all that possibly we could to hinder them from it and to make good that we had so bravely begun which the enemies perceiving as their last refuge they gave fire to a great Piece of Ordnance which charged with stones and other shot killed six of ours whereof the principal was Diego vas Coutinho the Generals son besides a dozen others were hurt that put us quite in disorder Whereupon the Enemies finding how they had spoiled us fell to shouting in sign of Victory and to rendring of thanks to their Mahomet at the naming of this their false Prophet whom they invoked our General the better to encourage his Soldiers Fellows in arms said he seeing these Dogs call upon the Devil to ayd them let us pray unto our Saviour Iesus Christ to assist us This said we once more assaulted the Trench which the Enemies no sooner perceived but they craftâ—y turned their backs and took their flight towards the Galley but they were instantly followed by some of ours who within a while made themselves Masters of all their Trenches in the mean time the Infidelâ— gave fire to a secret myne which they had made a little within their Trenches and blew up six of our Portugals and eight Slaves maiming many others besides Now the smoak was such and so thick as we could hardly discern one another in regard whereof our General fearing least some greater loss then the former should befall him retreated to the water side carrying along with him both the dead bodies and all the hurt men and so went where his Foists lay into the which every one being imbarqued we returned with strength of rowing to the place from whence we came where with extream sorrow he caused the slain to be interred and all that were hurt to be drest which were a very great number The same day that was so fatal to us a list being taken of all the surviving Soldiers that so it might be known how many had been lost in the lâ—st fight upon assaulting of the Trench we found that of fourscore which we were there was fifteen slain fifty four hurt and nine quite maimed for ever The rest of the day and the night following we kept very good watch to avoyd all surprizes of the Enemy As soon as the next morning appeared there came an Embassador from the Queen of Onor to the General Gonçallo with a Present of Hens Chickens and new layd Eggs for the relief of our sick men Now though we had great need of those things yet in stead of receiving our General utterly refused them and shewing himself very much displeased with the Queen he could not forbear lashing out some words that were a little more harsher then was requisite saying that the Vice-roy should ere long be advertised of the bad Offices she had rendred the King of Portugal and how much he was obliged to pay her that debt when occasion should serve Further he bid him tell her that for an assurance of that which he said he had left his son dead and buried in her Land together with the other Portugals who had been miserably slaughtered through her practises by assisting the Turks against them and in a word that he would thank her more fully another time for the Present she had sent the better to dissemble what she had executed against him for which he would one day return her a recompence according to her merit The Embassador very much terrified with this speech departed and being come to the Queen his Mistress he so throughly represented Gonçallo's answer unto her as she greatly doubted that this Galley would be an occasion of the loss of her Kingdom wherefore to decline so great a mischief she thought it necessary to seek by all means possible to maintain the League with our General to which end she assembled her Councel by whose advice she dispatched another Embassador unto him who was a Brachman a grave and reverent personage and her nearest kinsman At his arrival where our Foists lay our General gave him very good entertainment and after the ordinary ceremonies and complements the Brachman having demanded permission to deliver his Embassage Signior said he to our Governor if you will give me audience I will declare the cause of my coming hither from the Queen of Onor my Mistress Hereunto Gonçallo replyed That Embassadors had always assurance for their persons and permission freely to deliver the particulars of their Embassy so that he might boldly say what he would The Brachman having thanked him Verily continued he I am not able to express unto you how sensible the Queen my Mistress is of the death of your son and of those other Portugals that were yesterday slain in the fight And without lying I swear unto you by her life and by this string of a Brachman that I wear the mark of my Priestly dignity and only proper to those which are of that profession wherein I have been exercised from my youth that she was so exceedingly afflicted at the notice of your disaster and the unluckie success of your conflict as she could not have been more vexed if she had been made to eat Cows flesh which is the greatest sin committed amongst us at the principal gate of the Temple where her father is interred Whereby you may judg Signior what a share she bears of your sorrow But since there is no remedy for things done she desireth and very instantly beseecheth you to confirm the Peace unto her anew which other Governers have always granted her heretofore Whereunto she the rather intreats you because she knows of what power you are with the Vice-roy Now that confirmed unto her she assures you and faithfully promiseth within four days to burn the Galley that hath put you to so much pain and turn the Turks out of the limits of her Kingdom which is all that she can do and which you may be most confident she will not fail to execute accordingly Our General knowing of what importance this affair was presently accepted of the Brachmans offer and told him that he was contented that the League should be renewed betwixt them according whereunto it was instantly published on either part with all the ceremonies accustomed in such cases Thereupon the Brachman returned to the Queen who afterwards labored all she could to make good her word But because Gonçallo could not stay the four days which she had demanded in regard of the extream danger he should thereby have exposed our hurt men unto he resolved to be gone and so the same day after dinner we departed Howbeit he first left one namâ—d Georgio Neogueyra there with express order exactly to observe all that was done concerning that affair and thereof to give certain intelligence to the Vice-roy as the Queen her self had requested CHAP. VI. What passed till such time as Pedro de Faria arrived at Malaca his receiving an Embassador from the King of Batas with his sending me to that King
are comparable unto it how famous or populous soever they be Nay I will say further that one must not think it to be like to Grand Cairo in Egypt Tauris in Persia Amadaba in Cambaya Bisnagar in Narsingua Goura in Bengala Ava in Chaleu Timplan in Calaminhan Martaban and Bagou in Pegu Guimpel and Tinlau in Siammon Odia in the Kingdom of Sornau Passarvan and Dema in the Island of Iaoa Pangor in the Country of the Lequiens Vsangea in the Grand Cauchin Lancama in Tartaria and Meaco in Iappun all which Cities are the Capitals of many great Kingdoms for I dare well affirm that all those same are not to be compared to the least part of the wonderful City of Pequin much less to the greatness and magnificence of that which is most excellent in it whereby I understand her stately buildings her inward riches her excessive abundance of all that is necessary for the entertaining of life also the world of people the infinite number of Barques and Vessels that are there the Commerce the Courts of Justice the Government and the State of the Tutons Chaems Anchacys Aytaos Puchancys and Bracanons who rule whole Kingdoms and very spacious Provinces with great pentions and are ordinarily resident in this City or others for them when as by the Kings command they are sent about affairs of consequence But setting these things aside whereof yet I intend to speak more amply when time shall serve I say that this City according to that which is written of it both in the Aquesendoo before mentioned and all the Chronicles of the Kingdom of China is thirty leagues in circuit not comprehending therein the buildings of the other inclosure that is without it and is invironed with a double wall made of good strong free-stone having three hundred and threescore gates each of which hath a small Forâ— composed of two high towers with its ditches and draw-bridges and at every gate is a Register four Porters with halberds in their hands who are bound to give account of all that goes in and out These gates by the Ordinance of the Tuton are divided according to the three hundred and threescore dayes of the year so that every day in his turn hath the feast of the invocation of the Idol whereof each gate bears the name celebrated with much solemnity This great City hath also within that large inclosure of her walls as the Chineses assured us three thousand and three hundred Pagodes or Temples wherein are continually sacrificed a great number of birds and wild beasts which they hold to be more agreeable unto God then such as are kept tame in houses whereof their Priests render divers reasons to the people therewith perswading them to believe so great an abuse for an article of faith The structures of these Pagodes whereof I speak are very sumptuous especially those of the orders of the Menegrepos Conquiays and Talagrepos who are the Priests of the four Sects of Xaca Amida Gizom and Canom which surpass in antipuity the other two and thirty of that Labyrinth of the Divel who appears to them many times in divers forms for to make them give more credit to his impostures and lies The principal streets of this City are all very long and broad with fair houses of two or three stories high and inclosed at both ends with ballisters of iron and lattin the entrance into them is through lanes that cross these great streets at the ends whereof are great arches with strong gates which are shut in the night and on the top of the arches there are watch-bels Each of these streets hath its Captain and officers who walk the round in their turns and are bound every ten dayes to make report into the Town-house of all that passeth in their quarters to the end that the Punchacys or Chaems of the Government may take such order therein as reason requires Moreover this great City if credit may be given to that which the said book so often before mentioned by me records hath an hundred and twenty Canals made by the Kings and people in former times which are three fathom deep and twelve broad crossing through the whole length and bredth of the City by the means of a great number of bridges built upon arches of strong free-stone at the end whereof there are pillars with chains that reach from the one to the other and resting places for passengers to repose themselves in It is said that the bridges of these hundred twenty Canals or Aqueducts are in number eighteen hundred and that if one of them is fair and rich the other is yet more as well for the fashion as for the rest of the workmanship thereof The said Book affirms That in this City there are sixscore Piatzues or publique places in each of the which is a Fair kept every month Now during the two months time that we were at liberty in this City we saw eleven or twelve of these Fairs where were an infinite company of people both on hors-back and on foot that out of boxes hanging about their necks sold all things that well neer can be named as the Haberdashers of small wares do amongst us besides the ordinary shops of rich Merchants which were ranged very orderly in the particular streets where was to be seen a world of silk stuffs tinsels cloth of gold linnen and cotton-cloth sables ermyns musk aloes fine pourcelain gold and silver plate pearl seed pearl gold in powder and lingots and such other things of value whereat we nine Portugals were exceedingly astonished But if I should speak in particular of all the other commodities that were to be sold there as of iron steel lead copper tin latin corral cornalin crystal quicksilver vermillion ivory cloves nutmegs mace ginger tamarinds cinnamon pepper cardamone borax hony wax sanders sugar conserves acates fruit meal rice flesh venison fish pulse and herbs there was such abundance of them as it is scarce possible to express it in words The Chineses also assured us that this City hath an hundred and threescore Butchers shambles and in each of them an hundred stalls full of all kinds of flesh that the earth produceth for that these people feed on all as Veal Mutton Pork Goat the flesh of Horses Buffles Rhinocerets Tygers Lions Dogs Mules Asses Otters Shamois Bodgers and finally of all other beasts whatsoever Furthermore besides the weights which are particularly in every shambles there is not a gate in the City that hath not its scales wherein the meat is weighed again for to see if they have their due weight that have bought it to the end that by this means the people may not be deceived Besides those ordinary Shambles there is not scarce a street but hath five or six Butchers shops in it where the choicest meat is sold there are withall many Taverns where excellent fare is alwayes to be had and cellers full of gammons of bacon dried tongues poudered geese and other
report that a certain King great Grandfather to him that then raigned in China named Chausi-Zarao Panagor very much beloved of his people for his good disposition and vertues having lost his sight by an accident of sickness resolved to do some pious work that might be acceptable to God to which effect he assembled his Estates where he ordained that for the relief of the poor there should be Granaries established in all the Towns of his Kingdom for wheat and rice that in the time of dearth which many times happened the people might have wherewithall to nourish themselves that year and to that purpose he gave the tenth part of the Duties of his Kingdom by a Grant under his hand which when he came to signe accordingly with a golden stamp that he ordinarily used because he was blind it pleased God to restore him perfectly to his sight again which he enjoyed still as long as he lived By this example if it were true it seemed that our Lord Jesus Christ would demonstrate how acceptable the charity that good men exercise towards the poor is to him even though they be Gentiles and without the knowledge of the true Religion Ever since there have been always a great many of Granaries in this Monarchy and that to the number of an hundred and fourteen thousand As for the order which the Magistrates observe in furnishing them continually with corn is such as followeth A little before reaping time all the old corn is distributed â—orth to the inhabitants as it were by way of love and that for the term of two months after this time is expired they unto whom the old corn was lent return in as much new and withall six in the hundred over and above for waste to the end that this store may never fail But when it falls out to be a dear year in that case the corn is distributed to the people without taking any gain or interest for it and that which is given to the poorer sort who are not able to repay what hath been lent to them is made good out of the Rents which the Countries pay to the King as an alms bestowed on them by his special grace Touching the Kings Revenues which are paid in silver Picos they are divided into three parts whereof the first is for the maintenance of the King and his State the second for the defence of the Provinces as also for the provisions of Magazines and Armies and the third to be laid up and reserved in a Treasury that is in this City of Pequin which the King himself may not touch unless it be upon occasion for defence of the Kingdom and to oppose the Tartars Cauchins and other Neighbouring Princes who many times make grievous war upon him This Treasure is by them called Chidampur that is to say The wall of the Kingdom for they say that by means of this treasure being well imployed and carefully managed the King needs lay no impositions upon the people so that they shall not be any ways vexed and oppressed as it happens in other Kingdoms for want of this providence Now by this that I have related one may see how in all the great Monarchy the Government is so excellent the Laws so exactly observed and every one so ready and careful to put the Princes Ordinances in execution that Father Navier having well noted it was wont to say that if ever God would grant him the grace to return into Portugal he would become a Suter to the King for to peruse over the rules and ordinances of those people and the manner how they govern both in time of war and peace adding withall that he did not think the Romans ever ruled so wisely in all the time of their greatest prosperity and that in matter of policy the Chineses surpassed all other Nations of whom the Ancients have written CHAP. XXXVII The great number of Officers and other people which are in the King of China's Pallace with our going to Quincay to accomplish the time of our Exile and what befell us there OUt of the fear I am in left coming to relate in particular all those things which we saw within the large inclosure of this City of Pequin they that shall chance to read them may call them in question and not to give occasion also unto detractors who judging of things according to the little world they have seen may hold those truths for fables which mine own eyes have beheld I will forbear the delivery of many matters that possibly might bring much contentment to more worthy spirits who not judging of the riches and prosperity of other Countres by the poverty and misery of their own would be well pleased with the relation thereof Howbeit on the other side I have no great cause to blame those who shall not give credit to that which I say or make any doubt of it because I must acknowledge that many times when I call to mind the things that mine eyes have seen I remain confounded therewith whither it be the Grandeurs of this City of Pequin or the magnificence wherewith this Gentile King is served or the pomp of the Chaems and Anchacys of the Government or the dread and awe wherein all men are of these Ministers or the sumptuousness of their Temples and Pagodes together with all the rest that may be there for within the only inclosure of the Kings Pallace there are above a thousand Eunuchs three thousand women and 12 thousand men of his Guard unto whom the King gives great entertainment and pentions also twelve Tutons dignities that are Soveraign above all others whom as I have already declared the vulgar call The beams of the Sun Under these twelve Tutons there are forty Chaems or Vice-roys besides many other inferiour dignities as Judges Majors Governours Treasurers Admirals and Generals which they term Anchacys Aytaos Ponchacy Lauteas and Chumbims whereof there are above five hundred always residing at the Court each of them having at the least two hundred men in his train which for the most part to strike the greater terror are of divers Nations namely Megores Persians Curazens Moems Calaminhams Tartars Cauchins and some Braamas of Chaleu and Tanguu for in regard of valour they make no account of the Natives who are of a weak and effeminate complection though otherwise I must confess they are exceeding able and ingenious in whatsoever concerneth Mechanick Trades Tillage and Husbandâ—y they have withall a great vivacity of spirit and are exceeding proper and apt for the inventing of very subtle industrious things The women are fair and chaste and more inclined to labour then the men The Country is fertile in victual and so rich aboundâ—ng in all kind of good things as I cannot sufficiently express it such is their blindness as they attribute all those blessings to the only merit of their King and not to the Divine Providence and to the goodness of that Soveraign Lord who
lost in the Gallion where Manael de Souzad Sepulveda also perished A little further to the Northward of this Island of Lequio there is a great Archipelago of small Islands from whence is drawn a great quantity of silver which in my opinion by what I gathered out of a petition which Ray Lopez de Vilhalobos General of the Castillians presented to Iorge de Castro at that time Captain of Ternate should be those whereof the Inhabitants had some knowledge and which they called the Islands of Silver and yet I cannot see with what reason that may be because both by what I have observed and read as well in the writings of Ptolomie as other Geographers not any one of them hath pierced into the Kingdom of Siam and the Island of Sumatra only our Cosmographers since the time of Alphonso d' Albuquerque have passed a little further and treated of the Selebres Pasuaas Mindanaus Champas as also of China and Iapon but not of the Lequios or other Archipelagoes which are to be discovered within the vast extent of that Sea From this brief relation which I have made of the Island of Lequios may be inferred both out of what I have heard and â—een that with two thousand men only this Island might be taken together with all the rest of these Archipelagoes whence more profit might be drawn then from the Indiaes and they might be conserved with less charge as well in regard of men as otherwise for we spake there with Merchants who assured us that the sole Revenue of three Custom houses and of the Island of Lequios amounted unto one million and an half of gold not comprising therein either the Mass of the whole Kingdom or the Mynes of Silver Copper Iron Steel Lead and Tin which are of a far greater revenue then the Customs I will not speak further of other particularities of this Island which I might here insert for that I hold this sufficient to awaken the courages of the Portugals and incite them to an Enterprise of so much service for our King and profit for themselves CHAP. XLIX My sayling from Liampoo to Malaca from whence the Captain of the Fortress sent me to the Chaubainhaa at Martabano and all that befâ—l us in our voyage thither BEing arrived at Liampoo we were very well received by the Portugals that lived there From whence within a while after I imbarqued my self in the Ship of a Portugal named Tristano de Gaa for to return unto Malaca with an intention once more to try my fortune which had so often been contrary to me as may appear by that which I have delivered before This Ship being safely arrived at Malaca I went presently unto Pedro de Faria Governour of the Fortress who desiring to benefit me somewhat before the time of his Government was expired he caused me to undertake the voyage of Martaban which was usually very profitable and that in the Junck of a Mahumetan named Necoda Mamude who had wife and children at Malaca Now the principal designe of this voyage was to conclude a peace with the Chaubainhaa King of Martabano as also to continue the commerce of those of that Country with us because their Juncks did greatly serve for the provâ—sions of our Fortress which at that time was unfurnished thereof by reason of the success of the Wars of Iaoa Besides I had a designe in this my voyage of no less consequence then the resâ— which was to get one called Lancarote Guâ—rreyro to come thither who was then on the Coast of Tanaucarim with an hundred men in four Foists under the name of a Rebel or Mutiner I was to require him to come to the succour of the Fortress in regard it was held for certain that the King of Achem was suddainly to fall upon it so that Pedro de Faria seeing himselfe destitute of all that was necessary for him to sustain a Siege and of men likewise found it fit to make use of these hundred men the rather for that they were nearest and so might be the sooner with him In the third place he sent me upon another important occasion namely to give advice to the Ships of Bengala that they should come all carefully in consort together left their negligence in their Navigation should be the cause of some distaster This voyage then I undertook very unwillingly and parted from Malaca upon a Wednesday the ninth day of Ianuary in the year one thousand five hundred forty and five being under Sail I continued my course with a good wind to Pullo Pracelar where the Pilot was a little retarded by means of the Shelves which cross all that Channel of the firm Land even unto the Island of Sumetra When we were got forth with much labour we passed on to the Islands of Pullo Sambillam where I put my self into a Manchua which I had very well equipped and sayling in it the space of twelve days I observed according to the order Pedro de Faria had given me for it all the Coast of that Country of Malaya which unto Iuncalan contains an hundred and thirty leagues entring by all the Rivers of Bartuhaas Salangor Panaagim Quedâ—m Parles Pendan and Sambilan Siam without so much as hearing any news at all of his enemies in any of them So continuing the same course nine days more being the three and twentieth of our voyage we went and cast anchor at a little Island called Pisandurâ—a where the Necoda the Mahometan Captain of the Junck was of necessity to make a cable and furnish himself with wood and water With this resolution going on shore every man applyed himself so the labour he was appointed unto and therein spent most part of the day Now whilest they were thus at work the Son of this Mahometan Captain came and asked me whither I would go with him and see if we could kill a Stag whereof there was great plenty in that Island I answered him that I would accompany him with all my heart so that having taken my Harquebuse I went along with him athwart the wood where we had not walked above an hundred spaces but that we espied a many of wild boars that were rooting in the earth near to a pond Having discovered this game we got as near to them as we could and discharging amongst them we carried two of them to the ground Being very glad of this good success we presently gave a great shout and ran straight to the place we had seen them rooting But so dreadful to behold in this place we found above a dozen bodies of men digged out of the earth and some nine or ten others half eaten Bâ—ing much amazed at this object we withdrew a little aside by reason of the great stanch which proceeded from these dead bodies Hereupon the Sarrazin told me that he thought we should do well to advertise his father of this to the end we might instantly surround this Island all about for to see whether
his men amongst the which were threescore and two Portugals Now whereas this City was very strong as well in regard of the scituation of it as of the Fortifications which were newly made there it had besides within it twenty thousand Mons who it was said were come thither some five days before from the Mountains of Pondalâ—u where the King of Avaa by the permission of the Siamon Emperor of that Monarchy was levying above fourscore thousand men for to go and regain the City of Prom for as soon as that King had received certain news of the death of his daughter and son-in-law perceiving that he was not strong enough of himself to revenge the wrongs this Tyrant had done him or to secure himself from those which he feared to receive of him in time to come namely the depriving him of his Kingdom as he was threatened he went in person with his wife and children and cast himself at the Siamons feet and acquainting him with the great affronts he had received and what his desire was he made himself his Tributary at threescore thousand Bisses by the year which amount to an hundred thousand Duckets of our mony and a gueta of Rubies being a measure like to our pynt therewith to make a jewel for his wife of which Tribute it was said that he advanced the payment for ten years beforehand besides many other precious stones and very rich Plate which he presented him with estimated in all at two millions in recompence whereof the Siamon obliged himself to take him into his protection yea and to march into the field for him as often as need should require and to re-establish him within a year in the Kingdom of Prom so as for that effect he granted him those thirty thousand men of succor which the Bramaa defeated at Meleytay as also the twenty thousand that were then in the City and the fourscore thousand which were to come to him over whom the said King of Avaa was to be the General The Tyrant having intelligence thereof and apprehending that this above all other things he could fear might be the cause of his ruine he gave present order for the fortifying of Prom with much more care and diligence then formerly howbeit before his departure from this River where he lay at anchor being about some leâ—gue from the City of Avaa he sent his Treasurer named Dioçory with whom we eight Portugals as I have related before remained prisoners Embassador to the Calaminhan a Prince of mighty power who is seated in the midst of this region in a great and spacious extent of Country and of whom I shall say something when I come to speak of him The subject of this Embassage was to make him his Brother in Arms by a League and Contract of new amity offering for that effect to give him a certain quantity of Gold and precious stones as also to render unto him certain Frontier Lands of his Kingdom upon condition that the Spring following he should keep the Siamon in war for to divert him from succoring the King of Avaa and thereby give him means the more easily to take his City from him without fear of that assistance which that King hoped should serve for an obstacle to his design This Embassador departed then after he had imbarqued himself in a Laulea that was attended on by twelve Seroos wherein there were three hundred men of service and his guard besides the Watermen and Mariners whose number was little less The Presents which he carryed to the Calaminhan were very great and consisted in divers rich pieces as well of Gold as of precious stones but above all in the Harness of an Elephant which according to reports was worth above six hundred thousand Duckets and it was thought that all the Presents put together amounted to a Million of Gold At his departure amongst other favors which the King his Master conferred on him this same was not the least for us that he gave us eight unto him for to be his perpetual slaves Having clothed us then very well and furnished us abundantly with all things necessary he seemed to be exceedingly contented with having us along with him in this Voyage and ever after he made more account of us then of all the rest that followed him CHAP. LV. Our going with the King of Bâ—amâ—a's Ambassadour to the Calaminham with the Course which we held until we arrived at the Temple or Pagod of Timagoogoo and a Description thereof IT seems fit unto me and conformable to that which I am relaâ—ing to leave for a while this Tyrant of Bramaa to whom I will return again when time shal serve for to intreat here of the way we held for to go into Timplan the capital City of the Empire of the Calaminham which signifies Lord of the world for in their language Cala is Lord and Minhan the world This Prince also entitles himself The absoluâ—e Lord of the indomptable force of the Elephants of the Earth And indeed I do not think that in all the world there is a greater Lord then he as I shall declare hereafter This Ambassadour then departing from Avaa in the month of October a thousand five hundred forty and five took his course up the râ—ver of Queitor steering West South-East and in many places Eastward by reason of the winding of the water and so in this diversity of â—hombâ—s we continued our voyage seven days together at the end whereof we arrived at a Channâ—l called Guampanoo through which the Rhobamo who was our Pilot took his course that he might decline the Siamons Country being so commanded to do by the express Order of the King A while after we came to a great Town named Gataldy where the Ambassadour stayed three days to make provision of certain things necessary for his voyage Having left this place we wâ—nt on still rowing up through his Channel eleven dayes longer during which time we met not with any place that was remarkable only we saw some small villages the houses whereof were covered with thatch and peopled with very poor folks and yet for all that the fields are full of Cattel which seemed to have no Master for we killed twenty and thirty of them in a day in the sight of those of the Country no man so much as finding fault with it but contrarily they brought them in courtesie to us as if they were glad to see us kill them in that sort At our going out of this Channel of Guampanoo we entred into a very great river called Angegumaa that was above three Leagues broad and in some places six and twenty fathom deep with such impetuous currents as they drove us often-times from our course This river we coasted above seven dayes together and at length arrived at a pretty little walled Town named Gumbim in the Kingdom of Iangromaa invironed on the Lands side for five or six â—â—agues space with Forrests of Bâ—njamin as alâ—o with
and that which arrived to me in that Voyage THe next day our General Gonçallo vaz Coutinho arrived at Goa with so many of us as remained alive There he was exceedingly welcomed by the Vice-roy unto whom he rendred an accompt of his Voyage as also of that which he had concluded with the Queen of Onor who had promised to burn the Galley within four days and to chace the Turks out of all the Confines of her Kingdom wherewith the Vice-roy was very well satisfied In the mean time after I had remained three and twenty days in the said Town of Goa where I was cured of two hurts which I had received in fight at the Turks Trenches the necessity whereunto I saw my self reduced and the counsel of a Fryer my Friend perswaded me to offer my service unto a Gentleman named Pedro de Faria that was then newly preferred to the Charge of Captain of Malaca who upon the first motion was very willing to entertain me for a Soldier and promised me withall to give me something over and above the rest of his Company during the Voyage which he was going to make with the Vice-roy For it was at that very time when as the Vice-roy Dom Garcia de Noronha was preparing to go to the succor of the Fortress of Diu which he certainly knew was besieged and in great danger to be taken by reason of the great Forces wherewithall it was invested by the Turk and to relieve it the Vice-roy had assembled a mighty Fleet at Goa consisting of about two hundred and twenty five Vessels whereof fourscore and three were great ones namely Ships Gallions Carvels and the rest Brigantins Foists and Galleys wherein it was said there were ten thousand Land-men and thirty thousand Mariners besides a great number of Slaves The time of setting sail being come and the Foists provided of all things necessary the Vice-roy imbarqued himself on Saturday the fourteenth of November 1538. Howbeit five days past away before he put out of the Haven in regard he stayed for his men that were not all ready to imbarque the mean while a Catur arrived from the Town of Diu with a Letter from Antonio de Silveyra Captain of the Fortress whereby he advertised the Vice-roy that the Turks had raised the siege and were retired Now though these were good news yet was the whole Fleet grieved thereat for the great desire every one had to fight with the Enemies of our Faith Hereupon the Vice-roy abode there five days longer during the which he took order for all things necessary to the conservation of his Government of the Indiaes and then commanding to hoist sail he departed from Goa on a Thursday morning the sixteenth of December The fourâ—eenth of his Navigation he went and cast anchor at Chaul where he remained three days during the which he entred into conference with Inezamuluco a Mahometan Prince and took order for certain affairs very much importing the surety of the Fortress After that he cauâ—ed some of the Vessels of the Fleet to be rigged which he furnished with Soldiers and Victuals and then dâ—parted for to go to Diu But it was his ill fortune as he was crossing the Gulph to be suddenly overtaken by such a furious Tempest that it not only separated his Fleet but was the loss of many Vessels chiefly of the Bastard Galley which was cast away at the mouth of the River Dabul whereof Dom Alvaro de Noronha the Vice-roys son and General of the Sea-forces was Captain In the same Gulph also perished the Galley named Espinheyro commanded by Iovan de Sousa howbeit the most part of their men were saved by Christophilo de Gama who came most opportunely to their succor During this Tempest there were seven other ships likewise cast away the names of which I have forgotten in so much that it was a month before the Vice-roy could recover himself of the loss he had sustained and re-assemble his Fleet again which this storm had scattered in divers places At length the sixteenth of Ianuary 1539. he arrived at the Town of Diu where he caused the Fortress to be re-built the greater part whereof had been demolished by the Turks so as it seemed that it had been defended by the besieged rather by miracle then force Now to effect it the better he made proclamation that all the Captains with their Soldiers should each of them take in charge to re-build that quarter which should be allotted them and because never a Commander there had more then Pedro de Faria he thought fit to appoint him the Bulwark which looked to the Sea for his quarter together with the out-wall that was on the Lands side wherein he bestowed such care and diligence that in six and twenty days space both the one and the other were restored to a better state then before by the means of three hundred Soldiers that were employed about it This done for that it was the fourteenth of March and a fit time for Navigation to Malaca Pedro de Faria set sail for Goa where by vertue of a Pattent granted him by the Vice-roy he furnished himself with all things necessary for his Voyage Departing then from Goa on the thirteenth of April with a Fleet of eight Ships four Foists and one Galley wherein there were five hundred men he had so favorable a wind that he arrived at Malaca the fifth day of Iune in the same year 1539. Pedro de Faria succeeding Dons Estevano de Gama in the Charge of Captain of Malaca arrived there safely with his Fleet nothing hapning in his Voyage worthy of writing Now because at his arrival Estevan de Gama had not yet ended the time of his Commission he was not put into the possession of that Government until the day that he was to enter upon his Charge Howbeit in regard Pedro de Faria was ere long to be Governor of the Fortress the neighboring Kings sent their Embassadors to congratulate with him and to make a tender of their amity and of a mutual conservation of Peace with the King of Portugal Amongst these Embassadors there was one from the King of Batas who raigned in the Isle of Samatra where it is held for a surety that the Island of Gold is which the King of Portugal Dom Ioana the Third had resolved should have been discovered by the advice of certain Captains of the Country This Embassador that was Brother-in-law to the King of Batas named Aquarem Dabolay brought him a rich Present of Wood of Aloes Calambaa and five quintals of Benjamon in flowers with a Letter written on the bark of a Palm tree where these words were inserted More ambitious then all men of the service of the crowned Lyon seated in the dreadful Throne of the Sea the rich and mighty Prince of Portugal thy Master and mine to whom in thee Pedro de Faria I do now render obedience with a sincere and true amity to the end I may become
and gave it me as also a Letter directed to Pedro de Faria whereupon I took my leave of him with a promise that I would stay there a week longer howbeit getting speedily aboard my Iurupango I made not a minutes stay but instantly caused the Mariners to hoist sail and away still imagining that some were following to apprehend me by reason of the extream fear I was in having so lately escaped as I thought the danger of a most cruel death Being departed from the River of Parles on a Saturday about Sun-set I made all the speed that possibly I could and continued my course until the Tuesday following when it pleased God that I reached to the Isles of Pullo Sambalin the first Land on the Coast of Mallayo There by good fortune I met with three Portugal ships whereof two came from Bengala and the other from Pegu commanded by Tristan de Gaa who had sometimes been Governor of the person of Don Lorenzo son to the Vice-roy Don Francesco d' Almeda that was afterward put to death by Miroocem in Chaul Roade as is at large delivered in the History of the Discovery of the Indiaes This same Tristan furnished me with many things that I had great need of as tackle and Mariners together with two Soldiers and a Pilot moreover both himself and the other to ships had always a care of me until our arrival at Malaca where dis-imbarquing my self the first thing I did was to go to the Fortress for to salute the Captain and to render him an account of the whole success of my Voyage where I discoursed unto him at large what Rivers Ports and Havens I had newly discovered in the Isle of Samatra as well on the Mediterranean as on the Ocean Seas side as also what commerce the inhabitants of the Country used Then I declared unto him the manner of all that Coast of all those Ports and of all those Rivers whereunto I added the scituations the heights the degrees the names and the depths of the Ports according to the direction he had given me at my departure Therewithall I made him a description of the Rode wherein Rosado the Captain of a French ship was lost and another named Matelote de Brigas as also the Commander of another ship who by a storm at Sea was cast into the Port of Diu in the year 1529. during the raign of Sultan Bandur King of Cambaya This Prince having taken them all made fourscore and two of them abjure their â—aith who served him in his Wars against the great Mogor and were every one of them miserably slain in that expedition Moreover I brought him the description of a place fit for anchorage in Pullo Botum Roade where the Bisquayn Ship suffered shipwrack which was said to be the very same wherein Magâ—llan compassed the World and was called the Vittoria which traversing the Isle of Iooa was cast a way at the mouth of the River of Sonda I made him a recital likewise of many different Nations which inhabit all along this Ocean and the River of Lampon from whence the Gold of Menancabo is transported to the Kingdom of Campar upon the waters of Iambes and Broteo For the inhabitants affirm out of their Chronicles how in this very Town of Lampon there was anciently a Factory of Merchants established by the Queen of Sheba whereof one named Nausem sent her a great quantity of Gold which she carried to the Temple of Ierusalem at such time as she went to visit the wise King Solomon From whence some say she returned with child of a son that afterwards succeeded to the Empire of Aethiopia whom now we call Prester-Iohn of whose race the Abissins vaunt they are descended Further I told him what course was usually held for the fishing of seed pearl betwixt Pullo Tiquos and Pullo Quenim which in times past were carried by the Bataes to Pazem and Pedir and exchanged with the Turks of the Straight of Mecqua and the Ships of Iudâ—a for such Merchandise as they brought from Grand Cairo and the Ports of Arabia Foelix Divers other things I recounted unto him having learnt them of the King of Batas and of the Merchants of Panâ—iâ— And for conclusion I gave him an information in writing as he had formerly desiâ—ed me concerning the Island of Gold I told him how this Island is beyond the River of Calandor five degrees to the Southward invironed with many shelfs of sand and currents of water as also that it was distant some hundred and threescore leagues from the point of the Isle of Samatra With all which reports Pedro de Faria remained so well satisfied that he made present relation thereof to the King Don Iovan the Third of happy memory who the year after ordained Francesco d' Almeida for Captain to discover the Isle of Gold a Gentleman of merit and very capable of that charge who indeed had long before petitioned the King for it in recompence of the services by him performed in the Islands of Banda of the Molucques of Ternate and Geilolo But by ill fortune this Francesco d' Almeida being gone from the Indiaâ—s to discover that place dyed of a feaver in the Isles of Nicubar Whereof the King of Portugal being advertised he honored one Diego Cabral born at the Maderaes with that Command but the Court of Justice deprived him of it by express order from Martinez Alphonso de Sousa who was at that time Governor which partly proceeded according to report for that he had murmured against him Whereupon he gave it to Ieronimo Figuereydo a Gentleman belonging to the Duke of Braganca who in the year 1542. departed from Goa with two Foists and one Carvel wherein there were fourscore men as well Soldiers as Mariners But it is said that his Voyage was without effect for that according to the apparances that he gave of it afterward it seemed that he desired to enrich himself too suddenly To which end he passed to the Coast of Tanassery where he took certain Ships that came from Mecqua Adem Alcosser Iudaa and other places upon the Coast of Persia. And verily this booty was the occasion of his undoing for upon an unequal partition thereof falling at difference with his Soldiers they mutined in such fort against him as after many affronts done him they bound him hand and foot and so carried him to the Isle of Ceilan where they set him on Land and the Carvel with the two Foists they returned to the Governor Don Ioano de Castra who in regard of the necessity of the time pardoned them the fault and took them along with him in the Army which he led to Diu for the succor of Don Ioana Mascarenhas that was then straitly besieged by the King of Cambaya's Forces Since that time there hath been no talk of the discovery of this Island of Gold although it seems very much to import the common good of our Kingdom of Portugal if it would
For a conclusion of his speech he related unto me the little punishment which was ordained for such as were culpable of these matters and the great rewards that he had seen conferred on those which had not deserved them whereunto he added that if the King desired throughly to perform the duty of his Charge and by Arms to conquer people so far distant from his Kingdom and to preserve them it was as necessary for him to punish the wicked as to recompence the good This said he sent me to lodg in a Merchants house who for five days together that I remained there entertained me bravely though to speak truth I had rather have been at that time in some other place with any poor victuals for here I was always in fear by reason of the Enemies continual alarms and the certain news that came to the King the next day after my arrival how the Achems were already marching towards Aaru and would be there within eight days at the farthest which made him in all haste to give directions for such things as he had not taken order for before and to send the women and all that were unfit for War out of the City five or six leagues into the Wood amongst the which the Queen her self made one mounted on an Elephant Five days after my arrival the King sent for me and asked me when I would be gone whereunto I replyed at such time as it would please his Greatness to command me though I should be glad it might be with the soonest for that I was to be employed by my Captain with his Merchandise to China Thou hast reason answered he then taking two Bracelets of massy Gold off from his wrists worth some thirty Crowns I pre-thee now said he giving them to me do not impute it to miserableness that I bestow so little on thee for thou mayst be assured that it hath been always my desire for to have much for to give much withall I must desire thee to present this Letter and this Diamond from me to thy Captain to whom thou shalt say that whatsoever I am further engaged to him in for the pleasure he hath done me by succoring me with those Ammunitions he hath sent me by thee I will bring it to him my self hereafter when I shall be at more liberty then now I am Having taken leave of the King of Aaru I presently imbarqued my self and departed about Sun-set rowing down the River to an Hamlet that is at the entrance thereof composed of ten or eleven houses covered with â—traw This place is inhabited with very poor people that get their living by killing of Lezards of whose livers they make a poyson wherewith they anoint the heads of their arrows For the poyson of this place chiefly that which is called Pocausilim is held by them the best of those Countries because there is no remedy for him that is hurt with it The next day having left this small Village we sailed along the coast with a land wind until evening that we doubled the Islands of Anchepisan then the day and part of the night following we put forth somewhat farther to Sea But about the first watch the wind changed to the North-east for such winds are ordinary about the Isle of Samatra and grew to be so tempestuous that it blew our mast over board tore our sails in pieces and so shattered our Vessel that the water came in that abundance into her at two several places as she sunk incontinently to the bottom so that of eight twenty persons which were in her three and twenty were drowned in less then a quarter of an hour For as five that escaped by the mercy of God we passed the rest of the night upon a Rock where the waves of the Sea had cast us There all that we could do was with tears to lament our sad fortune not knowing what counsel or course to take by reason the Country was so moorish and invironned with so thick a Wood that a bird were she never so little could hardly make way through the branches of it for that the trees grew so close together We sat crouching for the space of three whole days upon this Rock where for all our sustenance we had nothing but Snails and such filth as the â—oam of the Sea produced there After this time which we spent in great misery and pain we walked a whole day along by the Isle of Samatra in the owze up to the girdle-stead and about Sun-set we came to the mouth of a little River some Crossbow-shot broad which we durst not undertake to swim over for that it was deep and we very weak and weary so that we were forced to pass all that night standing up to the chin in the water To this misery was there adjoyned the great affliction which the Flies and Gnats brought us that coming out of the neighboring Woods bit and stung us in such sort as not one of us but was gore blood The next morning as soon as we perceived day which we much desired to see though we had little hope of life I demanded of my four companions all Mariners whether they knew the Country or whether there was any habitation thereabout Whereupon the eldest of them who had a wife at Malaca not able to contain his tears Alas answered he the place that now is most proper for you and me is the house of death where ere it be long we must give an account of our sins it therefore behoves us to prepare our selves for it without any further delay and patiently to attend that which is sent us from the hand of God For my part let me intreat thee to be of a good courage whatsoever thou seest and not be terrified with the fear of dying since every thing well considered it matters not whether it be to day or to morrow This spoken he embraced me and with tears in his eyes desired me to make him a Christian because he beleeved as he said that to be so was sufficient to save his Soul which could not otherwise be done in the cursed sect of Mahomet wherein he had lived till then and for which he craved pardon of God Having finished these last words he remained dead in mine arms for he was so weak as he was not able to subsist any longer as well for that he had not eaten ought in three or four days before as in regard of a great wound the wrack of the Lanchara had given him in his head through which one might see his brains all putrefied and corrupted occasioned both for want of looking unto as by salt water and flies that were gotten into it Verily this accident grieved me very much but for my self I was in little better case for I was likewise so weak that every step I made in the water I was ready to swoon by reason of certain hurts on my head and body out of which I had lost a great
without doubt they would carry it Moreover that in another of those Villages called Buaquirim there was a quarry where out of an old Rock they digged a great quantity of Diamonds that were very fine and of greater value then those of Lava and Taniampura in the Isle of Iaoa Whereupon Antonio de Faria having questioned them about many other particularities they made him a relation of the fertility of the Country which was further up this River no less fit to be desired then easie to be conquered and that with little charge Being departed from this River of Pullo Cambim we sailed along the Coast of the Kingdom of Champaa till we came to an Haven called Saleyzacau seventeen leagues farther on towards the North whereinto we entred Now because there was nothing to be gotten there we went out of this place about sun-setting and the next morning we came to a River named Toobasoy without the which Antonio de Faria cast anchor because the Pilot would not venture to enter into it for that he had never been there before and therefore knew not the depth of it As we were contesting hereabout some for to enter and others gainsaying it we discerned a great sail making towards this Port from the main Sea Hereupon without stirring from the place where we were we prepared to receive them in a peaceable manner so that as soon as they came neer us we saluted them and hung up the flag of the Country called Charachina which is a sign of friendship used among them in such like occasions They of the ship in stead of answering us in the same manner as in reason it seemed they should have done and knowing that we were Portugals to whom they wished not well gave us very vile and base words and from the top of their poup made a capher slave hold up his arse bare to us with a mighty noise and din of Trumpets Drums and Bells by way of scorn and derision of us Whereat Antonio de Faria was so offended that he gave them a whole broad side to see if that would make them more courteous To this shoâ— of ours they returned us an answer of five pieces of Ordnance namely three Faulcons and two little field-pieces whereupon consulting together what we should do we resolved to abide where we were for we held it not fit to undertake so doubtful an enterprize until such time as the next days light might discover the forces of this Vessel unto us that so we might afterwards either set upon her with the more security or let her pass by This counsel was approved both by Antonio de Faria and us all so that keeping good watch and giving order for all that was necssary we continued in that place expecting day now about two of the clock in the morning we perceived three black things close to the water coming towards us which we could not well discern whereupon we wakened Antonio de Faria who was then asleep on the hatches and shewed him what we had discovered being by that time not far from us He fearing as we did lest they were Enemies cryed out presently Arm Arm Arm wherein he was straightway obeyed for now plainly perceiving that they were Vessels rowing towards us we betook us to our Arms and were bestowed by our Captain in places most necessary to defend our selves We conceived by their silent approaching to us that they were the Enemies we had seen over night so that Antonio de Faria said unto us My masters this is some Pyrat coming to set upon us who thinks we are not above six or seven at the most as the manner is in such kinde of Vessels wherefore let every man stoop down so as they may not see any of us and then we shall soon know their design in the mean time let the pots of powder be made ready with which and our swoâ—ds I hope we shall give a good end to this adventure Let every one also hide his match in such sort as they may not be discovered whereby they may be perswaded that we are asleep all which as he had prudently ordained was incontinently executed These three Vessels being come within a â—light shoot of ourâ— went round about her and after they had viewed her well they joyned all close together as if they had entred into some new consultation continuing so about a quarter of an hour that done they separated themselves into two parts namely the two lesser went together to our poup and the third that was greater and better armed made to the starboard of us Hereupon they entred our Lorch where most conveniently they could so that in less then half a quarter of an hour above forty men were gotten in which seen by Antonio de Faria he issued out from under the hatches with some forty Soldiers and invoking Saint Iames our Patron he fell so couragiously upon them that in a short time he killed them almost all Then with ayd of the pots of powder that he caused to be cast in amongst those that were remaining in the three Vessels which he presently took he made an end of defeating them the most of them being constrained to leap into the Sea where they were all drowned but five whom we took up alive whereof one was the capher slave that shewed us his tail and the other four were one Turk two Aâ—hems and the Captain of the Junk named Similau a notorious Pyrat and our mortal Enemy Antonio de Faria commanded them instantly to be put to torture for to draw out of them who they were from whence they came and what they would have had of us whereunto the two Achems answered most brutishly and when as we were going about to torment the slave in like maner he began with tears to beseech us to spare him for that he was a Christian as we were and that without torture he would answer truly to all our demands whereupon Antonio de Faria caused him to be unbound and setting him by him gave him a piece of Bisket and a glass of wine then with fair words he perswaded him to declare the truth of every thing to him since he was a Christian as he affirmed To which he replyed in this sort If I do not speak the truth unto you then take me not for such as I am my name is Sebastian and I was slave to Gaspar de Mello whom this dog Similaâ— here present slew about two years ago in Liampao with five and twenty other Portugals that were in his ship Antonio de Faria hearing this cryed out like a man amazed and said Nay now I care not for knowing any more is this then that dog Similau that slew thy master Yes answered he it is he and that meant likewise to have done as much to you thinking that ye were not above six or seven for which effect he came away in haste with a purpose as he said to take you alive for to make
already delivered he had spent so much time and yet could never till then hear any news of him in all the Ports and places where he had been The next morning we arrived at the Port of Lailoo where Quiay Panian had much kinred and many friends so that he wanted no credit in that place wherefore he intreated the Mandarin who is the Captain of the Town to permit us to buy for our mony such things as we stood in need of which he instantly granted as well for fear lest some displeasure might be done him as for the sum of a thousand duckets presented unto him by Antonio de Faria wherewith he rested very well satisfied Hereupon some of our Company went ashore who with all diligence bought whatsoever we wanted as Saltpeter and Sulphur to make powder Lead Bullets Victual Cordage Oyl Pitch Rosin Ockam Timber Planks Arms Darts Staves hardened in the fire Masts Sails Sail-yards Targets Flints Pullies and Anchors that done we took in fresh water and furnished our Vessels with Mariners Now although that this place contained not above three or four hundred houses yet was there both there and in the villages adjoyning such a quantity of the aforesaid things that in truth it were hard to express it for China iâ— excellent in this that it may vaunt to be the Country in the world most abounding in all things that may be desired Besides for that Antonio de Faria was exceeding liberal in regard he spent out of the general booty before the partitions were made he payd for all that he bought at the price the sellers would set by means whereof he had more brought him by far then he had use for so that within thirteen days he went out of this Port wonderfully well accommodated with two other new great Junks which he had exchanged for two little ones that he had and two Lanteaas with Oars as also an hundred and sixty Mariners both for rowing and for governing the sails After all these preparations were made and we ready to weigh anchor a general muster was taken of all that were in our Army which in number was found to be five hundred persons as well for fight as for the service and navigation of our Vessels amongst whom were fourscore and fifteen Portugals young and resolute the rest were Boys and Mariners and men of the other Coast which Quiay Panian kept in pay and were well practised in Sea-fight as they that had been five years Pyrats Moreover we had an hundred and sixty Harquebuses forty pieces of brass Ordnance whereof twenty were field-pieces that carryed stone-bullets threescore quintals of powder namely fifty four for the great Ordnance and six for the Harquebuses besides what the Harquebusiers had already delivered to them nine hundred pots of artificial fire whereof four hundred were of powder and five hundred of unsâ—aked Lime after the Chinese manner a great number of stones Arrows Half-pikes four thousand small Javelings store of Hatchets to serve at boarding six Boats full of Flints wherewith the Sailers fought twelve Cramp-irons with their hooks fastned to great Iron chains for to grapple Vessels together and many sorts of fire-works which an Engineer of the Levant made for us With all this equipage we departed from this Port of Lailâ—â— and within three days after it pleased God that we arrived at the fishing place where Coia Acem took the Portugals Junk There as soon as it was night Antonio de Faria sent spies into the River for to lâ—â—rn whereabout he was who took a Paroo with six Fishermen in her that gave us to understand how this Pyrat was some two leagues from thence in a River called Tinlau and that he was accommodating the Junk he had taken from the Portugals for to go in her with two others that he had unto Siam where he was born and that he was to depart within two days Upon this news Antonio de Faria called some of his company to councel where it was concluded that first of all the places and forces of our Enemy was to be visited and seen because in a matter of so much hazard it was not safe to run as it were blindfold unto it but to advise on it well beforehand and that upon the certainty of that which should be known such resolution might afterwards be taken as should seem good to all Then drawing the fishermen out of the Paroo he put some of Quiay Panians Mariners into her and sending her away only with two of those fishermen keeping the rest as hostages he committed the charge of her to a valiant Soldier named Vincentio Morosa attired after the Chinese fashion for fear of discovery who arriving at the place where the Enemy rode made shew of fishing as others did and by that means espyed all that he came for whereupon reâ—urâ—ing he gave an account of what he had seen and assured us that the Enemies were so weak â—s upon â—oarding of them they might easily be taken Antonio de Faria caused the most experienced men of his company to be assembled to advise thereon and that in Quiay Panians Junk to honor him the more as also to maintain his friendship which he much esteemed At this meeting it was resolved that as soon as it was night they should go and anchor at the mouth of the River where the Enemy lay for to set upon him the next morning before day This agreed unto by all Antonio de Fâ—ria set down what order and course should be held at the entring into the River and how the Enemy should be assaulted Then dividing his men he placed thirty Portugals in Quiay Panians Junk such as he pleased to choose because he would be sure to give him no distaste Likewise he disposed six Portugals into each of the Lantâ—â—as and into Christovano Borralho's Junk twenty the rest of the Portugals being three and thirty he retained with himself besides slaves and divers Christians all valiant and trusty men Thus accommodated and ordered for the execution of his enterprize he set sail towards the River of Tinlau where he arrived about Sun-set and there keeping good watch he past the night till three of the clock in the morning at which time he made to the Enemy who rode some half a league up in the River It pleased God that the Sea was calm and the wind so favorable as our Fleet sailing up the River arrived in less then an hour close to the Enemy unperceived of any But because they were Thieves and feared the people of the Country in regard of the great mischiefs and robberies which they dayly committed they stood so upon their guard and kept so good watch that as soon as they discerned us in all haste they rung an alarum with a Bell the sound whereof caused such a rumor and disorder as well amongst them that were ashore as those aboard that one could hardly hear one another by reason of the great noise they made
without turning our backs as they beleeved and as it may be they desired we would doe they closed themselves into one body and so in very ill order they made a stand without advancing on But then our Captain seeing them in this posture caused all his Muskettiers to discharge at one instant who till that time had not stirred which succeeded with such effect as it pleased God that he most part of this goodly Cavalry fell to the ground with feare we taking this for a good presage ran and lustily pursued them invoking to our aid the name of Jesus whose good pleasure it was though his divine mercy to make our enemies slye before us so amazed and in such disorder as they tumbled pell mell one upon another in which manner arriving at a bridge that crost the town ditch they were so pestered together as they could neither go forward nor backward in the mean time our forces coming up to them discharged their shot to such purpose amongst them that we laid three hundred of them on the earth which in truth was a pittifull sight to behold because there was not one of them that had the heart so much as to draw a sword whereupon hotly pursuing the first point of this victory we ran to the gâ—te where we found the Mandarin in the front of six hundred men mounted upon a good Horse having on â— cuirasse lined with purple Velvet which had belonged as we knew afterwards to a Portugal named Tome Perez whom King Don Emanoel of glorious memory had sent as Ambassador to China in Fernando Perez his ship at such time as Lopo Suarez d' Albergaria governed the Indies At the entrance into the gate the Mandarin and his people made head against us so that there was a shrewd bickering between us this enemy shewing another manner of courage then we had met with on the bridge but by good hap it fortuned that one of our servant hit the Mandarin just in the breast with an Harquebusse shot and overthrew him dead from his Horse wherewith all the Chinesses were so terrified as they presently turned their backs and in great disorder retired within the gate not one of them having the wit to shut it after them so that we chased them before us with our Lances as if they had been a drove of cattell In this sort they fled pell mell together quite through a great street and issued out at another gate which was on the lands from whence they got all away not so much as one remaining behind Thereupon Antonio de Faria assembling his men into one body for fear of some disorder marched with them directly to the prison where our companions lay who seeing us coming gave a great cry saying Lord have mercy upon us straightway the doors and iron grates were broken up and our poor fellows irons knocked off their legs which being done and they set at liberty all our company had leave to make what purchase they could to the end that without speaking afterwards of partition every one might be Master of what he had gotten Howbeit Antonio de Faria desired them to perform it suddenly and therefore he gave them but half an houres time for it whereunto they all condescended very willingly and so â—ell to ransacking the houses In the mean space Antonio de Faria went to that of the Mandarin which he took for his part where he met with eight thousand Taeis in silver together with eight great vessels full of Muske and that he caused to be reserved for himself the rest he left to the servants that were with him who moreover found there a great deal of raw Silke Sattin Damask and fine Pourcellain whereof every one took as much as he could carry so as the four Barques and the three Champanaes that brought our men on shore were four several times laden and unladen aboard the Juncks insomuch that the meanest Marriner amongst us spake not of this booty but by whole cases besides what each one concealed in his particular But when Antonio de Faria perceived that an hour and half had been spent in pillaging he commanded a surcease thereof but his company were so hot upon the spoil that by no means they would be drawn from it wherein the persons of qualitie were most saulty in which regard our Captain fearing least some disaster might happen by reason the night approached he caused the Town to be set on fire in eleven or twelve places Now for that most of it was built of Firr and other wood it was in such a flame within a quarter of an hour as to see it burn so one would have taken it for a pourtraiture of Hell This done and all our company retired Antonio de Faria embarqued without any impediment every man being well satisfied and contented onely it was great pittie to behold a number of handsome maids lead away tied four and four and five and five together with the matches of their Muskets weeping and lamenting whilst our people did nothing but laugh and sing CHAP. XXIII Antonio de Faria's Navigation till he came to the Port of Liampoo his arrival and gallant reception there by the Portugals AFter that Antonio de Faria had embarqued his men the first thing he did was â—o give order for the dressing of those that were hurt which were in number fiftie whereof eight of them were Portugals and the rest slaves and Mariners He also took care for the burial of the dead that were not above nine of which onely one was a Portugal All that night we kept good watch and placed Sentinels in sundry parts for fear of the Junks that were upon the River The next morning as soon as it was day our Captain went to a little Town that was on the other side of the water where he met not with any Inhabitant they being all fled howbeit he found a great deal of Merchandise in their houses together with good store of Victuals wherewith he had laded the Junks fearing leaâ—t that which he had done in this place should be the occasion of barring him from being furnished with any in the Ports where he should happen to arrive Furthermore by the advice of his company he resolved to go and winter during the three moneths he had yet to make his voyage in at a certain desart Island distant some fifteen leagues from the Sea of Liampoo called Pullo Hinhor where there was a good road and good water whereunto he was chiefly induced because he thought that going directly to Liampoo his voyage thither might bring some prejudice to the traffique of the Portugals who wintered there peaceably with their goods And indeed this advice was so approved of every one as it was generally applauded Being departed then from Nouday after we had sailed five dayes between the Isles of Comolem and the continent we were set upon on Saturday about noon by a Pirate named Premata Gundel a sworn enemy to the
they concluded to acknowledge it unto him by all demonstrations of affection For which purpose they returned him a Letter signed by them all as the Resolution of a General Assembly and sent it him together with two Lanteaâ—â— full of divers refreshments and that by an ancient Gentleman named Ieronimo de Rego a Personage of great wisdome and authoritie amongst them In this Letter they gâ—ve him thanks in very courteous termes both for the exceeding favour he had done them by rescuing their goods out of the enemies hands and for the noble Tâ—stimonie he had given them of his affâ—ction by his extraordinary liberality towards them for which they hoped that God would throughly requite him As for the fear he was in touching his wintering there by reason of what had past at Nouday he might be confident that way because the Country was so full of trouble by occasion of a mighty uprore that was then amongst the people thereof as if he had razed the very Citie of Canton it self they would not much regard it wherefore he might well thinke they would care much lesse for that which he had done at Nouday which in China compared with many others was no greater then Oeyras in Portugal is being equally with Lisbon And concerning the good news he had sent them of his arrivall in their Port they earnestly desired him to continue still at anchor there six dayes longer that they might in the mean while make some fit preparation for his entertaiment seeing that thereby onely they should be able to testifie their good will unto him having not the power other wayes to acquit so many obligations wherein they stood ingaged unto him These words of kindness were accompanied with many other complements whereunto Antonio de Faria returned them a most curteous Answer and condescending to their desire he sent all his sick men on shore in the two Lanteaas which brought the refreshments whom those of Liampoo received with great shew of affection and charity for presently they were lodged in the richest houses of the Town and plentifully accommodated with all things necessary for them wanting nothing Now during the six dayes Antonio de Faria remained in that place there was not a man of any qualitie in all the Town but came and visited him with many presents and divers sorts of provisions refreshments and fruits and that in such abundance that we were amazed to behold them the more too for the good order and magnificence wherewith every thing was accompanied During the six dayes that Antonio de Faria continued in the Port according to his promise to them of Liampoo he never budgd from his Ships At length on Sunday morning before day which was the time limited for our going to the Town an excellent consort of Musick was heard both of Instruments and Voyces the harmony whereof was wonderfully pleasing and after that a Triumph of Drums and Trumpets together according to the manner of our own country Then some two houres before Sun-rising the night being very quiet and the Moon exceeding bright Antonio de Faria set sail with his whole Fleet having all his Ships decked with Silken Flaggs and streamers of sundry Colours and every scuttle both of the greater and lesser masts hung round about with cloth of Silver and many brave Standards of the same After these Vessels followed a number of row-Barges wherein were a great many of Trumpets Hoboyes Flutes Fifes Drums and other such Instruments each one of a several Invention When it was broad day the winde began to calm as we were within half a League of the Town whereupon there came presently to us some twenty Lanteaas very well set forth and full of Musicians that played on divers Instruments So in lesse then an hour we arrived at the Road but first there came aboard Antonio de Faria about threescore Boats and Manchaas adorned with Pavilions and Banners of Silke as also with Turkie Carpets of great value In these Boats were about three hundred men all richly apparrelled with chains of Gold and guilt Swords hanging in Belts after the fashion of Affrick every thing so well accommodated that we which beheld this Equipage were no lesse contented then astonished therewith With this train Antonio de Faria came to the Town where there stood ranged in excellent order twenty six ships and fourscore Junks besides a great sort of Vancons and Barcasses all in File one after another so making as it were a fair long street every where beautified with Pines Laurels and green Canes with many Triumphal Arches beset with Cherries Pears Lemons Oranges and sundry odoriferous green Herbs wherewith the Masts and Cordage were covered all over As soon as Antonio de Faria came neer the place which was prepared for his landing he saluted the Town with a great peâ—l of Ordnance which was instantly answered with the like by all the Ships Junks and Barques before mentioned in order a matter very pleasing and wherewith the Chinese Merchants were so taken as they demanded of us Whether this man unto whom we did so much honour was either the brother or kinsman of our King whereunto certain chief meâ— of the Town answered That his Father shod the Horses whereon the King of Portugal rode and that in that regard all this honour was done him adding withall That they thought themselves scarce worthy to be his slaves much lesse his servants The Chineses beleeving all this to be true said one to another as it were in admiration Verily there be great Kings in the world whereof our ancient Historians for want of knowledge of them have made no mention in their Writings and it seems that above them all the King of these Portugals is to be most esteemed for by that which is delivered to us of his greatnesse he must needs be richer more mighty and greater then either the Tartar or the Cauchin as is most apparent since be that shooes his horses which is but an ordinary and contemptible trade in every Country is so respected by those of his Nation Whereupon another that heard his Companion say thus Certainly said he this Prince is so great that if it were not a blasphemy one might almost compare him to the Son of the Sun The rest that were about him added It well appears to be so by the great riches which this bearded Nation get in every place where they come by the power of their armes wherewith they affront all the People of the world This salutation being ended on either part a Lanteaa came aboard Antonio de Faria's Junk gallantly equipped and covered all over with boughs of Chesnut trees full of their bristled â—ruit just as they grew and intermingled with delicate small green trees which those of the Country call Lechias stuck every where with most fragrant Roses and Violets all plashed so close together that we could not see the Rowers now upon the upper end of the Deck of this Vessel there was
with dryed orange pills wherewith in victualing houses they boyl dogs flesh for to take away the rank savour and humidity of it as also to reader it more firm In brief we saw so many Vaucans Lanteaas and Barcasses in this river ladâ—n with all kinds of provision that either the sea or land produces and that in such abundance as I must confess I am not able to expresse it in words for it is not possible to imagine the infinite store of things that are in this Country of each whereof you shall see two or three hundred Vessels together at a time all full especially at the Fairs and Markets that are kept upon the solemn festival days of their Pagodes for then all the fairs are free and the Pagodes for the most part are scituated on the banks of rivers to the end all commodities may the more commodiously be brought thither by water Now when all these vessels come to joyn together during these Fairs they take such order as they make as it were a great and fair Town of them so that sometimes you shall have of them a league in length and three quarters of a league in bredth being composed of above twenty thousand vessels besides Balons Guedees and Manchuas which are small boats whose number is infinite For the Government hereof there are threescore Captains appointed of which thirty are to see good order kept and the other thirty are for the guard of the Merchants that come thither to the end they may sail in safety Moreover there is above them a Chaem who hath absolute power both in civil and criminal causes without any appeal or opposition whatsoever during the fifteen days that this Fair lasts which is from the new to the full Moon And indeed more come to see the policy order and beauty of this kind of Town then otherwise for to speak the truth the framing of it in that manner with vessels makes it more to be admired then all the Edifices that can be seen upon the land There are in this moving Town two thousand streets excâ—eding long very strait inclosed on either side with ships most of which are covered with silks and adorned with a world of banners flags and streamers wherein all kind of commodities that can be desired are to be sold In other streets are as many trades to be seen as in any Town on the Land amidst the which they that traffique go up and down in little Manchuas and that very quietly and without any disorder Now if by chance any one is taken stealing he is instantly punished according to his offence As soon as it is night all these streets are shut up with cords athwart them to the end none may passe after the retreat sounded In each of these streets there are at least a dâ—zen of lanthorns with lights burning fastened a good heighth on the Masts of the vessels by means whereof all that go in and out are seen so that it may be known who they are from whence they come and what they would have to the end the Chaem may the next morning receive an account thereof And truly to behold all these lights together in the night is a â—ight scarce able to be imagined neither is there a street without a Bell and a Sentinel so as when that of the Chaems ship is heard to ring all the other bels answer it with so great a noise of voices adjoyned thereunto that we were almost besides our selves at the hearing of a thing which cannot be well conceived and that was ruled with such good order In every of these streets even in the poorest of them there is a Chappel to pray in framed upon great Barcasses like to Gallies very neat and so well accommodâ—ted that for the most part they are enriched with silks and cloth of gold In these Chappels are their Idols and Priests which administer their sacrifices and receive the offerings that are made them wherewith they are abundantly furnished for their living Out of each street one of the most account or chiefest Merchant is chosen to waâ—ch all night in his turn with those of his Squadron besides the Captains of the government who in Ballons walk the round without to the end no thiefe may escape by any avenue whatsoever and for that purpose these guards cry as loud as they can that they may be heard Amongst the most remarkable things we saw one street where there were above an hundred vessels laden with Idols of guilt wood of divers fashions which were sold for to be offered to the Pagodes together with a world of feet thighs arms and heads that sick folks bought to offer in devotion There also we beheld other ships covered with silk hangings where Comedies and other playes were represented to entertain the people withall which in great numbers flocked thither In other places Bils of exchaâ—ge for Heaven were sold wherâ—by these Priests of the Divel promised them many merits with great interest affirming that without these bils they could not possibly be saved for that God say they is a mortal enemy to all such as do not some good to the Pagodes whereupon they tell them such fables and lies as these unhappy wretches do often times take the very bread from their mouths to give it them There were also other vessels all laden with dead mens skuls which diveâ—s men bought for to present as an offering at the tombs of their friends when they should happen to dye for say they as the deceased is laid in the grave in the company of these skuls so shall his soul enter into Heaven attended by those unto whom those skuls belonged wherefore when the Porter of Paradise shall see such a Merchant with many followers he will do him honour as to a man that in this life hath been a man of quality for if he be poor and without a train the Porter will not open to him whereas contrarily the more dead mens skuls he hath buried with him the more happy he shall be esteemed There were many boats likewise where there were men that had a great many of Cages full of live birds who playing on divers instruments of musick exhorted the people with a loud voice to deliver those poor creatures of God that were there in captivity whereupon many came and gave them mony for the redemption of those prisoners which presently they let out of the cages and then as they flew away the redeemers of them cried out to the birds Pichau pitauel catan vacaxi that is Go and tell God how we serve him here below In imitation of these there are others also who in their ships kept a great many of little live fishes in great pots of water and like the sellers of birds invite the people for Gods cause to free those poor innocent fishes that had never sinned so that divers bought many of them and casting them into the river said Get ye gone and tell there below
The Mitaquer being well pleased with this advice sent incontinently a Command to Tileymay which was the Captain under whose Guard we were for to bring us unto him as presently he did Being then arrived chained as we were at the Mitaquers Tent we found him set in Councel with the seventy Commanders of the Army about two hours after midnight At our coming he received us with an affable countenance yet grave and severe and causing us to approach nearer unto him he commanded part of our chains to be undone then asked us if we would eat whereunto we answered most willingly for that in three days together we had not so much as tasted a bit of any thing whereat the Mitaquer was very much offended and sharply reproving the Tileymay for it willed two great platters of sodden rice and Ducks cut in small pieces to be set before us whereto we fell with such an appetite like men that were almost famished as those of the company who took great pleasure to see us feed so said to the Mitaquer When as you had nothing else my Lord but cause these to come before you for to flack their hunger verily you had done very much for them by saving them from a languishing death which otherwise they could not have avoided and so you might have lost these slaves of whom the service or sale might have been some way profitable unto you for if you will not make use of them at Lancama you may sell them for a thousand Taeis at least Hereat some began to laugh but the Mitaquer commanded more rice to be given us together with some apples and other things conjuring us again to eat as a thing which he took pleasure to see us do wherein we most willingly gave him satisfaction After we had fed well he began to talk with Iorge Mendez about that which had been told him of him and of the means that were to be used for taking the Castle making him many great promises of honours pentions â—avour with the King and liberty for all the rest of his fellows with other such offers as passed all measure For he swore unto him that if by his means God should give him the victory whereby he sought nothing but to be revenged on his enemies for the blood which they had shed of his men he should every way be like unto himself or at least to any of his children which soever Herewith Iorge Mendez found himself somewhat perplexed because he held it almost impossible for him to bring it to effect howsoever he told him that not to hold him longer in hand he did not think but if he might view the Castle with his own eys he might then peradventure let him know how it might be taken wherefore if his Lordship pleased he would the next morning consider it all about and thereupon render him an account what course was to be taken therein The Mitaquer all the rest allowed very well of his answer and greatly commending him for it sent us to be lodged in a Tent not far from his where we spent the rest of the night under a sure Guard you may judg now in what fear we were knowing that if the business did not succeed according to the desire of these Barbarians they would cut us all in pieces for that they were a people which for never so small a matter would not stick to kill twenty or thirty men without any regard either of God or any thing else The next morning about eight of the clock Iorge Mendez and two of us that were appointed to accompany him went to survey the place with thirty horse for our safe-Guard when as Iorge Mendez hâ—d well observed the scituation thereof as also that part whereby it might most commodiously be assaulted he returned to the Mitaquer that expected him with impatience to whom he gave an acount of what he had seen and facilitated the taking of the Castle with little hazard whereat the Mitaquer was so overjoyed that he presently caused the rest of our irons and the chains wherewith we were fastened by the neck and feet to be taken off swearing to us by the rice he did eat that as soon as he came to Pâ—quin he would present us to the King and infallibly accomplish all that he had promised us for the more assurance whereof he confirmed it by a Deed under his hand that was written in letters of gold to make it more authentical That done he sent for us to dinner and would needs have us to sit with him at table doing us many other honours according to their manner which greatly contented us but on the other side we were in no little fear least this affair should not for our sins have a success answerable to that hope the Mitaquer had already conceived of it The rest of this day the Commanders spent in resolving upon the order that was to be observed for assaulting the Castle wherein Iorge Mendez was the sole Director First of all then an infinite company of Bâ—vins Fagots was gotten together for to fill up the ditches there were also three hundred Ladders made very strong and so large that three men might easily mount up on them a front without incombring one another likewise there was a world of Paniers Dossers and Baskets provided together with a great multitude of Mattocks and Spades that were found in the Villages and Burroughs thereabout which the inhabitants had deserted upon the bruit of this war and all the souldiers of the Army made preparation of such things as they should need the next day when the assault was to be given a In the mean time Iorge Mendez rode always by the Mitaquers side who shewed him many great favours which we perceived had begotten in him a stately carriage far different from that he was wont to have whereat we wondring some of us who envious of anothers good fortune and out of an ill nature could not chuse but murmur saying one to another as it were in disdain and in a kind of jeering What think you of this dog verily he will be the cause that either to morrow morning we shall be all cut in pieces or if the business he hath undertaken succeed as we desire it is probable that he will be in such credit with these Barbarians that we shall account it for a happiness to be his servants and this was the talk which we had amongst us The next day all the Army was put into order and divided into twelve Battallions whereof they made twelve Files and one Counterfile in the Vantguard that incompassed the whole Camp in manner of an half moon upon the wings were the foremost with all that Mass of Bavins Ladders Baskets Mattocks Spades and other materials to fill up the ditch and make it equal with the rest of the ground Marching in this manner they arrived at the Castle which they found strongly mann'd and with a number of Flags and
Streamers waving upon the Battlements The first Salutation between the besiegers and the besieged was with arrows darts stones and pots of wild-fire which continued about half an hour then the Tartars presently filled the ditch with bavins and earth and so reared up their ladders against the wall that now by reason of the filling up of the ditch was not very high The first that mounted up was Iorge Mendez accompanied with two of ours who as men resolved had set up their rest either to die there or to render their valour remarkable by some memorable act as in effect it pleased our Lord that their resolution had a good success for they not only entred fiâ—st but also planted the first colours upon the wall whereat the Mitaquer and all that were with him were so amazed as they said one to another Doubtless if these people did besiege Pequin as we do the Chineses which defend that City would sooner lose their honour then we shall make them to do it with all the forces we have in the mean time all the Tartars that were at the foot of the ladders followed the three Portugals and carried themselvâ—s so valiantly what with the example of a Captain that had shewed them the way as out of their own natural disposition almost as resolute as those of Iapan that in a very shâ—rt space above 5000 of them were got upon the walls from whence with great violence they made the Chineses to retire whereupon so furious and bloody a fight ensued between either party that in less then half an hour the business was fully decided and the Castle taken with the death of two thousand Chineses and Mogores that were in it there being not above sixscore of the Tartars slain That done the gates being opened the Mitaquer with great acclamations of joy entred and causing the Chineses colours to be taken down and his own to be advanced in their places he with a new ceremony of rejoycing at the sound of many instruments of war after the the manner of the Tartars gave rewards to the wounded and made divers of the most valiant of his followers Knights by putting bracelets of gold about their right arms and then about noon he with the chief Commanders of his Army for the greater triumph dined in the Castle where he also bestowed bracelets of gold upon Iorge Mendez and the other Portugals whom he made to sit down at table with him After the cloth was taken away he went out of the Castle with all his company and then causing all the walls of it to be dismantelled â—e razed the place quite to the ground setting on fire all that remained with a number of ceremonies which was performed with great cries and acclamations to the sound of diveâ—s instruments of war Moreover he commanded the ruines of this Castle to be sprinkled with the blood of his enemies and the heads of all of them that lay dead there to be cut off as for his own souldiers that were slain he caused them to be triumphantly buried and such as were hurt to be carefully looked unto this done he retired with a huge train and in great pomp to his tent having Iorge Mendez close by him on horsback As for the other eight of us together with many brave Noblemen and Captains we followed him on foot Being arrived at his tent which was richly hung he sent Iorge Mendez a thousand Taeis for a reward and to us but an hundred a piece whereat some of us that thought themselves to be better qualified were very much discontented for that he was more respected then they by whose means as well as his the enterprise had been so happily atchieved though by the good success thereof we had all obtained honour and liberty CHAP. XXXIX The Mitaquer departs from the Castle of Nixiamcoo and goes to the King of Tartary his Camp before Pequin with that which we saw till we arrived there and the Mitaquers presenting us unto the King THe next day the Mitaquer having nothing more to do where he was resolved to take his way towards the City of Pequin before which the King lay as I have delivered before To this effect having put his Army into battel aray he departed from thâ—nce at eight of the clock in the morning and marching leasurely to the sound of his warlike instruments he made his first station about noon upon the bank of a river whose scituation was very pleasant being all about invironed with a world of fruit trees and a many goodly houses but wholly deserted and bereaved of all things which the Barbarians might any way have made booty of Having past the greatest heat of the day there he arose and marched on until about an hour in the night that he took up his lodging at a prety good Town called Lantimay which likewise we found deserted for all this whole Country was quite dispeopled for fear of the Barbarians who spared no kind of person but wheresoever they came put all to fire and sword as the next day they did by this place and many other along this river which they burnt down to the ground and that which yet was more lamentable they set on fire and clean consumed to ashes a great large plain being above six leagues about and full of corn ready to be reaped This cruelty executed the Army began again to move composed as it was of some threescore and five thousand horse for as touching the rest they were all slain as well at the taking of Quinçay as in that of the Castle of Nixiamcoo and went on to a mountain named Pommitay where they remained that night The next morning dislodging from thence they marched on somewhat faster then before that they might arrive by day at the City of Pequin which was distant about seven leagues from that mountain At three of the clock in the afternoon we came to the river of Palamxitan where a Tartar Captain accompanied with an hundred horse came to receive us having waited there two days for that purpose The first thing that he did was the delivering of a letter from the King to our General who received it with a great deal of ceremony From this river to the Kings quarter which might be some two leagues the Army marched without order as being unable to do otherwise partly as well in regard of the great concourse of people wherewith the ways were full incoming to see the Generals arrival as for the great train which the Lords brought along with them that over-spread all the fields In this order or rather disorder we arrived at the Castle of Lautir which was the first Fort of nine that the Camp had for the retreat of the Spies there we found a young Prince whom the Tartar had sent thither to accompany the General who alighting from his horse took his Scymitar from his side and on his knees offered it unto him after he had kissed the ground five times
to his hope so great an enterprise had been wherein hâ— had consumed so much treasure caused his Councel of War to be assembled in the which were present the seven and twenty Kings that accompanied him and likewise many Princes and Lords and the most part of the chief Commanders of the Army In this Councel it was resolved that in regard Winter was at hand and that the rivers had already overflowed their banks with such force and violence as they had ravaged and carried away mâ—st of the Trenches and Pallisadoes of the Camp and that moreover great numbers of the souldiers died daily of sickness and for want of victuals that therefore the King could not do better then to raise his Siege and be gone before Winter came for fear lest staying longer he should run the hazard of losing himself and his Army All these reasons seemed so good to the King that without further delay he resolved to follow this counsel and to obey the present necessity though it were to his great grief so that incontinently he caused all his Infantry and Ammunition to be imbarqued then having commanded his Camp to be set on fire he himself went away by Land with three hundred thousand Horse and twenty thousand Rhinocerots Now after they had taken an account of all the dead they appeared to be four hundred and fifty thousand the most of whom died of sickness as also an hundred thousand Horses and threescore thousand Rhinocerots which were eaten in the space of two months and an half wherein they wanted victual so that of eighteen hundred thousand men wherewith the King of Tartaria came out of his Country to besiege the City of Pequin before the which he lay six months and an half he carried home some seven hundred and fifty thousand less then he brought forth whereof four and fifty thousand died of sickness famine and war and three hundred thousand went and rendred themselves unto the Chineses drawn thereunto by the great pay which they gave them and other advantages of honour and presents which they continually bestowed on them whereat we are not to marvel seeing experience doth shew how that alone is of far more power to oblige men then all other things in the world After the King of Tartaria was gone from this City of Pequin upon a Munday the sevenâ—eenth of October with three hundred thousand horse as I have related before the same day about evening he went and lodged near to a river called Quaytragun and the next morning an hour before day the Aâ—my began to mâ—rch at the souâ—d of the Drums Fifes and other instruments of war acâ—ordâ—ng to the order prescribed them In this manner he arrived a little before night at a Town named Guiiampâ—a which he found altogether depopulated After his Army had reposed thereabout an hour and an half he set forth again and marching somewhat fast he came to lodg at the foot of a great mountain called Liampeu from whence he departed towards morning Thus marched he eight leagues a day for fourteen days together at the end whereof he arrived at a good Town named Guauxitim which might contain about eleven or twelve thousand fires There he was counselled to furnish himself with victuals whereof he had great need for which purpose therefore he begirt it round and skaliâ—g it in the open day he qâ—ickly mâ—de himself Master of it and put it to the sack with so cruel a Massacre of the inhabitants as my fellows and I were ready to swoond for very astonishment Now after that the wood and fire had consumed all things and that the Army was abundantly provided of ammunition and victual he depâ—rted at the break of day and though he past the next morning in the view of Caixiloo yet would not he attaque it for that it was a great and strong Town and by scituation impregnable having heard besides that there were fifty thousand men within it whereof ten thousand were Mogors Cauchins and Champaas resolute souldiers and much more warlike then the Chineses From thence passing on he arrived at the walls of Singrachirau which are the very same that as I have said heretofore do divide those two Empires of China and Tartaria There meeting with no resistance he went anâ— lodged on the further side of it at Panquinor which was the first of his own Towns and sâ—ated some three leagues from the said wall and the next day he marched to Psipator where he dismissed the most part of his people In this place he stayed not above seven days which he spent in providing pay for his souldiers and in the execution of certain prisoners he had taken in that war and brought along with him These things thus expedited he as a man not very well pleased imbarqued himself for Lançâ—me in sixscore Lanlees with no more then ten or eleven thousand men So in six dayes after his imbarquing he arrived at Lançame where not permitting any reception to be made him he landed about two hours within night The King abode in this City of Lançame until such time as all his forces as well horse as foot were arrived there which was within six and twenty days then having all his Army together he went on to another City far greater and fairer called Tuymicoa where he was visitâ—d by some Princes his Neighbours and hy the Ambassadors of many other Kings and Soveraigns of more remoter Countrys of which the chiefest were six great and mighty Monarchs namely Xataanas the Sophy of Persia Siamon Emperour of the Gueos whose Country borders on that of Bramaa and Tanguu the Calamiâ—ham Lord of the indomptable force of the Elephant of the Earth as I shall deliver hereafter when I come to treat of him and his State the Sournaâ— of Odiaa that names himself the King of Siam whose dominion râ—ns seven hundred leagues along the coast with that of Tanauserin and on Champaa side with the Malayos Berdios and Patanes and through the heart of the Country with Passioloqua Capioper and Chiammay as also with the Lauhos and Gueos so that this Prince alone hath seventeen Kingdoms within his State by reason whereof for to make himself the more redoubted amongst the Gentiles he causeth himself to be stiled The Lord of the white Elephant the fifth was the great Mogor whose State is within the heart of the Country near to the Corazones a Province bordering upon Persiu and the Kingdom of Dely and Chitor and the last an Emperour of a Country named Caran as we were informed there the bounds of whose Soveraignty are at the Mountains of Goncalidau sixty degrees further on where a certain people live whom they of the Country call Moscovites whereof we have some in this City which were fair of complection well shapen and apparelled with Breeches Cassocks and Hats like to the Flemings which we see in Europe the chiefest of them wearing Gowns lined with Sables and the rest with ordinary furs The Ambassador
Taeis it rose before the end of eight dayes to an hundred and threescore at which rate too the Merchants seemed to part with it very willingly Thus by the means of this unreasonable desire of gain nine Juncks which were then in the Port were in fifteen days ready to set Sail though to say the truth they were all in such disorder and so unprovided that some amongst them had no other Pilots then the Masters themselves who had but little understâ—anding in Navigation In this bad order they departed all in company together one Sunday morning notwithstanding that they had the wind the season the sea and all things else contrary not suffering themselves to be guided by reason or the consideration of the dangers which they are subject unto that commit themselves to this Element For they were so obstinate and so blinded as they would not represent any inconvenience to themselves and I my self was so infortunate that I went along with them in one of their Vessels In this manner they sailed all that same day as it were groping between the Islands and the firm Land but about midnight there arose in the dark so mighty a Storm accompanied with such horrible rain that suffering themselves to be carried at the mercy of the wind they ran upon the Sands of Gotom whereof the nine Juncks two only as it were by miracle were saved so that the other seven were lost out of which not so much as one man escaped This loss was thought to amount unto above three hundred thousand Crowns in commodities besides the greater which was of six hundred persons that left their lives there whereof there were an hundred and forty Portugals all rich men and of quality As for the other two Juncks in one of the which by good hap I was joyning in conâ—ort together they followed the course they had begun until such time as they arrived at the Island of the Lequios There we were beaten with so furious a North-east wind which inâ—reased by the conjunction of the new Moon that our vessels were seperated in such sort as we could never see one another again After dinner the wind turned to West North-west whereby the Sea was so moved and the waves rose with such fury as it was a most dreadful thing to behold whereupon our Captain named Gaspar Melo a very couragious Gentleman seeing the greatest part of the prow of the Junck to be half open and that there was niâ—e spans water in the bottom of her he resolved by the advice of all the Officers to cut down the two Masts whose weight was the cause of the opening of the Junck howbeit this could not be done with such care but that the main Mast in its â—all overwhelmed fourteen persons whereof five were Portugals which were all crushed in pieces a spectacle so lamentable to behold that it exceedingly grieved every mans heart Now forasmuch as the Storm increased more and more we were constrained to let our selves be carried at the mercy of the Sea even until Sun-set at which time the Junck made an end of splitting quite asunder whereupon our Captain and every one of us seeing the deplorable estate whereunto our sins had reduced us fell to preparing our selves for our last end Having in this sort past away half of the night about the first quarter of the watch we struck upon a Shelâ— where at the first blow the Junck broke all to pieces the event whereof was so lamentable that threescore and two men left their lives there some of which were drowned and the rest squeezed to death under the Keel of the Vessel There were but four and twenty of us besides some women that escaped from this miserable Shipwrack Now as soon as it was day we perceived by the sight of the Island of fire and of the Mountain of Taydacano that the Land where we were was the great Lequio whereupon wiâ—h tears in our eyes recommending our selves â—o God and marching up to the brest in water we swam over certain dâ—eper places and so went five dayes together in great pain not finding in all that time any thing to eat but the slime which the Sea cast up on the mud Howbeit aâ— length by the mercy of God we got to land where going into the woods we sustained our selves with a certain herb like unto Sorrel whereof there was great plenty along these Coasts which was all the nourishment that we had for three days space that we were there until at last we were espyed by a boy that was keeping of cattel who as soon as he had discovered us ran to the next Village which was some quarter of a league off for to give notice of it to the inhabitants there who presently thereupon with the sound of Drums and Cornets assembled all their Neighbours round about them so that within three or four hours they wâ—re a Company of about two hundred men whereof there were fourteen on horsback As soon as they descried us a far off they made dirâ—ctly towards us whereupon our Captain seeing the wretched estate whereunto we were reduced fell down upon his knees and began to encourage us with many good words desiâ—ing us to remember That nothing in the world could fall out without the Providence of God and therefore like good Christians we should assure our selves it was his pleasure that this should be the last hour of our lives so that we could not do better then to conform our selves to his holy will and with patience imbrace this pitiful end which came from his Almighty hand craving pardon from the bottoâ— of our hearts for all our sins past and that for himself he had such confidence in his mercy that we duly repenting us according as we were obliged by his holy Commandments he would not forget us in this our extremity Having made us this Exhortation and lifted up his hands to Heaven he cried out three times together with abundance of tears Lord have mercy upon us which words were reiterated by all the rest but with such sighs and groans of true Christians and so full of devotion and zeal that I may truly say the thing which then we feared least was that which naturally is most abhorr'd As we were in this grievous agony six horsmen came unto us and beholding us in a manner naked without arms on the ground upon ouâ— knees and two women lying as it were dead before us they were so moved with compassion that four of them turning back to the footmen which were coming on made them all to stay not suffering them to approach us Howbeit a little after they came to us again bringing with them six footmen which seemed to bâ— some of the Officers of Justice who by the commandment of the horsmen tied us three and three together and with some shew of pity bid us That we should not be afraid for that the King of the Lequios was a man greatly fearing God and
Junck where looking very carefully unto them yet could I not in two dayes get one word from them But at length by the means of yolks of egs and good broaths which I made them take they came again to themselves so that in six or seven dayes they were able to render me a reason of their accident One of those Portugals was called Christovano Doria who was since sent into this Country for a Captain to Saint Tomé the other Luys Taboâ—da and the third Simano de Brito all men of credit and rich Merchants These same recounted unto us that coming from the Indiaes in a vessâ—l belonging to Iorge Manhoz that was married at Goa with a purpose to go to the Port of Charingan in the Kingdom of Bengala they were cast away in the sands of Rucano for want of taking heed so that of fourâ—core persons that they were in the vessel onely seventeen being saved they had continued their course all along by the Coast for five dayes together intâ—nding if possibly they could to recover the river of Cosmira in the Kingdom of Pegu there to shâ—p thâ—mselves for the Indiaes in some vâ—ssâ—l or other thaâ— they should meet with in the Port but whilest they were in this resolution thâ—y were so driven by a most impetuous Westerly wind that in one day and a night they lost the sight of Land finding themselves in the maâ—n Sea without Oars without Sayls and all knowledge of the winds they continued in that State sixteen daâ—s together at the end whereof their water coming to sail all died but those three he saw before him Upon the finishing of this relation we proceeded on in our course and within four days after we met with five Portugal vessels which were sayling from Bengala to Malaca Having shewed them Pedro de Faria's Order I desired them to keep in consort together for fear of the Achems Army that ranged all over the Coast lest through their imprudence they should fall into any mischief and thereof I demanded a Certificate from them which they willingly granted as also furnished me very plentifully with all things necessary Having made this dispatch we continued our course and nine days after we arrived at the Bar of Martabano on a Friday the seven and twentieth of March one thousand five hundred forty and five having past by Tarnassery Tovay Mâ—rguin Iuncay Pullo Camuda and Vagaruu without hearing any tidings of those hundred Portugals in search of whom I went bâ—cause before that they had taken pay in the service of the Chaubainhaa King of Martabano who according to report had sent for them to assist him against the King of Bramaa that held him besieged with an Army of seven hundred thousand men as I have declared before howbeit they were not at this time in his Service as we shall see presently It was almost two hours within night when we arrived at the mouth of the River where we cast anchor with a resolution to go up the next day to the City Having continued some time very quiet we â—ver and anon heard many Cannon shot whereat we were so troubled as we knew not what to resolve on As soon as the Sun rose the Nâ—coda assembled his men to Councel for in Semblable occasions he always used so to do and told them that as sure as they were all to have a share in the peril so it was fit that every one should give his advice about it Then he made them a Speech wherein he represented unto them that which they had heard that night and how in regard thereof he feared to go unto the City Their opinions upon it were very different howbeit at length they concluded that their eyes were to be witnesses of that whereof they stood in such doubt To this end we set Sail having both wind and tyde and doubled a poâ—nt called Mounay from whence we discovered the City invironed with a world of men and upon the River almost as many vessels and although we suspected what this might be because we had heard something of it yet left we not off from sayling to the Port where we arrrived with a great deal of care and having discharged our Ordnance according to the usual manner in signe of peace we perceived a vessel very well furnished came directly to us from the shore wherein there was six Portugals at which we exceedingly rejoyced These presently came abord our Junck where they were very well entertained having declared unto us what we were to do for the safety of our persons they councelled us not to budge from thence for any thing in the world as we had told them our resolution was to have fled that night to Bengala because if we had followed that designe we had 〈◊〉 been lost and taken by the Fleet which the King of Bramaa had in that place consisting 〈◊〉 seventeen hundred Sayls wherein were comprised an hundred Gallies very well furnished with strangers They added withall that they were of opinion I should go ashore with them to Ioano Cayâ—yro who was Captain of the Portugals for to give him an account of the cause that brought me thither the rather for that he was a man of a sweet disposition and a great friend of Pedro de Faria's to whom they had often heard him give much commendation as well for his noble extraction as for the goodly qualities that were in him besides they told me that I should find Lançarote Gueyreyro and the rest of the Captains with him unto whom my aforesaid Letters were directed and that I should do nothing therein prejudicial to the Service of God and the King This counsel seeming good unto me I went presently to land with the Portugals to wait on Ioano Cayeyro to whom I was exceeding wâ—lcome as likewise to all the rest that were in his quarters to the number of seven hundred Portugals all rich men and of good esteem Then I shewed Ioano Cayeyro my Letters and the Order that Pedro de Faria had given me Moreover I treated with him about the affair that led me thither whereupon I observed that he was very instant with the Captains to whom I was addrest who answered him that they were ready to serve the King in all occasions that should be presented howbeit since the Letter of Pedro de Faria Governour of Malaca was grounded on the fear that he was in of the Army of the Achems composed of an hundred and thirty Sayl whereof Bijaya Sora King of Pedir was General and it having fallen out that his Admiral had been defeated at Tarnasery by those of the Country with the loss of seventy Lanchares and six thousand men it was not needful they should stir for that occasion for according to what they had seen with their own eyes the Forces of that enemy were so mightily weakned as they did not think he could in ten years space recover again the loss he had sustained To this they added many other reasons
by the four women upon whom she leaned directly to the Gallows whereon she and her four children were to be hanged and there the Rolim of Mounay who was held amongst them for a holy man used some speeches unto her for to encourage her the better to suffer death whereupon she desired them to give her a little water which being brought unto her she filled he mouth with it and so spurted it upon her four children whom she held in her arms then having kissed them many times she said unto them weeping O my Children my Children whom I have conceived anew within the interior of my Soul how happy would I think my self if I might redeem your lives with the loss of mine own a thousand times over if it were possible for in regard of the fear and anguish wherein I see you at this present and wherein every one sees me also I should receive Death with as good an heart from the hand of this cruel Enemy as I willingly desire to see my self in the presence of the Soveraign Lord of all things within the repose of his celestial Habitation Then turning her to the Hangman who was going to bind her two little boys Good Friend said she be not I pray thee so voyd of pity as to make me see my children dye for in so doing thou wouldst commit a great sin wherefore put me first to death and refuse me not this boon which I crave of thee for Gods sake After she had thus spoken she took her children again in her arms and kissing them over and over in giving them her last farewell she yielded up the ghost in the Ladies lap upon whom she leaned not so much as once stirring ever after which the Hangman perceiving ran presently unto her and hanged her as he had done the rest together with her four little children two of each side of her and she in the middle At this cruel and pitiful spectacle there arose from amongst all this people so great and hideous a cry that the Earth seemed to tremble under the feet of them that stood upon it and withall there followed such a Mutiny throughout the whole Camp as the King was constrained to fortifie himself in his quarter with six thousand Bramaa Horse and thirty thousand Foot and yet for all that be thought not himself secure enough from it had not the night come which onely was able to calm the furious motions of these men of war For of seven hundred thousand which were in the Camp six hundred thousand were by Nation Pegu's whose King was the Father of this Queen that was thus put to death but this Tyrant of Bramaa had so disarmed and subjected them as they durst not so much as quich upon any occasion Behold in what an infamous manner Nhay Canatoo finished her days a Princess every way accomplished wife to the Chaubainhaa King of Martabano and the daughter of the King of Pegu Emperor of nine Kingdoms whose yearly Revenue amounted unto three millions of Gold As for the infortunate King her Husband he was the same night cast into the River with a great stone tyed about his neck together with fifty or threescore of his chiefest Lords who were either the Fathers Husbands or Brothers of those hundred and forty Ladies that were most unjustly put to such an ignominious death amongst the which there were three whom this King of Bramaa had demanded in marriage at such time as he was but a simple Earl but not one of their Fathers would condescend unto it whereby one may see how great the revolutions of time and fortune are After the Tyrant of Bramaa had caused this rigorous Justice to be done he stayed there nine whole days during the which many of the Inhabitants of the City were also execued At last he departed for to go to Pegu leaving behind him Bainhaa Chaque Lord Steward of his House to take order for all things that might conduce to the pacifying of that Kingdom and to provide for the repairing of what the fire had consumed to which purpose he placed a good Garison there and carryed with him the rest of his Army Ioano Cayeyro followed him also with seven hundred Portugals not above three or four remaining behind in the ruines of Martabano and those too not very considerable except it were one named Gonçalo Falcan a Gentleman well born and whom these Gentiles commonly called Crisna Pacan that is to say Flower of Flowers a very honorable Title amongst them which the King of Bramaa had given him in recompence of his services Now for as much as at my departure from Malaca Pedro de Faria had given me a Letter directed unto him whereby he desired him to assist me with his favor in case I had need of it in the affair for which he sent me thither as well for the service of the King as for his own particular as soon as I arrived at Martabano where I found him resident I delivered him this Letter and withall gave him an account of the occasion that brought me thither which was to confirm the ancient league of Peace that the Chaubainhaa had made by his Embassadors with them of Malaca at such time as Pedro de Faria was first Governor of it and whereof he could not chuse but have some knowledg adding moreover how to that effect I had brought the Chaubainhaa Letters full of great protestations of amity and a Present of certain very rich Pieces of China Hereupon this Gonçalo Falcan imagining that by means hereof he might insinuate himself much more into the good grace of the King of Bramaa to whose side he turned at the siege of Martabano quitting that of the Chaubainhaa whom formerly he served he went three days after the Kings departure to his said Governor and told him that I was come thither as Embassador from the Captain of Malaca to treat with the Chaubainhaa unto whom the Captain sent an offer of great Forces against the King of Bramaa in so much that they of the Country were upon the point of fortifying themselves in Martabano and chasing away the Bramaas out of the Kingdom whereunto he added so many other such like matters that the Governor sent presently to apprehend me and after he had put me into safe custody he went directly to the Junck in which I came from Malaca and seized upon all the goods that were in her which were worth above an hundred thousand duckets committing the Necoda Captain and Master of the Junck to prison as also all the rest that were in her to the number of an hundred threescore and four persons wherein comprized forty rich Merchants Malayes Menancabo's Mahumetans and Gentiles Natives of Malaca All these were incontinently condemned to a confiscation of their goods and to remain the Kings prisoners as well as I for being complices in the Treason which the Captain of Malaca had plotted in secret with the Chaubainhaa against the King of Bramaa Having
he imbaâ—qued in twelve thousand rowing Vessels whereof two thousand were Seroos Laulers Caturos and Foists Now all this great Fleet set forth from Pegu the ninth day of March 1545. and going up the River of Ansedaa it went to Danapluu where it was furnished with all such provisions as was necessary From this place following on their way through a great River of fresh water called Picau Malacou which was above a league broad at length upon the thirteenth of April they came within view of Prom. There by some whom they took that night they learned that the King was dead and how he had left for his successor to the Kingdom a son of his of thirteen years of age whom the King his Father before he dyed had marryed to his wives sister the Aunt of the said young Prince and Daughter to the King of Avaa This young King was no sooner advertised of the King of Bramaa his coming to besiege him in his City of Prom but he sent presently away to the King his Father-in-law for succor which he instantly granted and to that end speedily raised an Army of 30000 Mons Tarces and Chalems choyce men and trained up in the Wars of whom he made a son of his and brother to the Queen General In the mean time the Bramaa having intelligence thereof used all possible diligence for to besiege the City before so great a succor might arrive To which purpose having landed his Army in a plain called Meigavotau some two leagues below the City he continued there five days in making ready such preparations as were needful Having given order for all things he caused his Army to march one morning before day directly to the City with the sound of Drums Fifes and other such instruments of War where being arrived about noon without any opposition he began presently to settle his Camp so that before it was night the whole City was environed with Trenches and very great Ditches as also with six rows of Cannons and other Pieces of Ordnance CHAP. LIII That which passed between the Queen of Prom and the King of Bramaa together with the first Assault that was given to the City and the Success thereof THe King of Bramaa had been now five days before the City of Prom when as the Queen that governed the State in the place of her Husband seeing her self thus besieged sent to visit this her enemy with a rich jewel of precious stones which was presented unto him by a Talagrepo or religious man of above an hundred years old who was held amongst them for a Saint together with a Letter wherein this was written Great and mighty Lord more favoured in the House of fortune then all the Kings of the earth the force of an extream power an increasing of the Salt-seas whereinto all lesser rivers do render themselvos a Shield full of very fair devices Processor of the greatest States upon the Throne whereof thy feet do repose with a marvellous Majesty I Nhay Nivolau a poor woman Governess and Tutress of my Son an Orphan do prostrate my self before thee with tears in mine eyes and with the respect which ought to be rendred unto thee I beseech thee not to draw thy Sword against my weakness for thou knowest that I am but a silly woman which can but only cry unto God for the wrong that it done me whose property also it is to succour with mercy and to chastice with justice the States of the world be they never so great trampling them under his feet with so redoubted a power that the very Inhabitants of the profound house of smoak do fear and tremble before this Almighty Lord I pray and conjure thee not to take from me that which is mine seeing it is so small a thing as thou shalt not be the greater for it when thou hast it nor yet the less if thou hast it not whereas contrarily if thou my Lord wilt shew thy self pitiful to me that act of clemency will bring thee such reputation as the very Infants themselves will cease from sucking the white breasts of their Mothers for to praise thee with the pure lips of their innocency and likewise all they of my Country and Strangers will ever remember such thy charity towards me and I my self will cause it to be graven on the Tombs of the dead that both they and the living may give thee thanks for a thing which I do beg of thee with so much instance from the bottom of my heart This holy man Avenlachim from whom thou shalt receive this Letter written with mine own hand hath Power and Authority to treat with thee in the Name of my Fatherless Son concerning all that shall be judged reasonable touching the tribute and homage which thou shalt think fit to have rendred unto thee upon condition that thou wilt be pleased to let us enjoy our houses so that under a true assurance thereof we may bring up our children and gather the fruit of our labours for the nourishment of the poor Inhabitants of this paltry Town who will all serve thee and I to with a most humble respect in all things wherein thou shalt think good to imploy us at thy pleasure The Bramaa received this Letter and Ambassage with a great deal of authority and entertained the Religious man that delivered it to him with much honour as well in reguard of his age as for that he was held as a Saint amongst thâ—m with all he granted him certain things which were at first demanded as a Cessation of Arms till such time as Articles should be agreed on as also a permission for the Besieged to converse with the Besiegers and other such things of little consequence In the mean time judging with himself that all those offers which this poor Queen made him and the humble submissions of her Letter proceeded from weakness and fear he would never answer the Ambassadour clearly or to purpose Contrarily he caused all the places there abouts that were weak and unarmed to be secretly ransaked and the poor Inhabitants thereof to be unmercifully butchered by their barbarous enemies whose cruelty was so gâ—eat that in five dayes according to report they killed fourteen thousand persons the most part whereof were women children and old men that were not able to bear Arms. Hereupon the Rolim who brought this Letter relying no longer on the false promises of this Tyrant and discontented with the little respect he used towards him demanded leave of him to return to the City which the Bâ—amaa gave him together with this answer That if the Queen would deliver up her self her Treasure her Kingdom and her Vassals to him he would recompence her another way for the loss of her State but withall that she was to return him a peremptory answer to this proposition of his the very same day which was all the time I could give her that so he might upon the knowledge of her resolution determine upon
what he had to do The Rolim went herewith back to the City where he gave the Queen an account of all things saying That this Tyrant was a man without faith and replete with damnable intentions for proof whereof he represented unto her the Siege of Martabano the usage of the Chaubainhaa after he rendred himself unto him upon his word and how he had put him his wife his children and the chiefest Nobility of his Kingdom to a most shamefull death These things considered it was instantly concluded as well by the Queen as by all those of her Councel that she should defend the City till such time as succour came from her Father which would be within fifteen days at the furthest This resolution taken she being of a great courage without further delay took order for all things that were thought necessary for the defence of the City animating to that end her people with great prudence and a man-like Spirit though she was but a woman Moreover as she liberally imparted to them of her Treasure so she promised every one throughly to acknowledg their services with all manner of recompences and honours whereby they were mightily encouraged to fight In the mean space the King of Bramaa seeing that the Rolim returned him no answer within the time prefixt began the next day to fortifie all the Quarters of his Camp with double rows of Cannon for to batter the City on every side and for assaulting of the walls he caused a great number of Ladders to be made publishing withall throughout his whole Army that all Souldiers upon pain of death should be ready within three days to go to the Assault The time then being come which was the third of May 1545. About an hour before day the King went out of his Quarter where he was at anchor upon the river with two thousand vessels of choice men and giving the Signal to the Commanders which were on Land to prepare themselves they altogether in one Body assailed the walls with so great a cry as if Heaven and earth would have come together so that both sides falling to encounter pell-mell with one another there was such a conflict betwixt them as within a little while the air was seen all on fire and the earth all bloody whereunto being added the clashing of weapons and noise of guns it was a spectacle so dreadful that we few Portugals who beheld these things remained astonished and almost besides our selves This fight indured full five hours at the end whereof the Tyrant of Bramaa seeing those within defend themselves so valiantly and the most part of his Forces to grow faint he went to land with ten or eleven thousand of his best men and with all diligence re-inforcing the Companies that were fighting the Bickering renewing in such sort as one would have said it did but then begin so great was the fury of it The second trial continued till night yet would not thâ— Kâ—ng desist from the fight what counsel soever was given him to retire but contrarily he swore not to give over the Enterprise begun and that he would lie that night within the inclosure of the City walls or cut off the heads of all those Commanders that were not wounded at their coming off In the mean time this obstinacy was very pejudicial to him for continuing the Assault till the Moon was gone down which was two hours past midnight he was then forced to sound a Retreat after he had lost in this Assault as was the next day found upon a Muster fourscore thousand of his men besides those which were hurt which were thirty thousand at the least whereof many died for want of dressing whence issued such a plague in the Camp as well through the corruption of the air as the water of the river that was all tainted with blood and dead bodies that thereby about fourscore thousand more perished amongst whom were five hundred Portugals having no other buriall then the bellies of Vultures Crows and such like birds of prey which devoured them all along the Coast where they lay The King of Bramaa having considered that this first Assault having cost him so dear would no more hazaâ—d his men in that manner but he caused a great Terrace to be made with Bavins and above ten thousand Date-trees which he commanded to be cut down and on that he raised up a platform so high as it over-topped the walls of the City two fathom and more where he placed fourscore pieces of Ordnance and with them continually battering the City for the space of nine dayes together it was for the most part demolished with the death of fourteen thousand persons which quite abated the poor Queens courage especially when she came to understand that she had but six thousand fighting men left all the rest which consisted of women chidren old men being unfit and unable to bear Arms. The miserable besieged seeing themselves reduced to such extreamity assembled together in Councel and there by the advice of the chiefest of them it was concluded That all in general should anoint themselves with the Oile of the Lamps of the Chappel of Quiay Nivandel God of Battail of the field Vitan and so offering themselves up in sacrifice to him set upon the platform with a determination either to dye or to vanquish in vowing themselves all for the defence of their young King to whom they had so lately done homage and sworn to be true and faithful Subjects This resolution taken which the Queen and all her Nobility approved of for the best and most assured in a time wherein all things were wanting to them for the longer defending themselves they promised to accomplish it in the manner aforesaid by a solemn Oâ—th which they all took Now there being no further question but to see how they should carry themselves in this affair they first of all made an Uncle of the Queens the Captains of this resolute Band who assembling these six thousand together the same night about the first quarter of the watch made a sally out of the two gates that were neerest to the Terrace and platform and so taking courage from their despair and resolution to dye they fought so valiantly that in less then half an hour the whole Camp was put in disorder the Terrace gained the fourscore pieces of Cannon taken the King himself hurt the Pallisado burnt the Trenches broken and the Xenimbrum General of the Army slain with above fifteen thousand â—en more amongst the which were five hundred Turks there weâ—e moreover forty Elephants taken besides those that were killed and eight hundred Bramaas made prisoners so that these six thousand resolute men did that which an hundred thousand though valiant enough could hardly have effected After this they retreated an hour before day and upon a review they found that of six thousand which they were there was but seven hundred slain This bad success so grieved and incensed the
the Scales he passed on through all the other quarters where were Comedies dancing wrastling and excellent consorts of all kinds of musick till at length we arrived at Tinagoogoo but with much labor and pain because the throng was so great as one could hardly break through it This Temple had but one â—sle that was very long and spacious and full of great wax lights each of them having ten or eleven wieks in it set up all about in Silver Candlesticks there was also great store of perfumes of Aloes and Benjamin As for the Image of Tinagoogoo it was placed in the midst of the Temple upon a stately Tribunal in the form of an Altar environed with a number of Silver Candlesticks and a many of Children attired in purple which did nothing but cense it at the sound of Instruments of musick whereon the Priests played reasonable well Before this Idol danced to the tune of the said Instrument 〈◊〉 in Ladies which were wonderful fair and richly clad to whom the people presented their alms and offerings which the Priests received for them and thâ—n layd them before the Tribunal of the Idol with a great deal of ceremony and complement ever and anon prostrating themselves on the ground The Status of this Monster was seven and twenty spans high having the face of a Gyant the hair of a Negro wide distorted nostrils mighty great lips and a very sowre and ill-favored countenance He had in his hand an Hatchet in the form of a Coopers Addis but with a far longer handle With this Addis as the Priests made the people believe this Monster the night before killed the gluttonous Serpent of the House of Smoke for that he would have stoln away the ashes of those that sacrificed themselves There also we saw the Serpent amidst the place before the Tribunal in the form of an Adder more horrible to behold then the wit of man can imagine and done so to the life as all that looked on it trembled for fear It was layd all along with the head cut off being eight fathom long and the neck of it as thick as a Bushel so lively represented that though we knew it to be an artificial thing yet could we not chuse but be afraid of it In the mean time all the assistants ran thronging about it some pricking it with the points of their Halberds and some with their Daggers every one with railing speeches cursing and calling it Proud presumptuous accursed infernal Mannor Pool of Damnation envious of Gods goodness hunger-starved Dragon in the midst of the night and many other names which they delivered in such extraordinary terms and so fitted to the effects of this Serpent as we could not but admire them That done they put into Basins which stood at the foot of the Idols Tribunal a world of alms of Gold Silver Jewels pieces of Silk fine Callicoes Mony and hundred other things in very great abundance After we had seen all these things we continued following the Embassador who went to see the Grots of the Hermits or Penitents which were at the utmost end of the Wood all cut out of the hard Rock and in such order as one would have thought that Nature rather then the hand of man had labored in it There were an hundred forty and two of them in some of the which remained divers men whom they held for Saints and that did very great and austere pennance They in the first Grots wore long Robes like the Bonzes of Iapan and followed the Law of an Idol that had sometimes been a man called Situmpor michay who during his life enjoyned those of his Sect to lead their lives in great austerity assuring them that the only and true way to gain Heaven was to subdue the flesh and that the more they labored to afflict themselves the more liberally God would grant them all they could demand of him They which accompanyed us thither told us that they seldom eat any thing buâ— herbs boyled a few Beans of Aricot rosted and wilde fruit which were provided for them by other Priests who as the Purveyors of a Cloister took care to furnish these Penitenâ—s with such things as were confortmable to the Law whereof they made profession After these we saw in a Grot others of a Sect of one of their Saints or rather of a Devil named Angâ—macur these lived in deep holes made in the midst of the Rock according to the Rule of their wretched order eating nothing but Flies Ants Scorpions and Spiders with the juyce of a certain Herb growing in abundance thereabout much like to sorrel These spent their time in meditating day and night with their eyes lifted up to Heaven and their hands closed one within another for a testimony that they desired nothing of this world and in that manner dyed like beasts but they are accounted greater Saints then all the rest and as such after they are dead they burn them in fires whereinto they cast great quantities of most precious perfumes the Funeral pomp being celebrated with great state and very rich offerings they have sumptuous Temples erected unto them thereby to draw the living to do as they had done for to obtain this vain glory which is all the recompence that the world gives them for their excessive pennance We likewise saw others of a Sect alâ—ogether diabolical invented by a certain Gileu Mitray These have sundry orders of pennance and are not much different in their Opinions from the Abissins of Ethiopia Now that their abstinence may be the more agreeable to their Idol some of them eat nothing but filthy thick â—pitings and snot with Grashoppers and Hens dung others clots of blood drawn from other men with bitter fruits and herbs brought to them from the wood by reason whereof they live but a short time and have so bad a look and colour as they fright those that behold them I will pass by them of the Sect of Godomem who spend their whole life in crying day and night on those mountains Godomem Godomem and desist not from it until they fall down stark dead to the ground for want of breath Neither will I speak of them which they call Taxilacons who dye more brutishly then the rest for they shut themselves up in certain Grots made of purposefor it that are very little and close stopped on all 〈◊〉 and then burning green â—histles and thorns in them they choke themselves with the smoke thereof Whereby one may see how by such rude and different ways of living these miserable creatures render themselves the Devils Martyrs who in reward thereof gives them everlasting Hell-fire and verily it is a pititiful thing to behold the great pains which these wretches take to lose themselves and the little that we do to be saved CHAP. LVII What we saw in the continuing of our voyage until we arrived at the City of Timplan AFter we had seen all these things with wonder enough
arrows but they recovered in a short time without the maâ—â—ing of any one As soon as the fortress was gained all that were found within it were put to the sword not sparing the life of any but that of the Pyrat and sixscore others of his company which were led alive to the King of Bramaa who caused them to be cast to his Elephants that instantly dismembred them In the mean time the taking of this fortress was so advantagious to the Portugals that were sent thither as they returned from thence all very rich and it was thought that five or six of them got each of them the value of five and twenty or thirty thousand duckats a piece and that he which had least had the worth of two or three thousand for his share After that the Ambassador was cured at Martabanâ— of the hurts which he had received in the fight he went directly to the City of Pegu where as I have declared the King of Bramaas Court was at that time who being advertised of his arrivall and of the letter which he brought him from the Calaminham whereby he accepted of his amity and allied himself with him he sent the Chaumigrem his foster-brother and brother-in-law to receive him to which end he set forth accompanied with all the Grandees of the Kingdom and four battalions of strangers amongst the which were a thousand Portugals commanded by Antonio Ferreira born in Braguenca a man of great understanding and to whom this King gave twelve thousand duckats a year pension besides the Presents which he bestowed on him in particular that came to little less Hereupon the King of Bramaa seeing that by this new league God had contented his desire he resolved to shew himself thankfull for so great a favour wherefore he caused great feasts to be made amongst these people and a number of Sacrifices to be offered in their Temples where there was no spare of perfumes and wherein it was thought there were killed above a thousand stags cows and hogs which were bestowed for an alms among the poor besides many other works of charity as the cloathing of five thousand poor folks and imploying great sums of money in the releasing of a thousand prisoners which were detained for debt After that these feasts had continued seven whole days together with a most ardent zeal and at the incredible charge of the King Lords and people news came to the City of the death of the Aixquendoo Roolim of Mounay who was as it were their Soveraign Bishop which caused all rejoycings to cease in an instant and every one to fall into mourning with great expressions of sorrow The King himself retired the fairs were given over the windows doors and shops were shut up so that no living thing was seen to stir in the City withall their Temples and Pagods were full of penitents of all sorts who with incessant shedding of tears exercised such an excesse of repentance as some of them died therewith In the mean time the King departed away the same night for to go to Mounay which was some twenty leagues from thence for that he was necessarily to be assistant at this funerall pomp according to the antient custom of the Kings of Pegu he arrived there the next day somewhat late and then gave order for all that was necessary for his funerals so that the next day every thing being in a readiness the body of the deceased was about evening brought from the place where he died and laid on a Scaffold that was erected in the midst of a great place hung all about with white velvet and covered over head with three cloths of Estate of gold and silver tinsell in the middle of it was a Throne of twelve steps ascent unto it and an hearse almost like unto ours set forth with divers rich works of gold and pretious stones round about hung a number of silver candlesticks and perfuming pots wherein great quantities of sweet odours were burnt by reason of the corruption of the body which already began to have an ill savour In this manner they kept it all that night during the which was no little ado and such a tumult of cries and lamentations made by the people as words are not able to express for the only number of the Bicos Grepos Menigrepos Talagrepos Guimons and Roolims who are the chiefest of their Priests amounted to above thirty thousand that were assembled together there besides a world of others which came thither every hour When divers inventions of sorrow that were well accommodated to the subject of this mourning had been shown there came some two hours after midnight out of a Temple called Quiay Figrau god of the Motes of the Sun a procession wherein were seen five hundred little boys stark naked and bound about the neck and the middle with cords and chains of iron upon their heads they carried bundles of wood and in their hands knives singing in two Quires with a tone so lamentable and sad as few that heard them could hardly forbear crying In the mean time one amongst them went saying in this manner Thou that art going to enjoy the contentments of heaven leave us not prisoners in this exile whereunto another Quire answered To the end we may rejoyce with thee in the blessings of the Lord then continuing their song in manner of a Letany they said many otherthings with the same tone After that when they were all fallen on their knees before the Scaffold where the body lay a Grepo above an hundred years old prostrated on the ground with his hands lifted up on high made a speech to him in the name of these little boys whereunto another Grepo who was neer the hearse as if he had spoken in the person of the deceased came to answer thus Since it hath pleased God by his holy will to form me of earth it hath pleased him also to resolve me into earth I recommend unto you my children the fear of that hour wherein the hand of the Lord shall put us into the balance of his justice whereupon all the rest with a great cry replied in this sort May it please the most Almighty high Lord that raigns in the Sun to have no regard to our works that so we may be delivered from the pains of death These little boys being retired there came others about the age of ten or eleven years apparrelled in white Sattin robes with chains of gold on their feet and about their necks many rich jewels and pearls After they had with much ceremony done a great deal of reverence to the dead body they went and florished naked scymitars which they had in their hands all about the hearse as if they would chace away the divell saying aloud Get thee gone accursed as thou art into the bottom of the house of smoke where dying with a perpetuall pain without making an end of dying thou shalt pay without making an end also of paying the
rigorous justice of the Lord above This said they withdrew as if they would shew that by this action they had left the body of the deceased exempt from the power of the divell which besieged it before In the place of these same came in six and twenty of their principall Talagrepos being fourscore years old and upwards apparrelled in robes of violet coloured damask and carrying silver censors in their hands before whom for the greater gracing of them marched twelve gentlemen Ushers with Maces of the same metall as soon as these Priests had censed the hearse four severall times with many ceremonies they all prostrated themselves with their faces on the ground and then one of them began to say as if he had spoken to the dead man If the clouds of heaven were able to tell our grief unto the beasts of the fielâ— they would forsake their pasture for to help us to wail thy death and the great extremity whereunto we are reduced or els they would beseech thee Lord to imbarque us with thee into this deadly house where thou seest not us because we are not worthy of so great a favour but that all this people may be comforted in thee before the tomb shall hide thy body from us shew us Lord by figures of earth the peaceable joy and sweet contentment of thy repose that we may be all awaked out of the heavy sleep wherein the obscurities of the flesh doth wrap us and that we miserable wretches may be incited to imitate thee and follow thy steps for to behold thee in the joyfull house of the Sun at the last gasp of our lives To these words the people having made a very dreadfull cry answered incontinently The Lord grant us this grace Then the twelve gentlemen Ushers that carried the Maces going on afore to make way thorough the press though with much ado because the people would not withdraw there came forth of an house on the right side of the Scaffold four and twenty little boys richly apparelled with chains of gold and pretious stones about their necks who playing after their manner on divers instruments of musick and falling down on their knees in two ranks before the hearse they continued playing on their instruments to the tune whereof there were only two of them that sung whereunto five others answered from time to time in such a dolefull manner as made all the assistants shed abundance of tears yea some of them were so sensible of it as they could not forbear plucking of their hair and knocking their heads against the steps of the Throne where the hearse stood During this and many other ceremonies there performed six young gentlemen Grepos sacrificed themselves by drinking out of a golden cup a certain yellow liquor so venemous that before they had made an end of their draught they fell down stark dead on the ground this action of theirs brought these Martyrs of the divell into the number of their Saints so as they were envied by every one for it and presently their bodies were carried with a solemn procession to be burnt in a great fire that was made of Sanders Aloes and Benjamin where they were quickly reduced unto ashes The next morning the Scaffold was disgarnished of all the richest pieces about it and the hearse but the cloths of estate the hangings and banners as also many other moveables of great worth were not stirred and so with divers ceremonies fearfull cries and lamentations and a strange noyse of severall sorts of instruments they set fire on the Scaffold and all that was upon it anoynting it often with odoriferous liquors and confections of great price Thus was the body consumed to ashes in a very short time but whilst it was burning the King and all the Grandees of his Court which were then present cast in by way of alms many pieces of gold preâ—ious stones jewels and chains of pearl of exceeding great value all which so ill imployed were instantly consumed by the fire together with the body and bones of that wretched dead man so as we were certainly informed afterward that this funerall pomp cost above an hundred thousand duckets besides the garments which the King and the Grandees of the country gave to thirty thousand Priests that vvere assisting at it wherein was imployed an incredible quantity of stuffes of severall sorts witnesse the Portugals who mightily profited by so lucky an occasion because they sold at what price they would such as they brought from Bâ—ngala for which they were paid in lingots of gold and silver CHAP. LXI The election of the new Roolim of Mounay the grand Talagrepo of these Gentiles of the Kingdome of Pegu. THe next day between seven and eight in the morning which was the time when the ashes of the deceased began to be cold the King and all the great Lords of the Court came unto the place where the body had been burnt marching all in order after the manner of a stately procession and assisted by all the Grepos amongst whom there were an hundred and thirty with silver censors and fourteen with miters of gold on their heads they were apparrelled in long robes of yellow sattin as for all the rest to the number of ten thousand they were cloathed with taffeta of the same colour and with a kind of surpliss of fine linnen which was not done without a very great charge by reason of the number of them Being arrived at the place where the Roolim had been burnt after some ceremonies performed as is usuall with them according to the time and sence that every one had of it a Talagrepo of the Bramaa Nation and Uncle to the King as Brother to his Father whom the people held for the ablest of them all having been chosen to preach that day went up into the Pulpit for that effect The beginning of his Sermon was an Elegy touching the defunct whose life he commended with many speeches that made for his purpose wherein he grew so earnest and hot as turning himself to the King with tears in his eys and lifting up his voice somewhat louder to the end he might hear him the better he said unto him If the Kings in these times wherein we live do consider how little a time they have to live and with what rigour of justice they shall be chastised by the Almighty hand of the most high God for the crimes of their tyrannicall lives possibly it would be better for them to feed in the open fields like bruit beasts then to be so absolute in their will and to use it with so little reason even as to be cruel to the good and slack in punishing the wicked whom by their soveraign power they have put into greatnesse and authority and truly they are much to be lamented whose good fortune hath raised them up to an estate so dangerous as is that of Kings at this day by reason of the insolence and liberty wherein they continually
which the enemies perceiving they formed a new Squadron of all those that remained of them wherein there were above an hundred thousand men as well sound as hurt and so past all the same day there joyned together in one entire body of an Army the King not daring to fight with them by reason he saw them fortified with two thousand ships wherein there were great numbers of men Neverthelesse as soon as it was dark night the enemies began to march away with all speed all along by the river wherewith the King was nothing displeased because the most part of his souldiers being hurt they were necessarily to be drest as indeed that was presently executed and the most part of the day and the night following imployed therein After the King of Siam had obtained so happy a victory the first thing that he did was to provide with all diligence for the fortifications of the town and whatsoever els he thought to be necessary for the security thereof After that he commanded a generall muster to be made of all his men of war that he might know how many he had lost in this battell whereupon he found that some fifty thousand were wanting all men of little reckoning whom the rigor of the Kings Edict had compelled to serve in this war ill provided and without defensive arms As for the enemies it was known the next day that an hundred and thirty thousand of them had been slain As soon as the hurt men were recovered the King having put into the principall places of this frontier such guards as seemed requisite to him was counselled by his Lords to make war upon the Kingdom of Guibem which was not above fifteen leagues from thence on the North side to be revenged on the Queen of Guibem for having given free passage thorough her dominions to those of Chiammay in regard whereof he attributed to her the losse of Oyaa Capimper and the thirty thousand men that had been killed with him The King approving of this advice parted from this town with an army of foure hundred thousand men and went and fell upon one of this Queens towns called Fumbacor which was easily taken and all the inhabitants put to the sword not one excepted This done he continued his voyage till he came to Guitor the capitall town of the Kingdom of Guibem where the Queen then was who being a widdow governed the State under the title of Regent during the minority of her son that was about the age of nine years At his arrivall he laid siege to the Town and forasmuch aâ— the Queen found not her self strong enough to resist the King of Siams power she fell to accord with him to pay him an annuall tribute of five thousand Turmes of silver which are threescore thousand Duckats of our money whereof she paid him five years advance in hand Besides that the young Prince her son did him homage as his vassall and the King led him away with him to Siam Hereupon he raised his siege from before the Town and passed on towards the North-East to the Town of Taysiran where he had news that the King of Chiammay was fallen off from the league aforesaid In the mean time whereas he had been six daies march in the enemies territories he sacked as many places as he met withall not permitting the life of any male whatsoever to be saved So proceeding onward he arrived at the Lake of Singipamor which ordinarily is called Chiammay where he stayed six and twenty daies during the which he took twelve goodly places invironed with ditches and bullworks after our fashion all of brick and mortar without any stone or lime in them because in the country it is not the custome to build so but they had no other Artillery then some Faulconets and certain muskets of brasse Now forasmuch as winter began to approach and that it was very rainy weather the King too feeling himself not very well he retired back again to the Town of Quitiruan where he tarried three and twenty daies and better in which space he made an end of fortifying it with walls and many broad and deep ditches so that having put this Town into an estate of being able to defend it self against any attempt he imbarqued his Army in the three thousand vessells which brought him thither and so returned towards Siam Nine daies after he arrived at Odiaa the chiefe City of his whole Kingdome where for the most part he kept his Court. At his arrivall the inhabitants gave him a stately reception wherein they bestowed a 〈◊〉 of money upon divers inventions which were made against his entry Now whereas during the six moneths of the Kings absence the Queen his wife had committed adultery with a Purveyor of her house named Vquuâ—cheâ—iraa and that at the Kings return she found her selfe gone four moneths with-child by him the fear she was in left it should be discovered made her for the saving of her self from the danger that threatned her resolve to poyson the King her husband as indeed without further delaying her pernitious intention she gave him in a messe of milk which wrought that effect as he died of it within five daies after during which time he took order by his Testament for the most important affairs of his Kingdome and discharged himself of the obligation wherein he stood ingaged to the strangers which had served him in this war of Chiammay In this Testament whenas he came to make mention of us Portugals he would needs have this clause added thereunto It is my intent that the sixscore Portugals which have alwayes so faithfully watched upon the guâ—rd â—f my person shall â—eceive for a recompence of their good services half a years tribute which the Queen of Guâ—bem gives me and that in my custome houses their Merchandise shall pay no custome foâ— the space of three years Moreover my intent is that their Priests may throughout all the Townes of my Kingdome publish the Law whereof they mâ—ke profâ—ssion namely of a God made man for the salvation of mankind as they have many times assured me To these things he added many others such like which well deserve to be reported here though I passe them under silence because I hope to make a more ample mention of them hereafter Furthermore he desired all the Grandees of his Court which were present with him that they would give him the consolation before he died to make his eldest Son be declared King which was incontinently executed For which effect after that all the Oyaas Conchalis and Montâ—os which are Soveraign dignities over all the rest of the Kingdome had taken the oath of Allegeance to this young Prince they shewed him out at a window to all the people who were in a great place below and they set upon his head a rich Crovvn of gold in the form of a Miter and put a svvord into his right hand and a pair of balances into
foaming with poyson make horrible cries and be delivered into the burning jawes of the dragon of discord whom the true Lord of all the Gods hath cursed for ever whereas contrarily to those that shall be so happy as to obey this Proclamation as his holy brethren and allies shall be granted in this life a perpetuall peace accompanied with a great deale of wealth and riches and after their death their souls shall be no lesse pure and agreeable to God then those of the Saints which goe dancing amidst the beams of the Sun in the celestiall repose of the Lord Almighty This publication made the musick began to play again with a great noise as before which made such an impression in the hearts of them that heard it as in seven nights that it continâ—ed above threescore thousand persons went and rendred themselves to the Xemindoo for most of them which heard those words gave as much credit thereunto as if an Angell from heaven had spoken them In the meane time the besieged Tyrant seeing that these secret Proclamations of the enemy were so prejudiciall unto him as they could not chuse but turn to his utter ruine brake the truce at twelve dayes end and deliberated with his Councell what he should do who advised him by no means to suffer h mself to remaine any longer besieged for feare left the inhabitants should mutinie and fall from him to the enemy and that the best and surest way was to fight with the Xemindoo in the open field before he grew to any further strength This resolution being approved of by Zenim de Satan he prepared himself for the execution of it to which effect he two dayes after before it was day sallied out at five gates of the city with fourscore thousand men which then he had and charged the enemies with strange fury They then in the meane time who alwayes stood upon their guard received them with a great deale of courage whereupon insued so cruell a conflict between them that in lesse then halfe an houre for so long lasted the heat of the fight there fell on both sides above forty thousand men but at the end of that time the new King Zenim was born from his Elephant by an harquebuze shot discharged at him by a Portugall named Gonçalo Nâ—to which caused all the rest to render themselves and the city likewise upon condition that the inhabitants should have their goods and lives saved By this means the Xemindoo entred peaceably into it and the very same day which was a Saturday the three and twentieth of February a thousand five hundred fifty and one he caused himself to be crowned King of Pegu in the greatest Temple of the city As for Gonçalo Nâ—to he gave him in recompence for killing the Tyrant twenty Bisses of gold which are ten thousand Duckats and to the other Portugalls being eighty in number he gave five thousand Duckats besides the honors and prsviledges which they had in the country he also exempted them for three years from paying any custome for their merchandize which was afterwards very exactly observed CHAP. LXXIII That which the Xemindoo did after he was Crowned King of Pegu with the Chaumigrems the King of Bramaaes Foster-Brothers coming against him with a great Army and divers other memorable things THe Xemindoo seeing himself Crowned King of Pegu and peaceable Lord of all the kingdome began to have thoughts far different from those which Xemin de Satan had had being raised to the same dignity of King for the first and principal thing wherein he imployed himself with all his endeavour was to maintain his Kingdome in peace and to cause Justice to flourish as indeed he established it with so much integritie as no man how great so ever he was durst wrong a lesser then himself withall in that which concerned the government of the Kingdome he proceeded with so much vertue and equity as it filled the strangers that were there with admiration so that one could not without marvel consider the peace the quiet and union of the wills of the people during the happy and peaceable estate of this Kingdome which continued the space of a year and better at the end whereof the Chaumigrem foster-brother to the same King of Bramaa whom Xemin de Satan had slaine as I have before declared having received advertisement that by reason of the rebellions and warres which since his departure from thence had happened in the Kingdome of Pegu the principall men of the State there had lost their lives and the Xemindoo who then raigned was unprovided of all things necessary for his defence he resolved once again to adventure upon the same enterprise which had formerly been undertaken by his late King With this design he entertained into his pay a mighty Army of strangers unto whom he gave a Tincall of gold by the month which is five dackets of our mony when as he had prepared all things in a readinesse he departed from Tanguu the place of his birth On the ninth day of March a thousand five hundred fifty and two with an Army of three hundred thousand men whereof only fifty thousand were Bramaas and all the rest Mons Chaleus Calaminhams Sauâ—nis Pamâ—rus and Auaas In the mean time the Xemindoo the new King of Pegu having certain intelligence of these great forces which were coming to fall upon him made preparation to go and meet them with a design to give them battle for which effect he assembled in the same City where he was a huge Army of nine hundred thousand men which were all Pegues by nation and consequently of a weake constitution and lesse warlick then all the others whereof I have spoken and on Tueseday the fourth of April about noone having received advice that the enemies Army was incamped all along the river of Meleytay some twelve leagues from thence he used such expedition as the same day and the next night all his Souldiers were put into battle array for whereas they had prepared every thing long before and had also been trayned by their Capt. there needed no great ado to bring them into order The day ensueing all these men of warre begun about nine of the clock in the morning to march at the sound of an infinite company of warlick instruments and went and lodged that night some two leagues from thence neer to the river Potarâ—u The next day an hour before Sun-set the Bramaa Chaumigrem appeared with so great a body of men as it took up the extent of a league and an half of ground his Army being composed of seaventy thousand horse of two hundred and thirty thousand foot and six thousand fighting elephants besides as many more which carried the baggage and victuals and in regard it was almost night he thought fit to lodge himself all along by the mountain that he might be in the greater safety Thus the night past with a good guard and a strange noise that was made on
either part The day following which was a Saturday the seventh of Aprill in the year one thousand five hundred fifty and three about five of the clock in the morning these two Armies began to move but with different intentions for the designe of the Bramaa was to passe the foard and recover an advantageous peece of ground which lay neer to another river and the Xemindoo had a desire to keep him from it and to stop his passage upon this contention some skirmishes ensued which continued most part of the day and wherein about five hundred men on the one side and the other were slain howbeit the advantage remained with the Chaumigrem because he gained the place whereunto he pretented and passed all the night there in banquetting and making great bonfires for this good successe The next day betimes in the morning the Xemindoo King of Pegu presented the battail to his enemyes who did not refuse it so that they incountred one another with all the fury that a cruel hatred is accustomed to kindle in such like cases the two vantgards then vvho vvere the best Soldiers amongst them fell so lustily unto it that in lesse then half an hour all the Field was covered with dead bodies and the Pegues began to lack courage Wherupon the Xemindoo seeing his men give ground came to succor them with a body of three thousand elephants wherewith he set upon the seventy thousand horse so couragiously and to the purpose as the Bramaaes lost all that they had gained which perceived by the Chaumigrem who was better experienced in matters of Warre knowing full well what he was to doe to recover all again made shew of retyring as if he had been vanquished the Xemindoo thereupon who understood not this stratagem and that thought of nothing but the victory pursued his enemie about a quarter of a league but incontinently the Bramaa facing about with all his forces fell upon his enemy with such violence and horrible cryes as not only men but even the very earth and all the other elements seemed to tremble at it By this meanes the conflict renewed in such sort as in a little time the ayre was seen all on fire and the ground watered all over with bloud for the Pegu Lords and Commanders beholding their King so farre ingaged in the battle and likely to lose the day ran instantly to his succor the like did the Panonsaray the Bramaaes brother on his side with fourty thousand men and two thousand elephants so that there ensued betwixt them so bloudy and dreadfull a fight as words are not able to expresse the truth of it wherefore I shall say no more but that half an hour or there about before Sun-set the Army of nine hundred thousand Pegues was utterly discomfited and as it was said four hundred thousand of them were left dead on the place and all the rest or the most part of them grievously wounded which the Xemindoo seeing fled out of the field and so escaped Thus did the victory remain unto the Chaumigrem who thereupon caused himself to be crowned King of Pegu with the same royal Ensignes magnificence and triumph as the other King of Bramaa whom Xemin de Satan slew had formerly been And in regard it was already night they bestowed the time in no other thing but in dressing the hurt men and keeping good watch in the Camp The next day as soon as it was light all the victorious souldiers as wel wounded as unwounded â—an to the spoil of the dead bodies wherewith divers amongst them were mightily enriched for they found there great store of Gold and Jewels by reason the custome of those Gentiles is as I think I have heretofore delivered to carry all their wealth about them to the War The souldiers being well satisfied in this particular the new King of this miserable Kingdome parted forthwith from the place where he had gotten the Victory and marched towards the Citie of Pegu distant soâ—â— three leagues from thence Now forasmuch as hee would not that day enter into it for certain considerations which I will relate hereafter hee set himself down in the view of it about half a league off in a Plain called Sunday Patir and after he had thus encamped his Army hee gave order for the guard of the four and twenty gates thereof by placing at each of them a Bramaa Commander with five thousand Horse In this manner hee remained there five dayes without being able to resolve to enter into the Citie out of the fear he was in lest the strangers should require of him the pillage of it as indeed he was obliged to grant it to them by the promise which he had made them for it at Tanguu Now the custom of men of War who live but upon their pay being to have regard to nothing but their interests these six Nations seeing the King thus defer his entry into the Citie which they could not brook began to mutinie and this by the instigation of a Portugal named Christonano Surnento a man of a turbulent spirit but otherwise a good and valiant Commander and this mutinie proceeded so far as the King of Bramaa for his own safety was constrained to retire into a Pagode where he fortified himself with his Bramaaes untill that the next morning about nine of the clock hee came to a truce with them and causing them to assemble together from the top of a wall he spake to them in this sort My worthy Friends and valiant Commanders I have caused you to come to this holy resting place of the dead to the end that with a solemn Oath I may discover unto you my intentions whereof with my knees on the ground and my eyes lift up unto heaven I take to witness Quiay Nivandel the God of Battel of the field Vitau beseeching him to be Iudg of this between you and me and to strike me dumb if I do not tell you the truth I very well remember the promise I made you at Tanguu which was to give you the pillage of this tumultuous Citie as well because I believed your valor would be as it were the minister of my revenge as in some sort to satisfie your avarice whereunto I know you are naturally very much inclined Now having given you this promise for a gage of my faith I acknowledg that I am altogether obliged not to break my word with you But when on the other side I come to consider the great inconveniences which may accrue to me thereby and the strict account which I shall one day render for it before the equitable and rigorous justice of the Lord above I must confesse unto you that I am very much affraid of charging my self with so heavie a burthen wherefore Reason advises me to render my self â—aulty towards men rather then to fall into the displeasure of God Besides it is not reasonable that the innocent should pay for the guilty and of whom I am sufficiently
promised me on his side that if God gave him life he would come back again unto me as speedily as he could And for asmuch as his return hath been longer then I looked for I have sent thus expresly to know both of him and of you the cause of this retardment of his Wherefore my Lord I desire you that he may hasten away to me with all the speed that the first season which shall be proper for navigation will permit For besides that his arrivall in my Kingdome is greatly important for the service of God it will be also very profitable to my self for the contracting of a new league with the great King of Portugal to the end that by this amitie my country and his may hereafter be but one thing and that his subjects may in all our ports and rivers be as free as they are in your Cochim where you are wherefore your Lordship shall exceedingly oblige me by sending one unto me that may be witnesse of the desire I have to serve your King for I will do it as willingly as the Sun is ready to hasten his course from the morning to the night Moreover Antonio Ferreyra will give thee the very same armes wherewith I vanquished the Kings of Fiangaa and Xemenarequa and which I wore in the day of battel I am ready in all things to obey my elder Brother that invincible King of the other end of the world Lord of the treasures of great Portugal The Vice-Roy having read this Letter sent for one father Belquior Rector of the Colledg of the Jesuits and having imparted unto him the King of Bungoes desire he told him that in regard Father Xavier was dead he could wish that he would in his stead undertake this voyage to Iapan which in all probalitie would very much redound to the service of God and the propogation of the Christian faith The Rector upon the hearing hereof willingly imbraced the imployment wherewith the Vice-Roy was exceedingly well pleased and very much commended him for such his good and pious resolution After this the Vice-Roy consulting with some of his friends about the chusing of a man that in qualitie of his Ambassador might accompany the Father in this expedition I was nominated unto him as the fittest he could fix upon in regard of the knowledg I had both of the Country and of the then King thereof whereupon I was immediatly also sent for and the Vice-Roy acquainting me with the great desire he had that I should take this negotiation upon me which he said did so much import the honor of God and the King our Masters service he prest me so earnestly to it that I knew not how to refuse him although I must confesse I was very unwilling thereunto So that consenting to what I could not well avoide he commanded that all things necessary for our voyage should with all convenient speed be prepared CHAP. LXXVII Father Belquior's and my departure from the Indiaes to go to Japan and that which befell us till our arrivall at the Island of Champeiloo FOurteen dayes after namely on the sixteenth of April One thousand five hundred fifty and four Father Belquior and I set sail for Malaca in a ship wherein also was Don Antonio de Noronha Son to Don Garcia de Noronha who had been Vice-Roy of the Indiaes that was going to take possession of the Government of the Fortresse there from the which the Vice-Roy had sent order to displace Don Alvaro de Tayda who was Captain of it as well for that he would not obey his Commands as for many other misdemeanors which he had committed whereof I will not speak in particular here because they are altogether from my purpose at this time The fifth day of June following we and the new Captain arrived at Malaca where the Licentiat Gasper Iorge Superintendant Generall of the Indiaes who was the man that prosecuted this businesse caused the people of the Town to assemble together upon the tolling of a Bell and having read unto them the Vice-Roys Letters Patents whereby he displaced Don Alvaro he examined him upon divers Interrogatories whereof two Registers made a verbal process which was signed both by them and the said Superintendent and the new Captain After all this Don Alvaro was deposed from his Government made a prisoner and all his estate confiscated the like was done to all his partakers who had favoured him in the imprisoning of Gamboa Superintendent of the Treasure and in disobeying the Vice-Roys Commissions as also in many other disorders that had been committed thereupon vvhich was executed with so much rigour as the most part fled to the Mahometans whereby the Fortresse remained so bare of men as it was in danger of being undone had not the new Captain provided for it with a great deal of prudence granting a general Abolition unto all although they returned for all that but with an ill will These revolutions and this excesse of justice which put all the Country into an uproar were the cause that Father Belquior and I could not this year pass unto Iapan as we had resolved so that we were constrained to winter at Malaca until April following in the year One thousand five hundred fifty and five which was ten months During that time the Auditor Gaspar Iorge continuing the rigorous executions which he exercised day by day was a subject of great scandal to all the Country vvherewith not yet contented and relying on the large Commission vvhich the Vice-Roy had given him he would needs intermeddle with the Captain Don Antonio's Jurisdiction and indeed he incroached so far on his Authority as Don Antonio had no more but the name of it and was no other then as a guard of the Fortress Now though he was very sensible of this affront yet he did dissemble and endure it with a great deal of patience But these excessive rigours of this Auditor continuing for the space of four months during the which there vvere many discontentments vvhereof I will not treat here in particular because the discourse of it would be infinite One day Don Antonio seeing the time proper for the execution of that which he had formerly resolved on caused some whom he had destined for it to seise on him in the Fortress and carry him to a private house vvhere according to report he was stript stark naked and his hands and feet being bound with cords he was grievously whipped After which having drop'd scalding oyl on his bare flesh which had almost killed him and clapt irons on his legs and manacles on his hands they pluck'd off all the hair of his beard leaving him not so much as one and did many other such like things unto him as it was publickly spoken so that the poor Licentiat Gaspar Iorge who termed himself Auditor Generall of the Indiaes great Provisor of the deceased and Orphelins and Superintendent of the Treasure of Malaca and or the Countries of the South