe to send me a competent number of Souldiers I will place them in some of my Towns and Cities to remain in your gracious disposition till such time as my ability shall make good what your Majesty shall lend me in money and Munition and also your Majesties high Commission under the Broad Seal for leading and conducting these Souldiers according to the Prescript Order and Articles of martial discipline as your Majestie shall appoint me and as the service of this Land shall require I praise the Almighty God I have done by his goodness more then all my Predecessors for I have reclaim'd all the Nobility of this part of Ireland under the dutiful obedience of Christs Church and mine own Authority and accordingly have taken Pledges and Corporal Oaths never to swerve from the same and would have sent them to your Majestie by this Bearer but that the Ship was not of sufficiencie nor strength to carrie so Noble Personages and will send them whensoever your Highness please So there resteth nothing to quiet this part of the World but your Majesties assistance which I daily expect Thus most Mighty Monarch I humbly take my leave and do kiss your Royal hands beseeching the Almighty of your Majesties health and happiness Your Majesties most humble at all command James Desmond From my Camp the XIV of March MD XCIX Copia vera concordans cum Originali examinat per Tho. White Mayor of Waterford Another Letter of the same date To the most mighty Monarch of the World the Great King of Spain give these at his most Princely Palace at Madrid YOur Majesty shall understand that the Bearer hereof Captain M S. F 97. fol. 188. Andrew Roche hath been always in the service of the Queen of England and hath performed her manifold services at Sea whereby he had great preferment and credit and being of late time conversant with Catholicks and â—eachers of Divine Instructions that were sorry for his lewd life made known unto him the danger wherein his soul was So that by their godly perswasions he was at that time reclaimed and converted to be a good Catholick and to spend the residue of his life in the defence and service of the Church Since which time of reconcilement he was to repair to your Majesty with his Ship and Goods as 't is well known to your Highness Council who consiscated that Ship to your Majesties use himself being at that time strucken with extream sickness that he was not able to proceed in the Voyage and when his company return'd into Ireland they reported that the a a Adelantado or the Spanish Admiral Lantado wished rather his Person then his Ship which made him fearful ever since to repair thâ—ther till he should deserve his freedom by some worthy service to your Majesty The b b Let some Romanist tell us the meaning of this for none was Hâ—â—buâ— King 〈◊〉 Vâ— of 〈…〉 the 〈…〉 England Heir Apparent to the Crown of England had been carryed â—y him to your Highness but that he was bewrayed by some of his own men and thereby was intercepted and himself taken prisoner where he remain'd so long till by the providence of God and the help of good friends he was convey'd into Ireland to me in a small boat â—â—d having thâ—se occasions to your Majesty and being assured of his trust faith and confidence towards me have committed this charge into his hands the rather for that I understand your Royal Fleet is directed for England this year to the end he may be a Leader and Condâ—ctor to them in the Coast of England and Ireland being very expert in the knowledge thereof and in the whole Art of Navigation And thus with all humility I commit your Highness to the Almighty Your Majesties most humble at all command James Desmond From my Camp the XIV or March MD LXXXXIX Copia vera concordans cum Originali examinat
Spain and this Antonio But Philip having the longest Sword under the conduct of Alva wan the Kingdom so that Antonio was forced to flee for refuge to our Queen Elizabeth who afforded him some assistance and favour by which means and protection many Portugaise shipt themselves for England where they were received as friends with all respect and honour Amongst the rest was Roderigo Lopez a Jewish Physitian whom the Queen entertain'd in her own Service making him Physitian to her Houshold and Stephano Ferreira de Gama with Emanuel Loisie These three were inticed by the Spaniard to undertake the murther of the Queen for which they were promis'd great rewards but Lopez was to be the main instrument 1. Lopez confess'd that of late years he had been allured to do service secretly to the King of Spain which he did by the means of one Manuel Andrada a Portugal an Agitator under Don Bernardino Mendoza the Spanish Ambassador in France 2. That the said Andrada brought him from Christofero de Mora a Portugaise but a great favourite of King Philips and an especial Instrument for reducing Portugal under the Spanish Crown a rich Jewel and an encouragement from Philip himself 3. That he was informed of the King of Spains hopes of him not onely by Andrada but by Roderique Marques a Portugais also but imployed by the Spaniard on such wicked designes 4. That he the said Lopez did assent to these wicked Counsels 5. That he did secretly advertise the Spaniard divers times of such affairs of the Queens as he could learn 6. That he did also assent to take away the Queens life by poyson upon a reward promised him of fifty thousand Crowns 7. That he sent Andrada to confer with Count Fuentes about it 8. That he directed Stephano Ferreira de Gama to write Letters to Stephano Ibarra the Kings Secretary at Bruxels to assure the said Earl Fuentes and Ibarra that he would undertake as he had promised to destroy the Queen by poyson provided that he might have the said 50000 Crowns 9. That he sent these Letters by one Gomez Davila a Portugal That the reason why the murther was not executed according to promise was because he perceived the delivery of the 50000 Crowns defer'd though promis'd him from day to day 10. That to take away this delay of the Execution Count Fuentez by the King of Spains order did signe and deliver Bills of exchange for the said Money This money or part of it for security to Lopez was delivered Tho. Robinson's Anatomy of the Nunnery of Lisbone p. 9. to the custody of the English Nuns then at Rhoan in France which monies the Plot failing and Lopez executed was given to the said Nuns who carryed it with them to Lisbone in Portugal where they setled themselves in a Nunnery as appears by their Register-book And at the same time by one of the Lords of the Privy-Council through the interception of Letters this designe was discover'd and Lopez seiz'd on he was forward also to a Jo. Speed's Hist in Queen Eliz. § 117. purge old Lord Burghley out of this world All this was also confess'd by Stephano Ferrera and Emanuel Loisie and that Dr. Lopez his Children were to be advanced by the Kiâ—g of Spain and several other circumstances And that the Count de Fuentez and Ibara were privy to all these actions take this following Confession to assure it The Confession of a Manuel Loisie Tinoco by his own b One of great credit with the Spanish Councellors at Bruxels hand-writing the 22 of Febr. 1593 4. I Manuel Loisie Tinoco Gentleman of Portugal confess that the Count de Fuentez and the Secretary Ibarra call'd me into the Cabinet of the Count and both of them together either of them for his own part took my hands putting them within their own and told me that before they would declare unto me a certain business of great Importance Thou must give unto us thy faith and homage to keep it so secret that although thou happen to be taken there of the English thou shalt not discover this secret because it importeth the Quietness of all Christendom And after I had given them my word and faith with all fidelity and service in such an affair they told me Stephen Ferrera de Gama hath written to us how D. Lopez hath offer'd and bound himself to kill the Queen of England with poyson with condition the King of Spain should recompence his services according to the quality of them All which passed in the City of Bruxels in the house of the Count de Fuentez and as far as I can remember it was the 9 day of December past All this I certifie to have passed in great truth and certainty and do affirm it under mine Oath Again I Manuel Loisie Tinoco a Portugal Gentleman do confess that it is true that being in Bruxels in the house of the Count Fuentes he caused me to be call'd for and demanded of me of what Quality and Country Andrada was And after that I had told him all that I knew of him he commanded his Secretary to shew me all the Letters that Andrada had written to him from Calice He shewed me three Letters in the first he signified that he was come from England where he had been prisoner a long time and that he was sent by order of Dr. Lopez who as a man very zealous and friendly to the service of the King of Castile was determined to do the King such a piece of Service as thereby he might with great safety satisfie himself on the English Nation But so as the King should recompence his said services with honours and favours according to the quality thereof For he was old and many ways indebted and would now finde rect for his old age And declaring the quality of the service he told him that Dr. Lopez bound himself to dispatch the Queen with poyson Wherefore it behooved him to advertise the King of Spain thereof with all speed and he would attend at Calice until the answer came from Madril The same designe was also carryed on to murther Don Antonio who then call'd himself King of Portugal Concerning which take part of Stephano Ferrera de Gama's Confession taken the 18 of Febr. 1593 4. He saith that Manuel D' Andrada about a month before he went out of England did declare to him that if the King of Spain would that D. Lopez would poyson the Queen of England and the King Don Antonio also Which speech being afterwards utter'd to D. Lopez by Ferrera the Doctor answer'd As for the King he shall dye with the first sickness that shall happeâ— to him But for the Queen we have no a Meaning that the business was not as then fully concluded on the Doctor being not fully assured of his money without which he declared he would not poyson her answer as yet from the other side In short Lopez Ferrera and Loisie were condemn'd and
enough to oppose his Enemies nor certain where to secure himself fearing if he left Paris it would rise against him and if he stay'd there he might be seiz'd on so zealously bent was that City for the Covenant However he gets a strong Guard about him and sends the Queen-mother to treat with the Confederates And what a grand conceit they had of their enterprise may in part be Gomberville vol 1. p. 648. seen by their Cardinals Letter to the Dutchess of Nevers wherein he tells her How pleas'd he is with the good will which she and her Duke bears to their designs which is onely for the honour of God though others traduce them as Ambitious That they shall shortly have the bravest Army that hath been in France these five hundred years That though the Queen-mother now talk to them of peace yet their demands are so many for Religion that she will not grant them c. Your most humble Uncle to serve you CHARLES Cardinal de Bourbon Chalons 23 May 1585. But in short the Treaty is carried on very cunningly on both sides and at last both Parties growing jealous of their own Force and Guise doubting the Cardinals constancy by reason of his easie nature a Peace was clapt up advantageous enough to the Covenanters for by Agreement 7 July the Huguenots were to be prosecuted several Cities and strong places given to the Guisards strong Horse-guards appointed and paid by the King to wait upon their Chieftains Guise himself is to have one hundred thousand Crowns his Forces paid and all things forgiven c. And for better satisfaction upon this Re-union of his Subjects as they call'd it the King in Parlement must publish an Edict which Perefixe calls a Bloudy one The summe of it was thus HENRY by the grace of God King of France and Poland c. 18 July Edict de Juillet How God and Man knoweth his care and endeavours to have all his Subjects of one Religion i. e. the Roman the want of which hath been the occasions of so many troubles Wherefore with the advice of his Mother and Council he doth ordain and command this unalterable Decree and Edict That in his Dominions there shall be but one viz. the Roman Religion under pain of confiscation of Body and Goods all former Edicts to the contrary notwithstanding That all Huguenot Ministers or Preachers do avoid and depart the Kingdom within one moneth That all his other Subjects who will not change their Religion shall depart within six moneths yet shall have liberty to sell and dispose of their goods That all Huguenots or Hereticks shall be incapable of any Office or Dignity That all * * Courts 〈…〉 in severâ—l plâ—â—ces by former Edicts 1576 1577. wherein half were to be Romanists and half Huguenâ—ts These were restored agâ—in by the Edict of Nantâ—s 1589. with maâ—y other favours to the Hugâ—enots mâ—ny or which have been since null'd and taken away Chambre mi-parties and tri-parties shall be taken away That all those Towns and Places formerly given to the Huguenots for their security shall by them be deliver'd up That what hath hitherto or formerly been done shall be pardon'd on both sides And that for the better preservation of this Edict all Princes Officers Governours Justices Mayors c. shall swear to keep it and their said Oaths to be registred HENRY By the King in his Council Broulart Read and publish'd in Parlement the King present De-Hevez The King of Navarre seeing himself thus aim'd at not only challengeth Guise to single Combat which the Duke answer'd only by Libels but also vindicated himself by an Apologetical Declaration drawn up by Philippe Morney Sieur du Plessis whose Pen and Learning that King used to make much use of as appears by his Memoirs and whose Life was afterwards writ by one of his Amanuenses and in whose commendations you may read a large Ode in Monsieur * Le Paâ—nasse des Poetes Francoises tom 2. fol 69 70 c. D'Espinelle's Collections King Henry III. perceiving that the Leaguers made great noise against him for not prosecuting the war against the Huguenots or rather against the King of Navarre told them his willingness to such a war and therefore desir'd them to put him in a way to have Moneys for the raising and paying the Armies but this they car'd not for being unwilling that he should be either strong or rich yet to stop their clamours he gave order for the levelling of three Armies to fight Navarre and his Associates Thus were their three several Interests in France at the same time I. The King and his Royalists II. The King of Navarre with his Huguenots in their own defence as a * Andr. Favyn Hist de Navarre p. 936. Davila p. 579. Romanist confesseth III. The Guisians or Covenanters designing the ruine of the two former and to advance themselves And now Pope Gregory XIII dying there succeeded in the Chair Sixtus V. who upon sollicitation of the Guisards thunders out a Bull against the King of Navarre and the Prince of Condé which being too long for this place I shall refer you to the reading of it in other * Pet. Math. Sâ—â—mma Constitut Rom. Pont. p. 901 902 903. Fran. Hoâ—oman â—ulmen Brutum Goldest Monarch Rom. tom 2 3 p. 124 125 126. Authors But because it is in none of the Editions of Cherubinus his Bullarium possibly since that time thinking it not convenient to exaspeâ—â—te that Kingdom as they have either fraudulently or politickly left out some other Bulls take the summe of it as followeth First it telleth us what a fine thing a Pope is that by his right and power can throw down and depose the greatest of Kings Then what favours and kindnesses this Henry hath received from the Pope for Gregory XIII abolished and pardoned his former sins and Heresies and gave him a Dispensation to marry his Queen Margaret and the like done to the Prince of Condé Yet for all this they have adhered to Calvinism opposed the Roman Religion and endeavoured to carry on that which they call A Refâ—rmation for which they have by Arms and Council withstood the Romanists Wherefore according to our duty we draw the sword of vengeance against these two Sons of wrath Henry sometimes King of Navarre and Henry Prince of Condé And therefore declare them and all their posterity deprived of all their Dominions Principalities Titles Places Jurisdictions Offices Goods Rights c. And that both they and their posterity are and shall hereafter be uncapable to succeed in or possess any of the premisses And we also absolve all Nobles Feudatories Vassals Subjects and all other people from their Oaths of Allegeance Fidelity and Duties they owe or promis'd to them And do hereby command and forbid all and every one that they in no wise obey the aforesaid Henries or any of their Laws or Commandments and those that do otherwise we excommunicate with the
Regni Galliae possit liberari solvi à sacramento Fidelitatis Obedientiae Henrico III. praestito II. An tuta conscientia possit idem populus armari unâ—ri pecunias collegere contribuere ad defensionâ—m conservationem Religionis Catholicae Romanae in hoc Regno adversus nefaria consilia conatus praedicti Regis quorumlibet aliorum illi adhaerentium contra publicae fidei violationem ab eo Blesis factam in praejudicium praedictae Religionis Catholicae Edicti sanctae Unionis naturalis libertatis convocationis trium Ordinum hujus Regni Super quibus Articulis audita omnium singulorum Magistrorum qui ad septuaginta convenerunt matura accurata libera deliberatione auditis multis variis rationibus quae magna ex parte tum ex Scripturis sacris tum Canonicis Sanctionibus decretis Pontificum in medium dissertissimis verbis prodita sunt CONCLUSUM est à Domino Decano ejusdem Facultatis nemine refragante hoc per modum Consilii ad liberandas Conscientias praedicti populi PRIMUM quod populus hujus regni solutus est liberatus à Sacramento Fidelitatis Obedientiae praedicto Henrico rei praestito DEINDE quod idem populus licite tuta conscientia armari uniri pecunias colligere contribuere potest ad defensionem conservationem Religionis Catholicae Apostolicae Romanae adversus nefaria consilia conatus praedicti Regis quorumlibet illi adhaerentium ex quo fidem publicam violavit in praejudicium Religionis Catholicae Edicti Sanctae Unionis Naturalis Libertatis convocationis trium Ordinum hujus Regni Quam Conclusionem insuper visum est eidem Parisiensi Facultati transmittendam esse ad S. D. N. Papam ut eadem Sanctae Sedis Apostolicae autoritate probare confirmare Ecclesiae Gallicanae gravissime laboranti opem auxilium praestare dignetur In the year MDLXXXIX the 7th day of January the most holy Faculty of Theology at Paris was conven'd at the College of Sorbone publick prayers of all the Orders of the said Faculty being said and the Mass of the Holy Ghost there celebrated to consult upon these following Articles as they are extracted from the Petition of the Citizens according to the desire of the Illustrious Persons the Prevost de Marchands the Eschevins the Consuls and the Catholick people of the famous City of Paris testified as well by their words as by Instrument and publish Act signed by their Register and seal'd with the common Seal of the City Whether the People of France may not be discharged and set free from the Oath of Allegeance and Obedience made to Henry III. Whether the said people may with a safe conscience arm and unite themselves collect and raise moneys for the defence and preservation of the Catholick Roman Religion in this Realm against the wicked counsels and practises of the said King and all other his Adherents and against the breach of Publick Faith committed by him at Bloys to the prejudice of the said Roman Religion and Edict of Holy Union and the Natural Liberty of the Assembly of the three Estates of this Kingdom Upon which Articles having been had a careful advised and free deliberation of all the Masters of that Faculty being then LXX in number as also being heard many and sundry Reasons most excellently produc'd and deliver'd not onely from Holy Scriptures but also from Canonical Sanctions and Papal Decrees 't is agreed and CONCLUDED on by Master Dean of the said Faculty not any gainsaying it and that by way of counsel or advice to deliver the consciences of the said people FIRST that the people of this I. Kingdom are discharged and freed from the Oath of Allegeance and Obedience made to Henry III. SECONDLY that the said people II. may legally and with a safe conscience arm and unite themselves collect and raise moneys for the defence of the Catholick Apostolick and Roman Religion against the wicked counsels and practises of the said King and all other his Adherents seeing he hath violated the publick Faith in prejudice of the Catholick Religion the Edict of the holy Union and the Natural Liberty of the Assembly of the three Estates of this Kingdom Moreover the said Faculty of Paris do think fit to have their said Decree or Conclusion to be sent to our most Holy Lord the Pope that he would vouchsafe to ratifie and confirm it by the Authority of the Holy Apostolical See and afford help and assistance to the French Church now in great stress and hazard And accordingly a Letter was drawn up and sent to the Pope which take as followeth being now very difficult to be met with and at Paris it self all Papers concerning these insolencies were taken from the Registers or off the Files at the re-entrance of Henry IV. into that City whereby many Villanies of this League were lost S. D. N. SIX TO PAPAE V. â—EATISSIME PATER quae spes nobis ante aliquot dies sâ—mma erat fore ut post tot procellos quibus annos pene jam triginta jactati sumus constitutam in Galliae Ecclesia pacem aliquando videremus atque de â—a renuntium BEATITUDINI vestrae laetum brevi offeremus eam vero crudeli atque immani fortissimi ac pientissimi Ducis Guisii atque illustrissimi Cardinalis ejus fratris caede acerbissimo luctu commutatam esse tanto gravius pertulimus quanto durius est in medio ardore belli ereptum eum nobis esse cui ut hoc reliquum nobis Religionis ac vitae est acceptum ferimus ita eo amissâ— ne haereticorum faucibus prostituatur merito formidamas Quae si tamen Divini Numinis constitutio fuit ut invictissimi Principis labores gloriosissima morte consumaret latens dudum sub Catholica professione impietatis virus tam chari capitis praetio aperiret ut omnipotentis Dei judicia in ea re taciti suspicimus ac veniam Petimus ita Sanctitatis vestra pedibus provoluti opem vestram per viscera misericordiae Jesu Christi imploramas ut dum rem qualiter paucis exponimus tuum auxilium quod decet etiam impetramus Non enim ut Interfectoris ars atque existimatio fingere perfecto scelere necesse habet transversum optimum Ducem ambitio egit qui quod in Regem toties nullo negotio potuit hoc unum peccasse fortasse merito à multis dictus est quod noluit Quem si non usque eo domus Dei ac publica salutis Zelus â—omedisset ut in certissima pericula toties inermis se dederit si non conscientiae puritas animi candor ejus à quo ad necem petebatur dolis opportunum â—ecisset cum ille quae de paratis sibi insidiis dicebatur toties intrepidus contemneret sic nimirum affectus ut optimi probissimi quique solent qui alios
conducting to Paris which was so far believed that many Ladies hired Windows in S. Denis street to see him pass by but they were convinced of the error when a little after they saw the said King take their very * 1 Novem. 1589. Suburbs of Paris So after the aforesaid battel of Yory the Leaguing Chieftains fearing lest the Parisians would mutiny at the sad news of it gave out many lies concerning it and at last perceiving all could not conceal the story to make the best of a bad market the Legat the Spanish Embassadour and the Archbishop of Lyons got the Priests to use their cunning in the Pulpits to deceive the people who as yet were not certain of the Defeat Amongst the rest Father Christino de Nizza from these words Those whom I love I rebuke and chasten seem'd to foretell them that God would prove the Faith and Constancy of the Parisians as he was wont to try the courage of his children for which he clapt together a great store of Examples out of Scripture and then making a shew as if Letters were just then delivered to him he shewed them to the people saying that he was very sorry that he had done the office of a Prophet and that God had been pleased by his mouth to advertise the People of Paris of that Temptation which was to fall upon them as now it troubled him to relate it and so told them that the Catholick Army had lately come off with the worst To all which he added such effectual prayers and exhortations that the people seem'd rathor heartned then diâ—couraged The same trick was used by Guilliaume Rose Bishop of Senlis Jean Boucher Prevost Feu-ardent Peletier with the other Preachers amongst the rest was Francisco Panigarola Bishop of Asti who came along with the Legat who though he preach'd in the Italian Tongue was continually follow'd by abundance of people being famous for his great eloquence And to these stories may be added the former zelous Widow Montpensier who said that truly the Duke had lost the battel but that the Bearnois was dead which by many was believed for some days which satisfied to restrain their first fears and so to gain some time to give orders and to send to raise new succours The Parlement at Rouen proceed desperately putting to death some prisoners they had because they were Servants to the King and then make an Act that all should be guilty of High Treason who joyned with the King of Navarre and did not side with their King Charles X. 10 April as they termed him However King Henry goeth on prosperously and with his Victorious Army layeth close siege to Paris it self which so cool'd the fury of those people that many of them began to stagger in their resolutions to prevent which the chief of the Citizens and Leaguers drew up these three following Quaeres I. If it should happen which God forbid that the most Christian King Charles X. should die or if whilest he is unjustly kept in prison he should yield up his right of the Kingdom to Henry de Bourbon Whether then the French be bound to or may with a safe conscience receive for their King the said Henry or any other Prince who favours Heresie although it were supposed that he were absolved from his crimes and censures considering the evident danger of his falshood of the destruction of Religion and the Kingdom II. Whether he may be said to be suspected of Heresie or a Favourer of it who procureth or permitteth a peace to be made with the said Henry when the said Party may hinder it III. Whether these things be of Divine Right and may be neglected by Catholicks without mortal sin and pain of damnation And on the contrary Whether it be meritorious to oppose with all ones endeavorus the said Henry And if the said Opposer be kill'd in this cause Whether he may not be call'd a Martyr With these Proposals they wait upon their Assembly of Divines at the Sorbone desiring their Resolutions and Determinations of them which take in their own words as followeth Anno Domini Millesimo quingentesimo nonagesimo ineunte 7 May. mense Maio c. Super quarum dubitationum determinatione Sacra Facultus per juramentum convocata soepiusque cum publice in Collegio Sorbonae post Missam de Spiritu Sancto tum privatim vocato selectorum Magistrorum coetu congregata matura deliberatione praehabita cunctisque capitibus serio sigillatim ac diligenter quoad fieri potuit examinatis discussis in hunc tandem modum censuit Jure Divino prohibentur Catholici Haereticum hominem aut fautorem Haeresios hostem Ecclesiae notorium multoque magis relapsum à sancta sede nominatim excommunicatum ad Regnum admittere Quod si ejusmodi quispiam absolutionem à criminibus censuris in foro exteriore impetraveri tamen subsit manifestum simulationis perfidiae eversionis Religionis Catholicae periculum is nihilominus eodem jure excludi debet Quicunque autem satagat ut is ad Regnum perveneat aut ei studet ac favet aut etiam ad Regnum promoveri permittit cum impedire possit ex officio debeat sacris Canonibus est injurius de Haeresi merito suspectus Religioni atque Ecclesiae perniciosus contra quem eo nomine agi potest debet cujuscunque gradus eminentiae sit Cum igitur Henricus Borbonius Haereticus fautor Haeresios hostes Ecclesiae notorius relapsus nominatim excommunicatus sit si forte absolutionem in foro exteriore impetraret manifestum appareat simulationis ac perfidiae eversionis Religionis periculum eum Christianissimi Regni aditu etiam absolutione obtenta quovis alio legitimo Haerede mortuo vel cedente Franci prohibere à pace cum eo facienda abhorrere tenentur qui ei favent Canonibus injurii de Haeresi suspecti Ecclesiae perniciosi ac ut tales â—erio seduloque coercendi ac puniendi sunt Ut autem qui dicto Henrico ad Regnum aspiranti favere suppetiasve quovis modo ferunt Religionis desertores sunt in continuo peccato mortali manent sic qui se illi quocunque possunt modo zelo Religionis opponunt plurimum apud Deum homines merentur ut illos Satanae regno stabiliendo pertinaces aeterna poena damnandos sic hos si ad sanguiuem usque resistant aeternum in proemium ut fidei propugnatores Martyrii palmam consecuturos judicare par est Conclusum nemine repugnante in tertia congregatione generali super ea re facta in majore Aula Collegii Sorbonae omnibus singulis magistris per juramentum vocatis septima die Maii MDXC In the year of our Lord God One thousand five hundred and ninety in May c. Upon the determination of which doubts the Sacred Faculty being called together by oath and many times
him Yet by these was the King brought so low that he borroweth aid from England Holland and the German Princes and Mayenne sendeth to desire the like from the Pope and King of Spain By this time Barnaby Brisson chief President of the Covenanting year 1591 Parliament at Paris for fome reason or other was more agreeable to the King then formerly and several in the City began to wish a Reconciliation with him The King himself knew that he had some friends in the City by whose assistance he had a design to surprize it by having several of his Captains disguised in Countrey habits pretending to carry Horse-loads of corn or meal into it by night the usual time so to steal in by reason of the Kings Forces scouring the ways and Countrey But this plot being discovered it fail'd and is yet call'd the * 20 Jan. Journee des farines Farinarum dies or Nox farinarum Day of Flour or Meal These caused the Parisians for the more strengthning themselves against any such like attempts to receive into their City Four thousand Spaniards to the displeasure of Mayenne who feared that Nation and Faction might in time be too strong for him there But he was very male-contented with the forwardness of the new Pope Gregory XIV who espoused the quarrel of the League with a great deal of earnestness sendeth Marsilio Landriano of Milan Nuncio into France with two * They may be seen at large in a Book calld de Christianissimi Regis pericuâ—â—s or de periculi Henrici IV. Printed 1591. Monitory Bulls I. One relating to the Clergie whom he interdicted if within 15 days they forsook not the obedience and part of the King And further if within 15 days more they departed not from him then to be deprived of their Livings Benefices and Functions II. The second concerned the Princes Nobility and the rest of the Laity wherein under great pains he also warned them to depart from the King whom he call'd Heretick Persecutor of the Church an Excommunicated Person and therefore depriv'd of all his Dominions and Possessions To these the Pope addeth Arms and Money sending his Nephew Hercole Sfondrato newly for Honours sake made by him Duke of Montemarciano with an Army which he will maintain with the moneys gathered up by Sixtus V. and kept in Castel St. Angelo and besides this he alloweth 15000 Crowns a moneth to the Leaguers The Royallists are greatly offended at these Papers and Proceedings Those of the Soverein Court for conveniency then sitting at Chaalons by Decree declare that the former Bulls and actings against Henry III. as also these against the present Henry IV. to be odious seditious false impostures contrary to all holy Decrees Canons Constitutions Councils the Rights and Liberties of the Gallican Church and so to be idle vain null and void and to be burnt by the hands of the Hangman Ordain also that Landriano calling himself Nuncio to be seiz'd on and suffer according to Law forbid any to entertain him declare that all Cardinals Prelates and other Ecclesiasticks who any way promote a Consent to these Bulls or approve of the late Murther of Henry III. shall be deprived of all their Benefices in this Kingdome and that none hereafter carry any money to Rome or procure any Benefices thence c. * Yet I have a Copy of it that year printed bearing date 29 Aug. 10 June 1599. The same in effect was decreed by the Parliament then sitting at Tours but with this addition prohibiting any upon pain of Nigh Treason to publish and obey any of the aforesaid Bulls And which was best of all * A declare declare Gregoire se disant Pape quatoriesme de ce nom ennemie de la pâ—ix de l'union de l'Eglise Catholique Apostolique Romaine du Roy de son Estat adheâ—ant a la Conjuration d'Espagne fauteur des Rebelles coulpable du tres cruel tres cruel tres inhumain tres detestabable parricide proditoiremenâ— commis en la personne de Henry III. Roy de tres henreuse memoire tres Christen tres Catholique Hath declared and doth declare Gregory calling himself Pope the XIV of that name an Enemy to the Peace to the Union of the Chatholick-Apostolick-Roman Church to the the King and his Estate a Partaker of the Spanish Conspiracy a favourer of Rebels guilty of the most cruel most inhumane and most detestable Parricide Trayterously committed on the Person of the most Christian King and most Catholick King Henry III. of most happy memory 5 August 1591. The same Language was used by the Parliament sitting at * 3 Aug. Caen on the contrary the Parliament at Paris thunder out their Decrees commanding the Nuncio and Monitory Bulls to be received and obeyed as proceeding from an Authentick Authority threatning severe punishments to all those who submit not to them And here having mentioned several Parliaments the common Reader may understand once for all that France had then and hath now several Seats of Parliament or rather Courts Judicature having command within their respective Precincts and instituted by several Kings as this following Scheme will shew Order Where Settled by Anno I. Paris Philippe IV. le Bel. 1302. II. Tholouse Charles VII 1443. III. Grenoble Charles VII 1453. IV. * Was constituted 1447 and so it was then tâ—e thâ—rd Parlâ—ment â—uâ— it lâ—st thâ—t â—ank and â—dâ—râ—â—y a rebelliâ—n Bourdeaux Louis XI 1462. V. Dijon Louis XI 1476. VI. Rouen Louis XII 1499. some say 1503. VII Aix Louis XII 1501. VIII Rennes Henry II. 1553. IX Pau said first to be instituted afterwards confirmed Louis XIII 1620. X. Mets Louis XIII 1633. I order and time these as they were made fixed or sedentary otherwise we might say that Parlements were had at Paris 577 at Tholouse 1302 and at Rouen 1443. In the time of this League Paris and Rouen being in the hands of the Covenanters King Henry III. removed the Sessions of those Parlements to Tours Caen c. whither accordingly as many of the Royal Members as could go went and sate acting for their Kings whilest those of the other persuasion staid and were as busie and zelous for the Leaguers But to return the Nuncio the Embassadours of Spain and Savoy the Lords of the House of Lorrain Nicolas de Pellevé then Archbishop of Sens and not of * Card. de Lenoncourt was now livâ—â—g and Archbishop of Rheims Rheims till the year after as †Pag. 1014. Davila mistakes with some others meet at Rheims where every man seeming for the League yet under that vizard to carry on their own designs and Interest their Consultations broke up without any determinations In the mean time spang up a third Party which had like to have foil'd both King and League Charles Cardinal of Bourbon who whilst the old Kingling Cardinal Bourbon lived was called Cardinal of Vendosm he seeing the Pope Spaniard and Covenanters and all
〈◊〉 Fâ—â—t â—â— them H buâ—lt them Câ—llâ—gâ—s â—lso at other 〈◊〉 Clermont and all others calling themselves of that Society shall as corrupters of youth disturbers of the common peace and enemies to the King and State within the space of three days after the publication of this present Decree depart out of Paris and other Towns and places where their Colleges are and fifteen days after out of the Kingdom upon pain wheresoever they shall be found the said term being expired to be punished as guilty of the foresaid crime of High Treason Also the goods as well moveable as unmoveable to them belonging shall be imployed to charitable uses and the distribution and disposing of them to lie as shall be ordain'd by the Court. Furthermore hereby are forbidden all the Kings Subjects to send any Scholars to the Colleges of the said Society which are out of the Kingdom there to be instructed upon the like pain and crime of High Treason c. Du TILLET 29 Decemb. 1594. This Decree against Chastel and the Jesuits was so ill resented at Rome that it was some years after there * 9 Nov. 1609. Index Expurg edit Alex. vii pag 205 condemned amongst other books which they look'd upon as Heretical in number of which was also the famous Thuanus And we are * Jan. de serres an 1609. told that Bellarmine was so nettled at the learned Bishop Andrews his Tortura Torti that he was the great stickler in procuring the former Ceusure Thus were the Jesuits who as Davila confesseth were the first Authors and continual Fomenters of the League banished the Kingdom though since they have been restored the Pyramide pull'd down and a Fountain erected 1604 in its stead As for the Pyramide Chastel the Decree against the Jesuits and the Kings Tooth one did thus endeavour to reconcile all Sire si vous voulez du tout a l'advenir De l'Assassin Chastel oster le souvenir Ostant la Pyramide l' Arrest qui la touche Qu' on vous remitte done une dent dans la bouche Sir if for th' future you will have forgot The murth'rous Chastel and the trait'rous Plot Th' Pillar and th' Decrees that th' Jesuits stain Destroy then let them tooth your mouth again And the King himself when told that Chastel was a Student amongst the Jesuits did give them this biting blow * Memoirâ— du Sully Tom. 1. p. 270. It seems then it is not enough that the mouths of so many good men have testified that the Jesuits were none of my friends if they be not also convinced of it by mine own mouth and bloud now shed The truth is upon Chastels * Mem. dâ— la Ligue vol. 6. Jes Cat. fol. 205 Davila p. 1332. confession more then once that he learned this King-killing Doctrine from the Jesuits their College of Clermont was searched by Order amongst which in the Study of Father Jean Guignard born at Chartres were several Writings found praising the murther of the late King persuading the killing of this c. of which take his own words That cruel * i. e. Hâ—nry III. Nero was slain by one Clement and that Counterfeit Monk was dispatch'd by the hands of a true Monk This Heroical act performed by James Clement is a gift of the Holy Spirit so termed by our Divines is worthily commended by the Prior of the Jacobins Burgoin a Confessor and Martyr The Crown of France may and ought to be transferred from the House of Bourbon unto some other And the * Henry IV. Bearnois although converted to the Catholick Faith shall be more mildly dealt withall then he deserves if rewarded with a shaven Crown he be shut up in some strict Covent there to do penance for the mischiefs which he hath brought upon the Realm of France and to thank God that he hath given him grace to acknowledge him before his death And if without Arms he cannot be depos'd let men take Arms against him and if by war it cannot be accomplished let him be Murthered This Guignard being tried confest the book to be of his composing is condemn'd and suffer'd yet have they pictur'd him amongst the Martyrs attributed Miracles to him though * Response al' Antâ—eotou c. 1. p. 32 33. Adrian Behotte a little more modest is unwilling to hear any more of him as if he were guilty By Order also was Jean Gueret another Jesuit Teacher of Philosophy and Confessor to Chastelet banished and his goods confiscated Chastel having learned Philosophy under him for two years and an half in which time he had heard such Principles of King-killing asserted And it cannot be denied but that the Jesuits College was bad enough in these Leaguing times At the first breaking out of Troubles they instituted at Paris a Brotherhood esteeming it a Congregation in honour of our Blessed Lady and it was commonly call'd The Congregation of the Chapelet because the Brethren of that Company were to carry a pair of Jes Cat. sol 198 199. Beads to say them over once a day Of this Fraternity the Zelots of the League had themselves enrolled as Mendoza the Spanish Embassadour the Sixteen and several others This Congregation was kept every Sunday in an upper Chapel on Saturdays they were confest on Sundays they received the Sacrament when Mass was done a Jesuit stept into the Pulpit exhorting them to be constant in the Cause This done the Common sort departed the Grandees staying behind to consult about the affairs of the League of which Council Father Odon Pigenat was a long time President being one very zealous and fiery In the School of this College one Alexander Haye a Scotchman was Regent of the first Form for three or four years of the Troubles being a furious Covenanter and a great Corrupter of the Youth He read to his Auditors Demosthenes his Invectives against Philip of Maeedon where by his Glosses he made good stuff against the King affirming it a commendable act to kill him by which blessed Deed the Actor could not fail of Paradice and be exempted from the pains of Purgatory Nay so zelous was he against the King that he openly protested that if the Bearnois should enter the City and pass by their College he would leap frâ—m the highest window thereof upon him thereby to break the said Henry's neck being firmly persuaded that this fall would also carry himself into Heaven That day that the King went first to St. Denis to hear 〈…〉 Haye understanding that certain of his Auditors had been 〈…〉 the Ceremony the next day he forbad them his Lectures as â—â—â—communicated persons forbidding them to enter his School till they had been absolved by some of the Jesuits from that horrid crime When the people began to talk of Peace with the King he commanded one of his Scholars to declame against it but the Orator seeming rather to be for Peace Haye storms at him makes him come down calling him Heretick
Venetians smiling to see on what little things some fond people would build a Submission or Conquest And it may be upon this Rumour or some such idle Report some Historians do say that they did receive Absolution But in this History I find most reason to rely upon the Credit of Father Paul One of the most famous Pen-Champions that the Venetians imploy'd in this Quarrel was the said learned and judicious Fryer of the Order of the Servi commonly known by the name of Father Paul of whom a word or two by the by He was born at Venice M. D. LII He naturally addicted himself to his book whereby when young he gain'd great Reputation so that William the famous Duke of Mantoua intertain'd him as his Chaplain in the year M. D. LXXIX he was created Provincial of his Order which he executed without partiality he went and lived some time at Rome where he got acquainted with the best his parts making him known to Pope and Cardinals as well as others Being return'd to Venice he followed his studies close and in all manner of learning was so excellent that all Strangers that went â—o Venice desired his acquaintance upon which he was foolishly accused by the Court of Rome as a Company-keeper with Hereticks At this time the Order of the Servi was in some trouble by reason of their Protector Cardinal Santa Severina who against all right or reason was resolved to make one Gabriel Collison General of the Order being thereto perswaded by his Briberies the whole Order opposed this and herein Father Paul was a little ingaged but carried himself with great discretion and moderation But at last Gabriel was made General and a seeming peace was made When the late Quarrel began between the Pope and the Venetians they chose Father Paul to be one of their chief Assistants who by his solid reasons staggerd the Papal Pretensions which so concern'd the Pope that he would have had the Father brib'd from his Duty to the Commonwealth but this failing other designs were set on foot Gaspar Schoppius a man well known for his railing and pernicious principles of Government freely told Father Paul that the Pope had long Hands and might reach him but wisht rather to have him alive at Rome and the Father was by several great Personages informed that Plots were laid against his Life but he trusting to his Innocency neglected his Security But this confidence might have cost him his Life for one Evening in the Street at Venice he was assaulted received two wounds in his Neck and one in his Face entring at his right ear and passing through the Jaw bone and out again betwixt his Nose and his Cheek and the Stelletto was left sticking in the Villain not having strength enough to pull it out The number of these Assassins were five who having a Gondola ready got presently to the House of the Pope's Nuncio then resident in Venice thence in a flat Boat with Ten Oars and well armed prepared for the purpose they departed that night towards Ravenna Being now in the Papal Territories they were secure and vapour'd of the Fact and were nobly received at every place at last they got to Rome where they were well also entertain'd with assignation of Entertainment And here they staid some time till the world cryed shame that such abominable Villains should be sheltred and entertain'd from Justice by his Holiness upon which the Pope was forced for Honour sake to order their departure out of the City yet had they some Allowance granted them but so small in respect of those Glories they expected that they became mal-content so that at last every one of them came to an evil end But to return to Father Paul he was had home to his Monastery the most famous Physicians and Chyrurgions in those parts imploy'd about him so that after some time he perfectly recovered to the joy of the whole Senat who by publick Proclamations took order for his future Security assigning him a Guard increase of Stipend with a House at St. Mark 's at the publick Charge But the Father desired to be excused from all such state cost and trouble resolved to continue in his Monastery amongst his Brethren of the Order The Senate perceiving this to be his earnest desire gratified him but caused some building to be added to his Chamber from whence by a little Gallery he might have the Commodity to take Boat the better to avoid Treachery in his returns sometimes by night from the publick Service Seeing the Senat had thus carefully provided for his security so that there was danger to use any more force some other designs were set on foot 1609. Fra. Antonio da viterbo who served as an Amanuensis to the Father was solicited to make him away with a Razor which he might conveniently do considering his intimacy and the great trust the Father put in him or if not this to poyson him Antonio refused to act this wickedness himself especially to such a good Friend and Patron but would afford his Assistance if others would be the Actors So at last it was concluded that he should take the Print in Wax of his Keys which he should deliver to another Fryar Giovar Francisco whom Fryar Bernardo the Favourite of Cardinal Borghese Nephew to the Pope had imploy'd about this thing by which means having Counterfeit Keys they might send in some Ruffians or Bravo's to murther the Father But some Letters of this Plot by chance being taken there was enough discovered to have Francisco and Antonio seised on Francisco was condemn'd to be hang'd but had his pardon by a full discovery of the whole design and delivering unto them all the Letters concerning this black Plot what great Personages were in this action is not known the Councel of Venice thinking it best to conceal them for the Honour of Religion To tell all the Attempts against him would be tedious these are enough and against him it was that the Court of Rome bent all their spight he being an Enemy to the prop of all their Greatness viz. their Usurpations and Authority over Temporal Princes and his Reasons obtain'd him the greater ill-will from that Bishop because they seem'd to be favour'd by other Potentates The Pope fearing that in time other Territories might follow the Example of the Venetians And when his Coercive Authority is once despised he will remain but a weak Governor within the narrow Limits of his Churches Patrimony which may render him incapable of preferring his Favourites abroad and the Interest thus gone the Splendor of his Seat will fail and the Glory of his idle and wasting Courtiers will be eaten up by the more thrifty Citizens Thus their Charity to themselves made them the more violent against the Fryar Paul though he acted nothing but what became the duty of a good Subject to his Prince and Country The Father hoped that the malice of his Enemies would vanish by degrees and
themselves about this Succession And seeing Experience had told them That their Clergy had a great awe and authority over the Laity so it was best then to have all their Clergy to be of the same mind and to prosecute the same Ends and they hoped that their Laity would not then be divided To which purpose they conclude of an Arch-Priest who should have a Jurisdiction over the rest who were to act according to his Rules and Instructions And in these Designs Father Parsons was a main Stickler and Contriver the Pope also had drawn up some Bulls and sent to his Nuncio in the Netherlands to divulge and spread them abroad at convenient time wherein he declared That not any though never so near in * Quantum cunque propinquitate sanguinis niterentur nisi ejusmodi essent qui fidem Catholicam non modo tolerarent sed omni ope ac studio promoverent more Majorum jurejurando se id praestituros susciperent c. Bull. Clement VIII blood should after Q. Elizabeths death be admitted to the Crown but such an one as would not only tolerate the Roman Religion but would swear to promote and resettle it and that in the mean time Cardinal Farnese might in this Island have the greater Vogue the Pope made him Protector of England as he was of other Countreys Nay rather than fail the same Pope had * 1597. D'Ossat Let. 87. formerly exhorted the French and Spaniard to unite invade England and divide it between them Nor did they neglect to instigate the Family of the Pools to have a right Yet for all these Attempts and other Endeavours of the Jesuits Winter Desmond and such like who plotted His Exclusion upon the death of the Virgin Queen Elizabeth he was proclaimed and received as the undoubted King James I. of England but of Scotland VI. However no sooner is he set in the Throne but an odd medley-Plot is agitated against him composed of such variety of Religions and Interests that it seemed to puzzel the World that such a wise man as Raleigh should be in it but that they knew Discontent would thrust a daring Spirit upon any thing to satisfie it self The main Ingredients of this Conspiracy were Henry Brook Lord Cobham seem'd to be Protestants George Brook his Brother Thomas Lord Gray of Wilton a Rank Puritan William Watson the Author of the Quodlibets where he rants dapperly against the Jesuits for their Treasons and Plots Romish Priests William Clark who had writ against Father Parsons for the same Crimes Sir Griffin Markham a Zealous Romanist Sir Walter Raleigh a States-man and Soldier and troubled with no more Religion than would serve his Interest and turn Count Arembergh Ambassador from the Arch-Duke of Austria Zealous Romanists Matthew de Lawrencie a Merchant but an Instrument employed by Arembergh And some other such like Their Designs were To set the Crown on the Lady Arabella or to seize on the King and make him grant their desires and a Pardon To have a Toleration of Religion To procure Aid and Assistance from Forreign Princes To turn out of the Court such as they disliked and place themselves in Offices Watson to be Lord Chancellor George Brook Lord Treasurer Sir Griffin Markham Secretary of State Lord Gray Master of the Horse and Earl-Marshal of England For more security Watson draweth up an Oath of Secrecy But all is discovered they are seiz'd on examined and tryed The two Priests plead James is not King because not then Crown'd But that excuse is declared idle most of them are found guilty and condemned Watson Clark and George Brook were executed the rest reprieved Gray dyed in the Tower the last of his Line Raleigh was beheaded 1618. the rest discharged of Imprisonment but dyed miserably poor Markham and some others abroad but Cobham as we are * Oshorn's Traditional Memoires of K. James p. 12 told in a Room ascended by a Ladder at a poor Womans House in the Minories formerly his Landress dyed rather of Hunger than a natural Disease I need not here speak how their * Respons ad Edictum Reg. § â—6 Card. Allen's Answer to the Execut. of Justice p. 185. Priests endeavoured to amuse the people with what Troubles there would be at the death of Elizabeth nor how to alienate the Crown they published to stir up many Titles and Pretenders divers Pamphlets as Lesley Heghington Creswell Crag a Scotch Jesuit but his Book was burnt and never printed And we are told That the Jesuits were entreated to * Is Casaubon Epist ad Front Ducaum assist in this Plot but they desired to be excused as having another Design in their thoughts which some think was meant of the Gun-powder-Treason And to all these Contrivances Father Parsons was no bad wisher OF this Parsons seeing he then made such a noise in the world and § 11. § is by those of his Order commended as one of the most holy men of his time whilst others though Romanists will look upon him no otherwise than the greatest Villain then living in the world I shall say something here the better to inform Posterity 'T is true the Industrious Dr. Thomas James almost LX. years ago undertook to write his Life and therein to set down nothing but what the Priests and Romanists themselves writ of him which accordingly he did but it containing more of Satyre than History I shall make little or no use of that Collection now so rarely to be met with for they were all bought up by the Jesuits themselves it is call'd THE JESVITS DOWNF ALL. Some Romanists have boldly asserted Parsons to have been a Bastard begotten by the Parson of the Town Stockgursee in Somersetshire and therefore call'd Parsons though they say his right name was * Or Cubhuck A. P. A Reply to a Libel call'd A brief Apol. p. 324. Cowback and this hath been in a manner generally believed But to do him what right I can I shall not be unwilling to allow here some mistakes as to the place and though upon enquiry I am informed that those Parish-Records are now lost whereby I cannot satisfie my self as well as Manifestation of folly f. 89 I would yet I shall in part be guided herein by himself and other Enquiries He was born at Nether-Stowey in Somersetshire a Vicarage in the year 1546. His Father a Blacksmith was once an Enemy to Rome but was as they say reconciled to that Church by Alexander Briant who was executed and his Mother dyed at London in the same perswasion They had XI Children this Father Parsons being the middlemost He was Dr. Sutclyf's Blessing on Mount Gerizzin p. 220 288. instructed in the Latin Tongue by John Hayward or Haywood once a Monk or Canon-Regular of the Abbey of Torr who came out of Devonshire to be Vicar of Stowey he was held a notable Twinger and suspected as kind enough with Parsons Mother lying at her House Thus fitted
the Dominican discovered whereby the Fellow was taken and executed A Gentleman of Normandy in * Jean Bodin de la Republique l. 2. c. 5. p. 387. Confession told a Franciscan That he formerly had a design to kill Francois I. of France for which he was now sorry yet did the Confessor divulge this and the Norman was executed And one Radulphus having designed to murther Pope Innocent IV. he in * Mat. Paris An. 1247. p. 724. Confession told it to a Priest who informed the Pope of it and we need not doubt but that the Pope liked it well enough Nor do we hear that any of these Priests were punish'd or check'd for their Revealings and * Papae fiducialiter intimavit Matthew Paris doth rather commend the latter intimating as if he were bound to do it or did the part of an honest man in discovering it But we need trouble our selves no more about this matter seeing 't is impossible that all the cunning or wit of the whole Order of the Jesuits can quit Father Garnet from having been a Traytor against his Soveraign or Countrey Having of old been a great stickler to procure Troubles in this Kingdom Having been very active in the Invasion of Eighty-Eight Receiving Bulls from Rome to dispose of the Crown against the Laws of the Land Very earnest to hinder King James right Heir to the Crown to obtain it One of the Grand Agitators in this Powder-Treason to destroy the King and Kingdom he himself at last confessing it That Catesby had told him of the Plot not by way of Confession That Greenwell had told him of this not as a Fault for how could they do so that approved of it as Meritorious but as a thing which he had Intelligence of and told it him by way of Consultation That Catesby and Greenwell came together to him to be resolved That Tesmond and he had Conference of the particulars of the Powder-Treason in Essex That Greenwell asked him Who should be Protector Garnet said That was to be referred till the Blow was past That he confest That he ought to have revealed it to the King That nothing deterred him from the discovery so much as his unwillingness to betray Catesby That he had greatly sinn'd against God the King and the Kingdom in not revealing it of whom he heartily begg'd pardon and forgiveness And that the Sentence of Judgment and Death was justly past on him Yet will they tell great things of his Holiness and Saintship which may sufficiently be confuted without any great trouble if we do but consider the Bloodiness and Sodomy of his youth the Seditions and Treasons of his after-years with his proneness to Perjury and Lying all which are no signs of Holiness To which might be added his noted familiarity even in his later days with Mrs. Ann Vaux who seldom Vid Bishop Abbot's Antilog cap. 9. fol. 135. parted from his side which occasioned some who knew not that he was in Orders to think that he was married to her Certain it is that sometimes she went under the Name of Anne Garnet and in her Letters writ to him even when in Prison for this last Treason she still subscribed her self Yours and not mine own A. G. And we have it from good Authority that Robert Winter of Hoodington in Warwickshire one of the Traytors did freely and openly testifie That the said Garnet did lye with her in Mr. Abington's House at Henlip in Worcester-shire And yet rather than fail in his Sanctity they can invent a pretty Miracle to witness it As how one John Wilkinson earnestly desiring to be a Spectator of Garnet's Martyrdom not doubting but that God would shew some Miracle or other to demonstrate he Father's Innocency Accordingly he went to the place of Execution Saint Paul's Church-yard setled himself as conveniently as he could staid till all was done got nothing but an ear of Corn tainted with a little of Garnet's blood belonging to the Straw of the Hurdle or Scaffold This he carrieth with him as an holy Relique and after some time Garnet's Face miraculously appeareth as painted on it a Crown on his Head and a Starr and a Cross on the Forehead with a Cherubim hanging over his Chin and Beams about all In short the truth of the story was thus Wilkinson a zealous Romanist and affected to the Jesuits might get a piece of a Straw tainted with Garnet's Blood a Straw or Ear of Corn with some Blood on it he carrieth to the Wife of Hugh Griffith a Traytor and Romanist by Profession This she puts into a Crystal Case and we need not doubt but that it was look'd upon with a great deal of Devotion but as yet nothing of a Face could be seen by any eye At last about the Eighteenth day of September 1606 viz. above six Months after Garnet was executed some of the zealous Romanists looking upon it saw that which they call'd the Face of a man Thus is a Miracle found out and Wilkinson hastes beyond Seas to the Jesuits at St. Omers telling them what a pretty wonder he had discovered for the honour of their Society into which he was presently enter'd But here we may observe that they confess that Wilkinson came from the said St. Omers into England a little before Garnet's Execution and it may be sent upon the cheat Again how cometh the Wonder to be above Four Months or about Nineteen Weeks in doing Or Might it not be done by Art since Francis Bowen to whom it was shewn by Garnet's Friend Mrs. Ann Vaux who had some skill in Painting confest an Artist might make one neater and presently upon the place for a trial one of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury's Gentlemen whose Profession was not Painting drew one which Bowen confest was like that of the Straw but a little better proportion'd and Practise daily teacheth us that Faces may be done in a less Compass As for the thing it self 't was only a few Lines drawn like a Face upon the outward Husk of a Grain of Wheat but without any such Beams or Glories about it as the Jesuits would make simple people believe nor any more like Garnet as Hugh Griffith the Taylor himself confest than any other man that had a Beard They tell us that St. Luke was an excellent Painter and drew * Pet. de Natalibus l. 9. c. 79 several Pictures of the B. Virgin Mary one of which 't is said Pope Gregory the Great * Nonius c. 61 Jo. Eus Nieremb de Mirac l. 1. c. 39. carried in his hand in the Procession he made about Rome to stop the Plague then raging there which very Picture he sent to St. Leander Bishop of Sevil in Spain which is yet kept to work wonders in the Monastery of Santa Mariae or Nuestra Sennora at Guadalupa in Estremadura Yet every Boy at Rome will tell us that this Picture is in a little Chappel built on purpose for it on late