others of them were so palliated and countenanced by their owne over-swaying greatnesse that none durst question nor record them thougâ— notoriousâ— and some of them were questionlesse concealed by our Histoâ—ians who being for the most part Monkes Priests or the Prelates owne creatures flatterers and dependants out of favour or affection did labour all they could to palliate not to record or lay open their ghostly Fathers nakednesse in this kindeâ— Neither have I collected every particular of this nature which our Historians relate buâ— onely selected such presidents as I cursorily observed in ow Annals and hastily collected for the most part long since to which I presume â—he diligent Reader may accumulate many more yet these I conceive are so many for number so prodigious for circumstance that they exceede both in multâ—tude and heinousnesse all disloyall practises of like sort acted against our English Monarches by all other their subjects of what quality soever the Nobles and others attainted formerly of Treason Rebellion and suffering for the same being for the most part but the Prelates instruments the chiefe Architects Arch-plotters and inciters of all the Conspiracies Treasons Rebellions warres and dissentions that ever hapned in our Kingdome and yet these Arch-traytors and Incendiaries commonly escaped the hand of Iustice by reason of their unholy holy Order and appeales to Rome when as their under-hand Instruments though lesse culpable received due execution If then we consider the paucity of our Arch-Prelates and Lord Bishops of England of which there is but one in each See at a time when full and sometimes none for divers yeares in times of vacancy in comparison of the numerosity of the Nobility Gentry and Commonalty of England on the one side and then on the other hand compare the multitude of the Prelates notorious Treasons Rebellions Seditions and Contumacies against their Kings with thosâ— of the Nobility Gentry Commons which they farre exceede in number and notorius circumstances Or if we observe with what an high hand these Prelates have acted justified defended these their villanies not onely by protecting but canonizing the Authors of them for holy Saints and Martyrs as Dunstane Becket Anselme Hugh and others onely because they were Prelates when as in truth they ought so much the rather to have branded them for notorious Traytors and Rebels execrable both to God and man we must necessarily conclude their NO BISHOP NO KING to â—e a notorious Bull and NO KING VNLESSE NO BISHOP to be a more probable and most true Position and that ouâ— English Lord Bps especially those of Canterbury Primates of all England â—nely in evill for the most part have beene the most notorious Traytors Rebels Conspirators Incendiaries Vipers Pests Grievances to the Kings and State of England of all otâ—ers and so by consequence rather of Antichristian and Diabolicall thâ—n Divine or Apostolicall instiâ—ution fit to be utterly extirpated both by King and Kingdome neither of which shall long flourish in happinesse piety or tranquillity whiles Lordly Prelates beare the sway and manage the chiefe Tempâ—rall Offices or Affaires contrary to Christs owne expresse Inhibitions Mat. 20.25 26 27 Luk 22.25.26 Act. 6.4 2 Tim. 2.4 1 Pet. 5.1 â—33 Rom. 12.7 8. 1 Johâ— 3.9 10 If any surmise I write thus sharpely onely out of malice against our Prelates I shall desire but this favour from them to suspend their censures till they have impartially surveyed the ensuing Particulars which I have sincerely related as I finde them recorded without flattery on the one hand or malignity on the other and then I doubt not but they will change their mindes and readily subscribe to my Conclusions ratified by so many ancient Presidents of old and so many visible experiments fresh before our eyes Now because the Arch-Prelates of Canterbury erected by Gregory the first his Bull then Pope of Rome which have engaged them ever since to be Popes sworne Vassals for the most part and to imitate Popes in their most execrable Treasons and Conspiracies have beene the Archest Tâ—aytors Rebels and Opposites to the Kings â—f England in all Ages I shall for Order and Honour sake begin first with their Contumacies Treacheries and Rebellious practises and that in a Chronologicall manner according to their severall Antiquities and from them I shall descend to the Arch-bishops of Yorke the greatest Arch-traytors and Rebels next to those of Canterbury and then passe to otâ—er of our Prelates in their order with as much brevity and perspicuity as the subject matter will permit me concluding with such materiall observations against our Lordly Hierarchy as shall be infallibly warranted by the ensuing Histories and with such domesticke Authorities against Episcopacy the Lordlinesse Secularity wealth and temporall imployments of our Prelates and their mischievousnesse both in Church and state as I trust will abundantly satisfie the most Episcopall men whose arguments both for the pretended Divinity and perpetuity of Episcopacy in our Church I hope I shall satisfactorily answere But not to detaine you longer with a Prologue I shall addresse my selfe to the subject matter surveying the Bishops of Canterburies actions in the first place THE ANTIPATHIE OF THE ENGLISH LORDLY PRELACIE BOTH TO REGALL MONARCHY AND CIVILL UNITY CHAP. I. Containing the severall Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Seditions Contumacies Disloyalties of the Arch-bishops of Canterâ—ury against their Soveraignes Kings of England the severall Warres Tumults Dissentions occasioned and raysed by them in or against our Realme with their manifold practises and attempts to undermine our Lawes IN relating these Disloyalties of our holy Arâ—h-Prelates of Canterbury I cannot sing as the Poet once did Ab Iove principium Musae Iovis omnia plena sith there is little of God in any of their actions I am now to relate unlesse I take Iove here not for the true living God but for a meere impious treacherous murthering usurping Devill incarnate who thrust his Father Saturne out of his Royall Throne and injuriously possessed hâ—mselfe of his Kingdome against all right and equity And in this sense I may truely chaunt Ab Iove principium c. since I must not onely begin but proceede and end with Devils incarnate masked under a Pâ—â—laâ—es white Rocher rather than with holy Fathers of the Church One of the first men of this stampe that encounters me in the Sea of Canterbury is Odo surnamed the Severe possessing this Ponâ—â—â—call Chaire about the yeare of our Lord 940. This pragmaticall turbulent Arch-Prelate as hee was thrice in Armes in the Field after he was made a Bishop where he â—ought like a valiant Champion so hee caused King Edwin wiâ—h whom hee had very evill agreement to bee divorced from his Queene some say for consanguinity others for other reasons Whereupon the King betaking himselfe â—o his Concubines Odo thereâ—pon suspended the King from the Church excommunicated his Concubines causing one of them whom the King unreasonably doâ—ed upon to bee fetcht out of the Court
threats of his brother Richard and of the Bishops conspiring with him to draw the King hither and thither to make him odious both to the Pope and people among whom the Bishop of Winchester was chiefe to whom power was given by the Pope to interdict the Kingdome yeelded at last to this taxe being overcome and debilitated with feare The passages whereof are more largely related by Matthew Paris together with the Popes intollerable exactions upon England William Raley the 41. Bishop of Winchester imployed in this former service for the Pope Anno. 1243. being unduly elected by the Monkes of Winchester contrary to King Henry the third his command the King hereupon commanded that no man should give him or his any victuall or lodging charging the Major and Citizens of Winchester to forbid him entrance into that city which they did the Bishop thereupon excommunicated the Major Monks and whole city and interdiâ—ted the Cathedrall for which he felt the burthen of the Kings displeasure so heavy upon him in England as he thought good to fly the Realme till at last by Boniface the Archbishops intercession and the Popes earnest Letters to the King and Queene he was restored to the Kings favour and obtained License to returne The Bishop hereupon in thankefulnesse bestowed upon the Pope 6000. markes for his fatherly care of him which hee in good nature because he would not be reputed disdainfull tooke every penny It is recorded of this Bishop that a little before his death he had the Sacrament brought unto him and perceiving the Priest to enter his Chamber with it he cried out Stay good friend let the Lord come no nearer unto me it is more fit that I be drawne to hira as a Traytor that in many things have beene a Traytor unto him His servants therefore by his commandement drew him out of his bed unto the place where the Priest was and there with teares he received the Sacrament and spent much time in prayer and soone after died at Turon the 20th of September 1249. Ethelâ—arns halfe brother unto the King a man saith Matth. Paris in respect of his orders yeares and learning utterly unsufficient was at the Kings speciall request elected next Bishop of this See he had at that time other spirituall livings equivalent in revenue to the Archbishopricke of Canterbury which that hee might keepe and yet receive all the profits likewise of the Bishopricke of Winchester he determined not to be consecrated at allâ— but to hold it by his election and so did indeede for the space of nine yeares In the meane time he and the rest of his countrymen with whom the Realme was much pestered were growne very odious as well with the Nobility as the Commons not onely for their infinite wealth and immoderate preferment much envied but much more for their pride and insolency which a man can hardly beare in his owne friend much lesse in an alien and â—tranger whom men naturally dislike much sooner then their owne countrimen Amongst the rest this Ethelmarus bare himselfe so bold upon the King his brother as he gave commandement to his servants to force a Clergy man out of the possession of a Benefice whereunto he pretended some right and if he withstood them to draw him out of his possession in contumelious manner the poore man loath to loose his living defended it so long till by my Lord Elects men he was slaine himselfe and his people so soare beaten and wounded as within few dayes one or two of them died This fact and other like complained of by the Barons to the Pope and King brought all the Poictavins into such hatred as the Realme was ready to rise against them and the rather upon this occasion Anno. Dom. 1252. a certainâ— Priest intruded himselfe by authority of this Prelate into the Hospitall in Southwerke within this Diocesse founded by Thomas Becket Eustathius de Len. Officiall to the Archbishop of Canterbury conceiving himselfe injured hereby because by reason of the patronage his consent ought to have intervened which was omitted through contemptâ— thrice admonished the said Priest to depart because his entranee was injurious and presumptuous the Priest stiled commonly the Prior of this Hospitall refuseth to doe it keeping possession The â—fficiall hereupon excommunicates him for his contumacy under which excommunication the Prior continued fortie dayes multiplying threats and revilings The Officiall not brooking such pride at last commanded this contumacious Prior to be apprehended who hearing of itâ— enters into the Church in his Priestly Vestments were he fortifieth himselfe the officers purposely sent to apprehend him spared him not because he had contemned the keyes of the Church The Officiall therefore commanded him to be carried to Maydstoneâ— a manner of the Archbishops untill it were determined what should be done hereupon thinking to keepe him there beâ—ause the Archbishop was said to be neare that place But the Bishop of Winchester hearing of it was more angry than became him as if he had sufferâ—d a great injury with disgrace presented a grievous complaint to his brethren with whose ayde and councell being puffed up he calling a band of Souldiers together with no small company following them sent them to seeke and apprehend the authors of this violence They therefore with great â—orce and tumult as in a hostile war came to Suwerke thinking to have found them there where searching all places and finding none of them they went hastily with a swift pace to Maydstone to free the Captive Prior there detained with a powerfull hand and breaking downe all that stood in the way searching all secret corners when they found not him they sought for because hee was hid they called for fire that they might burne all to ashes And after many injuries there committed when they found not him they sought for certified by some whisperers where the Officiall was they sought forâ— to wit at Lambeth neare London they all ran thither in a troope where heaving up the doores from their hinges and breaking them running in altogether in a confused troope sodainely before the houre of dinner they tooke the Officiall premeditating no such thing in a hostile and unseemely manner and haling him away they set him on a horse like a vile slave deprehended in the act of stealing to be carried whether they pleased he being not suffered so much as to touch the reâ—nes of the horses bridle that carried him O rash presumptionâ— O unexcusable â—rreverence saith Matth. Paris which so ignominiously handled and worried such an authenticall man so excellent learned so perspicuosly famous and representing the Archbishops person Moreover they inhumanly handled the Chaplaine serving in his Chappell and flying to the hornes of the Altar rayling upon him The Officiall after they had done all things which anger yea fury had perswaded they drew by the Bridle to Fâ—rnehold till they were certified of the Priors restitution detaining him violently against his will
Impeachment against him reported to the Commons House and now ready for a transmission to the Lords by perusall whereof you may in part discerne what a good Prelate and carefull Bishop he hath been or rather a Wolfe in a Bishops Rochet Articles of Accusation and impeachment by the Commons House of Parliament against William Pierce Doctor of Divinity and Bishop of Bath and Wells THat he hath by his owne arbitrary power against Law since he was Bishop of Bath and Wells being about ten yeares space of purpose to keep the people in ignorance and hinder the Salvation of their Soules which hee should promote in and about the yeares of our Lord 1633.1634.1635 and since suppressed all Lectures within his Diocesse both in Market Townes end elsewhere aswell those that the ministers kept in their severall Câ—res as others that were maintained by severall yearely stipends given by the Founders out of their piety and devotion for such good uses or by the volentary assistance of neighbour ministers some of which Lectures had continued for 50.40.30 and 20. yeares without interruption and were countenanced by his predecessors who used to preach at some of them in their turnes That insteade of incouraging he hath suspended excommunicated and otherwise vexed the sayd Lecturers glorying in his so doing and thanking God that he had not a Lecture left in his Diocesse the very name whereof he sayd hee disliked and affirmed unto Master Cunnant a minister who desired the continuance oâ— a Lecture that he would not leave one within his Diocesse the Bishop alleadging that though there was neede of preaching in the infancy of the Church in the Apostles time yet now there was no such need and thereupon required the said minister upon his Canonicall obedience not to preach and in like manner he dealt with many other Godly Ministers within his Diocesse And in particular hee suspended Master Devenish the Minister of Bridgewater for preaching a Lecture in his owne Church on the market day there which Lecture had continued from Queene Elizabeths time till then and refused to absolve him till he had promised never to preach it more upon which promise the said Bishop absolved him with this admonition of our Saviour most prophanely applyed Goe thy way sin no more lâ—st a worse thing happen to thee And not content to put downe Lectures in his owne Diocesse he hath endeavoured the suppression of them in others by conventing some ministers of his Diocesâ—e before him as namely one Master Cunnant and Mr. Stricklaâ—d and threatâ—ing to suspend them for preaching their turnes at Lectures in other Diocesses neere them That in opposition to preaching and the Spiritâ—all good oâ— the peoples Soules he hath in and about the years aforesaid most impiously and against Law put downe all afternoone Sermons on â—he Lords day throughout his Diocesse and charged the Ministers both publikely in his visitations privatly noâ— to preach at all on the Lords day on the afternoon upon any occasion under paine of suspension after which charge he suspended one Mr. Cornish a Minister only for preaching a funâ—rall Sermon on a Lords day Evening That divers godly Ministers of his Diocesse being restrained from preaching did thereupon take great paines to Catechisâ—â— the people in the principles of Religion on the Lords day in the afternoone in larging themselves upon the questions and answers of the Catechisme in the Common prayer Booke for the peoples better instruction using some short prayers before or after that exercise of which the sayd Bishop having intelligence in and about the yeares aforesayd convented the sayd ministers before him reproving them sharpely for the same threatnâ—ng to punish them if they persisted in that way which he sayd was a Catechising Sermon-wise and AS BAD as if they preached charging them that they should aske no questions nor receive any other answeres from the people but such as were contained in the Catechisme in the Service booke which some not observing were convented thereupon before thâ— sayd Bishâ—p and punished as namely Master Barret Rector of Barmicke who was enjoyned penancâ— for transgressing the Bishopâ— sayd orderâ— and likewise Humphry Blake Church-warden of Bridgâ—water was enjoyned penance by the Bishop for not presenting Master Devenish Minister there for that he expounded upon the Church Catechisme on the Lords day in the afternoonâ— and made a short prayer before he began the same â— the Bishop alleaging that it was against his order and command as is above sayd That he hath in the yeares aforesayd both by precept and example most prophanely opposed the due sanctification of the Lords day by approving and allowing of prophane Wakes and Revels on that day contrary to the Lawes and Statuâ—es of this Realme for which purpose he Commanded afternoone-Service on the Lords day not to be long that so the people might not be hindred from their Recreations pressed and injoyned al the Ministers in his Diocesse in their proper persons to read the book of sports in their severall Parish Churches in the midst of divine Service at morning prayer on the Lords day contrary to the words and purport of the sayd booke which some ministers as Master Hâ—mphry Chambers and Master Thomas refusing to doe he thereupon suspended them both from their office and Benefice and kept them excommunicated for divers yeares notwithstanding the sayd booke was by the Bishops Order published in their Churches by others he convented the minister of Beerecrockeham before him for having two Sermons on the sayd Parish Revell day alleaging that it was a hinderance to the sayd Revell and to the utterance of the Church Ale provided to be spent on that day He convented and punished one Master Thomas Elford a Minister for preaching at the Parish of Mountague upon the Revell day upon the Prophet Ioels exhortation mourningâ— charging him that not onely his Sermon but his very Text wasâ— scandalous to the Revell and gave offeâ—ce to the meeting And for the same reason the sayd Bishop commanded the Church-wardeâ—â— of the Parish of Barecomâ—e to bloâ— out of the Church wall this Text of Scripture therein written taken out of Esay 58.13.14 If thou turne away thy â—ooâ— from the Sabbath from doing thy pleasure on my Holy day and call the Sabbath a delight the Holy of the Lord Honourable and shalâ— honour him not doing thy owne wayes nor finding thine own pleasâ—reâ— nor speaking thine owne words then shalt thou delight thy selfe in the Lordâ— and I will â—ause thee to ride upon the high places of the earth and feede thâ—e with the heritage of Jacob thy Father for the mâ—â—th of the Lord hath spoken it And he likewise cauâ—ed this clause in Doctor Bisse his monument in that Church formerly Pastor there to be rased out He was an enemy to heeathenish Revels To conntenance which Revels the sayd Bishop in opposition â—o the orders of the Judges of Assiâ—e and Justices of
of conscience he who hath learned nothing is made the teacher of others and like sounding brasse and a â—inkling Cymball usurpes the office of Preaching when as he is an unprofitable â—tock and a dumbe Idoll This is it which Ecclesiastes deploringly complaines of I have seene saith he an evill under the Sunne a foole placed in high dignity and wise men sitting in low places An illiterate Bishop is a dumbe preacher It is a Prelates duty to instruct the people under him to render a people acceptable to God by opening the mystery of the Scriptures But at this day such as the people are such is the Priest as hiâ— darknes is so also is light Blush O Sidon at the Sea a Prelaâ—e may blush and grieve to rule over people not to profit them to have taken upon him the office of a Teacher and to be mute in instructing the people It is the word of the lamenting Prophet My people is become a lost flock their Pastors have seduced them they are dumbâ— dogges not able to barkeâ— They ought to drive the Wolves from the flocks but they themselves are wolves to their owne taking care neither of their owne nor theirs salvation they preciâ—itate theâ—selves with their flocks into the pit of eternall death Thus and much more he Not to mention Grostheads booke de Ignavia Praelatorum Or Halredus de Praelatorum moribus Nigellus Wireker de Abusu rerum Ecclesiae Gualther Mapes his Complaint against the Prâ—lâ—tes Ad malâ—s Pastores ad â—mpios Praelatosâ— Robert Baston de sacerdotum Luxuriis or â—ohn Purvey de obliquo cleri statu all declaiming against the Lordlinesse pompe pride wealth and vâ—â—es of Prelates the most of which bookes the Prelates have suppressed their titles onely being left upon record Nor yet to mention the passages of Robert Holkot our famous Clerke In lib. Sapientiae lect 77.163 and lect 1. in Proverbia Solomonis to like purpose Richardus Armachanus Archbishop of Armagh flourishiâ—g in the beginning of Wicklifâ— time about the yeare of Christ 1350. De Questionibus Armenorum l. 11. â— 1. determines thus That neither the Dominion nor Ministry of temporall things belongs to Ecclesiasticall dignity but rather deminishes iâ— For the Lord prohibited the Dominion of temporall things to his Apostles and Disciples saying Possesse neither gold nor moneys in your purses Mat. 10.19 If thou wilt be perfect goâ— and sell all thou hast give to the poore Now it cannot bee of Ecclesiasticall dignity which the Head of the Church hath prohibited to his members or at least would not have them to poâ—sessâ—â— Whence it appeares that the dominion or possession of temporall things doth in no wise essentially appertaine to Ecclesiasticall dignity but rather diminisheth it In the second Chapter he averres that these states and degrees of Patriâ—rch Archbishop Bishop c. were invented onely out of the devotion of men not instituted by Christ and his Apostles That no Prelate of the Church how great soever hath any greater degree of the power of order then a simple Priest In the fourth Chapter hee proves that the power of confirmation and imposition of hands that the Holy Ghost may be given thereby appertains to the jurisdiction of thâ— Presbytery Which he manifesteth by Acts 7. 14. 1 Tim. 4. and by the practice of the Primitive Church after the Apostles time In the fourth and fifth Chapters he demonstrates That Priests are called Bishops by the Apostle Phil. 1.1 1 Tim. 3. Titus 1. and Acts 20.28 Et quod ordine succedant Apostolis and that they succeed the Apostles in order In the sixth Chapter he proves That all Priests and Bishops are equall as to the power of Order And in the fourth Chapter he punctually determines That there is no distinction found in the Evangelicall or Apostolicall Scriptures betweene Bishops and simple Priests called Presbyters Whence it followâ—s Quod in omnibus est una potestas aequalis ex ordinâ— that in all of them there is one and equall power by reason of Order And that for ought he can find the Apostle Paul doth not in any of his Epistles distinguish between the Order of Presbyters that is of Apostles and Bishops That every one who hath the cure of others is a Bishop Which the name of a Bishop importeth and manifesteth For a Bishop is nothing else but a superintendent or watchman From whence it is evidentâ— that besides the power of Order hee hath nothing but a Cure Our famous English Apostle John VVicklife as Master Fox oft stiles him delivers the selfesame doctrine of the Identity of Presbyters and Bishops Dialogorum l. 4. c. 14. De Sacramento ordinis f. 124 125. Some men saith he multiply the character in Orders But I consider whether their foundation or fruit be in the Scripture But one thing I confidently averre That in the Primitive Church and in Pauls time two Orders sufficed The Presbyter and the Deacon Likewise I say that in Pauls time a Presbyter and Bishop suit idem was the same This appeares by the first of Timothy chap 3. and Tâ—tus chap. 1. And herein that profound Divine Hierome justifies the same as appeares Distinct. 74. Cap. Olim. For then was not invented that distinction of Pope and Cardinalls Patriarchs and Archbishops Bishops Archdeacons Officials and Deanes with other Officers and private Religions of which there is neither number nor Order Concerning the contentions about these things that every one of these is an Order and that in the reception thereof the grace of God and a character is imprinted with other difficulties which ours babble about it seemeâ— good to me to be silent because they neither establish nor prove what they affirme But out of the faith of Scripture it seemeâ—h to me to suffice if there be Presbyters and Deacons keeping the staâ—e and office which Christ hath imposed on them Because it seemes certaine that Caesarian Pride invented these other degrees and Orders For if they had been necessary to the Church Christ and his Apostles had not been silent in the expression of them and description of their office as those blaspheme who magnifie the Popes Laws above Christ. But a Catholicke ought to receive the office of these Clergy-men out of the Scriptures authority out of the Epistles to Timothy and Titus Neither ought he under paine of sinne to admit these new Caesarian inventions Thomas Waldensis Wickliffes professed Antagonist Tom. 1. l. 3. Artic. 3. c. 29.30.31 32. Tom. 2. c. 117 118. and Tom. 3. c. 60.61 62 63. brings in Wickliffâ— proving by many arguments That Bishops and Presbyters are all one and the same by divine institution and Gods Law That the Ordination of Presbyters belongs not onely to Bishops sed etiam ad simplicâ—m Sacerdotem But even to a meere Priest as well as to them That one ordained a Minister by a meere Priest alone ought not to doubt of his Priesthood or to seeke
Oxford William Cliffe Geoffry Dowes Robert Oking Ralph Bradford Richard Smith Simon Mathew Iohn Pryn William Buckmaster William May Nicholas Wotton Richard Cox Iohn Edmunds Thomas Robertson Iohn Baker Thomas Barret Iohn Hase Iohn Tyson Doctors and Professors in Divinity and of the civill and Canon Law with the whole Convocation House and Clergy of Enland in their Booke intituled The Institution of a Christian man dedicated by them to King Henry the eight Printed Cum Privilegio subscribed with all their names and ratified by the Statute of 32. Henry the eight cap. 26. chap. Of the Sacrament of Order fol. 48. c. And King Henry 8. himselfe in his Booke inscribed A necessary erudition for any Christian man published with the advise and approbation of all the Prelates Clergy of England in their Convocation and of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall and nether House of Parliament with the Kings owne royall Epistle to all his loving Subjects before it Anno 1545. by vertue of the Satute of 32 Henry the eight c. 26. Chap. of the Sacrament of Order Doe all thus joyntly determine of the calling jurisdiction Lordlinesse and secular imployments of Bishops The truth is that in the New Testament there is no mention made of any degrees or distinctions in Orders but onely of Deacons and Ministers and of Priests or Bishopâ— And of these two Orders onely that is to say Priests and Deacons Scripture maketh expresse mention and how they were conferred of the Apostles by Prayer and imposition of their hands And to these two the Primitive Church did add and conjoyne certaine other inferior and lower degrees And as concerning the office and duty of the said Ecclesiasticall Ministers the same consisteth in true preaching and teaching the word of God unto the people iâ— dispensing and ministring the Sacraments of Christ in consecratingâ— and offering the blessed body and blood of Christ in the Sacrament of the Altar in loosing and assoyling from sinne such persons as be sorry and truely penitent for the same and excommunicating such as bâ— guilty in manifest crimes and will not be reformed otherwise and finally in praying for the whole Church of Christâ— and specially for the flocke committed unto them And although the office and ministry of Priests and Bishops stand câ—iefly in these things before rehearsed yeâ— neither they nor any of them may exercise and execute any of the same offices but with such sort and such limitation as the Ordinances and Lawes of every Christian Realme doe permit and â—uffer It is out of all doubt that there is no mention made neither in Scripture neither in the writings of any authentical Doctâ—r or Author of the Church being within the time of the â—postles that Christ did ever make or institute any distinction or difference to be in the preheminence of power order or jurisdiction between the Apostleâ— themselves or between the Bishops themselves but that they were all â—quall in power authorâ—ty and jurisdâ—ctâ—on And that there is now and since the time of the Apostles any such diversity or difference among the Bishops It was devised by the ancient Fathers of the Primitive Church for the conservation of good order and unity of the Catholique Church and that either by the consent and authority or else at least by the permâ—ssion and suffâ—rance of the Prâ—nces and civill powers for the time ruling For the said Fathers considering the great and infinite multitude of Christian men so lâ—rgely encreased through the world and taking examples of the Old Testamâ—nt thought it expedient to make an order of degrees to be among Bishops and spirituall Governours of the Church and so ordained some to be Patriarks some to be Metropolitansâ— some to be Archbishops some to be Bishops and to them did limit severally not onâ—ly their certaine Diocesse and Provinces wherein they should exercise their power and not exceed the same but also certaine bounds and limits of their jurisdiction and power c. And lest peradventure it might be thought to some persons that such authorities powers and jurisdictions as Patriarks Primates Archbishops and Metropolitans now have or heretofore at any time have had justy and lawfully over any other Bishops were given them by God in holy Scripture We think it expedient and necessary that all men should be advertised and taught that all such lawfull powers and authority of one Bishop over another were and be given to them by the consent ordinance positive lawes of men only and not by any ordinance of God in holy Scripture and all other power and authority which any Bishop hath used or exercised over another which hath not been given to him by such consent and ordinance of men as is aforesaid is in very deed no lawful power but plaine usurpation and tyranny And therefore whereas the Bishop of Rome hath heretofore claimed and usurped to be head and governour over all Priests and Bishops of the holy catholique Church of Christ by the lawes of God It is evident that the same power is utterly fained and untrue VVee thinke it convenient that all Bishops and Pastors shall instruct and teach the people committed to their spirituall charge that Christ did by expresse words prohibit that none of his Apostles nor any of their successors should under the pretence of authority of the sword that is to say the authority of Kings or any civill power in this world yea or any authority to make Lawes or Ordinances in causes appertaining â—â—to civill powers If any Bishop of what estate or dignity soâ—ver he be be he Bishop of Rome or of any other City Province or Diocesse doe presume to take upon him authority or jurisdiction in causes of matters which appertaine unto Kings and the civill powâ—rs and â—heir Courts and will maintaine or thinke that he may so doe by the authority of Christ and his Gospel although the Kings and Princes would not permit and suffer him so to doe no doubt that Bishop is not worthy to be called a Bishop but rather a Tyrant and a usurper of other mens rights contrary to the Lawes of God and is worthy to be reputed none otherwise than he that goeth about to subvert the Kingdome of Christ for the Kingdome of Christ in his Church is spirituall and not a carnall kingdome of the world that is to say the very Kingdome that Christ by himselfe or by his Apostles and Disciples sought here in this world was to bring all Nations from the carnall kingdome of the Prince of darknesse unto the light of his spirituall Kingdome and so himselfe raigne in the hearts of the people by grace faith hope and charity And therefore sith Christ did never seeke nor exercise any worldly kingdome or dominion in this world but rather refusing and flying the same did leave the said worldly governance of kingdomes Realmes and Nations to be governed by Princes and Potentates in like manner as he did finde them and commanded also his
thereof he termes a sore law and much declaimes against them Chap. 8. Though after the determination of Doctors a man is not an hereticke for that onely that hee erreth but for that hee opinatively defendeth his errour and that neverthelesse the spiritualty as a common voyce goeth among the people have in time past punished many for heresie upon light causes and offences whereupon many people have grudged and that grudge hath beene another occasion of this Division Chap. 9. That the partiality that hath beene shewed upon suits taken in the Spirituall Court by spirituall men hath beene another cause of this Division Chap. 10. That the extreme and covetous demeanour of some Curates with their Parishioners hath beene another cause of this Division Chap. 11. That the granting of pardons for money as it were to some Charitable use that hath not after followed hath raised another grudge among the people which hath beene another occasion of this Division Chap. 12. That making of Lawes by the Church which they had no authority to make hath beene another occasion of this Division In which Chapter he cites divers Lawes made by the Clergie and executed contrary to the Lawes of the Realme touching Tythes of wood exemption of Clerkes from secular jurisdiction and the like which lawes while spirituall men sticke fast to and stifly maintaine temporall men by reason of common use and custome that they have seene to the contrary have resisted them whereupon have risen great strife and variances and expences in the spirituall Law Chap. 13. The lacke of good visitations hath beene another occasion of this Division wherein hee shewes that Bishops keepe their visitations onely to gaine money and procurations not to refraine vices Chap. 14. That the great multitude of Licenses and dispensations made by the spiritualty for money upon light suggestions hath beene another cause of this division Chap. 15. That the great laxenesse and worldly pleasures of religious persons whereby the people hath beene greatly offended hath beene another occasion of this Division Chap. 16. Then for a conclusion of this Treatise it is somewhat touched how good it is to have a zeale of Soules and how perilous it is to do any thing whereby they might be hurt And that if zeale of Soules pitty good doctrine and devout prayer were abundantly in this world mist specially in Prelates and spirituall Rulers that then a new light of grace and tractability would shortly shew and shine among the people The summe of the whole Treatise is to prove that the Bishops and Prelates are the authors of much division trouble and dissention both in Church and State and that by their Episcopall practises and unjust usurpations lawes and proceedings William Wraughton who wrote about the same time In his Rescuing of the Romish Fox Dedicated to King Henry the 8. writes thus Wee have put downe some of your orders of the world there remaine yet two orders of the world in England That is the order of pompous and Popish bishops and Gray Fryers Which if they were put downe as well as the other put downe before I reckon that there should be no Kingdome wherein Christ should more raigne than in England And there hee proves at large the Canon Law to be the Popes law and that as long as the Bishops maintaine it in England they maintaine the Pope in his soveraignty and Legislative power in England and that the reading of this Law makes men papists Roderickâ—â—ors sometimes a Gray Fryer in his Complaint to the Parliament house of England about the 37. yeare of King Henry the eight Chap. 23 24. writes thus of our Prelates No doubt one Bishop one Deane one Colledge or House of Canons hath ever done more mischiefe against Gods Word and sought more the hinderance of the same than tenne houses of Monkes Fryers Canons or Nunnes The Kings Grace began well to weed the Garden of England but yet hath he lest standing the more pitty the most fowlest and stinking weedes which had most need to be first plucked up by the rootes that is to say the pricking thistles and stinging nettles which still standing what helpeth the deposing of the petty members of the Pope and to leave his whole body behind which are the pompous Bishops Canons oâ— Colledges Deanes and such other Surely it helpeth as much as to say I will goe kill all the Foxes in Saint Iohns wood because I would have no more Foxes breed in England Which well pondered wee may say and lye not that the Pope remaineth wholly still in England save onely that his name is banished For why his body which be Bishops and oâ—her shavellings doâ—h not onely remaine but also his tayle which be his filâ—hy Traditions wicked Lawes and beggerly ceremonies as Saint Paul calleth them yea and the whole body of his pestiferous Canon Law according to which judgement is given throughout the Realmeâ— So that we be still in Egâ—pt and remain in capâ—ivity most grievously laden by observing and walking in his most â—ilhy drosse aforesaid which is a mistie and endlesse maze And so long as yee walke in those wicked lawes of Antichrist the Pope and maintaine his Knights the Bishops in such inordinate riches and unlawfull authority so long say I yee shall never baniâ—â— that monstrous beast the Pope out of Englandâ— yea and it shall be a meanes in processe of time to bring us into temporall bondage also againe to have him raigne as he hatâ— done like a God and that know our forked caps right well which thing maketh â—hem so boldly and shamelesly to right in their gods quarrell against Christ and his Word c. The Bishops by their subtilâ—es and most crafty wiles make the people to abhorâ—e the name of the Pope of Rome for a face and compell them to walke in all his wicked lawes and the Word of God which wee say we have received is not nor cannot be suffered to be preached aâ—â—â—aught purely and sincerely without mixing it with their invâ—nted traditions and service Wherefore to open the conclusion oâ— this little lamentation â—f â—ee will banish for ever the Antichrist the Pope out of this Realme yee must fell downe to the ground those rotten poasts the Bishops which be clouds withouâ— moystureâ— and utterly abandon all and every of his ungodly Lawes traditions and ceremonies Now will I speake no further against the particular Pope for as much as every Bishop is now a Pope and yee may plainly see by all the premises that the proud Prelates the Bishops I meane be very Antichrists as is their Father of Rome So he and much more Henry Stalbridge in his Exhoâ—tatory Epistle to his deerly beloved Country of England against the pompous Popish Bishops thereof as yet the true members of their filthy Father the great Antichrist of Rome Printed at Basill in King Henry the eighth his dayes thus seconds him I say yet once againe and that in the seale of the
read him your owne Canons will tell ye what he saith Idem est ergo Presbyter qui Episcopus antequam Diaboli studia c. An Elder or Priest therefore is the same that a Bishop and before that the studies of the Devill were made in Religion and that the people sayd I hold of Paul I of Apollo I of Cephas the Churches were governed by the Common Councell of the Elders but after that every one did account those to be his and not to be Christs whom hee had baptized in all the world it was decreed that one of the Elders being chosen should be placed above the rest to whom all the care or charge of the Churches should belong and the seede of Schismes be taken away And a little after Sicut ergo Presbyteri as therefore the Elders know that they by the custome of the Church are subject to him that is set over them so let the Bishops know that they more by custome than by the truth of the Lords dispensation are greater than the Elders This was the judgement of the ancient Fathers and yet were they no Arians nor Aerians therefore Yea Peâ—er Lombard the master of the sentences citing also Isidorus to witnesse saith Apud veteres idem Episcopi Presbyteri fuerunt Among the the Ancient Fathers Bishops and Elders were all one And againe alleadging the Apostle S. Paul he saith Qualis autem c. But what manner an Elâ—er ought to be chosen the Apostle writing to Timothy declareth where by the name of Bishop he signifieth an Elder and a non after Cumque omnes and when all of them he meaneth his false seven orders are spirituall and holy yet the Canons account onely two Orders to be excelling holy that is to say Deaconship and Eldership Because the primitive Church is read to have these alone and we have the Apostles Commandement of these alone for the Apostles in every City ordained Bishop and Elders Neither the Master onely writeth thus but almost all your Schoolemen yea though they be themselves of the contrary opinion yet they write this was the ancient opinion And so Durandus though he make a difference betweene the power of Jurisdiction and the power of order yet he sheweth that both the Scripture and S. Hierome maketh no difference but onely the custome and institution of the Church The Apostle saith he writing to the Philippians cap. 1. saith with the Bishops and the Deacons by them understanding the Elders sith in one City as in Philippos many Bishops ougâ—t not to be Againe Act. 2. he saith Looke to your selves and to all the flocke in which the Holy â—host hath placed you to be Bishops And he spoke unto them of the onely City of Ephesus But this appeareth more expressely to Titus the 1. Where he saith For this cause I have left thee at Crete that thou shouldst correct those things that want and ordaine Elders throughout the Cities even as I have appointed to thee if any be blamelesse the husband of one wife And straight he setteth under it a Bishop must me blamelesse and whom before he named an Elder hee calleth now a Bishop and in the 4. of the 1. to Timothy Despise not saith he the grace of God which is given to thee through the imposition of the hands of an Elder that is to say of a Bishop S. Paul called himselfe an Elder when he was the Bishop that ordained him Thus farre and more at large Durandus concluding at length Sic Ergo Thus therefore saith S. Hierome that a Bishop and an Elder olim fuerunt synonyma c. were in the old time diverse names betokening one thing indifferently and also of one administration because the Churches were ruled by the Commune Counsell of the Priests But for the remedy of a Schisme lest each one dâ—awing the Church after him should breake her it was ordained that one should be above the rest Et quoad nomen c. And so farre forth as stretcheth to the name that he onely should be called Bishop and that so farre as stretcheth to the administration of some Sacraments Sacramentals they should be reserved to him by the custome and constitution of the Church And this would Hierome expressely 93. Dist. cap. legimus in Esa super Epistolam ad Tit. recitatur Dist. 93. cap. Olim Presbyteri c. Consuetudo aut institutio Ecclesiae potest dare Iurisdictionem sed non potestatem ordinis aut consecrationis quare c. He therefore that counteth this erronious or perrilous let him impute this to Hierome out of whose saying in the fore alleadged Chapter Legimus in Esa the foresayd authorities are taken Where also he putteth an example That is of a Bishop in respect of Priests as of an Arch-Deacon in respect of Deacons unlesse the Deacons chuse one among themselves whom they call Arch-deacon c. In the end Durandus reconciling Hierome saith and the authorities alleadged by Hierome withstand it not because according to the name and the truth of the thing every Bishop is an Elder and on the other part so farre as stretcheth to the name every Elder having cure may be called a Bishop as Super-attendent on other although the consecration of a Bishop or the chiefe Priest be larger than of a simple Priest or Elder but peradventure in the Primitive Church they made not such force in the difference of names as they do now And therefore they called a Bishop every â—ne that had a cure Thus writeth Durandus of the ancient Fathers opinions And will you count him or them Aerianâ— too And this also doth your Institution in Colonie Councell confesse Non est tamen putandum Wee must not for all this tâ—inke that hee ordained Bishops another order from Priests for in the primitive Church Bishops and Priests were all one The which the Epistles of Peter and Paul the Apostles Saint Hierome also and almost all the ancient Ecclesiasticall Writers do witnesse And chiefly that place of the first Epistle of Saint Peter the fift Chapter is evident to declare this For when Peter had said the Elders that are among you I also an Elder with you beseech which am also a witnesse of the passions of Christ and partaker of the Glory to come that shall be revealed He joyned under it feed or guide the flocke of Christ that is among you and oversee it not by compulsion but willingly according to God wherein it is spoken more expressly in the Greeke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Super-attendent from whence also the name of Bishop is drawne Wherefore Priesthood is esteemed the highest order in the Church In the meane time no body is ignorant that this order is distinguished againe by a certaine order of offices and dignities Thus do your Scholemen and Divines wiâ—nesse First that in the substance order or character as they terme it there is no difference betweene a Priest and a
Bishop Secondly that the difference is but of Accidents and Circumstances as degrees of dignity jurisdiction honour c. Thirdly that in the Primitive Church this difference was not knowne but they were meerely all one and the same Fourthly that this difference was taken up by custome consent and ordinance of the universall Church when it once began to be dispersed in all the World Fifthly that it was done for the avoiding of factions and sects that grew in the time of the Ministers equality even anon after the Primitive Church And some of them in the Apostles time But quite conâ—rary to this judgment of your Divines are all your Canonists your Divines make seven orders Et in hoc saith Angelus de Clavisio concordam communiter Theol. On this the Divines agree commonly but the Canonists hold that there are nine orders according to nine Hierarchies that is to wit the first notch or Psalmist and the order of a Bishop that the first notch is an order the text is in C. cuâ— contingit ibi do Anto. Canonistae de aeta quali or similiter quod Episcopatus est ordo quod imprimatur character judicio meo facit inconvincibiliter teâ—t in C. i. de ordinatis ab Episcopo c. And so according to the Canonists there shall be nine Orders Great adoe your Schoolemen Canonists make about this insomuch that Aerius heresie will draw very neere to one of you light on which side it shall But your selfe may hold on both sides M. Stapleton being both a Batchelor in the one and a student in the other But as for your Popish Clergy there is indeed little difference in this point or none which barrell is better herring Bishop oâ— Priest both starke nought or rather neither of them either true Priest or Bishop by Saint Pauls description Afâ—er this p. 926.929 He writes thus concerning Bishops intermedling with temporall affaires You say M. Sanders the temporall Kingdome and the heavenly did indeed once jaâ—â—e but now they agree the heavenly and the earthly Kingdomeâ— are conjoyned together Agreement is a good hearing M. Sanders but what meane you by this conjunction that the one is become the other and not still distinguished from it or that your Pope may be King and his Bishops Princes of both nay M. Sanders you finde not that agreement and conjunction For Christ hath put such a barre between them that his spiritual Ministers cannot have earthly Kingdomes nor that earthly Kings should in the estate of their earthly Kingdomes become subject in such wise to his spirituall Ministers otherwise than to yeeld their obedience to their spirituall ministry representing the power and mercy of God unto them c. The objection you made was this Whether Bishops and Pastors of the sheepe of Christ may rule temporall Kingdomes you answer properly and of it selfe in no wise but as those Kingdomes do subject themselves to the Christian faith This is a proper elusion M. Sanders thinke you to escape thus is it all one to subject their Kingdomes to the Christian faith and to subject their Kingdomes to the Bishops Good right it is that the faith should beare the chiefe rule But the objection was Whether the Bishops should or no and therefore this distinction serveth not For Christ simply without this or that respect debarreth all his spiritual ministers from ruling of temporall Kingdomes Who knoweth not that properly and of their owne nature temporall Kingdomes should not be ruled of spirituall Pastors but of Temporall Kings None is so simple to move such a fond objection but the objection is Whether the one be coincident to the other whether a Bishop to whom properly by his Bishoply office a Kingdome belongeth nor may take upon him the government of a Kingdome that properly by his Kingly office belongeth to a King this is the question And you say properly he cannot I say much lesse unproperly but properly or unproperly Christ hath cleane debarred it â—vos autem non sic But you shall not do so These words strick dead M Sanders therefore your â—nproper distinctions may goe pike him Page 931â— he writes that the deposings of Princes have not come so much by the violence of their unnaturall Subjects as by the practises of the Popish Bishops as the ensamples of King Iohn in England of Childericke in France the Henries and other in Germany and in other Countries do testifie yet were these dealings of those Bishops not allowable but detestable yea though it were granted that those Princes had deserved them and broken their faith and promâ—se which if it were a good faith and promise was no doubt an evill breach of it and God will take the vengeance of it it belongeth not to the people nor to the Bishops Vengeance is mine saith God and I will render it He saith not my Bishop shall but I will render it He addes p. 980 981.1026 Christs Kingdome is spirituall and not earthly and his Ministers may not exercise in secular causes an earthly Kings authority M. Saunders pretendeth this is to promote the Church of Christ but such promotion confounds devotion and hath poysoned the Church of God as they say a voyce was heard what time Constantine although falsely is supposed to have endowed the Church with such royall honour Hodie venenum intravit in Ecclesiam This day entred poyson into the Church But Christ hath flatly forbidden it and told his Disciples when they asked such promotion that they knew not what they asked But afterward they knew and found the saying of Christ to be true that their promotion lay in their affliction and not in their Kingly honour c. And this your owne glosse out of your owne Pope Gregory might have taught you Sicut â—isit me Pater id est ad passiones c. As my Father sent mee that is to say to troubles and afflictions so send I you to suffer persecution not to raigne like Kings and rule Kingdomes And therefore sith this sentence of Christ is true that he sent them as hee was sent and he was not sent in his humane nature to depose Kings nor to dispose of their Kingdomes nor to governe them Therefore his Disciples were not sent thereto But the Pope saith he was sent thereto and takes it upon him therefore he is neither minister of Christ nor successor of his Disciples but his Disciple that hath offered him worldly Kingdomes if hee would fall downe and worship himâ— as he hath done and sâ— hath gotten his Kingdomes c. Hofmeister one of your stoutest Champions hath these words Truly those things that have beene spoken and heard from the beginning of this Gospell do enough declare the Kingdome of Christ not to be of this world neither that hee would raigne temporally in the world sith hee taketh not souldiers that can oppugne others but Fishermen readier to suffer than to
under the name of Dereman in a poore Fisher-boate accompanied onely with Servitors The King thereupon seized all his Goods and Temporalties into his hands and sent Ambassadours to the Earle of Flanders the French King and the Pope praying them in no wise to suffer or softer within their dominions one that was such a notorious Traytor to him The French King thinking that this disagreement betweene the King and the Arch-Bishop would breed some stirre in England dealt with the Pope that as hee loved the Roman Church and the ayde of France so hee would support Beckets cause against the King with whom though hee had amity before yet at Beckets instigation as is probable whose whole life was nothing else but a continued act of Rebellion Treachery and Disobedience against his Soveraigne Lord he presently fell to invade the King of Englands Dominions and tooke by Assault certaine Holds of his in Normandy The Arch-Bishop also about the same time growing in great savour with the Pope whom the King by all his friends and Agents could not move to any thing against him sent out particular Excommunications against all the suffâ—agan Bishops of his Province and all such as had obeyed defended or occasioned the sayd Lawes and A vitall customes and against some of them by name which Excommunications he published at Vizely in France on Ascension day when the Church was most full of people getting into the Pulpit theâ—e and solemnely accursing them with Bell Booke and Candle threatning the like thunder-clap against his owne Royall person Whereupon the King receiving such a foile from the Pope and such an affront from the Arch-Bishop directs his Writs to the Sherifes of England commanding them to attach all such who appealed to the Court of Rome with the Fathers Mothers Brothers Sisters Nephewes and Neeces of all the Clergie that were with the Arch-Bishop and to put them under sureties as also to seize the Revenues Goods and Chattels of these Clergie-men And by other Letters to Guilbert Bishop of London he sequestred the profits and Livings which within his Diocesse did belong to any of the Clergie who were fled to Thomas and signified to his Justices by a publicke Decree that no man should bring any Letters or Commandment from Pope Alexander or Thomas Arch-Bishop of Canterbury into England containing an Indiction of the Realme upon peril to be apprehended and punished as a Traytor to the King and an enemy to the Realm And that they should safe keepe whosoever did bring any Interdict into England till the Kings pleasure were further knowne causing all the Arch-bishops goods to be confiscated and banished out of the Realme all the Arch-Bishops kindred Man Woman Child and sucking Babes forbidding hee should be any longer mentioned publikely and prayed for in the Church as Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and to vexe him the more because he knew hee was much delighted in the Monastery of Pontiniac an Abbey of Cirstercian Monkes he signified to all the Monkes of that Order in his Dominion that he would banish them every one if they would not procure the Arch-Bishop to bee thrust out of that Monastery which for feare of so great calamity to so many men of their Order was effected And because Pope Alexander Beckets surest Card was ferrited much in like sort by Fredericke Barbarossa the Emperour the King therefore determined to joyne in league with him being a prosessed enemie both to the French King and the Pope sending Ambassadors to him for that purpose which the Pope having notice of began presently to quaile promising speedily to end all Controversies betweene him and Becket to the Kings liking Whereupon at the procurement of Iohn of Oxford two Legates were sent into England to reconcile the King and Thomas but the Pope hearing when they were gone that they were resolved utterly to confound the Arch-Bishop sent Letters after them to rebate their absolute power who when they came to Thomas he absolutely refused to put their cause unto them but upon such conditions as neither they nor the King would brooke The passages betweene the King and the Pope and Becket and his Complaints to the Pope against the King too tedious to recite at large you may reade at leisure in Holinshed Vol. 3. p. 70. to 75. wherein he desires the Pope to use his rigour both against the King and the Prelates that sided with him and to constraine them to amendment After this the Pope moved the French King to mediate a Peace betweene them For which purpose both the Kings and the Arch-Bishop were brought together at Paris where suite being made to the King in his behalfe That he might returne be restored to his goods and revenues arising during his absence and likewise to the Kings favour upon his humble submission The King answered That for the rest he was contented but that he could not allow him the profits of his Arch-Bishoprick since his Banishment for that he had already given them to others yet he would give him such recompence for them as the French King or the Senate or Students of Paris should thinke meete Whereupon Becket being called for and advised by his frieuds to submit himselfe in the presence of both Kings without any more reservations he falling downe humbly upon his knees used these words My Lord and Soveraigne I doe here commit unto your owne judgement the cause and controversie betweene us so farre forth as I may saving the honour of Almighty God The King much offended with his last exception turned him about unto the French King and telling how much hee had done for the Arch-Bishop and how â—ee had used him sayd I am so well acquainted with the Trickes of this Fellow that I cannot hope for any good dealing at his hands See you not how he goeth about to delude me with this clause saving the honour of God for whatsoever shall displease him hee will by and by alleadge to be prejudiciall to the honour of Almighty God But this I will say unto you whereas there have beene Kings of England many before mee whereof some were peradventure of greater Power than I the most part farre lesse and againe many Arch-Bishops before this man holy and noâ—able men looke what duty was ever performed by the greatest Arch-Bishop that ever was to the weakest and simplest of my Predecessours let him but yeeld me that and it shall abundantly content mee Hereunto the Arch-Bishop answered cunningly and stoutly That his Predecessours who could not bring all things to passe at the first dash were content to beare with many things and that as men they fell and omitted their duty oft times that that which the Church had gotten was by the constancie of good Prelates whose example he would follow thus farre forth as though he could not augment the priviledges of the Church in his time yet he would never consent they should be diminished This answere being heard all men cryed shame of him and generally
Peeâ—es of the Realme since hee proved another manner of man then hee looked to have found him the King having prepared a Royall Hoast and mighty Navie to revenge his forraine losses and wrongs on the Freâ—â—h King Hubert the Arch-Bishop who conâ—ederated with the Pope and French King against his Soveâ—aigne came with sundry others to Portesmouth to the King and â—â—â—ly forbids the King to proceed in the Voyage in trâ—th for feare hee should hinder King Philip from ayding the Pope against Otho the Emperour Whereupon the King dismâ—â—â—â—d his Forces Hubert being the instrument that so resolute Projects so inestimable Charges so necessary an Action of the Kings fell suddenly to the ground whereby besides the selfe-mischiefe which therewith fell on the King many fresh grudgings accrued unto him for suffering himselfe to bee thus violently repulsed from so behoofefull a purpose The King the next day checking himselfe for over-prizing the command of any man above the value of his Kingly Honour and Estate resolved to collect his disparkled Troupes and to put forth to Sea To which end taking order with his Nobles to follow him they gave him leave with a small company to waâ—t up and downe two dayes in expectance of their attendance till seeing them more obsequious â—o Huberâ—s command than his the Arch-Bishop also sending his inhibition after them on the Sea to stop their passage with the King hee was forced to come againe to Land The King hereupon put many of his Earles Barons Knights and Clergie-men to a grievous pecuniary Redemption for thus refusing to follow him for recovering his Inheritance The Arch Bishop though their Ring-leader might well have beene exempted from this Judgement by his passage to an higher dying the same weeke either of Griefe or of a Feaver which killed him in foure dayes But the King forthwith in person going to Canterbury seized upon all his Wealth and Possessions shewing himselfe right joyâ—ull that now hee was rid of him whom men suspected of too familiar practising with the French King saying Hee was never a King till now by reason of Huberts too presumptuous daring to crosse his Royall Resolutions as of late hee did This Hubert being Chiefe Justice and Archâ—Bishop in Richard the first his timâ— Anno 1198 the Monkes of Christsâ— Church in Canterbury exhibited this Complaint against him to Pope Innocent That their Arch-Bishop Hubert contrary to his Order and Dignity exercised the Office of High Iustice and saâ—e in Iudgement of Blood being so encumbred in Temporall matters that he could not â—ave time to discharge his Office touching Spirituall Causeâ— Whereupon the Pope sent to King Richard admonishing him not to suffer the sayd Arch Bishop to be any longer troubled with Temporall Affaires but to discharge him thereof and not to admit any Spirituall person from thenceforth unto any Temporall administration He further prohibited by vertue of their obedience all manner of Prelaâ—es and men of the Church that they should not presume rashly to take upon them any manner of Secular Function or Office Whereupon the Arch-Bishop was discharged of his Office of Chiefe Justice and Geffrey Fitz-Peter succeeded in government of the Realme in his stead Afterwards this Arch-Prelate being made Lord Chancellor of England by King Iohn Anno. 1199. and uttering some words unadvisedly that shewed how hee inwardly rejoyced at the Kings favour towards him in the gift of this Office and so gloried in the Honour whereto hee was preferred which he would never have done if he had weighed of worldly pompe as by his Profession hee ought and as one asketh the question in the same case Dic mihi nunquid Corporibus prosunt Certe nil dic Animabus Tantundem c. The Lord Bardolfe sayd unto him yet not so soâ—tly in his eare but that some over-heard it My Lord to speake and not offend you surely if you well consider the Honour and Dignity of your Calling you would not willingly yeeld to suffer this yoake of Bondage to be layd upon your shoulders For we have oftentimes heard of a Câ—ancellour made an Arch-Bishop as was Thomas Becket who upon his instalment in the Sea of Canterbury immediately resigned his Lord Chancelours Office sending his great Seale to the King then in Normandy with a Letter wherein he certified him That hee could not serve the Church and the Court both at once and that this moved him to resigne his Chancelourship as incompatible wiâ—h his Arch-Bishopricke but wee never heard of an Arch-Bishop made a Chancelour till now Such an unseemely and unlawfull thing was it then reputed for Bishops to intermeddle with Temporall Offices and Affaires which are incompatible with their Spirituall Function and are seldome managed by them but to the great oppression the ruin of the People and State Hubert being dead the Monkes of Canterbury secretly at midnight elected Reginald their Sub-prior for his Successour taking an Oath of him not to make his Election knowne to any till he came to the Popes presence whither he was advised to post with all speed The Oath hee violates as soone as ever he had crossed the Sea bearing himselfe every where as Lord Elect shewing withall the testimoniall of his Election to divers which so incensed his Brethren the Electors against him as they presently resolved to become suiters to the King â—or pardon of their fault in chusing him without his license and also that hee would permit them to make a new Election supposing the old frustrate by the Elects perjury They did so and obtained their request the rather because they made shew of readinesse in satisfying the Kings desire who wished them to elect Iohn Gray Bishop of Norwich him they sent for in all haste to Canterbuâ—y where they solâ—mnly elected him for their Arch-Bishop publishing his Election in the Church before the King and an infinite number of people placing him in the Bishops Chaire The King putting him in possession of his temporalties â—orth-with These two Elections being presented to the Pope hee adjudged them both voyd and making use of the Monkes debate â—he greater part being then at Rome some of them avouching their first Election as good others importunately seeking to have the latter confirmed he secretly practised with them and at last perswaded them to elect Stephen Langhton an English man and Cardinall of Rome of singular gifts and Learning which done the Pope with his owne hands gave him Consecration at Viturbium and well knowing how haynoâ—sly the King would take the matter he writ Letters unto him sweetned with many intreaties large praises of the new Arch-Bishop and seasoned now and then with some touches of doubtfull threatning if hee should oppose himselfe against that was then done This notwithstanding the King in great indignation as hee had just cause banished and drove out all the Monkes of Canterbury by force who were entertained in forraigne Monasteries seized upon all their goods lands and
world that it made all men exclaime against and detest King Iohn How much the Barons disliked this Grant of King Iohn his owne words to Pope Innocentius as also the Popes answere do witnesseâ— Our Earles and Barons saith he and the Pope writes the like were devout and loving unto us till we had subjected our selves to your Dominion but since that time and specially even for so doing they all rise up against us The manifold opprobrious speeches used by the Barons against King Iohn for subjecting himselfe and his Kingdome to the Pope doe declare the same Iohn say they is no King but the shame of Kings better to be no King than such a King behold a King without a Kingdoâ—e a Lord without dominion Alas thou wretch and servant of lowest condition â—o what misery of thraldome hast thou brought thy self Thou wast a king now thou art a Cow-heard thou wast the highest now the lowest Fie on thee Iohn the last of Kings the abominaton of English Princes the confusion of English Nobility Alas England that thou art made tribuâ—ary and subject to the rule of base servants of strangers and which is most miserable subject to the servant of servants Thou Iohn whose memory will be wofull in future time thou of a most free King hast made thy selfe tributary a farmer a vassall and that to servitude it selfe this thou hast done that all might be drowned in the Hell of Romish Avarice Yea so detestable was both this Fact of Iohn and dealing of the Pope that Philip the French King though the mortall enemie of King Iohn heaâ—ing thereof even upon this very point That the Barons and State did noâ— consent to that Act did proclaime both the absolute freedome of the Kingdome of England noâ—wiâ—hstanding this grant of Iohn and declaime also against this Pope for seeking to enthrall Kingdomes unto him As the King by the Treason and trechery of these Prelates and especially of the Arch-Bishop was thus enforced most ignominiously to resigne and prostituâ—e his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope to the losse of his Kingly honour and the hearts of all his Barons and Subjects so he was faine to receive the Arch-Bishop and restore the other Bishops Monkes and banished Rebels against him to their Bishoprickes Goods and Revenues and to give them such Dammages and Recompence as the Pope should thinke 〈◊〉 For this King Anno Domini 1213. intending a Voyagâ— into Guien his Realme standing as yet interdicted his Lords refused to goe with him unlesse the interdicting might be first released and he clearely absolved of the Popes Curse to the end that Gods wrath and the Popes being fully pacified hee might with better speede move and maintaine the Warres whereupon he was constrained to alter his purpose and comming to Winchester dispatched a messenger with letters signed with the hands of twenty foure Earles and Barons to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the Bishops of London Lincolne and Hereford then sojourning in France requiring them with all other banished men to returne into England promising them by his Letters Patents not onely a sure Safe-conduct for their comming over but that hee would also forget all passed displeasures and frankely restore unto every man all that by his meanes had beene wrongfully taken from them and as yet by him detained Hereupon the Arch-Bishop and other Bishops with all speede came into England with the other exiles and went to Winchester where the King then remained Who hearing that the Bishops were come went forth to receive these Traytors and at his first meeting with the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury the King kneeled downe at his feete who should have rather kneeled to the King and asked him forgivenesse and that it would please him and the other Bishops also to provide for the miserable state of the Realme requiring of the Arch-Bishop having as then the Popes power in his hands as being his Legat to be absolved promising upon his solemne received Oath That he would before all things defend the Church and the Order of Priesthood from receiving any wrong also that he would restore the old Lawes made by the ancient Kings of England and namely those of S. Edward which were almost extinguished and forgotten and further that he would make recompence to all men whom he had by any meanes endammaged This done he was absolved by the Arch-Bishop and shortly after sent his Orators to Rome to take off the Interdict The Pope hereupon sent the Cardinall of Tusculum into England to compound the differences and dammages betweene the King and the Bishops and then to release the Interdict Who after a Convocation summoned and sundry meetings had at London Reading Wallingford and elsewhere some messages to Rome ordered the King to pay 40000. Markes dammages to these rebellious Prelates which done the Interdict was solemnly released by the Legat in the Cathedrall of Pauls in London Iune 29. 1214. after the terme of 6. yeares 3 moneths and 14. dayes that the Realme had beene shaken with that dreadfull Dart of Correction as it was then esteemed After this King Iohn raysed an Army intending to goe against those Lords who refused to follow him to Poictou But the Arch-Bishop meeting him at Northampton sought to appease himâ— but hee marching on to Notingham there with much adoe the Arch-Bishop following him and threatning to excommunicate all those that should ayde him enforced him to desist his Enterprise This done he thought all troubles at an end but the worst were yet behind For the King having wound himselfe into the Popes favour by this his Resignation and holding his Crowne from him as his Feudatarie began to curbe the Arch-Bishop and his Faction who finding the King stronger in the Popes favour than they thereupon stirred up the Barons to rebell and take Armes against the King who had lost their hearts by his Resignation In this Rebellion and Conspiracie Stephen Langthon the Arch-Bishop was the Ring-leader yea the principall Abettor Conspirer chiefe Agent and Counsellor as Matthew Paris Wendover Speed Holinshed and other our Historians testifie The Pope hereupon excommunicates the Barons and all other English or French who impugned King Iohn even in the generall Councell of Lateran then heldâ— and the Bishop of Winchester and Pandulph the Popes Legat who solemnly denounced the Popes Curse against the Barons did likewise suspend the Arch-Bishop from all his Episcopall authority who thereupon repairing to Rome for absolution was in the Councell of Lateran accused and convict of Conspiracie and Treason against the King and contempt against the Pope and Churches Censure for which the Pope resolving to depose him from his Sea and dignity by the Cardinals intercession for him hee being their brother Cardinall was intreated to deale somewhat milder but yet confirmed his suspension from his Bishopricke by publik sentence commanding by his Letters all his Suffragan Bishops to withdraw their obedience from him and for a
dwelling demurring inhabiting or resiant within this Realme or within any other the Kings Dominions Signiories or Countries or the Marches of the same or elsewhere within or under his obeysance and power of what Estate Dignity Preheminence Order Degree or Condition soever he or they be after the last day of July which shall be in the yeare of our Lord God 1530â— shall by Writing Cyphering Printing Preaching or Teaching Deed or Act obstinately or malicioâ—sly hold or stand with to extoll set forth maintaine or defend the Authority Jurisdiction or Power of the Bishop of Rome or of his See heretoâ—ore claimed used or usurped within this Realme or in any Dominion or Countie being of within or under the Kings power or obeysance or by any pretence obstinately or maliciously invent any thing for the extolling advancing setting forth maintenance or defence of the same or any part thereofâ— or by any pretence obstinately or maliciously attribute any manner of Jurisdiction Authority or Pâ—eheminence to the sayd See of Rome or to any Bishop of the same See for the time being within this Realme or in any of the Kings Dominions or Counties That then every such person or persons so doing or offending their ayders assistants comforters abettors procurers maintainers factors Counsellours concealors and every of them being thereof lawfully convicted according to the Lawes of this Realme for every such default and offence shall incurre and run into the dangers penalties paines and forfeiâ—ures ordained and provided by the Satute of Provision and Praeâ—â—nire made in the â—6 yeare of the Raigne of the Noble and Valiant Prince King Richard the second against such as attempt procure or make provision to the See of Rome or elsewhere for any thing or things to the derogation or contrary to the Prerogative Royall or Jurisdiction of the Crowne and Dignitie of this Realme And for stronger defence and maintenance of this Act It is ordained and enacted by authority aforesayd that all every Ecclesiastical Judge ordinary chancellour commissary official vicar-generall and other Ecclesiastical officer or minister of what dignity preheminence or Degree soever they shall be and all and every Temporall judge justiciaâ— Major bayliffe sheriffe under-sheriffe Escheater Alderman Iurat Constable Head-borough third-borough borsholder every other said officer Minister to be made created elected or admitted within this Realme or any other the Kings Dominions of what state order degree or condition soever he shall be from and after the sayd last day of July shall before he take upon him the Execution of such Office make take and receive a Corporall oath upon the Evangelists before such person or persons as have or shall have Authority to admit him That he from henceforth shall utterly renounce refuse relinquish or forsake the Bishop of Rome and his authority power and jurisdiction and that he shall never consent nor agree that the Bishop of Rome shall practise exercise or have any manner of authority jurisdiction or power within this Realme or any other the Kings Dominions but that he shall reâ—ist the same at all times to the uttermost of his power and that from henâ—eforth he shall accept repute and take the Kings Majestie to be the onely supreame head in earth of the Church of England and that to his cunning wit and uttermost of his power without guile fraud or other undue meanes he shall observe keepe maintaine and defend the whole effects and contents of all and singular Acts and Statutes made and to be made within this Realme in derogation extirpation and extinguishment of the Bishop of Rome and his authority and all other Acts and Statutes made and to be made in reformation and corroboration of the Kings power of supreame head in earth of the Church of England and this he shall doe against all manner of persons of what estate dignity degree or condition they be and in no wise doe nor attempt nor to his power suffer to be done or attempted directly or indirectly any thing or things privily or apertly to the let hinderance dammage or derogation thereof or of any part thereof by any manner of meanes or for any manner of pretence and in case any oâ—th be made or hath beene made by him to any person or persons in maintenance defence or favour of the Bishop of Rome or his authority jurisdiction or power he repute the same as vaine and adnihilate So helpe him God c. I could wiâ—h this obsolete Oath were now againe revived to hinder the further growth of Popery This forementioned Oath to the Pope usually taken by all our Prelates being one maine Pillar to support the Popes usurped Monarchy both at home and abroade and a chiefe engine to undermine the royall Prerogatives of Christian Princes and perchance the groundworke of many of our owne and forraine Prelates Treasons Treacheries Rebellions Conspiracies and contempts against their Soveraignes It will not be amisse noâ— impertinent here to inserâ— that excellent discourse which our famous Martyr Doctor Barnes hath long since made upon it in his Supplication to King Henry the 8. where he thus writes I dare boldly say that if we poore men which be now condemned for Hereticks and also for Traytors against our King had not beene the Realme of England had not stood in â—o good a condition as it is for men had beene bound still in their Conscience to obey this wretched Idoll who durst have kept this innumerable summe of money within the Realme that yearely was sucked out by this Adder if our godly learning had not instructed their Conscience Let all the Libraries be sought in England and there shall not be one Book written in 4. C. yeares and admitted by the Church of Rome and by our spiritualty found that doth teach this obedience and fidelity toward Princes and delivereth our Realme from the bondage of this wicked Sathan the Pope or else that is able to satisfie and to quieâ— any mans Conscience within this Realme and yet I dare say he is noâ— in England that can reprove our learning by the doctrine of our Master Christ or else of his holy Apostles Yea men have studyed and devised how they might bring our mighty Prince and his Noble Realme under the feete of this Devill There could be nothing handled so secretly within this Realme but if it were either pleasant or profitable to the Pope to know then were all the Bishops in England sworne to reveale thaâ— matter to him This may well be proved by their shamefull and trayterous oath that they contrary to Gods Law mans Law and order of nature have made to this false man the Pope The words of their oath written in their owne Law be theseâ— mannerâ— There hath been wondrous packing used and hath cost many a thousand mens lives ere that the spiritualty brought it to passe that all they should be sworne to the Pope and owe none obedience to any man but to him onely This
to the Pope But what say you to your Oath made unto your Prince wherein you sweare that you shall be faithfull and true and beare unto him above all creatures love and favour to live and to dye with him and to open him all manner of Counsells that may be hurtfull unto his grace Now it is well knowne that the Pope hath done and dayly doth handle such Counsells as be against our Princes honour and conversation And yet you may neither tell it to your Prince nor let it and why because you be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince Tell me when any thing was opened unto our Prince by you that the Pope had handled in counsell against our Prince Of this thing I will take record of his Noble grace whether I say true or falseâ— and yet must I be accused of Treason And why because you are sworne to the Pope and I am true to the King It followeth I will helpe to defend and maintaine the Papistry of Rome against all men saving mine order And in your new Oath now in our days made is added The regalls of Saint Peter What and in all men be contained your Prince you must needes defend him And why because ye be sworne to the Pope and forsworne to your Prince For your Oath to your Prince is to defend him with all your wit and reason against all men now must you forsake one of them and your practise hath beene alwayes to forsake your Prince and sticke to the Pope for of your Oath made to your Prince you have been oftentimes assoiled And as your Law saith the Church of Rome is 〈◊〉 so to doe But of your Oath made unto the Pope there is no absolution neither in heaven nor earth Neither was it ever read heard nor seene that there could be any dispensation for it Let me be reported by all the Bookes that ever were written and by all the Bulls that ever were granted and by all the experience that ever was used and if I be found false let me be blamed and yet I am sure many men will reckon that I speake uncharitably but I would faine learne of all Charitable men in England with what other English words I could declare this intolerable or subtile treason thus long and shamefully used agâ—inst my Prince which is necessary to be knowne And I am compelled by violence to declare both my conâ—ession and learning in this cause For men hath not beene ashamed to report that I would which am but a wretch and poore simple wonne and not able to kill a Cat though I would doe my utteâ—most to make insurrection against my Noble and mighty Prince whom as God knoweth I doe honour worâ—hip love and favour to the uttermost power of my heart and am not satisfied because it is no more This I speake afore God Let him be mercifull unto me as it is true and if I were not so true in my heart it were not possible for me so earnestly to write against them whom I doe reckon to handle unfaithfully and untruely with their Prince yea against both Gods law and mans law The very truth is I can suffer through Gods grace all manner of wrongs injuries and slanders but to be called an hereticke against God or a Traytor against my Priâ—ce he liveth not but I will say he lyeth and will be able so to prove him if I may be reported by my workes or deedes by my conversation or living or by any thing that ever I did and I dare say as much of my self notwithstanding our Prelates slanders of me But unto my purpose the Bishops doth swear one Oath to the Pope another contrary to their Prince And yet they will be taken for good and faithfull children And I poore man must be condemned and all my workes for Heresiâ— and no man to reade them under the paine of Treason And why because I write against their perjurie toward their Prince But how commeth Saint Peter by these regales that you are sworne to defend seeing that he was never no King but a Fisher All the world knoweth that Regalia belongeth to Kings and to like power of Kings Why are you noâ— rather sworne to defend Peters net and his Fisherie the which things hee both had and used and never regalls But these things will not maintaine the holy Church of Rome and therefore yee sweare not to maintaine them But what meane you by that sentence Saving mine order why say you not saving my Kings pleasure your glosse saith you may not defend these things with weapons But oh Lord God what unshamefulnesse is this thus to delude with words all the whole world Men knoweth that when the Pope hath neede of your helpe there is no men sooner in Armes than you are if you call Armes Harneys Bylles and Glaves swords and gunnes and such other things Doe you not remember how soone the Bishop of Norwich Henry Spenser was in Armes to defend Popâ— Vrban it were but folly to recite examples In the yeare of our Lord 1164. was there a controversie betweene the Kings Grace and the Bishops of England for certaice Prerogatives belonging to the King Wherefore the King required an Oath and a confirmation of the Bishops as concerning those Articles prerogatives But answere was made of the Bishops that those prerogatives cum omnibus pravitatibus in regio scripâ—o contentis were of none effect nor strength because they did forbid to appeale to the Court of Rome unlesse the King gave licence And because that no Bishop might goe at the Popesâ— calling out of the Realme without the Kings assent And because the Clerkes should be convented in criminall causes a fore a temporall Judge And because the King would heare matters as concerning tithes and other Spirituall causes And because that it was against the See of Rome and the dignity of the same that a Bishop should be convented afore the King Briefely they would not be under the King but this addition should be set unto it Salvo honore Dei Ecclesiiae Romanae ordine nostro that is we will be under your grace saving the honour of God of the Church of Rome and of our order the cause why they did except these things was this as they themselves grant For Kings received their authorities and power of the Church but the Church receiveth her authority of Christ onely wherefore they conclude that the King cannot command over Bishops nor absolve any of them nor to judge of tithes nor of Churches neither yeâ— to forbid Bishops the handling of any spirituall cause Is not here a marveilous blindnesse and obstinacie against their Prince They will make it against Gods honour to obey their King and are not ashamed to say in the Kings face that his power is of them But I pray you whether was Kings before Bishops or Bishops before Kings you shall finde
At last being parmited to departâ— he was basely and vily thrust awayâ— who rejoycing for the present that he had escaped their hands ranne away as fast as he might upon his feete though agedâ— to Walerle not daring to looke back leâ—t he should be turned into a pillar of Salt The Archbishops Officiall having received so great an injury makes a most grievous complaint to the Archbishop Boniface with sighes and teares aggravating great things with greater and grievous things with greater grievances The Archbishop hereupon moved with unexpressible anger taking with him the Bâ—shops of Chester and Heriford goeth to London where he and those two Bishops clad in their Pontificall Robes before an innumerable company of people summoned to appeare before them with the voyce of a Cryer for this purpose and granting thirtie dayes pardon to all commers at S. Mary de arcubus even horribly and solemnely excommunicated all the actors and fauters of this rash action excepting onely the King Queene and their children and Count Richard with his Countesse and children Moreover he writ to all his suffgragan Bishops by vertue of the bond of obedience whereby they stood obliged to the Church of Canterbury to doe the like in their Churches on all Lords dayes and holy dayes by his expresse command The Bishop of Winchester on the contrary speedily commanded the Deane of Seuwarke and other his subjects that they contradicting the Archbishopâ— should openly denounce to his face that this his sentence of excommunication was a meere nullity yea a vaine frivilous and wily excuse to bolster him out in his sinnes The Archbishops creatures for this injury and the scandall arising thereupon appeale to the Pope There were some who favouring neither side affirmed the Archbishop had done Winchester wrong because there was a composition formely made that notwithstanding the right of patronage yet to prevent controversies this Hospitall should be subject to the disposall of the Bishop of Winchester paying thereout three shillings by the yeare and so both of them being defamed incurred the brand of unjust violence while the citizens mindfull of the peremptorinesse which the Archbishop had shewed in his first violent comming to London of his infinite exactions of mony which he had procured of the Kings violence in his creation and of the enormious collation of his benefices did now againe revive the same On the other â—ide the royallists Poictavins gained the note of imbred treason with other reproaches as the manner is of those that brawle There were not a few citizens who hearing these things wished that these parties had dashed out one anothers braines and ripâ—â—d up one anothers bowells And as it was written Woe unto them by whom scandall commeth both parties were indangered with the great reproaches and scandalls arising hereupon Thus was the Kings party devided against the Queenes the Poictovines against the Provincials whose great possessions made them mad playing rex one with the other whiles the miserable English were asleepe as if they contested which of them having banished the Natives should deserve more excellently to rule the Kingdone but the ventilation of fame more condemned the Provinctalls because Winchester rising up against his Superiour had so proudly exceeded measure confiding on the King his brother who God knowes had created him The Archbishop Boniface raking up the fire of his conceived anger under ashes and worthily persisting in it as Eustace stirred him up more or lesse to revenge this enormious transgression goeth after this towards Oxford that summoning a Convocation of the Scollers there assembled out of divers parts of the world he mightt publish to them in order this notorious fact that so by their relations so great an offence might be made knowne to forraigne Nationsâ— Comming therefore to Oxford the morrow after S. Nicholas day before all the Clearkes and Schollers there assembled for this purpose being an innumerable multitude he openly declares before them the presumptuous temerity and temerarious presumption of the Bishop of Winchester taking boldnesse from his confidence and dependance on the King his brethren and complices and expresly published the names of the trespassers and their former sentences of excommunication which the Bishop caused to be transcribed sent to all his suffrâ—gans The Christmas following the King and Queene being at VVinchester reconciled these Prelates and tooke off these excommunications ended these contentions which much troubled both Church and Kingdome This Prelates by bribes given to the Pope obtruded a Prior on the Monkes of Winchester which caused great Schismes and distractions among them Anno. Dom. 1260. Simon Montfort Earle of Leicester Richard de Clare Earle of Gloster with sundry other Nobles adhering to them assembled at Oxford sufficiently furnished with horses and armes finally resolving in their mindes either to die for the peace of their country or to thrust out of the Realme the desturbers of the peace Whereupon the Bishop of Winchester William de Valentia and other Poicâ—ouines assembled together at the foresaid place guarded with a great troope of their souldiers and followers But because the Lordsâ— determined to bring them into question for their wicked deedes and make them take a common oath with them to observe the provisions made for the benefit of the Kingdome they discerning their forces to be weaker than the Lords and fearing to undergoe their judgement fled in the night to the Castle of Vlnesey whom the Barons pursuing caused them to yeeld up the Castle and compelled them forthwith to depart the Kingdome Ethelmar comming to the King to take his farewell of mhimâ— used these words I commend you to the Lord God to whom the King replied Et ego te Diabolo vivo and I commend thee to the living devill for deseâ—ting him in his necessities and occasioning such uproares in the Realme The Nobles fearing least the Bishop departing the Realme should resort to Rome and for a summe of mony given should procure his promotion againe and so be more powerfull to doe harmes sent foure eloquent Knights to exhibit a letter ratified with all their seales to the Pope and Cardinalls wherein were contained the wickednesses of the said Bishop and his brethren and those homicides rapines injuries and various oppressions wherewith they had afflicted and undone the people of the King darae and withall they commanded all the religious men who farmed any livings of the Romanes to detaine their rents till they should receive further order from them and pay them to such receivers as they should appoint under paine of having their houses burnt by which meanes the Kingdome was free from Romane exactors for three yeares space This Ethelmare foreseeing the danger that was like to befall him sent over his Treasure whereof hee had great store beyond the seas before his departure but much of it came shortâ— being intercepted at Dover and taken away from those to whom it was committed and distributed to foure Knights who were sent to Rome by
the King with his determination The King thereupon seised into his hands the Bishops liberties appointed a new Chancellour new Justices and other officers of Durham Hee writ also to the Pope in favour of the Prior who delivering the Kings Letters himselfe the Pope adjudged him a sober and discreet man what ever the Bishop had reported of him and restored him to his place during the Bishops disgrace for this contempt the King tooke â—hree Mannors with the Church of Symondbury from the Bishopricke with divers Castles and Lands forfeited to him by Iohn Bayliol King of Scots and others The Bishop at last submitted himselfe and bought his peace Anno Dom. 1298. in the battell of Foukirke betweene the English and Scots this Bishop of Durham Anthony Beake led the second battell of the Englishmen conâ—isting of 39. standards who hasting forth to be the first that should give the on â—et when his men approached neere the enemies the Bishop commanded them to stay till the third battell which the King Edward the first led might approach But that valiant Knight the Lord Ralph Basset of Draiton said to him My Lord you may goe and say Masse which better becommeth you than to teach us what wee have to doe for wee will doe that which belongeth to the order and custome of warre About the yeare 1318. at the importunate suite of the Kings of England and France the Pope gave the Bishopricke of Duâ—ham unto one Lewes Beaumont a Frenchman borne and of the blood Royall there hee was lame of both his legges and so unlearned that hee could not read the Bulls and other instruments of his consecration When hee should have pronounced this word Metropoliticae not knowing what to make of it though hee had studied upon it and laboured his Lesson long before after a little pause Soyt pur dit saith he let it goe for read and so passed it over In like sort he stumbled at In aenigmate when hee had fumbled about it a while Par Saint Lewis quoth hee il n'est pas curtois qui ceste parolle ici escrit that is by Saint Lewes he is to blame that writ this word here Not without great cause therefore the Pope was somewhat strait laced in admitting him He obtained conâ—ecration so hardly as in foureteene yeares hee could scarce creepe oâ—t of debt Riding to Durham to be install'd there hee was robbed together with two Cardinals that were then in his company upon Wiglesden More neere Derlington The Captaines of this rour were named Gilbert Middleton and Walter Selby Not content to take all the treasure of the Cardinals the Bishop and their traine they carried the Bishop prisoner to Morpeth where they constrained him to pay a great ransome Gilbert Middleton was soone after taken at his owne Castle of Nitford carried to London and there drawne and hanged in the presence of the Cardinalls After this one Sir Iosceline Deinvill and his brother Robert came with a great company to divers of this B. of Durhams houses in the habits of Friers spoyled them leaving nothing but bare walls and did many other notable robberiesâ— for which they divers of their company were soone after hanged at York This B. stood very stoutly in defence of the Liberties of his See recovered divers lands taken away from Anthony Beake his predeâ—essor and procured this sentence to be given in the behalfe of his Church quod Episcâ—pus Dunelmensiâ— debet habere forisfacturas guerrarum intra libertates sicut Rex extra that the Bishop of Durham is to have the forfeitures of warre in as ample sort within his owne Liberties as the King without Iâ—mediately after this Bishops death in great hast but with no great good speed the Covent of Durâ—am proceeded unto the Election of a new Bishop the old being yet scarcely buried and they made choise of one of their owne company a Monke of Durham This election the Arch-Bishop of Yorke confirmed yea the matter grew so forward as the same Arch-bishop was content to give him consecration also All this while the Kings good will was not sought no nor which was a greater oversight as the world then went the Popes neither The King therefore not onely refused to deliver possession of the Temporalties unto this elect but also laboured the Pope ex plenitudine potestatis to conferre the Bishopricke upon a Chaplaine of his named Richard de Bury the Deane of Wells Partly to pleasure the one that requested partly to displeasure the other for not requesting he did so and commanded the Bishop of Winchester to consecrate him which being performed at Chertsey soone after Christmasse the King presently invested him in the temporalties belonging to that See Now was the Monke a Bishop without a Bishopricke having no other home he was faine to returne to his Cloyster and there for very griefe as it is supposed within a few dayes after dyed This Richard dé Bury at what time Edward of Windsor Prince of Wales fled into France with his Mother was principall receiver of the Kings Revenewes in Gascoigne Their mony failing he ayded them secretly with a great summe of that he had received for the King It had almost cost him his life he was so narrowly pursued by some of the Kings friends that got understanding of it as hee was glad to hide himselfe in a steeple in Paris the space of seven dayes The Queene we know was then contriving an open rebellion and plotting a mischeivous treason against her husband King Edward the second whom she shortly after seised upon in an hostile manner and afterwards caused to be deprived and murthered so that this Prelates furnishing of her thus with the Kings owne monies to further this her designe was high Treason at the least Not to mention how the Pope upon King Edward the third his request consecrated Thomas Hatfield his Secretary Bishop of this See without any regard or examination of his worthinesse being a man altogether illiterate and that when some of the Cardinalls tooke exceptions against him saying that he was not onely a meere lay man but a fellâ—w of light behaviour and no way fit for that place how the Pope answered that if the King of England had requested him for an Asse at that time he would not have denyed him and thereupon made this Aâ—se a Bishop Iohn Fordham Bishop of Durham Anno 1388. was by Parliament banished the Court as a pernicious instrument and corrupter of King Richard the second a Traytor a flatterer a whisperer a slanderer and wicked person Iohn Sherwood the 52 Bishop of Durham Solliciter of all King Edward the fourths causes in the Court of Rome fell off from his Masters Sonne King Edward the fifth to that bloody usurper Richard the third at whose Coronation this Bishop of Durham went on the one side of him and the Bishop of Bath on the other the Arch-bishop of Canterbury
Prelates practises Stephen and Maud came to a mutuall agreement Of which you may read more largely in Roger of Salisbury The See of Lincolne continuing voyd almost seven yeeres after the death of Robert de Chisney Geoffry Plantagenet Archdeacon of Lincolne base sonne to King Henry the second was elected Bishop thereto who contenting himselfe with the large revenues of the Bishopricke never sought consecration well knowing that he might so fleece the sheepe though he listed not to take the charge of feeding the sheepe Seven yeeres he reaped the fruits of that See by colour of his election and then by the Popes commandement to Richard Archbishop of Canterbury to compell Geoffry either to resigne his â—ishopricke or immediately to enter into orders and to take the office of a Bishop on him he resigned all his interest in the same the copy of which resignation you may read in Roger Hoveden After which he turned Couttier for eight yeeres space and at last returning to the Church againe became Archbishop of Yorkeâ— How he carried himselfe in that See I have before in part expressed page 185 186. and now shall give you some further account tâ—ough somewhat out of course out of Roger Hoveden and others He was no sooner setled in Yorke but there fell out a great contestation betweene him and Henry deane of Yorke and Buchard the Treasurer whom he excommunicated for refusing to give over singing and to begin their Service afresh upon his entering into thâ— Church whereby the Church that day ceased from Divine Service This difference being composed Buchard and Geoffry soone after fell ouâ— againe whereupon Geâ—ffry excommunicating him the second time he goes to the Pope for absolution and so farre prevailed with the Pope that he would neither confirme Geoffries election nor suffer him to be consecrated And withall the Pope exempted Hugh Bishop of Durham from making any profession of subjection to Geoffry elect of Yorke during his life though he were consecrated because he hâ—d formerly once made his profession to the Church of Yorke and to S. William the Archbishop of Yorke and to his successors Queene Elenor K. Richards mother hereupon passeth from Messana through Rome to intreat and humbly beseech the Pope in the Kings behalfe to confirme his brothers election to Yorke and either to consecrate him Archbishop thereof by himselfe or some other which the Pope doing Geoffry shortly after cites Hugh Bishop of Durham peremptorly to appeare before him at a Synod in the Cathedrall Church at Yorke thereto professe his obedience to him which he endeavoured to substract and to exempt himselfe by all meanes from his jurisdiction Hugh refuseth to come thither or to make his profession or obedience to him being as he said not bound by Law to doe it and thereupon appeales the first second and third time to the Pope and submits his cause to him The Archbishop hearing of it in great fury excommunicates him notwithstanding this appeale threatning to compell him to make profession and obedience by Ecclesiasticall censures notwithstanding this appeale The Bishop of Durham on the other side would not obey the 〈◊〉 but in contempt thereof boldly celebrated and caused to be celebrated Divine offices as before The Archbishop hereupon overturnes all the Altars where the Bishop of Durham had celebrated and breakes the Chalices within his Diocesse wherein any other had celebrâ—ted in the Bishops presence and held his brother Iohn Earle of Morton for an excommunicate person because he had eaâ—en with the Bishop of Duâ—ham after that sentence and would not communicate with him untill he gave him satisfaction and came to be absolved When the Bishop of Durham saw that many refused to speake eate or drinke with him he sent messengers to the Pope who relating to him first in secret then before all the Cardinals how indiscreetly and Archbishop had excommunicated him slighting his appeale the Pope and all the Cardinals adjudged that sentence a meere nullity and that it ought not to be observed and thereupon the Pope writ a letter to the Bishops of Lincolne Rochester and others to declare this sentence of excommunication voyd in their Churches by vertue of the Popes Apostolicall authority and to command the people to communicate with the Bishop of Durham notwithstanding it as they did before and to declare that the Bishop for the injuries done unto him by the Archbishop in overturning the Altars and breaking the Chalices should be exempted from all subjection to him during life Whereupon these Bishops and delegates met at Northampton and after much debate departed without any final agreement In Lent following this Archbishop being summoned to appeare at London by the Kings Justices came to Westminster with his Crosse carried before him whereupon the Bishop of London and the other Prelates prohibited him to presume to carry his Crosse within the Province of Canturbury who contemptuously answered them that he would not let it downâ— for them yet by the advice of his followers he hid it from the face of the people left a tumult should arise among the Clergy The Bishop of London accounting him excommunicate for this transgression suspended the new Temple where the Archbishop lodged both from Divine Service and the tolling and ringing of Bels so as he was forced to goe out of the City After this the Archbishop levied a great Army fortified Doncastre and would have besieged Thifehill Castle belonging to Earle Morton which Hugh Bardalfe and William Stâ—â—ville refusing to doe he departed with his men in a 〈◊〉 from them calling them traitors to the King and Kingdome Soone after the Deanery of Yorke being voyd the Archbishop first gave the Deanery to Simon Apull and after that to one Philip whom the King recommended The Canons of Yorke pretending the right of electing the Deane to appertaine to them elected Apul against the Bishops will The Archbishop hereupon appeales to Rome the Canons notwithstanding proceed in their election of Apul the Archbishops messengers and Apul meeting with the King in Germany in their passage towards Rome he inhibited all their appeales to Rome saying that if any attempted the contrary he should not returne into the Realme againe In the meane time the Canons of Yorke suspended the Cathedrall Church from all their accustomed Divine service and their Bels likewise from their usuall office of ringing for which the whole City was in an uproare they likewise uncloathed their Altars locked up the Archbishops stall in the Quire barred up the doore by which he used to enter into the Church out of his Pallace and Chappell and did many other things in contempt of him which the Archbishop hearing of being ready to take ship to passe the seas returned to the Church admonishing and commanding the Ministers of this Church to minister therein after the ancient manner who contemning his admonition and precept left the Church voyd and destitute of Divine service Hereupon shortly after the Archbishop by
generall prohibitions to all or most of the Sheriffes of England as is evident by the Râ—gister of Writs Fitz herberts natura Brevium Rastall and others commanding the Sheriffe to inhibite Bishops and their Officers to cite Laymen before them to take an oath in any case whatsoever except of Matrimony or Testament only and not to suffer the people to appeare before them to take such oathes The continuer of Matthew Paris his History of England p. 966 967. writes of this Bishop of Lincolne That Simon Earle of Leicester who most opposed Henry the third and warred against him adhered to him and delivered his children to him to be educated That by his counsell tractabat ardua tentabat dubia finivit inchoata ea maximè per quae meritum sibi succrescere aestimabat And this Bishop is said to have enjoyned the Earle in remisâ—ion of his sinnes that he should undertake this cause of the Barons against the King for which he contended even unto death affirming that the peace of the Church of England could not be established but by the materiall Sword and that all who died for it should be crowned with martyrdome And some say that this Bishop laying his hand sometimes on the head of this Earles â—ldest sonne said unto him Oh my deere sonne both thâ—u and thy father shall both die in one day and with one kind of death yet for justice and vâ—rity Such an animater was he both of rebellion and warres Henry Lexinton the next Bishop of this See Anno 1257. offered some kind of hard measure unto the University of Oxford by infringing certaine liberties thâ—t of old belonged unto it For redresse hereof they were forced to make their complaint unto the King lying then at S. Albons and sent nine Masters of Art to the Court for that purpose Matthew Paris a Monkâ— of S. Albons was present at the delivery of the petition and as himselfe writeth was bold to sâ—ep unto the King using these speeches to him in private I beseech your Grace even for Gods sake to have compassion upon the Church now tottering and in great danger of utter subversion The Vniversity of Paris the nurse of â—o many excellent and famous Prâ—lates is now greatly troubled If the Vniversity of Oxford be disquieted and moleâ—ted also especially at this time being the second Vniversity of Christendome and even another foundation of the Church it is much to be feared leaâ—â— it cause a generall confusion and uâ—â—â—r ruine of the whole Church God forbid said the King that that should happen especially in my time I will endeavour to prevent it I doubt not he was as good as his word for I finde no more mention of any further stirres This I have thought good the rather to set downe to shew what was the reputation of our University of Oxford in those daies and what indignities this Bishop offered to it to cause a publike combustion Henry Burwash the 15. Bishop of Lincolne though advanced to that See by King Edward the second his speciall favour within two yeeres after his consecration for some contempts and misdemeanors he fell so faire into the Kings displeasure that his temporalties were seized upon into the Kings hands for two yeeres space Anno 1324. they were restored to him againe and he to the Kings favour but the grudge thereof so stâ—cke in his stomacke as the Queene rising against her husband seeking to depose him as afterward shee did no man was so forward to take her part no man was so eager against the King his undoubted true and naturall Prince as this Bishop Thomas Walfingham writes that almost all the Prelates joyned with the Queene against the King precipuè c. but especially the Bishop of Lincolne Hâ—reford Dublin and Ely who raised a great Army for herâ— others and principally the Archbishop oâ— Canterbury â—urnished her with money and when the Queene had taken the King prisoner Anno 1327. keeping her Châ—istmas aâ— Walâ—ingford the Archbishop of Canterbury and Yâ—rke the Bishop of Winchâ—ster whom she mâ—de Lord Treâ—surer the Biâ—hâ—p of Norwich her Lord Chaâ—cellour this good Bishop of Lincolne the Bishops of Ely Coventry and other Prelates kâ—pt their Christmas with her with great honour joy and triumph whence comming to Westminster prâ—sently after Twelftide they assembled in Parliament deposed the King from his Crowne and elected his sonne in his steed to which election the Archbishop of Canterbury there present consented ET OMNES PRAELATI and all the Prelates the Archbishop making an oration to them to confirme and justifie this election taking for his text Vox Populi vox Dei Such good Subjects were all the Archbishops and Bishops at that time and this Prelate one of the ringleaders who not content thus to spoyle his Soveraigne of his Crown Kingdome and life too not long after making a new Paâ—ke at Tyinghurst he inclosed in the same ground belonging to divers poore men his tenants for which he had many a bitter curse of them whereupon it is reported that after his death he appeared to one of his Gentlemen in the likenesse of a Keeper with a Bow and Arrowes in his hand a horne by his side and a greene jerkin on his backe telling him that for the injurious enclosing of that Parke he was appointed to the keeping of the same there to be tormented till it were disparked againe desiring him to intreat the Canons of Lincolne his brethren that this wrong done by him by their good meanes might be righted who upon this information sent one William Batchellour of their Company to see it utterly disparked which was effected Anno 1351. the Univeâ—sity of Oxford presented unto Iohn Synwall Bishop of Lincolne unto whose jurisdiction Oxford then appertained one William Palmarin for theiâ— Chancellour and prayed him to admit him The Bishop I know not for what cause delayed hâ—s admission from time to time and enforced the University to complaine of this hard dealing unto the Archbishop He presently set downe a day wherein he enjoyned the Bishop to admit this Chancellour or else to render a reason of his refusall At the time appointed the Proctours of the University were ready together with this William Palmorie to demand admission And when the Bishop of Lincolne came not trusting belike to this priviledge procured from Rome to exempâ— himsâ—lfe his authority and jurisdiction the Archbishop causes his Chancellour Iohn Carâ—ton Deane of Wels to admit him writ to the Uniuersity to receive him and cited the Bishop to answer before him for his contempt He appealed to the Pope would not come and for his contumacy was convicted Much money was spent in this suite afterwards at Rome The event was that the Archbishop prevailed and the others priviledge was by speciall order of the Pope revoked who also granted unto the University at the same time that the Chancellour hereafter should onely be elected by the
Oath first and then administred it to others saying that he was glad in his heart that this Oath was imposed upon all the Clergie of England for now the true Children of the Church would bee knowne from the spurious and bastards And further hee hath deâ—yed to conferre Orders upon such who refused to take the said Oath as namely upon one Mr. Gibbonâ— And hath enforced the sayd Oath upon divers he hath ordained Ministers since the making thereof That the sayd Bishop hath beene a great fomentor and incourager of the late divisions and wars betweene the Kingdomes of England and Scotland conventing and urging the Clergie of his Diocesse in the yeares of our Lord 1638. 1639. to contribute a liberall benevolence towards the maintenance of the sayd wars using this speech as one motive to induce them to this contribution that it was Bellum Episcopale and saying that what ever cause the King had expressed in hiâ— Declaration yet in truth this war was for Vs meaning Vs the Bishops And whereas some of the Clergie denyed the payment of so large a Benevolenceâ—s â—s the sayd Bishop demanded in regard of their poverty and because they were still in their first fruites when they were free from Subsidies the sayd Bishop threatned by his power to put more Armes and horses upon them saying that if they would not serve the King with their purses they should serve him with their Armes And thereupon compelled them to pay the summes he demaunded of them against all Law as namely Mr. Roswell Mr. Ioanes Mr. Abbot and others And not contented herewith the sayd Bishop pretending that there were divers poore Vicars and Ministers in his Diocesse that were noâ— able to pay the Benevolence â—o as hee could not raise the summe he expected thereupon directed his Letters to divers of his wealthier Cleâ—gie causing some of them to pay a second contribution 13. That the sayd Bishop not content with this first Benevolence hath since that in the yeare of our Lord 1642. compelled divers of his Clergie to pay all or part of the sixe illegall subsidies or Benevolences imposed by the late pretended Synod without confirmation of Parliament threatning to excommunicaâ—e and deprive them ipsoâ— facto who fayled paymenâ— of it at the dayes prefixed by the Synod and sent out a processe to Master Newton Minister of Tauâ—ton even whiles the sayd Townâ— was much visited by the Pestilence long before the sayd Subsidy or Benevolence was due to enjoyne him to pay it punctually at the day or else he would inflict on him the penalties prescribed by this Synod and used these speeches that if they did not pay the sayd Subsidie or Benevolence they should be ground to powder And the sayd Commons by proâ—estaâ—ion sâ—â—ing to themselves the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other accusation or impeachment against the sayd Bishop And also of replying to the answeres that he the sayd Bishop shall make unto the sayd Articles or to any of them and of offering proofes also of the premisses or any of them or any other impeachment or accusation that shall be exhibited by them as the cause shall according to the course of Parliaments require doe pray that the sayd Bishop may be put to answere to all and every tâ—e premisses And that such proceedings examinations tryalls and judgements may be upon every of them had and used as is agreeable to Law and Justice By these Articles of impeachment you may easily discover what a prophane impious turbulent Prelate this Bishop is even such a one whom no age I thinke in many particulars is able to parallell whose prodigiously prophane speeches and actions proclaime to all the world that our present Prelates impieties have made them fit for judgement yea to be castout and trampled under feere of men as the very excrements and off-scouring of all things I have now runne through all our ancient Bishoprickes with that of Chester lately revived and given you a briefe account of the extravagant actions of some of those Lordly Prelates who possessed them I shall now in the close of this Chapter give you but a touch of some of the late Bishops of Oxford Bristoll Peterborough and Glocester which Bishopricks were erected out of dissolved Monasteries by King Henry the eight towards the end of his Reigne and so conclude Oxford TO passe by the first Bishops of this See none of the best there have beene three successions of Bishops in Oxford since I left the University Houson Corbet and Bancroft all of them Patriots of Innovations Erronious Popish Arminian Doctrines superstitious Ceremonies prophane Sports Revels and Bacchanals on the Lords day scandalous in their lives notoriously given to the flesh enemies to frequent preaching and the true Practise of Piety Of the two first of them I have given a touch in Durham and Norwich page 519. to which I shall referre you and for the last of them a Non-preaching Prelate who for ought I can learne never preached above one or two Sermons if so many all his life time he had a finger in the late Canons Oath lone in pressing whereof he was not negligent and had not death arrested him with the other two I doubt not but the Parliament had bin troubled with many complaints against them all which now being buryed together with them I will not revive Bristoll THE Bishopricke of Bristoll was first possessed by Paul Bush who was deprived in Queen Maries dayes for being married Iohn Holy-man a Papist succeeded him after whose death the See continued voyd some foure yeares Anno 1562. Richard Cheyny Bishop of Glocester and Iohn Bullingham his successor held Bristoll in Commendam so as it stood void oâ— a Bishop otherwise than as it was held by Commendamâ— one and thirty yeares Richard Fletcher next enjoyed it till he was translated to Worcester Anno. 1593. After which it stood vacant ten yeares to 1603. and then Iohn Thorneborough Bishop of Limbrick in Ireland and Commendatory Deane of York was translated to it This Bishop and some of his successors had great contests with the Major Aldermen and Citizens of Bâ—istoll whom he would force to come every Lords day morning and solemne Holiday to the Cathedrall Sermon to dance attendance and doe their homage to their Lordships which they for some yeares refused till at last after sundry complaints to the King and Councel the Bishops and they according the Major and Citizens yeelded to come to the Colledge now and then on solemne days if the weather were faire and sometimes in the Sommer season Robert Wright one of the late Bishops of this See had a great contestation with the Deane and Chapter of Bristoll and Master George Salterne Steward of the City for opposing him in setting up Images in the Cathedrall and other Churches which gave great offence to the people he was a great Innovator and maintainer of Superstitious Ceremonies at Bristoll to humor
got him to Edenburgh and assisted with many Lords kept the Queene and her husband out of that Towne whereby great dissention and part-taking was raised amongst the Nobility of the Realme But as I gather peace being made betweene them he was againe made Chancellor After this in the yeare of Christ 1515. he commeth with the Earle of Arrane who submitteth himselfe to the Governour Shortly following the Governour gave to this Archbishop of Glascow the Abbey of Arbroth assigning to the Earle of Murrey a large pension out of the same which Bishop being thus in favour with the Governour was in the yeare of Christ 1517. in May when the Governour went into France appointed amongst others to have the Rule of the Realme untill his returne Two yeares after which the Nobility being divided about the quarrell of the Earle of Angus and Arrane this Bishop in the yeare of Christ 1519. being then also Chancellor with other Noblemen of the Realme kept the Towne of Glascow but after that this Chancellour who would not come to Edenburgh the King of England and of France their Embassadors came to Sterling where a peace was proclaimed amongst the Nobility But what can long continue in one stay or what peace will be long embraced amongst ambitious mindes sith in the yeare following being the yeare of Christ 1â—20 the Noblemen â—ell againe to factions For when divers of the Peeres were come to Edenburgh to aide the Earle of Angus against the Earle of Arrane this Chancellor remaining then in the Towne they pursued the Earle and Chancellour so hotly that they were both constrained to forsake the Towne and to fly through the North locke about the thirteenth day of Aprill But as the events of quarrels be doubtfull now up now downe so this Archbishop not long aâ—ter this disgrace recovered breath and in November following did accompany the Regent come out of France to Edenburgh where was a Parliament holden to summon the Earle of Angus to appeare but he refusing it was agreed that the Earle should passe into England there to remaine The Bishop thus having the better of his enemies Andrew Forman Bishop of Saint Andrewes dyed in the yeare 1522 being about the ninth yeare of Iames the first by occasion whereof this Chancellor Iames Beton Bishop of Glascow was advanced to that See and â—urther made Abbot of Dumfermling Upon which new honour in the yeare of Christ 1524. He was appointed one of the Governours of the Realme by Parliament but he not possessing this honour any long time the Earle of Angus who had gotten the King into his usurped government and denyed the delivery of the King being sent for by this Bishop and the other Nobility sent to the Chancellor for the greaâ— Seale which was delivered to the Messengers upon which this Bishop not forgetting the same hastened the sentence of divorce sued before him between the Queen and the Earle of Angus Whereof the Earle to revenge the same did with the King in the yeare of Christ 1526. seeke for the Queene and the Bishop of Saint Andrewes but because they were kept secretly in their friends houses so that they could not be heard of He spoyled the Abbey of Dumfermling and the Castle of Saint Andrewes taking away all that the Archbishop had Notwithstanding which the Archbishop keeping in favour with the old Queene and the young King did in the yeare of Christ 1529 and in the sixteenth yeare oâ— James the fifth Christen James the Kingâ— Sonne boâ—ne at Saint Andrewes and not long after surrendred his Soule to God Anno 1542. Immediately after the death of James the fifâ—h of Scotland David Beton Cardinall and Archbishop of Saint Andrewes the speciall Minister and factor of the French causes to the advancement and continuance thâ—reof â—orged a Will of the late King departed in which amongst other things he established himselfe chiefe Regent The Protestants to whom this Cardinall was ever a cruell enemy and sharpâ— scourge espyed forth his unjust dealing in this behalfe and thereupon set the Earle of Arran against him who by the helpe of his owne and â—heir friends he removed the Cardinall and his adherents from their usurped roome and Authority and therewith was the said Earle proclaymed Protector and Governour of the Realme The next yeare at a Convention of the Lords at Edenburgh this Archbishop was put in ward in the Castle of Dalkish lest he should goe about to perswade the Nobility not to consent to the Governours desires and the King of Englands match propounded to the Scottish Queene Which match of Prince Edward with Queene Mary of Scotland though concluded on by a Parliament in Scotland this Archâ—ishop Beton hindred fâ—aring lest Scotland should change the Church Orders and reforme Religion as England had begun to doe Whereupon ensued divers Commotions in Scotland and a bloody Warâ—e King Henry the eighth sending an Army into Scotland upon this breach and occasion on the one side and the Pope and French King sending aide to this Cardinall Archbishop and his faction on the other side After this this Archbishop he was removed to his owne Castle of Saint Andrewes with Warders about him to see him safely kept Anno 1â—44 The Patriarch of Hierusalem arriving in Scotland he was honorably received by this Cardinall Arch Prelate and the Bishops of Scotland into the City of Glascow during whose abode there great contentions arose betweene this Arch Prelate and the Archbishop of Glascow who should in that City be of greatest authority and honour Which in the end came to this issue that both families fell together by the â—ares which of them should goe before with his Crosse borne upright For the Cardinall Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and Primate of the Kingdome did affirme that the Archbishop of Glascow should not have his Crosse borne in his owne Church so long as he was present Which the servants of the Archbishop of Glascow tooke so in disdaine that they plucked downe the Cardinals Crosse and threw it to the ground Whereupon the Governour understanding the whole matter and that it was now come from words to swords made haste to appease the factious commotion and caused the Patriarch therewith to be brought to Edenburgh accompanyed with the Clergy and so appeased the controversie That done the Patriarch the Popes Legate comming to Rome procured the â—egantine power to be granted to the Cardinall which he long enjoyed not For being greatly envyed by reason of these honours and some grievous facts by meanes whereof there fell continuall dissentions betweene the Nobility which ended not till this Cardinall was slaine who corrupting his Keepers whiles he was imprisoned in Saint Andrewes Castle he found meanes to escape thence and in the yeare 1543. he came to the Coronation of the young Queene and shortly after perswaded the Earle of Arrane the Governour to leave the part of â—he King of England and wholly to become French At the Coronation the
passed through England and having other learned men in his company did visite the King of England of whom hee was most honourably and courteously received from whence going into Scotland he was made Treasâ—rer which Office hee kept as long as his Brother was Governour whom he did further in all good Counsells at home and save and defend in the warâ—es abroade Anno 1598. In Iuly August and March there was an assembly of the Prelates and Clergie of Scotland held at Edenburgh in which certaine men and women of Edenburgh were accused of Heresie and burned at the towne crosse with â—aggots on their backes whereupon great tumults were raysed there for appeasing whereof the Lord Seton was made Governour of the Towne In this Councell of all the Prelates and Clergie of Scotland the Temporalty proponed divers Articles of reâ—ormation as to have the Prayers and administration of the Sacrament in the Scottish tongue the Election of Bishops and all beneficed men to passe by the voyces of the Temporall Lords and people and Parishes c. All which the Bishops refused to grant where through there arose shortly afâ—er great troubles in Scotland For they perswading the Queene Regent to sommon Master Iohn Knox and others to appeare before them at Striveling for lacke of appearance they were denounced Rebels and put to the home Whereupon they and the Burgesses of Perth with others pulled downe the Images and Altars in all Churches and suppressed the houses of Priors and other Religious places and Abbies both in Perth S. Andrewes Edenburgh and other places whereupon the Queene-Regent with the Arch-bishops of Saint Andrewes and Glascow the Bishops of Dulkenden Dublane with many other chiefe of the Clergie came to Perth and raised an Army against the Reformers who thereupon gathered an Army to resist them which being ready to meeâ—e on Couper More in battle by the labour of some Noble men the battle was stayed and Articles of agreement drawne betweene the Regent and the Lords of the reformed Religion the contents whereof you may reade in Lesâ—e Buchanan and Holinshed Anno 1559. A Parliament was holden and a disputation appointed betweene the Protestant Divines and Popish Prelates at what time the Roman Prelates behaved themselves so well that they were commanded not to depart the Towne but to be present at the Sermons of the Ministers In the winter the Lords of the Counsell gave faculties of Benefices to divers of their friends who put forth the Prelates and received the fruites The Earle of Argile disposed Dunkeld and Dublane The Earle of Arran had the ordering of the Bishoprickes of Saint Andrewes and divers Abbies the like was used by other Noblemen through all parts of the Kingdome In the same yeare being the 17. of Queene Mary he was with the Queene beseiged in Leith Anno 1560. superintendents serving for the election of other Ministers were chosen at Edenburgh whereof Iohn Spursword was one chosen by the suffrage of all the people Anno 1562. this Arch-bishop of Saint Andrewes because after an Edict made thereof hee did noâ— abstaine from hearing and saying Masse was commitâ—ed prisoner to Edenburgh Castle This Arch-Bishop still following the Queenes part he with others meeteth her in the yeare of Christ 1566. at Muskleburow and so attendeth on her who noâ— long after in the yeare of Christ 1571. being about the fourth yeare of Iames the sixth was taken in the Castle of Dunbritaine and sent Prisoner into Sterling where being examined by the Regent Matthew Earle of Lenox about the murâ—her of Henry King of Scotâ— sonne to the sayd Matthew he was there drawne hanged and quarteredâ— being the first Arch-bishop that I have yet heard of writes Thin that suffered so ignominous a death the manner whereof Holinshed and Chytraeus doth thus more largely relate The Regent comming to Striveling caused the Arch-bishop of S. Andrewes to be examined upon certaine Articles as well â—ouching the murther of the laâ—e King Henry as also for the death of the Earle of Murrey the late Regent at what time there came in a Priest without compulsion of any and before the Regent declared that one Iohn Hamilton being in extreame sicknesse under confession told him that the Bishop did send him with three others to the murther of the King and as touching the murther of the Earle of Murrey the Bishops flat answere was He might have letted it if he would Therewith the people that heard him cryed Away with him hang him And so for these and other offences for the which he had been foresalted before that time he was now executed on a Gibbet set up in the Market place of Striveling Patricke Adamson alias Constance next succeeded in the Archbishopricke of Saint Andrewes in his time Anno 1573. there was a Parliament in Edenburgh wherein divers were made and Articles agreed upon touching Religion and against Popery â—he third whereof was That none of the adversaries and enemies of Gods truth shall enjoy the patrimony of the Kirke Afterwards Anno. 1578. the question touching the Bishops power was disputed in many assemblies and aâ— length Anno. 1580. in an Assembly holden at Duâ—die their office was found to be unlawfull not grounded on Gods Word but introduced by the folly and corruptions of mens inventions and thereupon una voce condemned and abjured Anno 1581. and 1582. there were many contentions betweene the Prelates and Presbyters of Scotland touching the Jurisdiction of Bishops which the assembly condemned and the setling and confirming of Religion to the great disturbance of the Realme which I pretermit for brevity sake The next yeare 1583. the Presbytery as they had many times done before did excommunicate their Metropolitane the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes and the rest of the Bishops also because they would not in all their actions support and confirme the Doctrine which the Presbytery had established and maintaine the use of their Episcopacy which they had ordered to be simply abjured and relinquished as an office to which they were not called by God which Excommunication the Presbytery did the more boldly pronounce because they were supported by the assistance of Master Lindseie a great enemy to this Patrick Adamson Bishop of Saint Andrews But the King in the beginning did assist him against them and the Arch-bishop did in like sort thunder an Excomunication against them which division writes Thin not being meete to be in the Clergie who ought to be as the Apostles were Of one heart and of one minde will in the end as Christ saith bring that Realme to confusion for Omne regnum in se divisum desolabitur At last this Bishop excommunicated by the Assembly at Edenburgh was enforced to renounce his Archiepiscopall jurisdiction and to make this publike recantation which quite subverts the pretended Ius Divinum of the Prelacy in the Synod of Fiffe Aprill the 8. 1591. I confesse with a sincere minde without
Boswell serviteur to the said Sir George Montâ—rieff The Bishop of Orkneyes Recantation TO all and sundry whom it concernes to whose knowledge these presents shall come especially to the Reverent and Honorable Members of the future Assembly to be holden at Edenburgh the 12. day of August 1639. I Master George Gryame sometime pretended Bishop of Orkney being sorry and grieved at my heart that I should ever for my worldly respect imbraced the Order of Episcopacy the same having no warrant from the Word of God and being such an Order as hath had sensibly many fearefull and evill consequences in many parts of Christendome and particularly within the Kirke of Scotland as by dolefull and deplorable experience this day is manifest to have disclaimed like as I by the tenour hereof doe altogether disclaime and abjure all Episcopall power and Jurisdiction with the whole corruptions thereof condemned by lawfull Assemblies within the said Kirke of Scotland in regard the same is such an Order as is also abjured within the said Kirke by vertue of that Nationall Oath which was made in the yeare 1580 and 1581. Promising and swearing by the great name of the Lord our God that I shall never while I live directly nor undirectly exercise any such power within the Kirke neither yet shall I ever approve or allow the same not so much as in my private or publike discourse But on the contrary shall stand and adhere to all the Acts and Constitutions of the late Assembly holden at Glascow the 21. of November last by-past in Anno 1638 And shall concurre to the uttermost of my power sincerely and faithfully as occasion shall offer in executing the said Acts and in advancing the worke of Reformation within this Land to the glory of God the peace of the Country and the comfort and contentment of all good Christians as God shall be my helpe In testimony of the which premises I have subscribed these presents with my hand in Bricknes in Straines the second of February Anno Dom. 1639. Before these witnesses Master â—â—â—ter Stewart Minister at Souâ— randsley Master Iames Cheynie Minister at Buckwall Master Robert Peeâ—sone Minister at Firsâ— and Master Patricke Gryame Minister aâ— Holme My Sonne Before I passe to the Irish Prelates I shall close up this of the Scottish Prelates with this merry story out of the Booke of Martyrs Not long after the burning of David Stratton and Master Gurlay in the dayes of David Beaton Bishop and Cardinall of Saint Andrewes and George Treâ—chton Bishop of Dunkelden a Canon of Sainâ— Colmes Inche and Vicar of Delene called Deane Thomas Forret Preached every Sunday to his Parishioners out of the Epistle or Gospell as it fell for the time which then was a great novelty in Scotland to see any man Preach except a blacke Fryer or a gray Fryer and therefoâ—e â—he Fryers envyed him and accused him to the Bishop of Dunkelden in whose Diocesse he remained as an Heretique and one that shewed the mysteries of the Scriptuâ—es to â—he vulgar people in English to make the Clergy detestable in the sight of the people The Bishop of Dunkelden moved by the Fryers instigation called the said Deane Tâ—omas and said to him My Joy Deane Thomas I love you well and â—herefore I must give you my counsell how you shall rule and guide your selfe To whom Thomas said I thanke your Lordship heartily Then the Bishop began his Counsell on this manner My Joy Deane Thomas I am enformed that you Preach â—he Epistle or Gospell every Sunday to your Parishioners and that you take not the Cow nor the uppermost cloath from your Parishioners which thing is very prejudiciall to the Church men and therefore my Joy Deane Thomas I would you tooke your Cow and your uppermost cloath as other Church men doe or else it is too much to Preach every Sunday for in so doing you may make the people thinke that we should Preach likewise But it is enough for you when you find any good Epistle or any good Gospel that setteth forth the Liberty of the holy Church to Preach that and let the rest be Thomas answered my Lord I thinke that none of my Parishioners will complaine that I take not the Cow nor the uppermost cloath but will gladly give me the same together with any other thing that they have and I will give and communicate with them any thing that I have and so my Lord we agree right well and there is no discord among us And where your Lordship saith It is too much to preach every Sunday indeede I thinke it is too little and also would wish that your lordship did the like Nay nay Dean Thomas saith my Lord let that be for we are not ordained to preach Then sayd Thomas where your Lordship biddeth me preach when I finde any good Epistle or any good Gospell truely my Lord I have read the New Testament and the old and all the Epistles and Gospells and among them all I could never finde any evill Epistle or any evill Gospell but if your Lordship will shew me the good Epistle and the good Gospell and the evill Epistle and the evill Gospell then I shall preach the good and omit the evill Then spake my Lord stoutly and sayd I thanke God that I never knew what the old and New Testament was and of these words rose a Proverbe which is common in Scotland ye are like the Bishop of Dunkeldenâ— that knew neither new nor old Law therefore Deane Thomas I will know nothing but my Portuise and my Pontificall Goe your way and let be all these fantasies for if you persevere in thesâ— erronious opinions ye will repeâ—t it when you may not mend itâ— Thomas sayd I trust my cause be just in the presence of God and therefore I passe not much what doth follow thereupon and so my Lord and he departed at that time And soone after a Summons was directed from the Cardinall of Saint Andrewes and the sayd Bishop of Dunkelden upon the sayd Deane Thomas Forret upon two blacke Fryers called Fryer Iohn Kelow and another called Benarage and upon one Priest of Striveling called Duncane Sympson and one Gentleman called Robert Foster in Striveling with other three or foure with them of the towne of Striveling who at the day of their appearance after their summoning were condemned to the death without any place for recantation because as was alleadged they were Heresiarches or chiefe Heretiques and reachers of heresies and especially because many of them were at the bridall and marriage of a Priest who was Vicar of Twybody beside Stâ—iveling and did eate flesh in Lent at the sayd Bridall and so they were all together burnt upon the Castle hill at Edenburgh where they that were first bound to the stake godly and marvellously did comfort them which came behind This Bishop of Dunkeld and David Beton Arch-bishop of Saint Andrewes were very great persecutors of the true professors of
from his legall tryall in open Court and to send him away uncondemned unlesse he likewise conspired with Queene Izabel against King Richard the second That I may in the interim omit the furies and bitter concertations of others with their Princes So he Wil. Alley Bishop of Exeter in his poore mans library par 1. Miscellanea Praelect 3. p. 95.96 Printed Cum Privilegio Iames Pilkington Bishop of Durham in his Treatise of burning of the Pauls Church and in his exposition on Agge ch 1. v. 1 2.3.4.9â—12.13 c. 2. v. 1.2.3.4.9.10 and on Abdyas v. 7.8 and Mr. Alexander Nowel Deane of Pauls in his Reproofe of Dormans proofe London 1565. f 43.44.45 Conclude that Bishops and Presbyters by Gods Word are one and the same citing S. Hieromes words on Titus 1. and to Euagrius and declaime much against the Pompe wealth and secular imployments of Bishops their words for brevity I shall pretermit Mr. Elmer afterwards Bishop of London in his Harborow for faithfull subjects Printed at Strasborough writes thus against Bishops Civill Authority Lordlinesse and wealth Christ saith Luke 12. Who made me a Iudge betweene you as though hee would say it belongeth not to my Office to determine matters of Policy and inheritance that belongeth to the Civill Magistrate If he had thought it had beene within the Compasse of his function why and with what Conscience refused he to set them at one who were at strife and to put that out of doubt which was in suite If he might doe it and would not he lacked Charity and did not his duety If it belonged not to him how belongeth it to any of his Disciples or Successours had he not as large a Commission as he gave or could he give that he had not But he knowing his Office as the Prophet Esay had foretold to preach the Gospell would doe nothing without warrant And therefore being asked if he were a King answered simply and by a plaine negative My Kingdome is not of this world If his Kingdome was not here neither the ordering of Policies yea when they would have taken him up to have made him a King as one that refused that belonged not to him he conveyed himselfe from among them If imperiall jurisdiction belonged to him why refused he his calling If it did not where had Paul Peter or any other any authority to meddle with that which he refused seeing he saith As my Father sent me so send I you In another place Christ knowing the bounds of his calling would not meddle with externe policy Hence Bishops me thinkes by his example should not give themselves too much the bridle and too large a scope to meddle too farre with matters of policy If these two Offices I meane Ecclesiasticall and Civill be so jumbled in both functions there can be no quiet or well ordered Common-wealth Christ saith to his Disciples Princes of the Nations doe beare rule like Lords it shall not be so with you It falleth not into an Apostles or Church-mans Office to meddle with such matters For none going to warre intangleth himselfe with the affaires of this life it is enough for them to attend upon one Office to attend as sole Priests nor as errant Bayliffes And elsewhere in that Booke he proceeds thus Come off ye Bishops away with your superfluities yeeld up your thousands be content with hundreds as they be in other reformed Churches where there be as great learned men as you are LET YOUR PORTION BE PRIEST-LIKE NOT PRINCE-LIKE Let the Queene have the rest of your temporalties to maintaine warres and to build Schooles throughout the Realme that every Parish Church may have its Preacher every City her superintendent to live not pompously which will never be unlesse your Lands be disposed and bestowed upon many which now feede and fat but one Remember that Abimelech when David in his banishment would have dined with him kept such Hospitality that he had no bread to give him but the Shew-bread Where was all his Superfluity to keepe your pretended hospitality for that is the cause that you alleadge you must have thousand thousands as though you were commanded to keepe Hospitality rather with a thousand than with an hundred Remember the Apostles were so poore that when the lame man who lay at the Temple gate called beautifulâ— asked an Almes of Peter and Iohn as they went about to goe into the Temple Peter answered him in this manner Silver and gold have I none and Paul was so far from having Lordships that his owne hands ministred oft times to his necessities If the Apostles of our Saviour had so small possessions and revenues why should our Prelats who boast themselves to be their proper Successours enjoy or covet so great when as Paul enjoynes them if they have but food and rayment therewith to be content godlinesse alone with contentment being great gaine and a sufficient portion Nicholas Bullingham after Bishop of Lincolne in his Printed Letter to Master Bull Decemb. 5. 1564. writes thus from Embden where he arrived after many stormes Would God Master Bull that all the Prelates of England had beene with me when we fell to cutting of Cables riding at Anchor in the raging Seas There would have beene tearing of square Caps renting of Rotchets defying of Bishoprickes despising of pompe promising of new life crying for mercy O what a Tragedy would there have beene Well well though now they walke dry shod in their Palaces there is a God that will try them and all his people by fire or by water unlesse we heartily repent Grace to repent grant us O Lord without delay Amen Amen Iohn Bridges Deane of Salisbury afterwards Bishop of Oxford and a great stickler for Episcopacy in his Booke entituled The Supremacy of Christian Princes â—ver all persons throughout their Dominions in all cases so well Ecclesiasticall at Temporall Printed at London 1573. p. 359. to 364â— writes thus of the parity and identity of Bishops and Presbyters and of clearing Aeriaus from Heresie in this pointâ— First that Aerius said there was no difference betweene a Priest Bishop and ye aske Mr. Stapleton how say we to him Whatsoever we say to him we have first to say to you that saving the reverence of your Priesthood there is no difference betweene you and a lyer to object Aerius herein to us whereas ye know well enough our Church doth acknowledge in the ministry a differenâ—e of Deacon and Elder from a Bishop although not according to your Popish Orders For as neither Epiphanius nor yet Augustine quoted by you speaketh there of any sacrificing Priest so he never knew any such Pontificall Prelates as your Popish Church breedeth and yet of those that were even then in Epiphanius time and of their difference from the Elders or Priests if yee know not how it came Hierome that lived in the same age will tell you or if ye have not
Parliament holden in the first yeare of the Queenes Majesties Raigne was no Parliament for that your Bishops refused wilfully to agree unto the godly Lawes there concluded yee seeme therein to bewray in your selfe some want of skill the wise and learned could soone have told you that in the Parliaments of England matters have evermore used to passe not of necessity by the speciall consent of the Archbishops and Bishops as if without them no Statute might lawfully be enacted but onely by the more part of the voyces yea altâ—ough all the Archbishops and Bishops were never so earnestly bent against it And Statutes so passing in Parliament onely by the voyces of the Lords temporall without the consent and agreement of the Lords Spiriâ—uall have neverthelesse alwayes bin confirmed and ratified by the reall assent of the Prince have bin enacted published under the names of the Lords spirituall Temporall Read the Statutes of King Edward the first There shall yee finde that in a Parliament solemnly hoâ—tlen by him at S. Edmundbury the Archbishops and Bishops were quite shut forth and yet the Parliament held on and good and wholsome lawes were there enacted the departing or absâ—nce or malice of the Lords Spirituall notwithstanding In the records thereof it is written thus The King keeping the Parliament wiâ—h his Barons the Clergy that is to say the Archbishops and Bishops being shut forth it was enacted c. Likewise In provisione de Martona in the time of King Henry the third Whereas matter was moved of Bastardy touching the Legitimation of Bastards borne before Marriage The Statute past wholly with the Lords Temporall whether the Lords Spirituall would or no yea and that contrary to the expresse Decrees and Canons of the Church of Rome The like hereof as I am informed may be found Rich. 2. An. 11. c. 3. Howbeit in these cases I must confesse I walke somewhat without my compasse Touching the judgement hereof I reâ—erre my selfe wholly unto the Learned Further whereas yee call the Doctrine of Christ that now by Gods great mercy and to your great griefe is universally and freely preached a Parliament Religion and a Parliament Gospell for such sobriety becommeth you well and may stand you in stead when learning fayleth yee might have remembred that Christ himselfe at the beginning waâ— universally received and honoured through this Realm by assent of Parliament and further that without Parliament your Pope himselfe was never received no not in the late time of Queene Maâ—y Yea and even then his holinesse was clogged with Parliament conditions that whatsoever had beene determined in Parliament and was not repealed were it never so contrary to his will and Canons should remaine still inviolable and stand in force Otherwise his holinesse had gone home againe Such M. Harding is the authority of a Parliament Verily if Parliaments of Realmes be no Parliaments then will your Pope be no Pope Therefore as you now call the truth of God that wee professe a Parliament Religion and a Parliament Gospell even so with like sobriety and gravity of speech yee might have said Our Fathers in old times had a Parliamenâ— Christ. And your late Fathers and Brethren had of late in the time of Queene Mary a Parliament Faith a Parliament Masse a Parliament Pope Neither is it so strange a matter to see Ecclesiasticall causes debated in Parliament Read â—he Lawes of K. Inas K. Elfred K. Edward K. Ethelstane K. Edmund K. Edgar K. Canute and yee shall find that our godly fore-fathers the Princes and Peeres of this Realme never vouchsafed to intrâ—at of matters of Peace or Warre or otherwise touching the Common State before all controversieâ— of Religion and causes Eâ—clesiasticall had beene concluded King Canutâ— in his Parliament holden at Winchester upon Christmas day after sundry Lawes and Orders made touching the Faith the keeping of Hâ—ly-dayes Publikâ— prayers learning of the Lords Prayer receiving of the Communion thrice in the yeare the manner and â—orme of Baptisme Fasting and other like matters of Religion in the end thereof saith thus Iam sequitur institutio Legum Secularium Now followeth an order of Temporall Lawes In a Parliament holden by King William the Conquerour it is written thus Rex quia Vicarius Summi Regis est ad hoc constituitur ut Regnum populum Domini super omnia sanctam Ecclesiam regat defendat c. The King for as much as hee is the Vicar of the Highest King is thererefore appointed to this purpose that hee should rule and defend the Kingdome and people of the Lord and above all things the holy Church c. Hereby it appeareth that Kings and Princes are specially and of purpose appointed by God not onely to defend but also to Governe and Rule the Holy Church Thus farre Bishop Iewell who here clearly affirmes that Parliaments may be kept and matters of Religion there determined without Bishops Neither is this any strange doctrine for not onely Mâ— Richard Crompton in his Iurisdiction of Courts fol. 19 20. who cites this passage of Bishop Iewell is of the same opinion but in the famous case of Doctor Standish in the 7. yeare of King Henry the eight at a meeting at Blacke Fryers before the King himselfe the whole Temporall Councell and a Committee of both Houses of Parliament it was resolved by all the Judges That our Lord the King may very well hold his Parliament by himselfe his Temporall Lords and by his Commons altogether without the Spirituall Lords for the spiriâ—uall Lords have no place in the Parliament Chamber of reason of their spirituality but only by reason of their Temporall possessions or Baronies And if this be not sufficient evidenceâ— Bishop Latimer in his fourth Sermon of the Plough p. 19 20. complaines against Bishops placing in being Lords of the Parliament makes this one chiefe cause that they be unpreaching Prelates lazie loyterers and idle Ministers Yea Thomas Bilson Bishop of Winchester a great Patriot of Episcopacie resolves and proves as much in his Booke intituled The true difference betweene Christian Subjection and unchristian Rebellion part 3. p. 540 541 542. If her Majesâ—y receivâ—d and â—stablished nothing but the truth of Christ in her Paâ—liament in vaine do you barke against God and the Magistrate for lacke of competent Courts Ecclesiasticall Judges and legall meanes to debate and decide matters of Religion Whâ—n God commandeth all humane barres and Lawes do cease If they joyne with God they may be used if they impugne the truth they must be despised And yet in our case the Scepter united and adjoyned it selfe to the word of God and therefore if Princes may command for truth in their owne dominions as I have largely proved they may why should not the Prince having the full consent of her Nobles and Commons restore and settle the truth of God within her Realme Phil. Lay men may not pronounce of
Caesar as matters committed of trust to you by Christian Princes are nothing else but open and wifâ—ull invasions of other mens rights you changing the names and calling those things Spirituall and Ecâ—lesiasticall which indeede be civill and temporall and shouldering Priâ—ces from their cushins who first suffered Bishops to sir judges in those causes of Honour to their Persons and favour to their sunctions which on your part is but a bad requitall of their Princely graces and benefits He addes S. Paul expressely writeth of the Prince that He beareth the sword not without cause and is Gods minister to revenge him that doth evill And our Saviour severely forbiddeth Peâ—er and the rest of the Apostles to meddle with the sword All that take the sword shall perish by the sword and to them all you know that Kings of Nations raigne â—ver themâ— and they that be great exercise authority with you it shall not be so The sword is but the signe of publicke and Princely power and where the thing is not lawfull the signe is unlawfull Since then the Lord interdicteth his Apostles and messengers all Princely power it is evident the sword which is â—ut a signe thâ—reof is likewise interdicted them Thus much Bernard sticketh not to tell Pope Eugenius to his face It is the Lords voice in the Gospell Kings of Nations are Lords over them and they that have power over them are called gratious and the Lord inferreth you shall not be so It is a cleare case the Apostles are forbidden dominion Gâ— thou then saith Bernard to the Pope and usurpe if thou dâ—re either an Apostleship if thou be a Prince or dominion if thou be Apostolike Thou art expresly forbidden one of them If thou wilt have both thou shalt lose both The patterne of an Apostle is this Dominion is interdicted service is enjoyned Gird thy selfe with thy sword the sword of the spirit which is the Word of God And this Pope Nicholas fairely confesseth The Church of God hath no sword but the spirituall wherewith she quickneth shee killeth not Your owne Law saith It is easily proved of Bishops and other Clergy mâ—n whatsoever that they may not either by their owne authority or by the authority of the Bishop of Româ— take weapon in hand and excercise the materiall sword and addeth his reason For every man besides him and his authority which hath lawfull â—â—wer and which as the Apostle saith beareth the sword not without cause to whom every soule ought to be subject every man I say that without his authority taketh the sword shall perish with the sword He that beareth the sword may lawfully put malefactors to death and wage warre with his enemies when need so requireth which Bishops may not doe The weapons of our warfare are not carnall saith Saint Paul Quid Episcopis cum bello what have Bishops to doe with battle saith Athanasius and Aâ—brose Pugnâ—re non debâ—o I ought not to fight If they may not fight much lesse kill if they may do neither they cannot beare the sword which is appointed by God and received of men to do both The words of our Saviour are cleare with us for the negative My Kingdome saith hee is not of this World if then your Priests Prelates and Popes will be the servants of Christ they must challenge no worldly Kingdome as from him or in his name The servant is not above his Master If the master with his owne mouth have denyed it the servants may not affirme it or usurpe it The souldiers of Christ must not intangle themselves with secular affaires much lesse make themselves Lords and Judge of earâ—hly matters which office properly belongeth to the sword and must be sustained of all those that beare the sword The Popes themselves beâ—ore their power and pride grew so great were of this opinion with us Thus and much more Bishop Bilson to the same effect Not to trouble you with more quotations of this nature which are infinite I shall conclude onely with two more auâ—horities of men of greatest eminence and learning in our Church in Queene Elizabeths later dayes The first of them is Dr. Whitakers Regius Professor of Divinity in the University of Cambridge he in his Booke Contra Duâ—eum l. 6. sect 19. Controvers 4. De Ecclesiae regimine Quest. 1. c. 1. sect 1. 2. c. 2. sect 16. Quest. 4. c. 3. sect 25 26 27 28 29 30 31. De notis Ecclesiae qu. 5. c. 6. p 509 and Contr. 2. Concil qu. 3. c. 2. p. 586 587. reciting Saint Ieromes words at large on Titus 1. and to Euagrius concludes with him That in former times Bishops and Presbyters were all one and the same that every where a Presbyter was the same that a Bishop is that ALL Churches were not under the Government of one man but were governed by the Common Counsell of their Presbyters Ecclesiae inquit Jeronymus gubernabantur c. id est VBIQVE OMNES fuit hiâ— MOS Ecclesiarum gubernandarum That this custome was not changed by the Apostles sed POST Ecclesie judicto That Bishops are greater now than Ministers not by divine institution but custome and that humano non divino jure totum â—oc discrimen constat the whole difference betweene them is by humane not by divine Law or right That by ancient and divine right a Presbyter was lesse than a Bishop NIHILO in nothing After which he proceeds thus If the Apostles had changed that order as Sanders pretendeth what had it profited Hierome with so great diligence to have collected testimonies out of the Apostles whereby to shew that they were sometimes the same It might easily come into his memory that this order was changed by the Apostles themselves after the Church was disturbed and torne with discords But wherfore then saith Hierom Before it was said I am of Paul c. the Church was Governed by the Common Councell of Presbyters c. I answer this might deceive Sanders Hierome onely alluded to the place of the Apostle that hee might shew that schismes were the cause of changing this order as hee saith elsewhere that this was done to remedy schismes But this remedy was almost worse than the disease For as at first one Presbyter was set above the rest and made a Bishop so afterwards one Bishop was preferred before the rest and so this custome brought forth the Pope with his Monarchy by little and little and brought it into the Church Ierome so openly oppugneth the Pontificall Hierarchy that the Papists know not what to determine or answere concerning Hierome Michael Medina doubts not to affirme that Ierome was an Hereticke in this kinde and that he held the very same opinion that Aerius did verily Hierome was of the same opinion with Aerius whereby we may the lesse regard that Aerius is so often objected to us AB INSULSIS HOMINIBUS
by foolish men If Aerius was an Hereticke in this thing he had Ierome a companion of his Heresie and not onely him but also many other Ancient Fathers both Greeke and Latine as Medina confesseth Alphonsus de Castro saith that the Church was sarre enough off from the minde of Hierome and a certaine man hath written in the Margin that Ieromes opinion is to be dissembled not to be urged Pighius writes that Ierome is involved in such difficulties out of which he could not winde himselfe and that he fell into perplexed absurdities no wayes cohearing and fighting among themselves It is no wonder if they speake evill of us who thus petulantly insult over Ierome Marianus Victorius endeavours to excuse Ierome and writes that he speakes not of Bishops and Presbyters but oâ— Bishops onely and that verily all these are equall and that many did ill interpret Hierome otherwise But Ierome most manifestly compares Presbyters with Bishops and that Marianus had most easily seene unlesse he had beene miserably blinde yet at length by the opinion of Marianus all Bishops are equall Turrianus otherwise and more acutely answers Hieronymum non dicere Presbyterum idem sed eundem esse cum Episcopo What knots doth this Jesuiâ—e here seeke in a Rush If a Presbyter be the same that a Bishop is and the Bishop the same that a Presbyter is what at last good Jesuite canst thou thinke to be between a Presbyter and a Bishop Thus verily our adversaries yea Bpp finde not how they may defend themselves from this sentence of Hierome and truely all of them sticke in the same mire albeiâ— some of them are more foulely plunged than others The matter now returnes to Bellarmine as to the Triary he most confidently pronounceth that Ierome differeth as much from Aerius as a Catholick from an Hereticke I most firmely averre the contrary that their opinions concerâ—ing this thing can by no meanes be disjoyned nor distinguished Aerius thought that a Presbyter differed not â—rom a Bishop by Divine right and authority Hierome contends this very thing and defends it by the same testimonies of Scriptures as Aerius doth Now quam inepte pueriliter how foolishly and childishly Epiphanius answereth to those testimonies all may perceive For he saith that the Apostle was wont to write thus because that at that time there were not any Presbyters in many Câ—urches by reason of the paucity of Presbyters I admire so great a Theologue who tooke upon him to refute all Heretickes saw not how shamefully he was mistaken For what was theâ—â— at that time greater plenty of Bishops than of Presbyters that whereas there were many Bishops in one City yet there were no presbyters there The notable absurdiâ—y of this anâ—were Bellarmine himselfe acknowledged And yet this is that Epiphanius who first of all proscribed Aerius as an Hereticke absque Synodi aut Ecclesiae judicio without the judgement of a Synod or of the Church But what saith Bellarmine he propoundeth a double difference betweene Aerius and Hierom. The first is that Ierom writes everywhere That a Bishop is greater than a Presbyter as to the power of Order I answere that it is most false Hierome never writ so neither doth he by any meanes acknowledg a Bishop to be greater than a Preâ—byter unlesse it be by custome which he distinguisheth from divine disposition And if there were so great a difference wherefore doth Ierome that he may revok Deacons to modesty reduce them into order affirme that Presbyters are Bishops Whence doth he admonish that this contention taken up against Presbyters belongs to B ps themselves seeing Presbyters by the first institution of this order and Ministry are B ps Now if there were the greatest difference between these in the power of order had not Ierome bin very sottish in his argument Now whereas he saith What doth a B p except ordination which a Presbyter may not do He speaks of the custome of those times that not even the when by the custome of the Church a Bishop was greater then a Presbyter could a Bishop doe more then a Presbyter in any thing except in ordination yea elsewhere Hierom himselfe attributes ordination to Presbyters And indeed so he doth for in Zoph 1. 2. Tom. 5. pag. 218. D. he writes thus Sacerdotes c That Priests who baptize and consecrate the Lords Supper which is the greater MANVS IMPONVNT LEVITAS ET ALIOS CONSTITVVNT SACERDOTES lay on hands ordaine Levites and other Priests which is in truth but the lesse The second is that although Ierome doth not acknowledge any difference jure divino betweene the jurisdiction of a Bishop and Presbyter yet he grants that this was lawfully introduced by the Apostles and that necessarily to avoyd Schismes I answere first that Bellarmin hath resolved out of the opinion of Ierome that there is no difference in the Jurisdiction of a Bishop and Presbyter whence it is manifest what Ierome thought of the Jurisdiction and Primacy of the Pope For seeing the Primacy of the Pope consists in Jurisdiction Ierome thinks that Iure Divino the Jurisdiction of a Bishop is not greater than that of a Presbyter it followes from Ieromes opinion that the Papacy and Prelacy Divino mullo juâ—â— nitatur rests upon no divine Law Secondly â—â—llarmine fights with himselfe and makes Ierome to speake contradictions For if Ierome thought that jurisdiction of a Bishop not to be Iuris Divini how theâ— was that difference introduced by the Apostles or how could Ierome prove out of the Apostles writings that there was not any difference betweene them Certainely that which the Apostles instituted and introduced hath the force of divine right Finally this profound Doctor in his adâ—0 â—0 Rationem Campiani p. 51. concludes thus of Aeriusâ—is â—is opinion And â—ruely if to condemne prayers for the deadâ— Et Episcopo Presbyteros aequare sit hâ—â—reticum NIHIL CATHOLICVM ESSE POTEST and â—o equall Presbyters to a Bishop he Heretiâ—all nothing can be Catholike Thus this great Doctor William Whitaker with whom his Coaetaneans Doctor Willet in his Synopsiâ— Papismi Controversie Generall 5. part 2. in the Appendix p. 272. to 284. in the last Edition and Master William Perkins in his Reformed Catholicke Cont. 18. c. 21. concurre I wonder therefore with what impudency and shamelesse brow Bishop Hall and others dare condemne the defenders of the identity and Parity of Presbyters and Bishops by Divine right for Aerian Heretickes Schismatickes Novillers and oppugners of the received Doctrine of the Church of England when as the learnedest Prelates Martyrs and writers of our Church as appeares by the premises have proâ—essedly justified this opinon as Apostolicall Orthodox Ancient and Catholike warranted by the unanimous consent both of Scriptures and Fathers â—s will further appearâ— by the next Authority with which I shall conclude And that is our incomparably learned Doctor Iohn Rainolds once professor of Divinity
in the University of Oxford who in his Letter to sir Francis Knoles Sept. 19. 1598. concerning some passages in Doctor Bancrofâ—s Sermon at Pauls Crosse Printed in King Iames his time and now reprinted writes thus both touching the pretended heresie of Aerius and the Divine right of Episcopacy It appeareth by the aforesayd words of Doctor Bancroft that he avoucheth the Superiority which Bishops have over the Clergie to be of Gods owne Ordinance for he improveth the impugners of it as holding with Aerius that there is no difference by the Word of God betwixt a Priest and a Bishop which he could not doe with reason unlesse he himselfe proved the Bishops superiority as established by Gods Word and he addeth that their opinion who gainsay it is Heresie whereof it ensueth he thinketh it contrary to Gods Word sith Heresie is an errour repugnant to the truth of the Word of God as according to the Scriptures our owne Church doth teach us Now the arguments which he bringeth to prove it an Heresie are partly over-weake and partly untrue Overweake that he beginneth with out of Epiphanius Uâ—true that he adjoyneth of the Generall consent of the Church For though Epiphanius doe say that Aerius his assertion is full of folly yet he disproveth not the reason which Aerius stood on out of the Scriptures nay he dealeth so in seeking to disprove it that Bellarmine the Jesuiâ—e though desirous to make the best of Epiphanius whose opinion herein he maintaineth against the Protestants yet is forced to confesse that Epiphanius his answere is not all of the wisest nor any way can fit the text As for the generall consent of the whole Church which Doctor Bancrofâ— saith condemned that opinion of Aerius for an Heresie himself for an Hereâ—ick because he persisted in it that is a large speech but what proofe hath he that the whole Church did so It appeareth he saith in Epiphanius It doth not the contrary appeareth by S. Ierome sundry others who lived some in the same time some after Epiphanius even Saint Augustine himselfe though Doctor Bancroft cite him as bearing witnesse thereof likewise I grant Saint Augustine in his booke of Heresies ascribeth this to Aerius for one that he sayd Presâ—yterum ab Episcopo nulla differentia deberi discerni but it is one thing to say there ought to be no difference betweene them which Aerius saying condemned the Churches order yea made a Schisme therein and so is censured by S. Austin counting it an heresie as Epiphanius from whom he tooke it recorded himselfe as he witnesseth not knowing how farre the name of Heresie should be stretched another thing to say that by the Word of God there is no difference betwixt them but by the order and custome of the Church which S. Austin saith in effect himselfe so farre was he from witnessing this to be Heresie by the generall consent of the whole Church which untruth how wrongfully it is fathered on him and on Epiphanius who yet are all the witnesses that Doctor Bancroft hath produced for the prooâ—e hereof or can for ought that I know it may appeare by this that our learned Country man of godly memory Bishop Iuel when Harding to convince the same opinion of heresie alleadged the same witnesses citing to the contrary Chrysostome Ierome Austin and Ambrose knit up his answere with these words All these and other Holy Fathers together with the Apostle S. Paul for thus saying by Hardings advice must be held for Heretickes And Michael Medina a man of great account in the Councell of Trent more ingenuous herein than many other Papists affirmeth not onely the former ancient writers alleadged by Bishop Iuel but also that another Ierome Theodoret Primasius Sedulius and Theophylact were of the same mind touching this matter with Aerius with whom agree likewise Oecumenius and Anselmus Arch-bishop of Canterbury and an other Anselmus and Gregory and Gratian and after them how manyâ— It being once inrolled in the Canon Law for sound and Catholike Doctrine and thereupon publickely taught by learned men All which doe beare witnesse against Doctor Bancroft of the point in question that it was not condemned for an Heresie by the generall consent of the whole Church And the rather which is observable because Isiodor Hispalensis Originum lib. 8. c. 5. and Gratian himselfe Caus. 24. qu. 3. reciting the heresie of Aerius omits his equalizing of Bishops and Presbyters out of the liâ—â— of his errours because an Orthodox truth approved by themselves and other Fathers which is worthy observation If he should reply that these latter witnesses did live a 1000. yeares after Christ and therefore touch not him who sayd it was condemned so in the time of S. Austin and of Epiphanius the most flourishing time of the Church that ever hapned since the Apostles dayes either in respect of learning or of zeale First they whom I named though living in a latter time yet are witnesses of the fâ—rmer Oecumenius the Greeke Scholiast treading in the steps of the old Greeke Fathers and the two Anselmes with Gregory and Gratian expressing S. Ieromes sentence word by word Besides that perhaps it is not very likely that Anselme of Canterbuâ—y should have bin Canonized by the Pope of Rome Worshipped for a St that the other Anselme Gregoryâ—hould â—hould have such place in the Popes Library and be esteemed of as they are that Gratians workes should be allowed so long time by so many Popes for the golden foundation of the Canon Law if they had taught that for Catholike and sound which by the generall consent of the whole Church in the most flourishing time that ever happened since the Apostles dayes was condemned for Heresie chiefely in a matter of such waight and moment to the Popes supremacyâ— which as they doe claime over all Bishops by the Ordinance of God so must they allow to Bishops over Priests by the same Ordinance as they saw at length and therefore have not onely decreed it now in the Councell of Trent but also in the new edition of their Canon Law have set downe this note that one Hughs Glosse allowed by the Arch-deacon saying that Bishops have differed from Priests alwayes as they doe now in Government and Prelateship and Offices and Sacraments but not in the name and Title of Bishop which was common to them both must be held hereafter for S. Jeromes meaning at least for the meaning of the Canon taken out of S. Ierome though his words be flat plaine against this Glosse as Bellarmine himselfe confesseth Whereto may be added that they also who have laboured about the reformation of the Church these 500. yeares have taught that all Pastours be they entituled Bishops or Priests have equall authority and power by Gods Word First the Waldenses next Marsilius Patavinus then
follow his Edition as Master Calvin and some few others doe in their Commentaries whereas both he and they are professed Enemies to Episcopacy and disclaime those Postscripts as false and spurious Fiâ—thly Master Beza and the â—etâ—ers forth of the Greeke Bible Printed by the Heires of Andrew Francofurti 1597. passe this sentence upon these Postscripts and this clause Ordained the first Bishops of Ephesus or of the Church of the Ephesians Non extaâ— in quibusdam vetustis Codiâ—ibus sane supposttum fuisse puâ—o And Guilielmus Estius a famous Roman Doctor in his Commentary on 2 Tim. 1.4 writes thus of the Postscript to it Graeâ—a subscriptio post finem Epistolae sic habet Scriptae Roma ad Timotheum secunda cum Paulus iterum sisteretur Caesari Neroni where he omits this addition Ephesiorum Ecclesiae primus Episcopus and then passeth this verdict upon it Sed hujusmodi Graecae subscriptiones ut incerti sunt authoris ITA NON Magnae authoritatis And Thomâ—s de vio Cajetanus Andreas Hyperius Estius with others deâ—â— the subscription to Titus That this Epistle was written from Nicopolis of Macedonia and the Century writers with others that the Second to Timothy was written from Rome aâ— Pauls second appearing before Nero a meere falshood and mistake All which considered I wonder our great learned Prelates Bâ—shop Downeham Bishop White and Bishop Hall and especially our great Antiquary Bishop Vsher should so much insist upon these spurious false postscripts and draw a maine Argument from to prove their Episcopacy of Divine Institution when Bellarmine and those Papists who write most eagerly for the Prelates Hierarchy are ashamed to produce such a false and impotent proofe for their groundlesse Episcopall jurisdiction If these Answers satisfy not this Objection from these Postscripts you may receive more full satisfaction and further Answers to it in my Vnbishoping of Timothy and Titus p. 52. to 58. To which I shall remit the Reader From these two Arguments for the pretended Divine right of Episcopacy I shall next proceed to answer the most considerable reasons produced for the continuing of Lordly Prelates in our Church The first for order and moment is the Antiquity of Lordly Bishops in our Church who if we credit Bishop Hall and others are not onely of Divine institution but their Episcopall Government hath continued in this our Island ever since the first plantation of the Gospell without contradiction Therefore it will be neither decent nor expedient but dangerous and inconvenient to remove them now To this I answer first that though Bishops have been very ancient in our Church yet how ancient and what kinde of Bishops these were will be the question Metraphrastes writes that Saint Peter continued long in Britaine constituted Churches and ordained Bishops Presbyters and Deacons and then returned to Rome the 12 yeare of Nero Caesar. But as this Authour is very fabulous in other things so without doubt he is false and singular iâ— this as I could easily manifest did not Bishop Vshers siquidem Symeoni Metaphrastae credimus and Baronius his sicut in aliis multis ibi a se positis errare Metaphrastum certum est ita in his hallucinatum esse constat Iohn Speed his For a dreame we leave it c. and Francis Godwin Bishop of Landaffe in his Discourse of the first conversion of this Island of Britaine unto Christian Religion p. 3 4 5 6. where he largely and professedly proves against this Impostor That Peter was never in Britaine ease me of this Labour and sufficiently refute the vaine confidence of those who have lately produced this branded Authority to derive the Antiquity of our Lordly Prelates from the Apostles themselves as if they had first planted them in our Church That which is likewise alledged out of the Greeke Martyrologe and Dorotheus his Synopsis That Aristobulus was ordained Bishop of the Britaine 's by Paul and by him sent Bishop into England seemes to be of the same stampe with the former in Bishop Godwins judgement who rejects it as fabulous because none of our owne Authors or Histories so much as once mention his so memorable labour and martyrdome among us But grant it true yeâ— since the word Bishop is here used onely for an ordinary Minister or Preacher of the Gospell and Aristobulus sent onely to convert our Nation being Pagans had no Bishopricke or Diocesse here nor any Inferiour Presbyters under him for ought appeares over whom to play the Lord as our Lordly Prelates have this Authority will stand those in small steed who with more confidence then judgement have objected it in defence of our Lordly Bishops which by the common consent of all our Writers began not till King Lucius his raigne about the yeare of Christ 179. So that from the Preaching of the Gospell in our Island by Iacobus Zebedeus Anno Christi 41. of Simon Zelotes Anno 47. of Ioseph of Araâ—atâ—aea Anno 48. of Saint Paul Anno 60. of Philip the Apostle and his twelve associates Anno 63. till Lucius erected Bishops and Bishoprickes to wit for the space of about one hundred and forty yeares after the first Preaching of the Gospell here our Church of Britaine had no Bishops at all to governe it but onely Presbyters for ought appâ—ares by any credible Authour the Christian faith all this while continuing un-extinguished among us at Glastenbury and in some other places as our Antiquaries manifest If then that rule of Tertullian be infallible That is best and truest which is first and that of Hierome most certaine That the Church of God immediately after the Apostles times before the erection of Lord Bishops was governed by a common Councell of Presbyters not by Bishops and our Church as is probable and the Church of Scotland as some Authors write for certaine was governed in this manner by Presbyters for above an hundred yeares together it will rather follow that our Lord Bishops should now be totally suppressed and a Presbyteriall government re-erected in our Church because it is ancienter than that of Bishops and planted among us by the Apostles when our Island first received the Gospell then that the government of our Lordly Prelates should be perpetuaâ—ed among us because ancient onely yet not so old as that of Presbyters by above one hundred yeares Touching the first erection of Arch-bishops Bishops and Bishoprickes among us there is great variance obscurity and incertaineâ—y in Writers yet this is the generall verdict both of our owne and forraigne Authours That in King Lucius his time before the conversion of our Island to Christianity there were in it 28 Flamines and three Arch Flamines to whom the other Iudges of manners and Priests were subject that upon the conversion of King Lucius and his people to the Christian Faith by Fagan and Deâ—wan they by command from Pope Eleutherius with the Kings
this too much both to be Traytors to your King and also to faine God to be displeased with your King for punishing of Treason Finally to make him a Saint and also that God had done miracles to the defending of his Treason How is it possible to invent a more pestilent Doctrine than this is Here is Gods Ruler despised and hereby is open Treason maintained Thinke you that God will shew miracles to fortifie these things But no doubt the Proverbe is true Such lippes such Lettuce such Saints such miracles Fifthly in persisting most peremptorily in Treasons Rebellions contests and Conspiracies against their Princes without yeelding or intermission till they had obtained their demaunds and desires of them insteed of craving pardon of them all which the premises evidence to the full in Anselme Becket Langton Stafford and others Sixthly in enforcing their Soveraignes against whom they conspired rebelled and practised divers horrid Treasons and Contumacies to submit nay seeke to them for pardon and to undergoe such sharpe censures such â—orbid infamous harsh punishments covenants and conditions as are inconsistent with Monarchy honour Soveraignty as in the case of Henry the seâ—cond King Iohn and others In these sixe respects our Lordly Bishops have transcended all other Traytors Rebels Conspirators and Seditious persons whatsoever as also in Censuring Loyalty for Heresie true Subjects to their Princes for Heretickes and Canonizing High Treason Rebellion against Emperours Kings Princes for Orthodox faith notorious Traytors and Rebels for good Christians and true beleevers as appeares in the Case of Hildebrand and his Hellish crew of Bishops who branded Henry the Emperour and those who sided with him for Heretickes and their Loyalty for Heresie in the Case of Henry the second and King Iohn in their difference with Anselme Becket and Langhton In imitation of whom our present Prelates now slander those who oppugne aâ—d withstand their encroachments upon the Kings prerogative Royall with odious termes of Puritans Novellers Seditious persons Schismatickes Rebels and brand Loyalty and true allegiance to the King with the termes of Faction Schisme Sedition Novelty and Rebellion You have seene now a large Anatomy of our Lordly Prelates desperate Treasons Conspiracies Rebellions Contumacies Warres disloyall oppressive practises in all ages against our Kings Kingdomes Lawes Liberties which duly pondered we may easily conclude there is little cause any longer to tolerate them in our Church or State but great ground eternally to extirpate them out of both It is storyed of the people of Biscany in Spaine That they have such a naturall enmity against Bishops that they will admit no Bishops to come among them and that when Feâ—dinand the Catholicke came in Progresse into Biscany accompanyed with the Bishop of Pampilone the people rose up in Armes drove backe the Bishop out of their Coast and gathering up all the dust they thought he or his Mule had trod on threw it into the Sea with curses and imprecations I dare not say that our people should rise up in Armes like these Biscaners and drive out our Bishops God forbid any such Tumultuous or Seditious practise but this I dare confidently averre that his Majestie and our High Court of Parliament have farre greater reason to drive and extirpate them out of our Realme and Church even with curses and execrations and to subvert their Sees in an orderly just and legall way than these Biscaners had to repulse this Bishop who entered thus into their Country onely to accompany Ferdinand in his progresse not to play the Lord Bishop among them I shall close up all with the words of Musculus a Learned forraigne Protestant Divine who after he had largely proved by Scriptures and Fathers That Bishops and Presbyters by Divine right are both one and of equall authority and that the difference betweene them was onely a humane institution to prevent Schismes concludes thus Whether oâ— no this Counsell hath profited the Church of God whereby such Bishops who should be greater than Presbyters were introduced rather our of Custome that I may use the words of Hierome than out of the truth of the Lords institution is better declared in after ages than when this custome was first brought in to which we owe all that insolency opulency and tyranny of Princely and Lordly Bishops imo omnem corruptionem Ecclesiarum Christi yea all the corruption of the Churches of Christ which if Hierome should now perceive without doubt he would acknowledge this not to be the Counsell of the Holy-Ghost to take away Schismes as was pretended but of the Devill himselfe to waste and destroy the ancient Offices of feeding the Lords â—locke by which it comes to passe that the Church hath not true Pastors Doctors Elders and Biâ—hops but Idle bellies and magnificent Princes under the vizors of these names who not onely neglect to feede the people of the Lord in proper person with wholesome and Apostolicall doctrine but also by most wicked violence take speciall care that no man else may doe it This verily was done by the Counsell of Satan that the Church in stead of Bishops should have powerfull Lords and Pâ—inces elected for the greatest part out of the Order of the Nobles and Princes of the world as they are in Germany who under-propped with their owne and their kindreds power may domineer over the flocke of Christ at their pleasâ—re And with the complaint of the Emperour Lewis the fourth and the German Princes against the Italian and German Lordly Prelates which I may justly accomodate to ours Flamines isti Babyloniae soli regnare cupiunt ferre parem nâ—n possunt non desistent donec omnia pedibus suis conculcaverint atque in Templo Dei sâ—deant extâ—llanturque supra omne id quod colitur Sub Pontificis titulo pastoris pelle lupum saevissimum nisi caeci sumus sentimus Cum nostri servi sint ipsi dominari contra jus gentium adversus leges auspicia Oracula divina Dominos sibi servire volunt Caesarem Italia Roma Christum terris exclusere illi coelum quidem permittunt inferos atque terras sibi asseruere Bernard Epist. 158. Quid spirituali gladio quid censurae Ecclesiasticae quid Christianae legi Disciplinae quid denique divino timori relinquitur si metu potentiae secularis nullus muâ—ire jam audeat contra insolentiam Praelatorum FINIS Kind Reader I shall desire thee to rectiâ—ie these Presse-Errours which in my absence in the Country hapned in many Copies in some Pages of the first and Second Part besides those forementioned after the Table of Chapters In the first Part. PAge 8. l. 6. departing p. 10. l. 5. their this p. 11. l. 28. largely latelyâ— p. 16. l. 1. delâ— as p. 24. l. 2. we â—e p. 25. l. 3. marred l 29. Kings p. 53. l. 40. dele thâ— p. 62. l. 13. and the p. 63. l. 30. still stile pâ— 64. l. 16. be he p 70. l. 3. his
Schollers themselves and so presently authorized to govern them without the admission of any other Thomas Watson Bishop of Lincolne in the first yeere of Queene Elizabeth was deprived of hs Bishopricke and imprisoned for refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy and counselling the other Bishops to excommunicate the Queene for altering religion Of which see more before in Tonstall Bishop of London Of other Bishops of this See since his time I finde little in History As for the present Prelate of that Diocesse as he deserves due praise for his magnificent Structures of Libraries Hospitals and the like So on the other side his excessive pride and miscarriages in his Chancellor-ship for which he lost that office and especially his advancing of the now Arch-bishop of Canterbury who proved a scourge to him as well as others with his procuring Mountagues Appeale to be printed which kindled a great Combustion in our Church and State and laid the foundation of all those Popish Innovations both in doctrine and discipline which have since like a filthy leprosie over-spread our Church and bred such sad effects and distractions among us deserve iust blame Yea his late extraordinary stickling much spoken against to maintaine the Lordly iurisdiction and secular authority of our Prelates without the least diminution or reformation of their excesses hath much ecclipsed all the honour and reputation he had gained by his former sufferings which should have made him as the vulgar truely say more meeke and lowly in heart like Christ his Master of whom he and all other Pontifs should learne Humility not lofty and pontificall domineering like Diotrephes who loved to have the preheminenâ—e for which St. Iohn condemns him or like the ambitious Apostles who contended which of them should be greatest for which Christ sharpely rebuked thâ—m sundry times saying Ye know that the Princes of the Gentiles exercise dominion ovâ—r them and they that are great exercise authority upon them But it shall not be so among you but whosoever will be great among you let him be your minister and whosoever will be chiâ—fe among you let him be your sâ—rvant even as the Sonne of man came not to be ministred unto but to minister and to give his life a ransome for many Which texts together with that of Peter Feed the flock of God which is among you taking the oversight thereof not by constraint but willingly not for filthy lucre but of a ready minde neither as being Lords over Gods Heritage but being ensamples to the flocke c. Yea all of you be subiect one to another and be cloathed with humility for God resisteth the proud and giveth grace to the humble it seemes this Prelate and his Brethren have forgotten or at least beleeve not to bee canonicall since they now poynt-blancke oppugne them yet me thinkes he should in this case have remembred what himselfe had but lately published in print as most Orthodox in doctrine and consonant in Discipline to the Church of England and very fit to be printed and published in any place or places where hâ— as Ordinary was inabled and licenced so to doe and so at Westminster In the holy Table Name and Thing pag. 82. against Clergy mens intermedling with secular affaires where thus he writes O foolish St. Basil that bids hâ—s Clergie take speciall heed that their Martha be not troubled with many things O dull Synesius that held it fitter for an Aegyptian then a Christian Priest to be over-troubled with matters of wrangling Well Doctor God helpe the poore people committed to thy Cure they are like to finde but a sorry Shepherd One that will be in the vestry when hee should be in the Pulpit and by his much nimblenesse in the one is like to shew a proportionable heavynesse in the other which he thus seconds p. 166.167 St. Cyprian was angry with one Geminius Victor for making against the Canon one Faustinus a Priest Overseer of his Will and by that meanes withdrawing him from his calling and miniâ—â—ry And enlarging himselfe in that discourse how carefull God had beene in providing Tithâ—s and Oblations for the Priest under the Law giving him not Lands and Husbandries amongst the other Tribes ut in nulla re avocarâ—â—ur that hee might have no occasion to be withdrawne from the Altar He aggravates the offence of these Testators that by making Church-men Executors and Overseers of their last Wills ab altari Sacerdotes Ministros volunt avocare will needs withdraw Ministers from their Ecclesiasticall functions with no lesse offence then if under the Law they had withdrawne the Priests from the holy Altar So that this plâ—ce takes my Doctor a little by the nose that cannot indure to be a looker on and a dull Spâ—ctator confined only to his ministeriall meditations So this Prelate And do not thâ—se pâ—ssages of this Bishop Noseâ—oo â—oo as wâ—ll as the Doctor who cannot endure to be a looker on and a dull Spectator confined only to his ministeriall Meditations unlesse he may likewise sit as a Peere in Parliament and intermeddle with secular affaires If not as some conceive they doe yet sure I am the words of Synesius and Cyprian in their places which hee quoâ—tâ—s will round him in the eare and give him no little checke For Synesius in his 52. Epistle to Andronicus writes thus against Bishops sitting as Iudges and intermedling with publike secular affaires to which Andronicus would have perswaded him To ioyne the power of administring the republique with the Priesthood is all one as to knit those things together which cannot be coupled by any coniunction Ancient times permitted the same persons to be Priests Iudges For the Aegyptians and Hebrewes for a long time used the government of Priests Afterwards when as it seemes to me that the divine worke began to be done in a humane manner Deus ambo vitae genera separavit God separated both kindes of life and one of these was appointed to sacred things the other to government and empire for He designeth some to the dregs of the lowest things others he hath associated unto himselfe Those are imployed in secular affaires not in Prayerâ— But yet in both God requires what is honest and consentaneous Why dost thou therefore againe revoke them Why wilt thou conioyne these things which God hath separated Who requirest us not to administer but to deprave us in administring than which what can be more unhappy Hast thou need of a Patron Goe to him who is President in the Lawes of the Republike or Lord chiefe Iustice. Hast thou need of God in any thing Goe to the Bishop of the City Contemplation is the end of Priesthood if a man not falsly usurpe that name to himselfe Now Contemplation and Action doe no wayâ—s accord for the force of the Will is moved into action which cannot bee without some affection But the Soule which is to
May the 13th This Bishop riding a horse somewhat too lusty for him was cast and so brused with the fall as he died by and by to wit May 13â— 1254. Thomas Merkes the Fiftenth Bishop of this See amongst many unworthy preferred to Bishopprickes in those dayes was undoubtedly a man well-deserving that honour for he was both learned and wise but principally to be commended first for his constant and unmoveable fidelity unto his Patrone and preferrer King Richard then for his excellent courage in professing the same when he might safely yea and honestly also have concealed his affection Some other there were of the Nobility that remembring their duety and allegiance when all the world bâ—sâ—de forsoke this unfortunate Prince followed him with their best assistance even till the time of his captivity This man nothing regarding the danger might ensue not onely refused to forsake him when he had forsaken himselfe but defended him and his cause the best he could when he might well perceive his endeavour might hurt himseâ—fe much without any possibility of helping the other when the furious and unstable multitude not contented that King Richard had resigned his Crowne to save the head that wore it and their darling Henry the fourth seated himselfe in his royall throne importuned the Parliament assembled to proceed yet farther against him desiring no doubt that to make all sure his life might be taken from him This worthy and memorable Prelate stepping forth doubted not to tell them that there was none amongst them meete to give judgement upon so noble a Prince as King Richard wasâ— whom they had taken for their Soveraigne and Leige Lord by the space of twentie two yeares and more And proceeding further I assure you quoth he I report his words as I find them in our Chronicles there is not so ranke a Trayter nor so arrant a theefe nor yet so cruell a murtherer apprehended or detained in prison for his offence but he shall be brought before the justice to heare Judgment and will you proceed to the judgment of an annointed King hearing neither his answere nor excuse I say and will avow that the Duke of Lancaster whom ye call king hath more trespassed to King Richard and his Realme the King Richard hath done either to him or us for it is manifest and well knowne that the Duke was banished the Realme by King Richard and his Councell and by the judgement of his owne Fatherâ— for the space of tenne yeares for what cause ye remember well enoughâ— This notwithstanding without Licence of King Richard he is returned againe into the Realme and that is worse hath taken upon him the name title and preheminence of King and therefore I say that you have done manifest wrong to proceede against King Richard in any sort without calling him openly to his answer and defence This Speech scarcely ended he was attâ—ched by the Earle Marshall and for a time committed to ward in the Abbey of St. Albanes Continuing yet his loyall affection unto his distressed Master soone afâ—er his inlargement he trayterously joyned with the Hollands and others in a conspiracy against King Henry the 4th which being bewrayed to the destruction of all the rest he onely was pardoned peradventure in regard of his calling for it had seldome or never been seene hitherto that any Bishop was put to death by order of Law peradventure in some kind of favour and admiration of his faithfull constancy for vertue will be honoured even of her enemies peradventure also to this end that by forcing him to live miserably they might lay a punishment upon him more grevious than death which they well saw he despised The Pope who seldome denied the King any request that hee might afford good cheepe was easily intreated to translate forsooth this good Bishop from the See of Carlile that yeelded him honourable maintenance unto Samos in Greece whereof he knew he should never receive one penny profit he was so happy as neither to take benefit of the gift of his enemy nor to be hurt by the masked malice of his counterfeit friend disdaining as it were to take his life by his gift that tooke away from his Master both life and Kingdome hee died shortly after his deliverance so deluding also the mockery of his Translation whereby things so falling out he was nothing damnified Hall reports that hee died for feare more than sicknesse as one rather desirous to die by deaths dart than the temporall Sword which this his Treason deserved being a great blemish to his former fidelity Owen Oglethorpe the 31. B. of this See was deprived with divers other Bishops for withstanding Q. Eliza. proceedings and refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance in the yeare 1559. Of other Bishops of this See since his dayes I find little mention most of them being translated to other Sees I shall therefore proceede to the Bishops of Norwich The Bishops of Norwich Iohn de Gray the fifth Bishop of Norwich if we beleeve Matthew Paris was one of those three Court Bishops who were consiliarios iniquissimos most wicked counsellors to King Iohn during the time of the inderdict of the Realme who desiring to please the King in all things consilium non pro ratione sed pro voluntate dederunt gave the King counsell not according to Reason but Will and thereby wrought much trouble both to the King and Kingdome Pandulphus the next Bishop of this See consecrated by the Pope at Rome Anno. 1222. was the Popes Legate and the chiefe instument who perswaded King Iohn most ignominiously and shamefully to resigne up his Crowne and Kingdome to the Pope to become his Vassall to his eternall infamy and to submit himselfe to Sâ—ephen Langhton and those other Trayterly Prelates who intardicted the Realme excommunicated this King published the Popes deprivation of him from his Crowne and instigated the French King to invade the Realme of England and usurpe the Crowne which the Pope had conferred on him upon King Iohns deprivation from it of which you may read more at large before in Stephen Langhton Archbishop of Canterbury p. 33. to 41. Onely let me informe you that during the time of this inderdict aboue six yeares space all Ecclesiasticall Sacraments ceased in England except Confession and the viaticum in extreame necessity and the Baptisme of Infants so as the bodyes of dead men were carried out of Townes and Villages and burried like dogges in Highwayes and Ditches without prayers and the ministry of Priests as Matthew Paris and others testifie Such was the Prelates piety and charity About the yeare of our Lord 1271. In the time of Roger de Skerwing 12. Bishop of Norwich there was raysed a dangerous sedition betweene the Citizens of Norwich and the Monkes of the Cathedrall Church the History whereof is briefely this At a Faire that was kept before the gates of the Priory there hapned
a fray in which some servants of the Covent â—lew certaine citizens A Jury being empaneled hereupon found them guilty and the Officers tooke order for the apprehending of the murtherers if they might be met withall The Monkes greatly offended herewith first excommunicated the Citizens then shutting the gates not onely prepared themselves to defence but also began to offend the other shooting at the passengers first and afterward issuing out of their gates killing divers persons and spoiling many houses The Citizens greatly incensed herewith fired the gates entred the Monastery and after a long conflict a great number being slaine on both sides prevailed rifled the Priory and set fire on the same in divers places at once This fire consumed not onely the Cells and Offices of the Monkes but the Almes house also the steeple and greatest part of the Cathedrall Church The King hearing of this tumult with all speed posted thither with the Bishop of Rochester and others The Bishop of Rochester excommunicated all those who had consented to this wickednesse and the King caused divers Citizens to be hangedâ— drawne and quartered amongst the rest that were executedâ— a woman that carried fire to the gates was burned The Monkes for their part appealed to Rome and so handled the matter that they not onely escaped punishment but also forced the Citizens to pay them 3000. markes after 500. markes a yeare toward the reparation of their Church and to present them with a Pix or Cup of gold of seven pound weight This end was made by King Edward the first his Father being now dead at the request and solicitation of the Bishop But the Prior saith Holinshed was well enough borne out and defended by the Bishop of Norwich named Roger who as it is likely was the Master of the mischiefe though hands were not layde upon him nor upon his adherents perhaps for feare peradventure for favour and no marvell though the lesse faulty lost their lives as most guilty for Rarus venator ad ursos Accedit tutos conservat Sylva Leones Debilibus robusta nocent grandia paruis Ales fulminiger timidos infestat olores Accipiter laniat Turdos mollesque Columbas Verficoler Coluber ranas miserasque lacertas Irretit muscas transraittit aranea vespes So Holinshed After him Anthony de Becke the 17th Bishop of this See attaining this dignity at the Popes hands behaved himselfe so imperiously in the place that he bereaved the Monkes of divers ancient and long enjoyed priviledges suffering them to doe nothing in their house but what seemed good unto him plucking downe and preferring amongst them whom he listed Neither could he onely be content thus to tyrannize over them but scorning to have his actions reformed or called in question by any other he openly withstood Robert Winchelsey Bishop of Canterbury in his Visitation affirming that he would not answer to those things which were objected against him unlesse it were at the Court of Rome This boysterous and unruly dealing purchased him such hatred of all men that at the last he was poysoned by some of his owne servants William Bateman the 18th Bishop of Norwichâ— forced the Lord Morley for killing certaine Deere in one of his Parkes and abusing his Keepers to carry a burning Taper in his hand through the streetes of Norwich unto the High-Altar by way of Pennance And although King Edward the third became an earnest intercessor for him to the Bishop mingling sometimes threates with requests yet nothing could move the Bishop following his determinate course such arrogant malicious dispitefull froward creatures are Prelates for the most part both towards Kings and Nobles In his time there hapned a great Pestilence so that in many Monasteries and religious Houses there were scarce two of twenty left alive there died onely in Norwich in one yeare besides religious men 57104 persons Henry Spencer a Gentleman of great valour and skill in martiall affaires serving the Pope as Generall in his warres in the yeere 1370. was made Bishop of Norwich And being a better Butcher and Souldier than a Shepheard he notwithstanding the Kings Commandement to the contrary procured the Popes authority for levying of an army here in England which he transported about the yeare 1385. into the Low-Countries for the Popes service in his warâ—es where after hee had slaine above 1100. men in a set battâ—ll wherein the Priests and religious men that were with the Bishop fought valiantly and most eagerly some of them slaying sixteene men apeece in one battell against the â—lemmings vanquished an army of 30000. and burnt the Townes of Graveling Dunkirke Newport and others returned againe into England the King seising his Temporalties into his hands detaining them two yeares space for his contempt in raising an army without and against his expresse command This Martiall Prelate had forgotten what answer all the Bishops Abbots and Clergy of England gave to King Henry the third Anno. 1267. in a Parliament at St. Edmonds Berry where the King demanding that all Clergy men holding Baronies or Lay Fee should goe armed in person against the Kings enemies or should finde so many men to serve the King in his Expidition as pertained to so much land or tenement To this they answered Quod non debent pugnare cum gladio raateriali That they ought not to fight with the materiall sword but with the spirituall naraely with teares and sighes and devout Prayers and that for their Benefices they were bound to maintaine peace not warre and that their Baronies were founded in pure Franck-Almoigne where they owed no Knights Service but what was certaine neither would they begin any new and when it was replied that the Prelates were obliged to grant all the Kings requests there specified and contradicted by them whether they would or no by reason of the Oath they had taken at Coventrie where they swore that they would ayde their Lord the King by all meanes that they could To this they gave this equivocating answer that when they made this Oath they understood it not of any other ayde but spirituall and wholesome councell denying to grant the King any mony at all But it seemes that this was then the Bishops received distinction that they might lawfully beare armes and fight with the materiall sword and grant Subsedias to ayde the Pope against his enemies as this Bishop and the Clergy in his time did but not to assist the King against his enemiesâ— This Martiall Act of his warlike Prelate is thus censured by William Swinderby one of our Martyrs in Richard the seconds raigne Further I say if the Pope hold men of armes in maintaining his Temporalties and Lordship to venge him on them that gilten and offend him and gives remission to fight and to sley them that contrary himâ— as men say he did by the Bishop of Norwich not putting his sword into his sheath as God commanded Peter Mitte c.