bidding him remember how Becket dyed for the Church and writes to the Bishops of London Ely and Worcester to interdict the whole Kingdom if they found the King c Contumacem Rebellâ—m disobedient and rebellious They acquaint the King with this Mandate who is willing to condescend with the Salvo's d Prâ—ns Hist of Popes intol uâ—uâ—pat boâ—k 3. c. 1. p. 251. that his rights liberties and dignities may not be violated But the Bishops would allow none of these conditions and yet we must think it hard that Becket might not have the liberty of Salvo's which provoked the King so much thus to be trod upon by his own subjects that he swore per dentes Domini that if they or any other of his subjects should presume to interdict his Dominions he would send them with the rest of their fraternity to their friend the Pope and confiscate their goods and so warn'd them from his presence Stephen Langton had in England a Brother call'd Simon who also came in the presence of the Bishops to desire the admittance of his brother to Canterbury to whom the King proffer'd to do so e Pryn p. 252 saving only his right and dignity But no sooner began the King to mention this Salvo but Simon replyed in an insolent manner He would do nought for the King therein unless he would wholly refer himself into his hands without any such saving The Bishops seeing the King would not dance after their pipe without fear or wit interdict the whole Kingdom which continued almost six years by which means there was no use of divine service only Christening of Children and giving the Sacrament to the dying insomuch that the Church-doors were shut up some say wall'd up and the bodies of the dead carried out into the fields and thrown into ditches or high-ways like f Corpora defunctorum decivitatibus villis â—fferebantur mora canum in bivâ—is fossatis sine orationibus sacerâ—oâ—â—n ministerio sepeliebaâ—tur Paris p 226. Dogs without any prayers or Christian offices An excellent sign of the meekness and charity of him that glories to be Christs Vicar to unchristen as I may say a whole Kingdom for one mans fault supposing him an offender though the case being truly stated the contrary will appear or at least not meriting so grand a punishment For if the Pope hath power to nominate to all Bishopricks he must have it either by divine right and so unalterable and therefore the now Roman Catholick Kings who deny such power are guilty and the Popes too for allowing or winking at it or by the Kings concessions which is of no validity no Monarch having authority to transfer his Prerogatives to a forraign power and if they doe so of no force to bind their successors besides story tells us that a little before this the Bishops of England rejected the designs of the Bishop of St. Davids meerly because he was elected at g â—â—rus Hist of Popes usurpat l. â— c. 1. p. 236. Rome whereby we may judge Pope Innocent to have been more faulty and extravagant than King John The Bishops aforesaid perceiving to what inconveniency and danger being Subjects they had run themselves into by opposing their Soveraign in behalf of a Forreign Power stole out of the Kingdom Excommunicating those who obey'd the King The King seeing himself and Nation thus trampled upon seized upon all the Church-mens Lands that obey'd this Interdiction and refused to celebrate Divine-Service yet was so favourable as to allow the Dissenters and Rebels to sell their Corn for their better provisions And the white Monks in obedience to God the King and their Duty continuing to say Divine-Service for the benefit of Christian people were again suspended by the Pope and for their compliance to their duty they were not after allowed the same Priviledge as others who right or wrong obeyed the Pope and his Forreign Authority The King weary of these troubles was willing to comply with 121â— the admission of Langton and the restauration of others whom he had exiled for their disobedience But give a little take an Ell if he condescended so far they doubted not to make him grant more and therefore they would have him refund the Treasures of the vacant Churches by reason of the banishment of the turbulent spirits This he refus'd as an impossibility having imploy'd them for the security of his Dominions in these tulbulent times Being not satisfied in this trifle they scorn to agree with him which made many leave their Flocks here and go beyond Seas to the Kings Enemies Upon which the King wisely and bravely by Proclamation orders all to return to their respective Churches by such a day or to forfeit their incomes and that all should be seiz'd upon who brought any Order or Bull from the Pope into his Dominions for that time knowing such things could then bring no peace to him or his Kingdom The Pope seeing King John stand so resolutely for his Prerogative year 1212 and Freedom of his Subjects from Forreign yoaks goeth to his last refuge pulls out his Nut-cracker and Louse-trap by which he deprives the King of his Dominions absolves his Subjects from their Allegiance curseth all those who take the Kings part And because this of it self hath no more power then a Dogs barking over the Moon he sends to the King of France Pâ—â—is p. â—31 desiring him to seize upon the Kingdom of England for he liberal man had given it to him and his Heirs he might as well have given the Moon and to carry this the more clearly he commanded all the Nobles Knights and other Warriors in several Countries to assist the King of France and cross themselvâ—s a Military Badge appointed for those who went against the Infidels in the Holy-land for this enterprise and they need not doubt of a reward he having order'd that their souls in this warfare shall have the same benefit as those who visit the sacred Sepulchre which we may suppose to be no less than the a In remissionem suoâ—um peccaminum Pari p. 233 238. Paris p. 232. â—ryn p. 266. pardon of all their sins And the better to withdraw Englishmen observed to be apt to give credit to tatling Prophecies from their obedience they had thrust up one b Peter of Prontfract Stow. p. 169. Peter Wakefield of Poiz to Prophesie the death or downfal of the King by such a day to which a great many idle people gave too much credit but being found a false cheating knave according to his deserts he was hang'd The King to preserve himself and people from the French had year 1213 got to the Sea-Coasts a mighty Army and Navy but a composition hindred their action For Pandolphus who had been in England once before the Popes Legate landed at Dover tells King John with what a great force the French were coming against him with whom joyn'd many of the
people of his Order that some of them had thoughts and hopes to get him a Cardinals Cap in the mean time he was several years Rector of the English Colledge at Rome where he dyed 1610 and in its Chappel he is honour'd with a fair Marble Monument with a long commendatory Epitaph We have another French-man who vindicates the murther of the aforesaid b Fran. Verone Apol. pour Jehan Chastel p. 29. King Henry the Third as lawful but this he onely doth by the by yet plain enough to shew his treasonable malice and this is one who calls himself Franzois Verone But his designe is upon another person though much of the same account For anno 1594 one John Chastel a Scholar to the Jesuits with a knife wounded King Henry the Fourth in the mouth and struck out one of his teeth intending to have murdered him upon which Chastel was condemn'd to suffer as a Traytor Franzois Verone undertakes the vindication of the Villain declaring that it was a Apol. paâ—t â— c 7 p. â—1 est unâ—ctegeâ—â—ueâ— â—ertueâ—x heroique com 〈…〉 aux â—â—â—â—grande plâ—s recommendablâ—s qui se soâ—ent veuz eâ— l'antiquite de l'hi â—oâ—e tant sacrée que proâ—â—â—e a generous vertuous and an heroick act and comparable to the most renowned and great deeds of the ancients either in sacred or prophane History and that Chastel b Pag. 23. was a true Martyr And he goeth over again that it was c Part. 2. pag. 25. Sonâ—acte est purement juste vertueux herioque an action purely just vertuous and heroick Nay that it was d Id. Part. 4. cap. I. pag. 147. c'est un acte tres-sainct tres humain tres digne tres louable tâ—es recommendable most holy most humane most worthy most to be praised and recommended and e Id. Cap. 3. pag 155 156. Ce que Nature mesme enseigne qui est justifié par le droict tant civil que Canonique Celle que la Nature enseigne conformement à Dieu aux loix au Decrets à l'Eglise justified by both the Civil and Canon-Law and that it is natural agreeable to God and all Laws and Decrees and the Church And as for Chaestel himself he calls him f Part. 3. cap. 10. Ame heureuse c. Happy soul and runs on in a rambling commendation of him And lastly as for those who condemn'd Chastel he saith that g Part 4. cap. 2. pag. 152. Ilz ont jugé contre Dieu sa Parolle contre l'Eglise les decrets contre les Estats loix fondamentales du Royaume they have judged against God against the holy Scriptures against the Church and her Decrees and against the States and Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom What this Franzois Verone was I cannot certainly tell onely this we know that somewhat about the same time there was a French Jesuit of the same name who a little after writ some books against the Protestants But whether they were both one and the same person I cannot determine yet Mr. h History of King James the Sixth of Scotland p. 156. William Sanderson saith positively that he was a Jesuit i See Jesuita sicarius p. 271 272. Another there is who keeps a great deal of triumphing and rejoycing at the murther of Henry the Third as an action most commendable but because he 's unwilling to be known I shall trouble my self no farther with him since we need not make use of such obscure persons seeing Pope Sixtus the Fifth himself in a full Consistory of Cardinals took the pains and pleasure to speak a long Oration Septemb. 11. 1589. in commendation of that wicked act These have hit the nail on the head speak to the purpose without any mincing or dwindling their cut-throat principles plainly describing Laws and Methods to murther in spight of either sacred or civil honesty Nor are those without shame and guilt who allow villany by a consequence by making but one trifling exception or so open away for other means to the same end the question not being whether one may be kill'd this way or that way but whether any way at all and it is but small comfort to a man to tell him that he Quid interest an ferro an veneno perimas Jo. Marian. de Reg. Institut lib. 1. cap. 7. shall be murther'd but not after such a fashion 't is all one to Titius or Sempronius whether they suffer by a private or publick way it being not the breath of this or that Authority but the Instrument of execution that doth the feat and renders the body fit for the worms and whosoever commands it 't is probable that it is but one and a private man too that renders the other a real sufferer And amongst these mutterers of King-murthering we may esteem a Spanish Fryar Mendicant viz. Michael Bartholomeus Salon who saith that a Nulli privato liceat occidere quia cum ille habeat justum titulum non est deponendus nec puniendus quin prius audietur judicetur vel à superiore habente authoritate ad id vel ab ipsa Republica quando deest superiorem Mich. Salon in D. Tho. Tom. 1 col 1157. a King may not be kill'd by a private man because he having a just title is not to be deposed nor punished till he be first heard and accordingly judged either by some having authority to do so I know not what he means unless he grant some such Authority or by the Common-wealth Nor should we abuse b Theol. scholast Tom. 3. disp 4. Q. 8. duâ— 3. numb 32. Adamas Tannerus a German Jesuite if we place him amongst those who by excepting against a private person doth hint a strange authority to be in the people or Common-wealth whereby the safety of Princes may be hazarded And Dominicus Soto one of the most famous Dominicans of Spain and one of the chiefest Divines of the Tridentine Council as also Confessor to the Emperour tells us that c Communis consensus est nemini licere ipsum privatim interimere Et ratio est quod cum jus habeat ad Regnum non est illo nisi per publicum judicium expoliandus ut scilicet audiatur lata vero in eum sententia quisque potest institui executionis minister Soto de justitia lib. 5. Quaest 1. Art 3. it is the common opinion that it is not lawful to kill a King upon a private account and his reason is with the former that seeing he hath a right to the Crown he is not to be deprived of it but by a publick judgement where he must be heard but if once a Decree be gone out against him that then any one may be the Executioner And he also layeth down for a positive rule that any one may kill a King in his own defence As for d Vincentius Filliucius the Italian and e Not in An.
And here Eulalius lost himself with the Emperour for contrary to his express command he enters into the City upon which new Tumults begin and odd threatning and bickering there was in spight of the Governour or Authority Symmachus himself being in great danger in this hurlyburly all parties striving to possess the Lateran Upon this Honorius expresly orders Eulalius for peace-sake to depart the City and that in the mean time he should not be acknowledged and that the Bishop of Spoleto according to the former Order onely remain there and solely have the possession of the Lateran Church for the time of Easter These Orders Eulalius also very unadvisedly withstands and having gotten his party together thought by main force to have seis'd upon the Lateran upon this more mischief falls out but at last Eulalius is beat out of the City Achilleus remain'd possess'd of the Church and had good Guards appointed him for his and its defence Sigon Hist de Occid Imp. an 419. Honorius the Emperour being certified of and offended at this expresly excludes Eulalius and settles Boniface in the Popedom to which he had a meeting of many Bishops consenting Thus we have seen in short the storie of another riotous canvasing and because this is of no smaâ—l concern Baronius would by no means have us to think that Eulalius had any right by Election upon the Narrative of Symmachus because as he saith he was partial and seem'd to favour Eulalius But to this may be return'd I. That if the Governour favour'd a Coeffeteau Resp p. 245. Heathenism he might be as much an Enemy to the Christianity of the one as well as the other they objecting nothing against the soundness of either of them for Principles of Religion II. Symmachus in his third letter to Honorius when the Emperor shew'd no more favour for the one than the other b Religiosos viros Bonifacâ—um Eulalium nameth Boniface before Fulalius which somewhat signifieth rather his favour for the former III. And lastly Symmachus in his Letters to Constantius Brother-in-Law to the Emperour writes virulently against Eulalius accusing him of occasion of misbehavour and riots from which some may suppose that the Governour was impartial and true when he assured to the Emperour that Eulalius was rightly chosen But besides this another dispute may arise upon this story viz. c Lib 4. cap. 160 Petrus de Natalibus d Generat 15. pag. 511. Nauclerus e Vit. Bonâ—fac I. Plâ—tina f Cronicle Universale fol. â—66 Filippo da Bergamo g Hist de O cid Imp. l. 11. anno 419. Sigonius h Hist Pontifical fol. 74. Gonzalo de Illiscas and their ancient Vatican i See the Councils Liber Pontificalis with k Epit Pontif Rom. de Pontif. Caâ—dinalium crea ione Edict venet 1557. vit Eulalii But this is left out in the Colen Edition at the end of Platina And in that of Jo. Gaulter Chron. Chronicorum Tom. 1. Onuphrius do declare that the Emperour Honorius was at Milan at this time and thence sent his Orders which if be true and these men had no reason to affirm this if false nor need the Roman Catholick question them being all noted Historians of their Religion then must those Letters in Baronius which carry their date to and from Honorius at Ravenna concerning this Schism be spurious and counterfeit and so for ought that I know we may lose part of the story and if these be be false and 't is plain the two Vatican Manuscripts contradict each other I shall give the less esteem to the pretended Records that are produced from those Archives for many cheating writings not forgâ—tting the Gift and Decree of Constantine are shewn to us for true and authentick out of that Library of which Platina was Keeper and a diligent searcher into the ancient Manuscripts of it and Onuphrius had the liberty and was well read in every piece of Antiquity in it The often mention of Symmachus Governour of Rome in the late Tumults puts me in minde of a Pope not long after of that name noted also for a Schism in his time For Anastasius the Second being a an 498. dead those of Rome ran head long into a new disorder some chusing for Pope Symmachus whilst others elected one Laurentius upon which great disorders riots and mischiefs arises which continued for some years to be short the business was refer'd to Theodorick an Arian King of the Ostrogothes who had then over-run Italy and Symmachus carryed it those of the party of Laurentius troubled at this frame Articles against Symmachus accusing him of some Vices and admit Laurentius upon which new disorders growing and the King being vext at this dissention as b Platina vit Sym. Fil. dâ— Bergamo Cronicle Universale fol. 245. Ant. Sabellic En. 8. l. 2. Jo. Maucler Gener. 17. some say sends Petrus Bishop of Altino in the Territory of Venice now ruined and no Episcopal Seat to Rome there to rule as chief the other two being turn'd out to conclude Petrus is rejected Laurence his party strive to carry all all sorts of villanies are committed Sacred places violated Priests slain but at last after suchlike infinite outrages and murders Symmachus is acknowledged as Pope and in the Chair of Rome ruled several years But before I shake hands with this story I hope you will give me leave to tell you one Tale in confirmation of the right of Symmachus to the Papal Chair and this upon no less authority than Pope c Dialog l. 4. c. 40. Gregory the Great But first we must understand that one Paschasius stood fiercely for Laurentius against Symmachus and that this Paschasius for his learning honesty and holiness was especially famous in those times yet for all these noble qualifications he would never acknowledge Symmachus but on the contrary look'd upon Laurentius to have all right equity and law of his side and so stedfast was he in this that to his dying day he would hold none other for Pope And this was not a little blot to the reputation of the Cause of Symmachus and by consequence to the true Succession of Popes that this Paschasius so knowing so just so vertuous and one who hath got an holy name in the Roman d Baron Martyrol Rom. Maii 13. Martyrologies should look upon Symmachus as an Antipope and acknowledge Laurentius as the onely true one But though good Paschasius dyed in this opinion yet we shall now here the storie of his punishment and repentance for so doing and so the objection cleer'd It chanced upon a time that Germanus Bishop of Capua now an Archbishop See being not well was desired by his Physitians for healths-sake to go into an hot Bath whither being gone he findes there Paschasius dead long before standing in a penitent and piping-hot condition at which Germanus being troubled ask'd him Why he so good a man had to do there
that offers it self in this Century is the year 1300 quarrel between Pope Boniface VIII and Philip IV sirnamed Le Bel i. e. the fair where the Pope will appear most in the fault being a busie-body medling with that with which he had nothing to do But first it will not be amiss to see how he came to the Pontifical greatness Nicholas IV dying the Chair was void about two years the Cardinals not agreeing in the choice at last one Petrus de Morone a pious Hermit was elected and call'd Caelestine V. All of their Authors acknowledging him for a true and legitimate Pope and accordingly the several Cardinals by him created legal Yet if their Canon-Law be Authentick and in this case ought to be observed as the Pope severely injoyneth then must this Caelestine be no Pope because he was never a e Dist 79. c. Oportebit c. Nullus unquam Cardinal out of whom onely the Popes are to be chosen nay farther I am not assured that he was in f Fr. Mason Consecrat of Bishops page 25 16. Orders and if this hold water then I fear Clement V and his Cardinals will run the same hazard and then I know not how they can make up a true Pope since that time by which rule the Bead-roll of their Pontiffs ended above three hundred years ago As for this Caelestine V he was but a small Polititian more acquainted with his private Devotion than State-Affairs easily to be cheated by his crafty Courtiers his good and easie nature prompting him to think the best of bad men and give too much credit to flattering words This made some after he had been Pope a little while consult his deposition to which they thought it no hard matter to get his own consent and he who most concern'd himself to procure this degradation was according to the common Opinion of their own Writers Cardinal a Volater l. 22. fol. â—56 Ant. Sabâ—l en 9. fol. 258. Naucler p. 865 866. Mâ—xâ—a fol. 441 L. Wadding Hist Minor Tom. 2â— an 1294. Benedict us Cajetanus who as some say cheated him with false Miracles as by a counterfeit b Genâ—braâ—d p. 998. Platinaâ— Carranza sum Concil pag. 818. voice convey'd into his Chamber by a Pipe or hollow-Trunk perswading him to resign up his Popedom the better to save his own soul and this stratagem was carryed so as if it had been a voice from Heaven However it was at the last Caelestine was over-perswaded to resign as one unfit for that imployment and then as the c Fil. da. Bergaâ—o fol. 377. Plot was laid the said Benedict Caetan was elected for Pope he making fair promise to the King of Naples and call'd himself Boniface VIII 'T is true at that time 't was a grand dispute whether a true Pope could resign up his Office of which it seems the then Cardinals were somewhat aware and therefore that no rub might stop their designs they perswaded Caelestinâ— before he was degraded to make a Decree that a Pope might resign a pretty trick if he could not do it without such an Order However the d J. Rubeus de Bonifac. p. 144. French and some others strongly maintain'd the Negative and therefore for some time held Boniface but for an Antipope And 't was somewhat strange to have him deposed for insufficiency since as long as Cardinal Latinus lived affairs were carried well enough and had he been weaker than he was rather than disturb the Church with such an innovation Benedict wise and cunning enough or some others might by advice and assistance have prevented any inconveniencie to arise from his too much good nature or negligence of worldly things But the Vizard is too open and the design so thin that every Childe may see through it For it must be private ends to make them lay aside a man whose Election as themselves confess was as by e Vid Coeffeteau p. 1003. Coquae Tom. p. 177. Ciacon Divine Inspiration that himself was not onely good and virtuous but of such exemplary Holiness that when alive he did many Miracles and when dead a glorious Saint in Heaven and as such have they placed him by their Canonization in their Martyrologies Calendars so that it seems he was too good to be a good Pope Yet against all this the Cardinals reason'd that the Church might be in danger by such a man and therefore they must mend themselves by the choice of one more fit for Christendom and to be Christs Vicar But this objection is formerly answered but suppose not their after-Election quite destroys the supposition for who doth their wise judgements and we must not doubt of the Holy Ghosts f Jo. Rubens de Boniface VIII p. 18. assistance pitch upon but the foresaid Cardinal Caetan now call'd Boniface VIII And if you would know what he was their own Writers will assure you that though he was a subtle man well learned and a good Lawyer yet withal that he was a Platina Mâ—xâ—as Bargamo Nauclerus Sabellious Ciaconius Bâ—nius Massonus Trevisa lib. 7. cap. 40. Rob. Gaguâ—n Jo. Marius de Schism Guil. Barclay de potestat Papae pag. 34 36. Proud Dissembling Arrogant Scornful Malitious and a Wicked man a stirrer up of Wars and Discord a great Persecutor of the Ghebillines a Trampler upon Kings and Kingdoms and one very ungrateful for he clapt up poor Caelestine in prison after his resignation which they suppose shortned his life And to these they add some of his other vertues viz. that he was b Vid. Jo. Marian. Hist Hisp lib. 15. c. 6. Spond anno 1303. § 14. cruel and sordidly avaritious and covetous and an astonishment and wonder to all the world And to these we may give the more credit seeing Monsieur Coeffeteau indeavouring to clear him from what blemishes possibly he could yet doth not deny but that he was guilty of c Response pag. 1005. great faults and it may be a Pastor vitious enough and plainly confesseth that he was d Pag. 1008 1009. not moderate in his doings but too much passionate and the Church of Rome hath disavow'd some of his actions These are the common sentiments of him of their own Writers but against all these within these few years one e It may be an Englishman under that foolish Vizard of Latinizing of Sirnames a custom too much vainly used by some men as if they were ashamed of their Country or Relations being scarce known under such a fond disguise Johannes Rubeus hath undertaken an Apology for this Boniface VIII being thereunto perswaded by the Cajetans of which House this Pope was and by them furnished with materials to try if he could possibly make Boniface a good Religious Pope and so wipe an old blot from their Family Rubeus falls to work and with a resolution to do as much in this grand and daring enterprise as his Skill and Materials would afford and two to one his eagerness
〈◊〉 Fâ—â—t â—â— them H buâ—lt them Câ—llâ—gâ—s â—lso at other 〈◊〉 Clermont and all others calling themselves of that Society shall as corrupters of youth disturbers of the common peace and enemies to the King and State within the space of three days after the publication of this present Decree depart out of Paris and other Towns and places where their Colleges are and fifteen days after out of the Kingdom upon pain wheresoever they shall be found the said term being expired to be punished as guilty of the foresaid crime of High Treason Also the goods as well moveable as unmoveable to them belonging shall be imployed to charitable uses and the distribution and disposing of them to lie as shall be ordain'd by the Court. Furthermore hereby are forbidden all the Kings Subjects to send any Scholars to the Colleges of the said Society which are out of the Kingdom there to be instructed upon the like pain and crime of High Treason c. Du TILLET 29 Decemb. 1594. This Decree against Chastel and the Jesuits was so ill resented at Rome that it was some years after there * 9 Nov. 1609. Index Expurg edit Alex. vii pag 205 condemned amongst other books which they look'd upon as Heretical in number of which was also the famous Thuanus And we are * Jan. de serres an 1609. told that Bellarmine was so nettled at the learned Bishop Andrews his Tortura Torti that he was the great stickler in procuring the former Ceusure Thus were the Jesuits who as Davila confesseth were the first Authors and continual Fomenters of the League banished the Kingdom though since they have been restored the Pyramide pull'd down and a Fountain erected 1604 in its stead As for the Pyramide Chastel the Decree against the Jesuits and the Kings Tooth one did thus endeavour to reconcile all Sire si vous voulez du tout a l'advenir De l'Assassin Chastel oster le souvenir Ostant la Pyramide l' Arrest qui la touche Qu' on vous remitte done une dent dans la bouche Sir if for th' future you will have forgot The murth'rous Chastel and the trait'rous Plot Th' Pillar and th' Decrees that th' Jesuits stain Destroy then let them tooth your mouth again And the King himself when told that Chastel was a Student amongst the Jesuits did give them this biting blow * Memoirâ— du Sully Tom. 1. p. 270. It seems then it is not enough that the mouths of so many good men have testified that the Jesuits were none of my friends if they be not also convinced of it by mine own mouth and bloud now shed The truth is upon Chastels * Mem. dâ— la Ligue vol. 6. Jes Cat. fol. 205 Davila p. 1332. confession more then once that he learned this King-killing Doctrine from the Jesuits their College of Clermont was searched by Order amongst which in the Study of Father Jean Guignard born at Chartres were several Writings found praising the murther of the late King persuading the killing of this c. of which take his own words That cruel * i. e. Hâ—nry III. Nero was slain by one Clement and that Counterfeit Monk was dispatch'd by the hands of a true Monk This Heroical act performed by James Clement is a gift of the Holy Spirit so termed by our Divines is worthily commended by the Prior of the Jacobins Burgoin a Confessor and Martyr The Crown of France may and ought to be transferred from the House of Bourbon unto some other And the * Henry IV. Bearnois although converted to the Catholick Faith shall be more mildly dealt withall then he deserves if rewarded with a shaven Crown he be shut up in some strict Covent there to do penance for the mischiefs which he hath brought upon the Realm of France and to thank God that he hath given him grace to acknowledge him before his death And if without Arms he cannot be depos'd let men take Arms against him and if by war it cannot be accomplished let him be Murthered This Guignard being tried confest the book to be of his composing is condemn'd and suffer'd yet have they pictur'd him amongst the Martyrs attributed Miracles to him though * Response al' Antâ—eotou c. 1. p. 32 33. Adrian Behotte a little more modest is unwilling to hear any more of him as if he were guilty By Order also was Jean Gueret another Jesuit Teacher of Philosophy and Confessor to Chastelet banished and his goods confiscated Chastel having learned Philosophy under him for two years and an half in which time he had heard such Principles of King-killing asserted And it cannot be denied but that the Jesuits College was bad enough in these Leaguing times At the first breaking out of Troubles they instituted at Paris a Brotherhood esteeming it a Congregation in honour of our Blessed Lady and it was commonly call'd The Congregation of the Chapelet because the Brethren of that Company were to carry a pair of Jes Cat. sol 198 199. Beads to say them over once a day Of this Fraternity the Zelots of the League had themselves enrolled as Mendoza the Spanish Embassadour the Sixteen and several others This Congregation was kept every Sunday in an upper Chapel on Saturdays they were confest on Sundays they received the Sacrament when Mass was done a Jesuit stept into the Pulpit exhorting them to be constant in the Cause This done the Common sort departed the Grandees staying behind to consult about the affairs of the League of which Council Father Odon Pigenat was a long time President being one very zealous and fiery In the School of this College one Alexander Haye a Scotchman was Regent of the first Form for three or four years of the Troubles being a furious Covenanter and a great Corrupter of the Youth He read to his Auditors Demosthenes his Invectives against Philip of Maeedon where by his Glosses he made good stuff against the King affirming it a commendable act to kill him by which blessed Deed the Actor could not fail of Paradice and be exempted from the pains of Purgatory Nay so zelous was he against the King that he openly protested that if the Bearnois should enter the City and pass by their College he would leap frâ—m the highest window thereof upon him thereby to break the said Henry's neck being firmly persuaded that this fall would also carry himself into Heaven That day that the King went first to St. Denis to hear 〈…〉 Haye understanding that certain of his Auditors had been 〈…〉 the Ceremony the next day he forbad them his Lectures as â—â—â—communicated persons forbidding them to enter his School till they had been absolved by some of the Jesuits from that horrid crime When the people began to talk of Peace with the King he commanded one of his Scholars to declame against it but the Orator seeming rather to be for Peace Haye storms at him makes him come down calling him Heretick
themselves about this Succession And seeing Experience had told them That their Clergy had a great awe and authority over the Laity so it was best then to have all their Clergy to be of the same mind and to prosecute the same Ends and they hoped that their Laity would not then be divided To which purpose they conclude of an Arch-Priest who should have a Jurisdiction over the rest who were to act according to his Rules and Instructions And in these Designs Father Parsons was a main Stickler and Contriver the Pope also had drawn up some Bulls and sent to his Nuncio in the Netherlands to divulge and spread them abroad at convenient time wherein he declared That not any though never so near in * Quantum cunque propinquitate sanguinis niterentur nisi ejusmodi essent qui fidem Catholicam non modo tolerarent sed omni ope ac studio promoverent more Majorum jurejurando se id praestituros susciperent c. Bull. Clement VIII blood should after Q. Elizabeths death be admitted to the Crown but such an one as would not only tolerate the Roman Religion but would swear to promote and resettle it and that in the mean time Cardinal Farnese might in this Island have the greater Vogue the Pope made him Protector of England as he was of other Countreys Nay rather than fail the same Pope had * 1597. D'Ossat Let. 87. formerly exhorted the French and Spaniard to unite invade England and divide it between them Nor did they neglect to instigate the Family of the Pools to have a right Yet for all these Attempts and other Endeavours of the Jesuits Winter Desmond and such like who plotted His Exclusion upon the death of the Virgin Queen Elizabeth he was proclaimed and received as the undoubted King James I. of England but of Scotland VI. However no sooner is he set in the Throne but an odd medley-Plot is agitated against him composed of such variety of Religions and Interests that it seemed to puzzel the World that such a wise man as Raleigh should be in it but that they knew Discontent would thrust a daring Spirit upon any thing to satisfie it self The main Ingredients of this Conspiracy were Henry Brook Lord Cobham seem'd to be Protestants George Brook his Brother Thomas Lord Gray of Wilton a Rank Puritan William Watson the Author of the Quodlibets where he rants dapperly against the Jesuits for their Treasons and Plots Romish Priests William Clark who had writ against Father Parsons for the same Crimes Sir Griffin Markham a Zealous Romanist Sir Walter Raleigh a States-man and Soldier and troubled with no more Religion than would serve his Interest and turn Count Arembergh Ambassador from the Arch-Duke of Austria Zealous Romanists Matthew de Lawrencie a Merchant but an Instrument employed by Arembergh And some other such like Their Designs were To set the Crown on the Lady Arabella or to seize on the King and make him grant their desires and a Pardon To have a Toleration of Religion To procure Aid and Assistance from Forreign Princes To turn out of the Court such as they disliked and place themselves in Offices Watson to be Lord Chancellor George Brook Lord Treasurer Sir Griffin Markham Secretary of State Lord Gray Master of the Horse and Earl-Marshal of England For more security Watson draweth up an Oath of Secrecy But all is discovered they are seiz'd on examined and tryed The two Priests plead James is not King because not then Crown'd But that excuse is declared idle most of them are found guilty and condemned Watson Clark and George Brook were executed the rest reprieved Gray dyed in the Tower the last of his Line Raleigh was beheaded 1618. the rest discharged of Imprisonment but dyed miserably poor Markham and some others abroad but Cobham as we are * Oshorn's Traditional Memoires of K. James p. 12 told in a Room ascended by a Ladder at a poor Womans House in the Minories formerly his Landress dyed rather of Hunger than a natural Disease I need not here speak how their * Respons ad Edictum Reg. § â—6 Card. Allen's Answer to the Execut. of Justice p. 185. Priests endeavoured to amuse the people with what Troubles there would be at the death of Elizabeth nor how to alienate the Crown they published to stir up many Titles and Pretenders divers Pamphlets as Lesley Heghington Creswell Crag a Scotch Jesuit but his Book was burnt and never printed And we are told That the Jesuits were entreated to * Is Casaubon Epist ad Front Ducaum assist in this Plot but they desired to be excused as having another Design in their thoughts which some think was meant of the Gun-powder-Treason And to all these Contrivances Father Parsons was no bad wisher OF this Parsons seeing he then made such a noise in the world and § 11. § is by those of his Order commended as one of the most holy men of his time whilst others though Romanists will look upon him no otherwise than the greatest Villain then living in the world I shall say something here the better to inform Posterity 'T is true the Industrious Dr. Thomas James almost LX. years ago undertook to write his Life and therein to set down nothing but what the Priests and Romanists themselves writ of him which accordingly he did but it containing more of Satyre than History I shall make little or no use of that Collection now so rarely to be met with for they were all bought up by the Jesuits themselves it is call'd THE JESVITS DOWNF ALL. Some Romanists have boldly asserted Parsons to have been a Bastard begotten by the Parson of the Town Stockgursee in Somersetshire and therefore call'd Parsons though they say his right name was * Or Cubhuck A. P. A Reply to a Libel call'd A brief Apol. p. 324. Cowback and this hath been in a manner generally believed But to do him what right I can I shall not be unwilling to allow here some mistakes as to the place and though upon enquiry I am informed that those Parish-Records are now lost whereby I cannot satisfie my self as well as Manifestation of folly f. 89 I would yet I shall in part be guided herein by himself and other Enquiries He was born at Nether-Stowey in Somersetshire a Vicarage in the year 1546. His Father a Blacksmith was once an Enemy to Rome but was as they say reconciled to that Church by Alexander Briant who was executed and his Mother dyed at London in the same perswasion They had XI Children this Father Parsons being the middlemost He was Dr. Sutclyf's Blessing on Mount Gerizzin p. 220 288. instructed in the Latin Tongue by John Hayward or Haywood once a Monk or Canon-Regular of the Abbey of Torr who came out of Devonshire to be Vicar of Stowey he was held a notable Twinger and suspected as kind enough with Parsons Mother lying at her House Thus fitted
Hieron Platus de bono statu Religiosi l. 1. c. 34 p 108. Imago soc Jâ—s p. 1. â—0 preserves it also under her Mantle or Garments And which is more that God hath granted the same benefit to this Society that was formerly bequeath'd to the Benedictans that for the first three hundred years not any that dyed in this Order should be g Imago societ Jesu p. 648 649 damned And so much for the Jesuits and their Founder Ignatius Loyola whose life I have writ formerly in another Treatise They tell us that Pachonius was in that esteem with God that an h Dâ—â—â—ultius â—â—â—r Exempl cap. 7. tit 77. Sect. 1. Angel from Heaven brought the Rules for him and his Brethren to live by But the Trinitarian Fryars go a little higher affirming that the i â— â—â—â— Hist de Bâ—â—â—ie de les Câ—â—saiâ—â— â— 6. c. 1. Sect 2. p 466 Father Son and Holy Ghost were their Founders and Institutors which in part is hinted at by these Verses so common amongst them and for ought that I know may yet be seen over the Door of their Cloyster in the Suburbs of Arras in Artois and several other of their Covents Hic est Ordo Ordinatus Non à sanctis fabricatus Sed à solo summo Deo This Order made by God himself we see And not by Saints or men as others be The truth is this Order of the Trinity begun by two French-men betwixt four and five hundred years ago though I shall not give too much credit to the Miracles they say occasioned it was upon a Charitable Account viz. to redeem the Christian Slaves from the Turkish Tyrannical Bondage whereupon I shall willingly agree with i Caâ—aâ— gloâ—mundâ— part ◠〈◊〉 â—3 Cassanaeus and his Arch-bishop Antoninus of Florence that this Order should have preheminency above the rest But I fear of late days the Slaves are not so much regarded as their own preferments Though the Carmelite-Fryars will not draw their Institution so high yet they plead pretty fair for Antiquity and continuance by affirming the Prophet a D' Avity discours de l'Origine de toutes les Religions Sect. 26. Elias to be their Founder and that their Order shall remain to the end of the world which grand Priviledge as they say the Virgin Mary b Gonon Chron. p. 319. told one of this Fraternity the Prophet desired of our Saviour Christ at the time of his appearance to him in his c Mat. 17. 2 3. Mark 9. 2 3 4. transfiguration on the Mount But this is not all the benefit belonging to these people for they assure us that all of this Society shall stay no longer in Purgatory than the next Saturday after their death and this they publickly d Vid. P. du Moulin Defence de la foy Catholique Article 21. p. 441. printed in certain Theses at Paris 8 Octob. 1601. and mainly defended by Doctor Cayer Besides this they tell us that the Virgin Mary perswaded Fryar Francis to enter himself into this Order and then in Heaven she would give him a Crown of Flowers which she then shew'd him and that he obeying this advice because neither himself nor their Covent at Siena through poverty was able to buy him an Habit an e Gonon p. 203. Angel very freely came and gave him one And lastly that she appear'd to our Country-man Simon Stock so call'd from his f Jo. Pitseus de Scriptor Angl. p. 345. living in a hollow Stock or Trunk of an Oak General of this Order holding a Scapulare in her hands positively assuring him that all the Carmelites who dyed in that Habit should be g Gononus p. 256. saved Here might I tell how the Premonstrensian Monks so call'd from the Village Premonstré in Picardy whither their Founder Nortbert Arch-bishop of Magdeburg retired himself for Devotion affirm they received their habits h Gonon p. 159. from Heaven by the Virgin Mary And here might I shew how the Cistercian Monks so call'd from Cistertium Cisteaux in Burgondy where they began for all this affirm the Virgin Mary to be kinder to them than others by i Id. pag. 156. protecting them under her Arms and Cloak or Mantle and many such like fopperies of other Orders but this may serve for the present to give the Reader a taste of their Fooleries in the too too much magnifying of their respective Orders and Societies CHAP. II. Thinking to honour their Religion the Romanists relate 1. several ridiculous Stories to the abuse of the B. Virgin Mary 2. and childish Fopperies to the reproach of our Saviour Jesus Christ THe hardest Students have their Intervals and the greatest Scholars SECT I. Several ridiculous Stories to the abuse of the B. Virgin will now and then have a frolick or crotchet to divert their more serious thoughts Methinks it was not amiss in Mr. Geast formerly of Cambridge when under the Parliamentary persecution and their Prisoner for his Loyalty and Honesty to throw away an hour or two to finde out a Mystery in their abominable and treasonable Presbyterian-Covenant viz. that the number of the words in its six damnable Articles agrees with the number of the Beast 666. The Learned Thomas Lansius pleas'd himself in these two opposite Consult German in Prefat â—d Lectorem Verses the one exhibiting a Catalogue of good things the other of bad Lex Rex Grex Res Spes Jus Thus Sal Sol bona Lux Laus Mars Mors Sors Vis Lis Styx Nox Crus Pus mala Fex Fraus and took the pains to know how many alterations they would indure by which he found out that either of them by the transposition of words might be changed excluding bona or mala XXXIX Millions DCCCC Hundred XVI Thousand and VIII Hundred times And Bernardus Bauhusius the Poetical Jesuit of Antwerp made this Verse of our Saviour Rex Dux Sol Lex Lux Fons Spes Pax Mons Petra Christus Epigram lib. 2. pag. 39. which he saith may be converted 3628800 times And in honour of the Blessed Virgin Mary he composed this Verse Tot tibi sunt dotes Virgo quot sidera Coeli which he saith may be changed a thousand twenty two ways according to the number of the Stars And Erici de Puys Puteanus bestowed a great deal of time and Paper to prove it yet as he might increase his number of the Stars so if the Verse will bear it might he the changes too if Lansius his account be true that VIII words may be varyed 40320 times Nor need any of these seem strange when we consider what variety and multitude of Languages and Words are composed of XXIV Letters Against such commendations as this of the Virgin Mary I shall say nothing leaving every man to imploy his Ingenuity upon what he pleaseth But for any to think they can or should advantage her glory by fathering a thousand lies and fopperies upon her is beyond reason
Bernard though f Anno 1131. Sect. 4. Baronius himself cannot believe that he was the Author of it Yet good Bernard knew not all things nor in some things could he see any farther than that blinde Age in which he lived would allow him nor will I take upon me to censure him of flattery for his thus complementing with his Holiness g Beâ—nard de Considerat ad Eugenium sib 2. cap. 8. Thou art the Prime of all Bishops the Heir of the Apostles an Abel for Primacy a Noah for Government an Abraham by Patriarchship a Melchisedech by Order Aaron by Dignity Moses by Authority Samuel by Judicature Peter by Power Christ by Vnction c. And this piece of canting Courtship was taken up by the Arch-bishop h Vid Abrah Bzov. Rom. Pent. c. 6. p. 56. Stephanus Tigliatius and bestowed upon Innocent the Eighth with some Additions But we might go higher yet and see what goodly Priviledges Gregory the Seventh got an Assembly at Rome to bestow upon him as that i Bâ—oâ— Anno 1076. Sect 31 3â— 33. onely the Pope of Rome can depose Bishops That he onely according to the Times may make Laws That he onely may use the Imperial Ensigns That all the Princes are to kiss his feet That he can depose Emperours and Translate Bishops That no Synod can be held without his command nor any Book is Canonical without his Authority That he is undoubtedly made k Vid. Dist 40. â— Noa nos Holy by the Merits of St. Peter That there is but one name in the World i. e. the Pope Nor can such Extravagances as these seem strange to any who is acquainted with their writings and stories the Popes themselves not a little delighting in these Flatteries and accordingly they never want such complying Pick-thanks Thus Fernando de Velasco in behalf of his Master John the Second King of Vid. Bzov. de Rom. Pont. c. 6. p. 56 57 58 66. Portugal applyed that to Innocent the Eighth which the Apostle speaks of Christ viz. That he is a Ephes 1. 21. far above all Principality and Power and every name that is named not onely in this world but also in that which is to come and that he is the Sun and Light of the World Thus Scala the Florentine Ambassador told the same Pope That his Dignity was so great that a more Excellent could not be invented or fancyed on Earth Nay that to dispute or doubt of his Power is no less than Sacriledge as Cheurer flattered him from the Duke of Savoy Julius the Second was told by Diego Pacettus Envoy from Emanuel King of Portugal That he was the Door-keeper of Heaven and held the Keys of eternal Life And Bernardus Justinianus Agent from the Venetians assured Pope Paul the Second that b Cui claudere Coelos aperire detrudere ad Inferos eruere quoscunque velit concessum he could damn and save whom he pleased Which was also affirm'd to Julius the Second by Michael Risius from Lewis the Twelfth of France with this Addition that the Necks of all Kings and Princes must submit to him Narius Bandinaeus Ambassador from Sienna fob'd up Pope Paul the Third with the Epithites of The Father of Godliness Day-star of Justice Prince of Faith Chiestain of Religion Arbitrator of all things Saviour of Christians and Image of Divinity And as if the Princes of Italy strove in the magnifying of his Holiness the Ambassadors of Genoa Sienna Lucca Venice Florence Parma Milan and Ferrara humbly told Leo the Tenth That he excell'd all Kings as much as the Sun doth the Moon And well might these petit Potentates thus tumble themselves before their Infallible Chair when the great French Monarch Francis the Second by his Deputy Johannes Babo à Burdaesia did creenge to Pius the Fourth in the acknowledgement that all Laws depended upon his pleasure that Kings threw themselves down at his feet and Heaven opens at his will and that his pleasure did stand for a Law as his voice for an Oracle Pope Pius the Fifth was once told that the whole world lay at his Feet And Sixtus the Fifth that Princes Kings and Emperours were so much subject to him that they should not onely attend upon him but worship and adore him Which if true then Aquinas was not amiss when as they say he told the world That * Vid. Bzov. pag. 53 55. our Kings ought to be as much subject to him as to Christ himself Nor those others who with the German have declared that all must be obedient to him upon pain of Salvation according to the Decree of d Extra Com. de Major Obed. c. Uâ—am sanctam Boniface the Eighth Their Canon-Law tells us that Christ received St. Peter into the e Sext. de Electione cap. Fundamenta Fellowship of his undivided Vnity Informs us that as f Dist 12. c. Non decet Christ did the Will of his Father so we should do the will of the Church of Rome That g Dist 19. c. Sic omnes all the Orders of that Church ought to be held as if St. Peter himself had proposed them to us And therefore are h Ib. c. Enimvero perpetually and inviolably to be observed And so are the Papal decretal Letters which they say are to be i Ib. c. In Canonicis numbred amongst the Canonical Scriptures Nor is any man k Caus 17. Q. 4. Dist 81. c. Si qui sunt c. Nemini est to judge or revoke the Popes sentence For the l Paul Lancelottus Institut juris Can. l. 1. Tit. 3. c. Decreta Decrees of the Popes are of equal force and authority with the Canons of Councils And good Reason since they Decree that every one is to be m Extra Com. de Major Obed. c. Unam sanctam obedient to the Pope upon pain of damnation and so must we believe that n Extra Com. Tit. 1. c. Super Gentes all Nations and Kingdoms are under the Popes jurisdiction And that o Extra Joh. XXII Tit. 5. Dist 22. c. Omnes Gloss God hath delivered over to him the Power and Rule of Heaven and Earth And well may he thus triumph over Principalities Powers since the Glossaries have the confidence to assure us that he a Naturam rerum immutat substantialia unius rei applicando aliis de nihilo aliquid facere potâ—st sententiam quae nulla est facit aliquam In his quae vult ei est pro ratione voluntas Nec est qui ei dicat Cur ita facis Ipse enim potest supra jus dispensare de injustitia potest facerc justitiam corrigendo jura mutando Decret Greg. lib. 1. Tit. 7. c. Quanto perjonam Gloss Sect. Veri Dei vicâ—m can change the Nature of Things make or rather create something out of nothing since his will must stand for a Law nor must any man
Et sera ce premier Article leu par chacun an tant â—s Cours Souveraines qu' es Bailliages Seneschaucees du dit Royaume a l'ouverture des audiences pour estre garde observe avec toute severite rigueur To hinder the spreading of the pernicious Doctrine lately taught and maintain'd by some seditious spirits enemies to good Government against Kings and Soveraign Powers His Majesty shall be humbly desired that there shall be establish'd by the three Estates for a Fundamental Law of the Land to be kept and known by all men That the King being acknowledged head in his Dominions holding his Crown and Authority onely from God there is no power on Earth whatever spiritual or Temporal that hath any right over his Kingdom either to depose our Kings or dispence with or absolve their Subjects from the fidelity and obedience which they owe to their Soveraign for any cause or pretence whatever That all his Subjects of what quality or Condition soever shall keep this Law as holy true and agreeable to Gods Word without any distinction equivocation or limitation whatsoever which shall be sworn and signed by all the Deputies of the Estates and henceforward by all who have any Benefice or Office in the Kingdom before they enter upon such Benefice or Office and that all Tutors Masters Regents Doctors and Preachers shall teach and publish that the contrary Opinion viz. that it is lawful to kill and depose our Kings to rebel and rise up against them and shake off our Obedience to them upon any occasion whatever is impious detestable quite contrary to Truth and the establishment of the State of France which immediately depends upon God onely That all Books teaching these false and wicked Opinions shall be held as seditious and damnable All strangers who write and publish them as sworn Enemies to the Crown and that all Subjects of his Majesty of what Quality and Condition whatever who favour them as Rebels violators of the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and Traytors against the King And if there be a Book or discourse writ by any forraign Church-man or any other that then the Clergy of the same Orders establish'd in France shall be obliged continually to answer oppose and confute them without any respect ambiguity or equivocation upon pain to be punish'd as abovesaid as a favourer of the Enemies of the State And this Article shall be read every year in the Soveraign Courts Bayliwicks and Seneschalships of the said Kingdom and at the opening of their Courts of Audience that they may be the better preserved and observed with all rigor and severity This startles the Clergy who with the Noblesse presently set themselves against the third Estate somewhat like our House of Commons with a resolution to expunge this honest and loyal Proposition yet declared their continuable obedience to their King And as a main Engine to carry this their design about they desired Jaque Davie the famous Cardinal of Perron to endeavour to work over to them the third Estate knowing that his voluble Tongue used to be carryed on with so much Learning Judgement and Sweetness that it seldom mist of that it spoke for Accordingly attended with some Lords and Bishops as Representatives of their respective Estates and so to shew to the Commons that both the other did agree so in judgement in this case with the learned Cardinal that he spoke not onely his own but their Opinions too He though at that time somewhat indisposed went accordingly where he made a very long Speech to shew the unreasonableness and absurdity of the foresaid proposition endeavouring to prove by Reason that sometimes Kings should and by Example that they had been deposed their Subjects being justly quit from their Oaths of Allegiance and so not bound to obey them The Harangue it self being large I refer you to it in his Diverses Oeuvres Yet this Oration wrought little upon the third Estate which hugely troubled all their Cergy and the Popes Nuntio then at Paris and a Hist de Louis XIII pag. 49. Scipion Dupleix one of the Kings Historiographers can accuse the Article with manifest absurdity by which he shews his compliance with the rest in this Doctrine But the Pope Paul the Fifth shew'd himself most troubled in his Letter to Perron dated from Rome Febr. 1615. he call'd it a Detestable Decree and the voters of it Enemies to the Common good and quietness and mortal adversaries to the Chair of Rome But at the same time gives the Cardinal all the commendations and thanks that can be But our King James was not so complemental nor had he Reason For the Cardinal in his Speech having several reflections against the Government of England the cruelty of her Laws the persecution of the Roman Catholicks and shew'd himself mainly concern'd against our Oath of Allegiance which did not a little reflect upon the King himself upon which his Majesty looking upon this Cardinal as somewhat too busie in putting his Oar in another mans Boat and so concern'd to have somewhat of justice done him by his Ambassador publickly complain'd of this affront to the young King the Queen-mother and others and himself publickly answered the Speech But this was no trouble to the Cardinal who was hugely complemented and magnified from several Bishops and other great persons for this his Speech and valiantly defending the right of the Church But how to end this grand Controversie amongst the Estates was the cause of some Consultations at last the King was cunningly perswaded to take it to himself which he did affirming he understood his own Right and Possession and so forbad them to determine any thing about it However the two Estates were gallantly caressed by two Breves from the Pope stufft with Commendations and thanks for their Doctrine and valour for the Church But enough of Perron and the French Estates now in a manner neglected in that Kingdom And should we look upon our own Oath of Allegiance made onely upon a politick account for the prevention of Treason we might see it as strongly opposed and girded at as that of France For no sooner was it made that horrid Gunpowder-plot being a main Motive but Paul the Fifth absolutely forbad it to be taken by two Breves sent into England and presently began a Paper-scuffle on all sides Bellarmine Gretzer Parsons Coquaeus Scioppius and many others by might and main opposing its taking but they were instantly answered not onely by King James himself but several of his learned Subjects as Bishop Andrews Dr. Abbot Carleton Donne Prideaux Burbill Widdrington or Preston a Benedictan Monk for which there were Rods laid in piss for him by the Romanists and several others Amongst those who zealously opposed it was one Adolphus Schulckenius but whether a true name or no I know not yet he is very furious in behalf of the Popes deposing of Kings and this he tells us the Pope may do by the
and out-plotted one another for a quarter of a year Cardinal Mazarini sends privately to Barberini from Paris his approbation of Chigi the Germans also had some minde to him being mindful of his dexterous carriage at the Treaty of Munster 1644 and what the Emperour and Austria approve of the Spaniards usually must consent to Besides this the Squadrone Volante and the house of Pamfilii were his Friends being made Cardinal but three years before by Innocent and he had had some sufferings formerly in this Conclave and so at last though quite contrary to the first design was this Cardinal Fabio Chigi of Sienna chosen Pope and call'd himself Alexander the Seventh from his Relation both as Country and Kindred to Alexander the Third The way of chusing Popes in a closed-up Conclave was first instituted as a Annot. ad Platin. vit Greg. X. Onuphrius tells us by Pope Gregory the Tenth And there was good reason to endeavour the restraint of the too much liberty then used by the Cardinals in the election of the Pope though we see the greatest care abused in our times in such actions by which means their Chair would sometimes be void a long time to the shame both of the Electors and their Profession of which this Gregory the Tenth may serve for an Example For Clement the Fourth being b An. 1278. dead the Cardinals though then but a few viz. XVII could by no means agree about a Pope for though they met oft about it yet they would never conclude upon the person every one of them endeavouring to be the man they would not consent to another Philip King of Saepius siquidem congregati negotium conficere nulla ratione valuere dum unusquisque ipsorum ad Pontificatum aspirans nemini cedere vellet Onuphr loco citato France and Charles of Sicily desired them to hasten the election but all would not do which occasioned John Bishop and Cardinal of Porto seeing the self-obstinate ambition of the Cardinals and yet calling upon the Holy Ghost to assist them jeeringly say to them My Masters let us open the top of the Room for the Holy Ghost cannot Domini discooperiamus tectum Camerae hujus quia spiritus sanctus nequit ad nos per tot tecta ingredi come to us through so many Coverings And when they perceived that none of themselves by reason of their dissention could be chosen after almost c Two years nine months and one day three years wrangling and canvasing about it at last Theobaldus Archdeacon of Liege then in the holy Land in promoting of that War was pitcht upon who upon notice went to Italy and call'd himself Gregory the Tenth Upon the election of this Pope the aforesaid Cardinal of Porto made these two riming Verses a way then much in Fashion Papatus munus Tulit Archidiaconus unus Quem Patrem Patrum Fecit discordia Fratrum Of Liege the Archdeacon Was chose Pope from Acon By the Discord of Brothers Made Dad of all others But of this tedious dissention amongst the Cardinals voluminous Baronius because 't is a blot to his Church will scarce give you so much as one hint This Gregory the Tenth amongst other Laws concerning the Election of Popes decreed in a Council at Lyons in the fourth Rule That not onely Cardinals who IV Non solum Cardinales absentes sed omnes cujusvis Ordinis Conditionis homines in Romanum Pontificem creari possint Onuphr Baron anno Pap. 3. were absent but that any man of what Order or Condition soever might be chosen Pope But this is now laid aside with some other of his Constitutions concerning the Conclave Popes were formerly chosen by the suffrages of the Clergy then present though of inferiour rank After this the power of election was restrain'd onely to Cardinals and these sometimes not agreeing but falling into divers schisms one party holding him for Pope who they gave their votes for others acknowledging none but whom they nominated and sometimes a third party would stand to another but to prevent this Alexander the Third who had like to have lost the Popedom by these means in a a 1179. Lateran Council order'd a way by Scrutiny and that none should be held for Pope but he who had at least two parts in three for him But this also in time was found not secure enough to binde up the self-ended interest of the Cardinals And therefore the aforesaid Gregory the Tenth in a Council at b 1274. Lyons by Decree order'd a close Conclave all under one Roof not divided by any Walls but onely having the Cells of the Cardinals divided one from another by Wollen-cloath and that the Cardinals should by no means be permitted to go out of this Conclave till they had chosen a Pope and if any of them got out before an election they should be compell'd to go in again That if after three days a Pope be not chosen then their allowance of dyet to be lesned and but one c Ferculum unum Dish or Mess granted them And none to be chosen till he had two parts of three But all these except the last are laid aside Other d Dist 79. Clemens VII an 1529. Pius IV an 1562. Orders have been made by divers Popes concerning this election too tedious here to mention Of late days e Dat. Romae 1621. Gregory the XV made Rules for the Conclave by a Bull and a quarter of a year after a Caeremoniale which were confirm'd by f Dat. Romae 1625. another of his Successor Vrban VIII which XXXVII Cardinals the rest I suppose absent by their subscription promis'd vow'd and sware to observe and XLI subscribed the same to that of Gregory XV. Ego S. R. E. Card. promitto voveo juro The Bulls themselves being very long I shall refer the Reader to them Sect. 2. That the Temporal Power had formerly the greatest stroke in the Election of Popes and that it yet hath though by underhand-dealings TEmporal Princes finding themselves oftentimes disturb'd and in danger not onely by the divers Factions arising about the Popedom but also by the imperious and incroaching humour of the Bishops of Rome have also restrain'd these Inormities by their Laws The Emperour Honorius of whom we lately heard being greatly troubled by the Tumults and Factions between Bonifacius and Eulalius To prevent such siding made a Law that if a Dist 79. c. Siduo two strove for the Popedom neither of them should be capable but another election to be made Pope b Dist 63. c. Agatho Vitalianus according to the custom sent news of his election to the Emperour without which acknowledgement he should not be Pope c Baron an 526. Felix the Fourth chosen Pope by Theodorick King of the Ostrogoths then ruling in Italy and d Platin. vit Severini Severinus retain'd the same Dignity by the confirmation of Isatius then onely Exarch in
statuit sedem Romanae Ecclesiae ut Caput esset omnium Ecclesiarum quia Ecclesia Constant â—â—â—politana primum se omnium Ecclesiarum scribebat Paul Diac. de gessis Romanorum lib. 18. in vit Phocae Head or Chief of all other Churches and this in opposition to the Constantinopolitan Church which had appropriated to her self the stile of the first Church And her Patriarchs had took upon them the Title of Vniversal Bishops which greatly troubled this Gregory the First who in opposition to that other f Prophane and g As Gregory himself call'd it Blasphemous Title viz. Vniversal but now made use of by all Popes termed himself the servant of servants of God upon which Title their h 1 Q. 7. c. Quoties cordâ—s Gloss per te Gloss affords us this Distich Servi erant tibi Roma prius Domini Dominorum Servorum Servi nunc tibi sunt Domini The greatest Kings once serv'd thee Rome but now To th' least of servants thou thy neck dost bow This Title hath been ever since used by his Successors and not onely by them but also other Bishops sometimes write themselves so as a Epist to Hâ—nâ—mer of France Rabanus of Mentz b Will. Somners Antiq. of Cant. Agelnoth of Canterbury c Coquaeus Tom. 2. p. 70. Anselme of Ravenna d Ib. S. Augustin himself and many others and indeed they confess that that Title is e Coeffeteau pag. 807. il est commum à tous les Evesques common to all other Bishops and so is the word f Vid. Fran. Duaren de sacris Eccles Minist lib. 1. cap. 10. Papa too But though Pope Gregory stiled himself so humbly yet we are told that he declared that he had Authority to depose the greatest Kings in proof of which thus they frame their Arguments About the time that this Gregory the Great was a Young man there flourish'd in France one Medard famous as they say for his holiness and miracles and since Sainted who was at the same time Bishop of two Places viz Noyon in Picardy and Tourney in Flanders and this by the Popes approbation though I doubt that Monsieur g Hist des Saints Tom. 1. p. 689. Gazet is out when he makes it to be Pope Hormisda who must have dyed before this according to the computation of h Hist Episc Gal. p. 310. Chenu St. Medard dying King Clotaire had his body carryed to Soissons in Picardy and there buryed where he began to build a Church for him but being murder'd his Son Sigebert finished it To this they say this i Lib. 2. Indict 11. post Epist 38. Gregory the First gave great Priviledges with an express Order that that King or Potentate should be degraded or k Fran. Bozzius de Temporal Monarch p. 225. Bellarm de Rom. Pont. l. 5. c. 8. deposed who violated them Of this l Vides lector Pontisâ—cis Romani esse sancire leges quibus si ipsi Reges non pareant Regno priventur Baron an 593. § 86. Baronius makes a great boasting how thus the Pope can depose Kings and Gregory the Eighth made use of this instance for an Argument against the Emperour Henry And what might not Gregory the Great do upon Earth over poor Mortals whose jurisdiction reached so far that they say he relieved the tormented soul of Trojan the Heathen Emperour out of Hell and sent it packing to Heaven in proof and vindication of which pretty action their famous m Vid. Ciacon vit Greg. I. Alphonsus Ciaconius wrote a particular Book Another instance they give us of Gregory's jurisdiction over Kings viz. that Queen Brunechilde or Brunehaut built a n Vit. Borth Cassanaeum Catal. glor mundi part 12. consid 60. fol. 332. Monastery to S. Martin at Authum in Burgundy where she her self was buryed To which our o Lib. 11. Indict 6. Epist 10. Gregory the First granted also many Priviledges but with the same Decree against those who violated any of them Of which p Anno 603. § 17. Baronius also taketh special notice and triumpths thus of the Papal Authority in deposing of Kings as he did formerly But some think these Deeds and Priviledges are q Vit. Caron Remonstrant Hybernorum part 5. pag. 68 69. forged And truely S. Martin Archbishop of Tours deserved both a good Church and great Priviledges if that be true which they Pet. Natal l. 10. c. 47. story of him as how he rais'd three people from the dead and cured folk by kissing who had Angels to cover his arms with plates of gold and those holy Choristers to sing his soul into Heaven who was compared to the a Baron an 583. Apostles and Elias and of whom they tell many suchlike pretty stories yet methinks his charity was very odd to turn away his man onely because he was b Vâ—lleg Flos Sanct. Novemb. 11. good-natured and vertuous CHAP. IV. 1. The deposing of Suintila King of Spain 2. The Murther of Childerick the Second King of France with his Queen great with Childe 3. The unfortunate Rule and Murther of the Emperour Justinian the Second and the troubles of Constantinople 4. The Popes censures and troublings of the Emperour Leo the Third about Images 5. The deposing of Childerick the Third King of France Sect. 1. The deposing of Suintila King of Spain ANd now let us turn to the West and in Spain we shall finde the Pens of Authors in as much opposition as the Swords of Souldiers for though all confess that c An 621. Suintila was lawful King of the Goths in Spain yet Writers will not agree of his life and exit For though d Chronicon Isidorus e Lib. 2. c. 17. Rodericus Toletanus f Cap 33. Alphonsus de Carthagena and the other ancient Spanish Historians do declare him to be one of the bravest Princes in the world not onely for his Justice Charity Humility and other excellent Vertues but also Valour joyn'd with Success whereby they say he drove the Romans out of those Territories and so was the first of the Goths that obtain'd the absolute Monarchy of Spain Yet some of our Modern Writers lay all manner of Tyranny and Vices to his charge drawn thereunto I suppose by that which they finde set down in the Fourth Council of g Cap. 75. Toledo Though methinks 't is somewhat odd that learned Isidore the great Bishop of Sevil and one Sainted in the Roman Calendar should so soon write contradictions as not onely by his subscription to this Council to commend the usurping Sisenandus but to declare Suintila Cintila Santila or Suinthila to be abominable vicious tyrannical a fugitive and what not whom a little before he had h Praeter has militares gloriae laâ—des plutimae in eo Regiae Majâ—statis virtutes fides prudentia industria in judicus examinatio stâ—enua in regendo regno cura pracâ—pua circa omnes
their heads and revolted chusing for Emperour one Theodosius a good man but of no great birth being onely a Collector of Subsidies Theodosius thus Emperour though really against his will took Anastasius and gave him his life but made him a Monk but he continued not long for Leo who was General to Anastasius the Second resolves in vindication of his former Master to oppose him and so having got a great Army marched towards Constantinople and in the way took prisoner a Son of Theodosius Upon this the Father began to grow fearful and not daring to resist so great a power yeilded himself upon promise to have his life secured which was granted Theodosius and his Son as they say being both shorne and made Monks And Leo being thus successful was made Emperour having three who had sat in the Imperial Throne his Prisoners viz. I. Philippus Bardanes whom Anastasius had cast into prison and pluck'd out his eyes II. Anastasius who was forced into holy Orders by Theodosius III. Theodosius who thus submitted to Leo and was also put into holy Orders Sect. 4. The Popes censures and troublings of the Emperour Leo the Third about Images LEo the Third before this call'd Isaurus Conon from his Country Isaurus in Asia sirnamed also by his Enemies Iconomachus from his hatred to Images for which cause Pope Gregory the Second falling out with him was the occasion of great mischief to Christendom This Leo a Tollendi ut ipse dicebat Idolatriae causa Platin. vit Gregor II. declaring against Idolary as he said commanded that all Images in the Churches of Constantinople should be taken down and sent to Gregory the Second at Rome to have his Orders there also obey'd but this the Pope stifly withstands affirming the Emperour to have nothing to do in things of Religion and perswaded all people in this to oppose the Emperour which took such effect that in Constantinople it self some men did not onely reason against the Imperial Decree but the women assaulted those who according to Order went about to execute Leo's commands insomuch that he was forced to use severity against those who opposed his Edicts And in Italy so zealous were the people by the perswasion of the Church-men that in Ravenna where the Imperial Authority most resided they flew into such open Tumults or Rebellion that they murther'd Paulus the Fourteenth Exarch being the Emperours Lieutenant or Deputy in Rome it self they took Petrus the Duke and put out his eyes and in Campania they beheaded the Duke Exhilaratus and his Son Adrian who there took the Emperours part against the Pope who now began to shew themselves Enemies and two to one if the Emperour could have got the Pope into his clutches he had made him smart for his opposition But Gregory on the other side had play'd his Cards so well that he had dwindled the Imperial Jurisdiction in Italy to nothing by his Excommunication and suchlike Censures not onely forbidding any more Tax or Tribute to be paid him but that he should not at all be obeyed And here a Quo tonitru exitati fideles Occidentale mox desciscunt penitus à Leonis Imperio Apostoâ—ico Pontifici adherentes Sic dignum posteris idem Gregorius reliquit exemplum ne in Ecclesia Christi regnare sinerentur haereâ—ci Principes si saepe moniti in errore persistere obstinato animo invenirentur Baron anno 730. § 5. Baronius according to his custom huggs and applauds Gregory for his Censures against the Emperour whereby he got the people to his own Devotion and also left a good Example to Posterity not to permit obstinate Heretical Kings to Rule as the Cardinal saith who never lets any piece of Rebellion pass without commendation But for all this Leo kept his Imperial Seat in Constantinople and continued in his resolution against Images and so had them pull'd down nor could Gregory the Third who succeeded his Name-sake stop his proceedings though by his Censures with the consent of the Roman Clergy he did not onely declare him deprived from the Communion of all Christians but also deposed from his Empire But Leo never thought himself the worse for these brutish Thunderbolts and so raigned as Emperour to his dying day having sat in the Imperial Throne twenty four years And his Son Constantine the Fifth carryed the same Opinion against Images which did not a little perplex the Popes in his time But the Popes quarreling about these trifles was the occasion that the Emperour of Constantinople lost his jurisdiction in Italy Ravenna being about this time taken by Aistulphus the two and twentieth King of the Lumbards in Italy Eutichus the Fifthteenth and last Exarch forced to flee this Exarchical Government having ruled as the Emperours Deputies almost CC years in Italy keeping their Seat at Revenna but the Popes gain'd by this for the Popes as some say having made Pepin King of France in requital desired his assistance against the Lombards who accordingly march'd into Italy beat Aistulph took Ravenna from him which with many other Cities he gave to S. Peter whereby the Pope in a manner held himself Master of that which he now doth in la Marcha di Ancona Romagna di Vrbino Bononia and Ferrara which they say was confirm'd by his Son Charles the Great with the Addition of the Dukedoms of Spoleto and Tuscany and the Islands Sicily Corsica and Sardinia reserving to himself the Soveraignty of them but some men give that which is none of theirs to give and so might Charlemaign but right or no right the Popes do not use to loose any thing that is to be had This Charles the Great also b An. 774. beat Desiderius who succeeded Aistulph and was the last King of the Lombards and so that Kingdom and Rule ended after they had triumph'd in that part of Italy from them call'd Lombardy and the adjacent parts for above CC years and now the Pope began to strut it with the proudest throwing off the jurisdiction of the Western Empire having his daring Lombards thus brought to nought and Charles the Great the Champion of Europe his freind doubly ingaged to him the See of Rome authorising his Father Pepin to be King of France the first step to Charles his greatness and after as they say Crown'd him the first Emperour of the West in opposition to that of the East or Constantinople Sect. 5. The deposing of Childerick the Third King of France HAving here treated somewhat of Pepin and Charlemaign let us see how they came to their greatness and government There having raign'd in France Eighteen Kings since Merouce some say Grand-childe to Pharamund who was the first that brought these German people into France and there setled them there then succeeded in the Kingdom Childerick or Helderick by some falsely call'd Chilperick of which name there hath also been two Kings of France About the year DLIX Clotaire the First set up the Office of the Du
acquaintance of Formosus who gave him the Bishoprick of Anagni should not know this as well as Bellarmine and others after him But I knew a merry old Gentleman who in 1645 being ask'd by some Troupers whether he was for Kiâ—g or Parliament â—unningly seem'd so far from understanding their meaning that he said he never heard that they were fallen out and desired to be in form'd of their worships who let him alone as a mad-man or sool And I think they would perswade us to believe Pope Stephanus to have used the same Art or Policie But to proceed passing by Anastasius the Third and Lando we have in the next place f An. 916. John the Eleventh or Tenth whose story take thus in short Theodora Mother-in-law to Albert Marquiss of Tuscany ruled all in Rome as she pleased and being one who chused her own recreation she oast her affection upon this Luitprand lib. 2. cap. 13. Sigon lib. 6. John when onely a Priest whom she got Lando to make Bishop of Bologne and then procured him the Archbishoprick of Ravenna Here the people had no good wishes for him yet Theodora had not liking this distance Ravenna being about 200 Miles from Rome resolved to have her Friend in a corner neerer her so getting of him to Rome after the death of Lando she had him made Pope g Nihil ex legibus autem est neque cleri suffragiis sed propriis opibus Sigon anno 913. without observation of any law or voices of the Clergy but bribery and the riches or power of her Son Albert. Thus have we seen his beginning and now to his exit This Theodora had two Daughters Marozia and Theodora the first she married to Albert Marquiss of Tuscany and so she became his Mother-in-law Albert dying Marozia was then married to Guido or Guy Marquiss of Tuscany these two resolved to rule all but Pope John a little thwarting this design they plotted against him and taking opportunity seis'd upon the Lateran Palace slew Peter Brother to John and for the Pope himself they cast him into prison and choak'd or smother'd him with a Pillow or Cushion Platina saith that after him another John succeeded who was thrust out again and the same is affirm'd by the ancient a Fol. 104. b. Cronique Martiniane but I finde some others in this silent After him we have a Leo then a Stephanus then John the Twelfth a bastard begotten by Pope Sergius the Third and the aforesaid Maroza as all their own Authors confess onely b Fol. 104. 2. la Cronique Martiniane makes the former John Paramour to Theodora and who succeeded Lando to be bastard to Sergius and it would be pretty if they should both be true This John was thrust out and with his Mother Marozia clapt up in c Coquaeus pag. 483. Prison by Alberick Son to her and Marquiss Albert. Then comes Leo the Seventh after him Stephanus the Eighth or Seventh a German Alberick Son to Marozia liked not this Election and the Romans fell upon the Pope beat him so grievously that he was after that ashamed to appear in publick by reason of his wounds and sores and so dyed with grief Coef p. 589. After him sits Martin or Marin then Agapetus who was followed by John This John the Thirteenth or Twelfth a Youth of d Baron an 955. § 3 4. eighteen years old if so much when he was made Pope was Son to the former Alberick Marquiss of Tuscany by whose power and greatness he obtain'd that Chair A man given over to all manner of wickedness but especially women pleas'd him most Thus as Rome was ruled by women so was all Italy troubled with Berengarius against these Otto the First the German Emperour was call'd and was nobly received at Rome he swearing to defend the honor of St. Peter and Poâ—e John never to assist Berengarius or his Son Adelbert But upon Otho's departure John forgets his Oath leaguâ—s himself with Berengarius and so plots against the Emperour Otho is troubled at this but the Pope confesseth his fault and pleads his youth yet again runs into the same error and joyns with Adelbert The Romans inform Otho of this and desire his assistance they in the mean time rise up and seise the Castle of St. Paul The Pope and Adelbert perceiving themselves not able to oppose flee for 't and Otho is received into the City the people swearing Allegiance to him and which was more by express Oath add farther that they would never chuse or ordain any Pope without the consent and election of the Emperour Otho and his Son Then was a Synod held of many Clergy wherein the Pope was accused of many crimes as That he had celebrated Mass and never Communicated That he gave Orders to a Deacon in a Stable amongst Horses That he had made Bishops for money That he had made one of ten years old Bishop of Todi That he was guilty of Sacriledge and Adultery That he put out the eyes of Benedict his Confessor That he slew Cardinal John after he had gelt him That he used to drink an health to the Devil That playing at Dice he used to call upon the name of Jupiter and Venus and all the Devils to help him c. These crimes they sent to him and desired him to come and purge himself This he refuseth and expresly Excommunicates them all if they proceed any farther against him but they slighted his threatnings and as one not fit to be Pope by an unanimous consent with the approbation of the Emperour they depose him This John before he was Pope was call'd Octavian and not thinking that Heathenish name fitting for St. Peters Successor was the first of the Popes as a Annotat. in Platin. Onuphrius saith that changed his name but Platina saith that it was Sergius the Second by reason of his ugly name being first call'd b Boccaâ—di Porco Swines-face But this the Learned c Lib. 7. c. 16. Dr. Brown placeth amongst his Vulgar errours John being thus thrust out they elected for Pope Leo the Third who with the Emperour call'd another Synod where amongst other things the Emperour is declared Patricius and that for the future no Pope shall be chosen but by the consent of Otho or his Successors the Decree it self you may see at large in d Lib. 7. Sigonius and the e Dist 63. c. In Synodo Canon-law The Emperour departing John returns to Rome where the women were active for his cause he calls another Synod deposeth Leo and degrades those whom Leo had Ordain'd and was very fierce against the Imperialists cutting off the hand of one the tongue fingers and nose of another but this triumph lasted not long for one night lying with another mans wife he was slain some say by the f Coef pag. 596. Devil others by the Womans g Jo. Marius de schism part 3. cap. 3. Husband Upon this deposition of
Henry is not punished against whom he rants to the purpose The Legats again endeavour a peace and therefore they try Henry to see how far he would yeild To whom the King replyed That for his part for the love he bore to the Pope and Cardinals he would permit the Archbishop Thomas to return in peace § 67. to his See and dispose of his Church and all things thereunto belonging and because there had been long contention about the Customs he said That he and his Children would be content with those which his Ancestors had enjoy'd And yet if this condition of peace did not satisfie Archbishop Thomas he affirmed he was ready to stand to the determination as well of the Bishops of England as those beyond Seas as of Roan Baieux and Le Mans And if this were not yet enough he would submit himself to the judgement of the Pope with this Salvo that he would not impeach his Childrens right for during his own life he was content that the Pope should abrogate what he pleas'd But yet could not these condescentions do any good All these indeavours failing Lewes the Seventh King of France undertook the business he and Henry being now made friends and in this he behaved himself so wisely that he had wrought pretty well upon Thomas and so having procured a meeting Thomas § 85 86 humbled himself at the feet of Henry saying I commit to your determination the whole controversie which hath been the cause of dissention between us still excepting the honour of God Which last reservation greatly troubled Henry Thomas always making use of such Salvo's that render'd all but conditional and so void when himself fancied Henry at this turns to the King of France saying See my Lord if it please you let any thing not fit this mans humour and he presently condemneth it as contrary to the honour of God whereby he challength not onely his own but also whatsoever belongeth to me But that it may appear that I withstand not the honour of God nor yet of him i. e. Canterbury I make this offer There have been many Kings of England my Predecessors of greater or less Authority than I am and there have been many Archbishops of Canterbury before him of great worth and holiness what therefore the more eminent and virtuous of his Predecessors have done to the least of my Predecessors let him allow the same unto me and the Controversie shall be ended Upon which followed great Acclamations that the King had humbled himself enough Thomas holding his peace the King of France said My Lord Archbishop will you be greater than other holy men will you be greater or better than Peter what do you doubt loe peace is even at the door At last Thomas fell a commending his Predecessors but that they had left something for him to do and then extol'd Peter for resisting the Tyrant Nero with the loss of his life c. Thus the Peers of both Kingdoms England and France seeing no good to be done with him turn'd all against him imputing the want of peace to his a Imputantes arrogantiae Archiepiscopi impedimentum pacis Bar. an 1168. § 87. Arrogancie one Earl protesting he ought to be cast out of France as he had been out of England nay the very Courtiers who had been Mediators for his peace did now in his presence deeply charge him that he was b Semper superbus elatus sapiens in oculis suis propriae semper sectator volunta sentencia c. § 88. always proud high-minded wise in his own conceipt a follower of his private fancie and opinion Adding moreover that it was an exceeding mischief and great damage and danger to the Church that he was ever made a Governour thereof and that the same being already partly ruinated by him would now be quite overthrown Yet they tell us that the King of France presently alter'd his opinion and countenanced Thomas as much as ever All these indeavours failing the Pope once again undertook the year 1169 business and so sent two Nontio's Gratian an Vivian to take up the Controversie but when it came neer the conclusion they could not agree about the formality of the words and so returned as wise as they came Yet did not the Pope give over but sent two other Simon and Bernard who earnestly perswaded Thomas to humble himself to his King and so to please him with prayers Baron an 1169. § 39 40 43. and ready service And to work more upon him the King of France the Archbishops Bishops and other Lords there present earnestly advised him to the same Thomas seeing no remedy and all against him condescended to their desires went to King Henry and kneeling down submitted himself to God and the King but still with this reservation of the honour of God and his holy Order But this Henry rejects as imperfect alledging that Thomas by that Salvo would upon any occasion exclude the honour of his King However Henry declared that he required nothing of him but that he as a Priest and Bishop should before them all truely promise without any deceipt to observe the Customs which the holy Archbishops of Canterbury had observed to their Kings and which Thomas himself had once promised him to do But Thomas would consent to nothing without such Salvo's as formerly mentioned which conditional obedience so vext the King that he affirmed Thomas should never enter England till he had done to him as he ought to do and had undertaken to observe what others had observed and what himself had formerly promised And thus broke off this business And the truth is the King might have some reason to be more and more incensed against Thomas who instead of seeking the favour and friendship of his Soveraign had excommunicated his chief Friends and went so far against others that there was Speed § 32. scarce found in the Kings own Chappel and presence such as might perform the wonted Ceremonies And besides did daily threaten an Interdict against his whole Dominions and had done it but that some more prudent over-perswaded him to the contrary and the Pope himself thought it best to lay his commands on him not to do it till farther Order But this was not all for they proceed yet more and more to vex his Majesty For he being now about fifty years old and seeing the uncertainty of obedience and not knowing what the pretence of Church-authority might do to his Children if he should dye excommunicated as it was daily threatned him or not in favour with the Pope as he might suspect upon Thomas his account Upon these and other reasons he rosolved to settle his Succession by the Coronation of his Son Henry now fourteen years old This resolution being made known the Pope thought that now year 1170 he might compel the King to admit of Thomas or neglect the Coronation under the pretence that that Ceremony belong'd of right to
the Austrians stir'd up either by the f Id. pag. 4â—4 439. Pope or Fredericks Enemies rise up against him whereupon he was forced to forsake his design at Milan But having quiered all in Germany he returns against the Rebels year 1237 in Italy earnestly desiring the Popes assistance against these Traytors But Gregory after a g Matt. Paris p. 444. 1238. dissembling manner made shew as if he also fear'd the Imperial Armies and so neglected his aid Frederick marcheth on beateth the Milanois conquering all the Rebels before him The Pope seeing thus all to go well on the Emperours side sends to him to spare the people and accept of a peace But these things not fadging according to the Popes humour he Leagues himself with the Venetians and Genovois against Frederick and then h 1239. Excommunicates him and absolves his Subjects from their Allegiance And this be sends all over with many aggravations against the Emperour all which Frederick undertook to i Matt. Paris p. 493 494 495 496 501 520 521. Pet. de Ven. lib. 1 Ep. 1. 50. answer At last the breach widening and who would not be angry to loose an Empire disdain turn'd their Prose into Poetry And Bzov. anno 1239. § 7 thus they Libel one another which you may take as themselves relate it with their variations And first they say the Emperour thus shews himself Roma diu titubans a Variis longis erroribus act a b Totius mundi Corruet mundi desinet esset caput Rome so long shook with divers errours shall Now cease to be head of the World and fall To which the Pope thus returns Niteris incassum navem submergere Petri Fluctuat at nunquam c Mergitur illa desinet esse Ratis In vain thou striv'st to drown St. Peters boat It ne'er shall cease to be but always float To which thus again Frederick Fata d Docent volunt stellaque e Moment docent aviumque volatus f Totius malleus unus erit Quod Fredericus ego Malleus Orbis ero The Fates the Stars and Auguries decree That I the Conquerour of the world shall be And at last Gregory gives this return g Fama resert Fata volunt Scriptura docet peccata loquuntur Quod tibi vita brevis poena perennis erit The Fates and Scripture tell your sins report Your pains shall never end though life but short h Acts Mon. Tom. 1. p. 409. John Fox affords you other Verses to this purpose Gregory having thus by his toyish Censures deprived Frederick as he thought and some Italian writers look upon him for the future as no Emperour consults for a new Election and at last pitcheth upon Robert Brother to the King of France But this by the French St. Lewis is rejected as ridiculous alledging the Matt. Paris p. 517 518. Jo. de Bussieres Tom. 2. pag. 134. Pope to have no power over the Emperour and that Frederick was a good Christian Neighbour Friend and Ruler And so this design fell to the ground The Pope being thus frustrated by so great a Monarch entred into a Treaty with Frederick but though agreement made being fickle-humoured he would i Id. pag. 541. stand to nothing to the amazement and grief of his own Legates However Gregory resolved to undo the Emperour summon'd a Council to confirm his deposition but this was hindred by Fredericks seizing of some Cardinals and Bishops going thither and the Popes year 1241 death who had given k Mutius pag. 209. Indulgences to all those who would take up the Croisaidy against the Emperour The death of Gregory ended not the troubles of Frederick for Innocent IV was as furious against him as the former though a friend to him when a Cardinal which made the Emperour upon notice of his Election knowing that Authority commonly alters the man and Popes used to be enemies to the Empire say That he had lost a good Cardinal friend but got a mortal enemy being Pope And this proved true Yet the Emperour being stronger in Italy Innocent fled into France where he excommunicates Frederick of which Mat. Paris tells us this following story A certain Curate of Paris having received the Order to excommunicate year 1245 him and not liking such dealings against the Emperour yet willing in some way to satisfie the command thus bespake his Parishioners Give ear all good people I have received order Mat Paris an 1245. p. 654. to pronounce the solemn sentence of Excommunication against the Emperour Frederick the Candles put out and Bells ringing But not knowing the reason though I am not ignorant of the great quarrel and inexorable hatred between them and I know also that one of them doth injure the other but which is the offender I know not Therefore so far forth as my power doth extend I excommunicate and pronounce excommunicated one of the two namely he that doth injury to the other and I doe absolve him that doth suffer the injury which is so hurtful to all Christendome At which honest meaning humour the Emperour was very well pleased whilst the Pope on the other hand was as much offended Who to make his cause more plausible gets a Council call'd at Lyons where the Emperour is again excommunicated though the Pope would not permit him to come there in person to answer for himself nor remit any of his fury towards him though the Kings of France and England would ingage for his good behaviour and due obedience Frederick being informed how the Pope and Council had declared him deposed plucks up his spirits plays the man despiseth their trifling authority over him affirms himself no subject to their Mat. Paris p. 679. deposition calls for his Crown puts it on his head and bravely and wisely resolves to keep it there On the other side those on the Popes faction looking upon 1245. 1246. Frederick as deposed consult another election and at the Popes Instigation chose Henry Lantsgrave of Turinge of whom or some other they had a Mat. Paris p. 608. formerly the same thoughts and Crown him at Aken Though St Lewes King of France upon many reasons would gladly have b Id. p. 697. perswaded the Pope to a reconciliation with the Emperour Frederick but Innocent would not Henry the Lantsgrave enjoyed not his Title long being wounded year 1247 to death as some say as he was besieging Vlme after whom and a design upon some c Mat. Paris p. 808. others by the same means was elected William Earle of Holland who d Notae in Hadr. Barland Hist com Holland p. 67. 1250. some say was afterwards Crown'd by Pope Innocent at Genoa whom we shall leave rejoycing at the departure of Frederick who dyed in Italy some say poysoned others think stifled However it be he was an excellent Scholar and Linguist speaking French Italian German Latin Greek and Arabick and
this ado for one white Elephant to joyn to his other three Though these actions might perswade some to pitty others to smile at them yet here we shall have a Papal Controversie or two more ridiculous which I shall give you in the words of a late ingenious Author as it is now rendred out of French whereby we may see how obstinate people are in meer trifles For there is no question but that when the Cordeliers were at Myst of Jesui part 3. pag. 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66. a difference between themselves concerning the form of their Capuchin Cowl or Hood when those who would be call'd the Spiritual Brethren would have their Hood narrower and others which they named the Brothers of the Communalty would have theirs of a larger size they thought their dispute wonderful considerable And in good earnest the quarrel lasted almost a whole Age with infinite heat and animosity on both sides being at last with much ado determin'd by the Bulls of four Popes Nicolas IV Clement V John XXII and Benedict XII But now it looks as if really it had been to make the world sport when men but mention this Dispute and I verily believe there is hardly a Cordelier at present that cares a Rush for the size of his Capuchin For so in truth a wise Fryar would have said when the Contest was at the highest Let us but have patience a while and we shall both be laught at The same might likewise have been said upon another Question sprung about the same time and which is of a nature so thin and airy that it almost vanisheth with a touch 'T is a certain truth that what the Cordeliers eat and drink is as well devour'd as that which is eaten or drank by those who never made profession of their Rule This is undeniable But there sprang a Question amongst them whether the right to those things which were consum'd by the usage as Bread and Wine appertain'd to them or not or whether they had onely the simple usage of them without any right The greater part perceiving this to be a certain degree of Perfection which cost them nothing but their quitting of all right to those things which they devour'd by the use since this Renunciation did not at all hinder the usage for which they were onely interessed greedily embrac'd the Opinion that the Cordeliers had indeed but the simple usage of things without any title to them That the right appertain'd to the Roman Church and that theirs was the Poverty of which Jesus Christ gave them an Example a Sâ—mâ— call him Nâ—colas III. Nicolas IV who had been taken out of the Order of the Cordeliers made a b Sext. de vâ—â—ooâ— signis c. Exâ—â—t 〈◊〉 Bull wholly advantagious to this pretension and defin'd that in effect they had but the simple usage and that Jesus Christ had given us the Example of this present Poverty which consists in the general Renunciation of all Right to Temporal goods Thus continued matters for some time the Cordeliers eat and drank as well as other men though without Right or Title But John XXII who was of a fiercer humour being rais'd to the Pontificate found himself importun'd with this unprofitable Right which the Cordeliers attributed to the Roman Church from whence he saw no profit to come and therefore he took a fancy to end this Question without any regard to the Decision of his Predecessor Nicolas The Cordeliers alarm'd at this being assembled in their General Chapter at Perouse Perugia in Tuscany solemnly protested to adhere to the Definition of Pope Nicolas the IV. But for all this John took the adverse party c Exâ—â—â—â— a â—â— XXII de 〈…〉 Bâ—â—â— anno 1â—2◠§ 4. declaring that he cared not for this Right to the Bread and Wine of the Cordeliers and other things which they consumed by the usage since there accru'd no profit by it to the Church of Rome that the Cordelier Fryars were never the poorer and that their d intention was that none but themselves should derive any profit from it That it was a dishonour that the Roman Church should interest it self for an Egg or piece of Cheese That in things which they devour'd after that manner the Vsage and the Right of Vsage was not to be distinguish'd and that all this aiery and spiritual refinement was but a pure illusion In fine he e determin'd that it was a plain Heresie to affirm that Jesus Christ possess'd nothing in this World neither in particular nor in common and that he should have no Title to the things which he used These Divisions of John XXII appeared quite repugnant to those of Nicolas IV and the difference did so perplex Cardinal Bellarmine as he really profess'd they were not to be throughly reconcil'd a De Rom. Pont. 4. c 14. He acknowledged that Nicolas IV did teach that one might separate the Right from the Vsage and that John XXII had declared the contrary He confess'd also that Nicolas has determin'd that this is a holy Poverty and on the other side that John XXII look'd upon it as Hypocrisie And upon these two points unlucklly takes the part of Nicholas against John But for as much as in the third point that concerns the Poverty of Jesus Christ the Cordeliers opinion is taxed oâ— Heresie by John XXII that the two Popes should not seem at variance in a point of Faith he endeavours to piece them together by distinguishing of the times He says therefore that Jesus Christ did possess Temporal things at one time and that he was absolutely bereav'd of them at another That so it is true that as to one season he prescrib'd us an Example of perfect Poverty by an absolute renunciation of the possession of all things as says Nicolas And that it is true he at another time possess'd Temporal goods which he made use of as John XXII had decided it But this way of according the Decision of the two Popes does not appear so solid for John XXII doth not pretend that Jesus Christ was Master of the Temporal things he us'd at one certain time onely but that he was so always as appears by the general Principle which he makes use of to prove it which is that the Vsage is unjust which is unaccompanied with Right Whence it is easily infer'd that Jesus Christ having made use of Temporal things and never having used them unjustly he had always a Right to the Vse of them But however the matter was divers of the Cordeliers did take themselves to be justly condemn'd and mangre the Pope they obstinately maintain'd that their Bread belong'd to the Church of Rome so as the Emperour Lewes of Bavaria of whom we spake so much formerly being then at variance with the Pope about his Election to the Empire they joyned themselves to him and stoutly sustain'd his Right against John XXII The Emperour on his part upheld the Cordeliers
Doctors of Sorbonne were wonderfully terrified but he not willing to lose them quite knowing such men to be dangerous enemies amongst the people waited upon them himself gave them good words told them all was pardoned and Justice satisfied which he ratified by an Edict At the same time he also decreed year 1592 that upon pain of death no more Councils Meetings or Conventicles should be had any way except the Ordinary one of the Union with the sense of the lawful Magistrates which being registred in full consent of Parliament put an end to the power and greatness of the Sixteen and somewhat spoil'd and cool'd the designes of the Spanish Ministers And an Oath was also drawn up and read in Parliament for all the Souldiers in the City to take the better to keep them in Obedience Whilst these things were acting Pope Gregory XIV dying Innocent IX succeedeth him who allowed the League fifteen thousand Ducats a month desiring them to fall to work and chuse a King of the Roman Religion aiming as 't is thought at Cardinal Bourbon the Head of the third party but what his other designes were his * 30 Dec. death after a two months Popedome would not let be known And after him succeeded Clement VIII The Parliament at Rouen now puts forth a severe * 7 Jan. 1592 Edict against any that shall adhere to Henry of Bourbon as they call'd him yet the prosecution of the League was somewhat hindred by the Jealousies arising betwixt Parma and Mayenne the latter fearing to be out-vapoured by the Spaniard was not so averse as formerly from an Agreement with the King to carry on which the great Statesman Villeroy who as yet kept himself with the Leaguers and du Plessis Morney the Kings faithful friend had divers meetings but the Covenanters Propositions were so high and lofty getting all into their own hands leaving his Majesty a meer shadow that it brake off without any determination though the King was willing to grant much to be at rest and quiet This Treaty was presently made known thinking to do Mayenne a displeasure and so it did both the Spaniards and Leaguers being offended at him in offering to treat without their consent or knowledge and so made jealous as if intended to leave them in the lurch But on the other side the King gain'd not much by the bargain the Romanists who followed him next that it should be carried on by an Huguenot viz. Morney began to have the same suspicions of His Majesty And in this zeal and humour having consulted themselves they forthwith gave Mayenne to understand that it was fitting for the common safety that all the Romanists should be united and so to require of the King to change his Religion within a prefixt time and then they would acknowledge him otherwise they would joyntly proceed to the Election of a King of the Roman persuasion for such an one and none other they would have Adde to this Pope Clements favour of the League allowing it 15000 Ducats a moneth exhorting them to chuse a new King of the Roman belief alledging none to be capable of a Crown but one of that Religion commanding the Nuncio Cardinal Piacenza to forward the Election Upon all these and other such like considerations the King is perplext beyond measure now clearly perceiving that all of them were gone to that height of Conditional Subjection as never to receive him for King unless he would be of their Religion nor was his force sufficient to oppose The case is hard but a Kingdom is not to be lost yet the war goeth on vigorously on both sides In the mean time the Pope having sent to his Nuncio in France to hasten the calling of the States General that a Catholick King an enemy to Hereticks and a Defender of the Church might be chosen the Duke of Mayenne took heart fancying that the Pope might aim at him year 1593 and thus entertaining some thoughts of being King he resolved to convocate the States General the Spaniard would have it at Soissons that Parma might the sooner assist or awe them from Flanders the Duke of Lorrain desires Rheams where his greatest Interest lay but Mayennâ— thought Paris best his own Authority being greatest there by his former weakening the Sixteen In the mean time all care is taken by them to exclude Henry and nothing could thwart them more then his turning Romanist of which they had some fears several earnestly solliciting him to it To prevent this October 't is spread abroad how unlawful it is for any to desire his Conversion how it is against Divine Civil and Canon Law the Decrees of the Popes Mem. de M. de Nevers vol. 2. pag. 634. the Fundamental Law of the Kingdom the Holy Union c. and therefore conclude that those who propose or endeavour such a thing are wicked Citizens unstable perjur'd Politicks seditious Disturbers of the Common-weal favourers of Hereticks suspected of Heresie Excommunicated ought to be driven out of the City lest they should corrupt the rest And those of Chaalons having put forth a * 18 Novemb Decree against Cardinal de Piacenza the Popes Nuncio as also the Popes Bulls as they did formerly against Pope Gregory XIV Those of the Parlement of Paris publish an Act whereby they Declare the said Decree of Chaalons null of none effect or force being published by those of no Right or Authority to be a Parlement being Schismaticks Hereticks Enemies to God and his Church disturbers of the State and publick peace of the Kingdom Order the said Decree as full of Scandal Schism Heresie and Sedition to be torn and burnt by the Hangman Forbid any to receive or obey the said Decree Injoyn all to honour and obey Pope Clement VIII and acknowledge his Legat. Affirm that their intended General States design nothing but the Preservation of the Roman Religion and to choose a true Christian Catholick French King Forbid any to hinder or molest the members coming to the said meeting of States DU-TILLET Paris 2 Decemb. 1592. Accordingly to summon the said States-General the Duke of Mayenne 1593. 5 Jan. Publish'd a large Declaration in which he undertakes To Vindicate himself Desireth the Romanists to unite That though the Leaguers had too much cause to desire the late Kings death yet they had no hand in it it being a blow from Heaven That Navarre could not be King because an Heretick Obedience being only founded upon the of the Roman Religion So they cannot be blamed for their Actions nor can be Rebels seeing they fight only against Hereticks and their Associates who have despised the Popes Bulls and Admonitions c. And so throwing an odd blot upon the King concludes To this the Popes Legat Piacenza thinking that of Mayenne'â— not plain and severe enough added another Declaration Desiring all to be obedient to the Pope who will never assent to an Heretical King or the ruine of the Church
of the Bishops Court of Chancery at the request of the Chancellor the See being vacant And farther had earnestly endeavoured to seduce a young Gentlewoman his Cozin using many solicitations to her both in publick and in the Church but not gaining his desires according to a common kind of Revenge and Affront in Italy he filthily bewray'd her door portal and the ring thereof and did her some other wrongs The young Gentlewoman upon advice puts in her Complaint to the Senate at Venice whereupon the Canon is Cited and Imprisoned Of this the Pope is informed who cryeth out that the Liberties of the Church are violated that he will not permit Ecclesiasticks in any Case to be judged by Lay-men that Satisfaction is to be given and the Canon releas'd The Venetians return That their Republick is free that they have the same autority with other Princes so can take cognisance of the Crimes of their own Subjects within their own Dominions and punish them according to the falt Whilst this is convasing happens another accident The Count Brandelino Valdemarino Abbot of Nervese being guilty of many Exorbitant Crimes as Cruel Tyranny over his Neighbours by taking up their goods at what small price he pleas'd Committing many Rapes and Impurities upon all sorts of Women Accused of Sorcery and dealing in Magick Practising many abominable murthers by poyson whereby he destroy'd his Brother and his Servant and indanger'd his own Father That he had for a long time lain with his Sister and poysoned her Maid lest she should discover it That he had caus'd his Enemy to be kil'd and then poyson'd the murtherer lest he might accuse him and other such like Villanies For these and such other crimes the Abbot is by Order of the Senate Imprison'd At this the Pope also takes offence denying the Temporal Authority over Priests that the Church can only take cognisance of them be their falts never so great or notorious And in this humour layeth a Quarrel against the Venetians unless they will satisfie him in these three things I. That they null the Decree concerning the building of any more Churches II. That they also null and void the other Decree touching the giving of lands to Ecclesiasticks III. That the Abbot and the Canon be releas'd and delivered up to his Nuntio A great deal of do there was on both sides but the Pope peremptorily informed the Senate that at first he would send an Exhortory Breve to them and if he were not obey'd by such a time he would proceed farther having power over all could deprive Kings and to this end had Legions of Angels for his aid and assistance And accordingly he sent two Breves The Nuntio delivers them to the Senate but they were not open'd because Marini Grimani the Duke was then on his Death-bed and dyed the next morning The Pope upon notice of this orders his Nuntio to protest unto the State against any new Election as in it self to be void by being made by men excommunicated Thinking by this Trick to bring a Confusion amongst them The Nuntio to execute this Command with great importunity desired Audience of the State but it was not granted him it being not their Custom to admit any during the Vacancy unless their business be only of Condoling Duke Grimani being buryed for till the former Duke be under year 1606 ground they cannot go to the choice of another they fell to their Ballotation or Lots and the Election fell upon Leonardo Donato Having thus got another Doge or Duke they open the Breves which they found to be one and the same in Tenor which the Pope said was through the Nuncio's mistake in delivering two of the same instead of two different ones The Pope ranted fairly against their Decrees about Churches and Ecclesiasticks affirming that These Ordinances tended to the Damnation of Souls to publick scandal were of themselves void and of no value and no man obliged to observe them That they who had made these Statutes or any like or who did further them had incur'd Ecclesiastical Censures had deprived themselves of such lands as they held of the Church and their Estates and demains were subject to other penalties that they could not be absolved unless they revoked the Decrees So he admonish'd the Republick to consider the Danger whereinto they had cast their souls to seek a Remedy and commanded them under pain of Excommunication to null the said Orders That otherwise he would proceed farther considering the account he was to give to God at the Day of judgment and that he could not dissemble when he saw the Ecclesiastical Authority so abused The Venetians answer'd all warily and wisely but yeilded not a jot of their Authority At which the Pope was incensed saying they were Tyrants and different from their Ancestors being resolved though he should lose his skin yet he would maintain the cause of God of his own Reputation And so orders his Nuntio to give the other Breve which through mistake as he said he had not formerly presented The Nuntio obeys and the Senate opening it found it to concern the Imprisonment of the Abbot and Canon which the Breve said was Contrary to the Holy Canons and to Ecclesiastical Liberty which were grounded on divine Ordinance so commanded under pain of Excommunication that the Canon and Abbot should speedily be delivered to his Nuntio and that if in the mean time the secular power had proceeded to any acts or sentence of Condemnation or Execution he did null them and declare them void Threatning if he were not speedily obey'd he would proceed farther The Senate vindicated themselves by an Answer but nothing satisfactory to the Pope who told their Ambassador that the Exemption of Ecclesiasticks was de jure divino and that his cause was the cause of God that he would not depart any thing from his Resolution and he would be obeyed And thus resolved calls a Consistory where were present XLI Cardinals who agree with the Pope so a Breve of Excommunication or Interdict is drawn up printed and publish'd against the Duke Senate and the Republick It contain'd That the Venetians had lately made some Decrees contrary to the Authority of the Apostolical See the Ecclesiastical Liberty General Councels Sacred Canons and the Constitutions of the Pope For proof of which he instanced their Decrees concerning Churches and the Clergy with the Imprisonment of the Abbot and Canon That these Actions tended to the danger of the Souls both of Duke and Senate and the scandal of others That the Law-makers incurr'd the Censures of the Church the forfeiture of what they had could not be absolved but by the Pope and the nulling of the Decrees That though the Decrees were void of themselves yet the Pope did hereby null them according to the Example of his Predecessors That he doth hereby Excommunicate the Duke Senate and their Partakers if within XXIV days they do not null the Decrees rase them
As for the Jesuits the Senate demanding their Answer they return'd that they might continue the Divine Offices their Sermons and Confessions according to their Custom For upon notice of the Interdict they had sent Achilles Gaillardi a Paduan noted Jesuit the Author of some meditations to represent unto the Pope what good Services they might do his cause if he would permit them to stay in the Venetian Dominions For the Nuncio before his departure from Venice had been very busie with the Jesuits the chief of whom then in the City being Possevino and Bernardin Castorio noted Authors But the Pope understanding the badness of Example if such a famous Order submitted not to his Breve sent them an Express to depart Now the Term of the XXIV days appointed in the Monitorie approaching the Jesuits were required to give their final Resolution who return'd an Express refusal to say Masse which being retorted upon them as a base Equivocation they replyed it was not contrary to their former promise because the Masse for the Excellency of it is not comprehended under the words of Divine Offices The Senate seeing themselves thus abused by these people commanded the Jesuits speedily to depart their Dominions Upon this the Jesuits suddenly collected a great summ of money from their Devoted ones so packing up as fast as they could in the Evening they departed the City each one carrying the Host at his neck intimating that Jesus Christ departed with them as they took Bark the people cryed out against them Go with a vengeance and come no more hither Before their departure they had hid their richest Ornaments burn'd great quantity of writings and there was found in their Colledges a good number of Cruses to melt metals which left some blot upon them though Possevino indeavour'd to vindicate them from any design of gold or silver At their Colledg in Padua were found many Copies of a writing containing XVIII Rules under this Title being drawn up and commanded to be believed by their Founder * vid. Exerâ—icitia Spirituália Ignatius Loyola Regulae aliquot servandae ut cum Orthodoxa Ecclesia vere sentiamus In the Seventh whereof there is a Prescription to take heed how men press or inculcate too much the Grace of God And in the Third it is ordain'd That men must beleeve the Hierarchical Church although it tell us that that is black which our eye judgeth to be white The Senate having thus wisely given an hint of their Resolutions by their dealing with the Jesuits Put forth an Order that all Ecclesiasticks who would not continue Divine Services should retire out of their Dominions Upon this the Capuchins with whom the Nuncio and Jesuits had tamper'd very much resolved also to depart and intended to go according to the Jesuits Instructions to them out in Procession with the Sacrament thereby to stir up the people to Sedition who have most affection to this Order pretending to great poverty Innocency But this solemnity was hindred by Authority So in the morning celebrating one Masie eating up all the Eucharist they concluded the Office without giving Benediction to the people and then departed and so did the Theatins and the reformed Franciscans But it was observed that the Capuchins in the Territories of Brescia and Bergamo where were no Jesuits to seduce them did not depart but remain'd Obedient to their Governours celebrating Divine Service for which honesty and loyalty they were bitterly persecuted by their superiors at Rome with Excommunications and other Censures Now began a fierce dispute amongst them Whether all the Sacraments administred by the Priests that staid contrary to the Interdict were nullities or no Whether it was lawful to adore the Eucharist shewn by such Priests And Whether it was a Mortal or Venial Sin to hear Masse celebrated by such Priests Of these every one judged according to his Interest as is usual in such cases In the mean time the Jesuits by their Instruments did what they could to stir up Sedition in the State and so did other Ecclesiasticks ingaged on the Papal faction but the Senate by their prudence prevented all and being perfectly united amongst themselves kept the people in a true Obedience to them The Quarrel growing dayly greater and greater each party addressed themselves to the respective Princes in Christendom to render their cause chear and legal the Princes desiring and perswading a Reconciliation every one of the Romanists offering to be Mediators The Pope troubled that the Venetians would not stoop to his humour invented another Plot whereby he thought to make some Divisions amongst them And this it was He publish'd a Jubilee whither he invited all Christians granting Indulgences Absolutions and Pardons to all but those of Interdicted places By this Strategem he fancyed that the Venetian people seeing themselves thus deprived of such blessing and graces would disobey the Senate and run into Sedition And the better to carry this on the Jesuits gave notice that though the people were excluded in the general yet they had power from his Holiness to grant it to such of them as would observe the Conditions by them propounded amongst which were these Not to go to Masse Nor to approve the reasons and actions of the Senate But all these plots did the Pope little good Nor did their orher lyes against the Republick as if it had renounced the Roman Religion and become Lutherans or Protestants avail them any thing The Pope seeing the bad event of all these designs sends to Philip III. King of Spain to desire his Assistance The King returns an Answer that he had desired an Accommodation but seeing the Honour of his Holiness concerned he would assist him with his forces which he had also signifyed to his Ministers in Italy This Letter was received at Rome with the greatest joy and Triumph Imaginable the Spaniards vapouring of their meritorious actions to the Pope But others gave different Censures of the Letter some thinking it procured by the Authority of the Duke of Lerma the then great Favourite of Spain who ruled King and all things else But others believed that the design of it was not as it appear'd really for war but thereby to render the Venetians more submiss and tractable for a peace However the Count de Fuentes the Catholick Kings Governour at Milan seemâ—d very forward in Preparations upon which the Venetians thought it not sâ—tting to be behind so that now both parties seem'd running into a War both Pope and Duke drumming up men and making all things ready for Offence and Defence Whilst these preparations went on the better to disorder and weaken the Venetians the Marquis de Santa Croce having received the Papal Benediction by his Nuncio departed from Naples with XXVI Spanish Gallies and at Messina received the addition of XIV more thence secretly sailing along entred the Golf of Venice fell upon Durazzo a City in Albania belonging to the Turks which he sack'd and returned
Lordships and all my Possessions for ever to be disposed of at your pleasure They received me in that manner and promised as from your Highness to keep and save the said Castle and Haven during the service of your Grace Notwithstanding my Gracious Lord Conclusions of Peace were assuredly agreed upon betwixt Don Juan de Aguila and the English a fact pitiful and according to my judgment against all Right and Humane Conscience Among other places whereof your Greatness was dispossest in that manner which were neither yeelded nor taken to the end they should be delivered to the English Don Juan tied himself to deliver my Castle and Haven the only Key of mine Inheritance whereupon the living of many thousand persons doth rest that live some twenty Leagues upon the Sea-coasts into the hands of my Cruel Cursed Mis-believing Enemies a thing I fear in respect of the execrableness inhumanity and ingratefulness of the Fact if it take effect as it was plotted that will give cause to other men not to trust any Spaniard hereafter with their Bodies or Goods upon these Causes My Lord in that I judg this dishonourable act to be against your Honour and Pleasure as I understand by your last Letters that came into Ireland considering the harm that might ensue to the service of your Majesty and the everlasting Overthrow that might happen to me and poor people such as might escape the Sword of our Enemy if any should I have taken upon me with the help of God to offer to keep my Castle and Haven from the hands of mine Enemies until further News and Order come from your Highnesse I have sent my Son and Heir being of the age of five years as a pledg for accomplishing your will in this behalf and for the performing of my promise past unto your Greatness I would not omit my self in person to come and visit your Highness but that I fear our Warrs here would grow weak in respect of my absence for which cause my self and the rest of our men of worth have sent in haste with Intelligence unto your Greatness our loving Friend Dermond Odrischall in respect of our confidence in him our knowledg of him and the continual endeavour we see in him towards this Catholick Warr as from us all And for as much as we could not conveniently write all that we wish unto you we humbly beseech That he may be heard as from us all as if our selves were present and to hasten helping-News that shall rejoice us and our people and afterwards to speed your gracious help unto us for the sooner the better whilst our Enemies are not in readiness And until the coming of News from your Grace unto us I will have in a readiness where the Service shall require the number of One thousand men and I will upon my knees pray the merciful God to give unto your Grace long life with health of Body and Soul and all happiness and so do commit you to the safeguard of the Omnipotent Dunboy viz. Beer-Haven the xxth of February 1602. Donnell Osulevan Beare Other two Letters he wrote also to the same purpose one to the Earl of Carazena Governour of Gallicia and the other to Don Pedro Zubiar in which he gave this notable boast viz. That his Ancestors maintained the Credit and Calling of good Gentlemen these Two thousand and six hundred years sithence their first coming out of Spain And to keep Dunboy he resolves nor did he want encouragements the Spaniard sending to the Irish relief Twelve thousand pounds and Ammunition and other Necessaries and O-Donnel writes this Letter to O Connor Kerry WHat News are here the Doctor and Dermond Odrischal may largely report unto you but of this one thing you may be fully assured That the King will not omit the winning of Ireland if it cost him the most part of Spain His Majesty doth send you Money and Munition I pray let our information of you be found true and your service encourage Our King to further merit you I pray you send me the relation of the News of our Countrey in such sort as if there be any bad it be concealed from the Spaniards and known to me Where the Deputy with the Queen's Forces are occupied or where they are in Garrison At the Groyne xxiv of May 1602. Your loving Friend Hugh O-Donnel And Owen Mac Eggan the Popes Apostolical Vicar in Ireland thus writes to Richard Mac Goghagan in Dunboy This Mac Eggan was newly return'd out of Spain and came along with the Spanish Supplies He was by the Pope made now Bishop of Rosse Master Richard I Commend me unto you being very glad of the good report I hear of you whereby I cannot but expect much with God his assistance in that lawful and godly Cause of you I am sorry but it was not my luck to conferr with you and with the rest of your Company and inform you of all the state of the matters of Spain But upon my Credit and Conscience there is no greater piece of Service now in hand in all Christendome for the King of Spain than the same that ye have How great it is to God and necessary for our Countrey-affairs ye know Moreover within few days you shall have relief of men come to help you thither out of Spain The great Army of Fourteen thousand men are forth-coming you shall all be as well recompenced both by God and by the King's Majesty as any Ward that is in all the World again Have me I pray commended to all and especially to Father Dominick and bid him be of good Courage There comes with the Army a Father of the Company an Italian for the Pope his Nuncius in whose company I came from Rome to the Court of Spain and there he expects the Army's coming hither He shall give all a Benediction yea I hope within your Castle there spite of all the Devils in Hell From the Catholique Camp this present Wednesday 1602. Your assured Friend Owen Hegaine In my Sacrifice and poor Prayers I will not fail but commend you and your good Cause to God Our Ship did arrive three days agon and our Letters are come to the King by this time Nisi Dominus custodierit Civitatem c. In the mean time Sir George Carew layeth siege to Dunboy which was held out very desperately yet at last it was stormed and all kill'd or executed except Sixteen Twelve of which were chief followers of Tirrell and for whom he bare a great respect upon which account they were saved some days For Tirrell offered to do any service that lay in his power to purchase their Lives and Liberties 'T is accepted a stratagem is propounded in effecting of which he also should be pardoned But this he refused offering to redeem them with Money But to be false to his Master the King of Spain or to betray the Catholique Cause he never would as he said Upon which seeing no good to be
for the University thither was he sent and entred into Baliol Colledg in Oxford but in what year I cannot tell In 1564 I meet * Lihb Matriâ— Antiq. Oxon. with three Parsons in that Colledg two of them Batchelors of Arts and one an Vndergraduat who comparing the time with the Customs of that Colledg must be this same Parsons In the year 1568 he was admitted Socius Sacerdos commonly call'd Chaplain-Fellow and so went into Holy Orders though but Batchelor of Arts. In the year 1573 he took his Degree of Master of Arts and in the next year viz. the 13 of February 1573 4 he resigned or quitted the Colledg But the manner how he left that place hath not hitherto been agreed to on all hands * A brief Apology fol. 193 194 c. himself to keep up his credit will tell a fair Tale and endeavour to lay some blots upon Dr. Bagshaw on the other side the * Answer to the brief Apol. p. 32 33 c. Doctor though a great Romanist undertakes to clear himself to confute Parsons his story and to render him faulty enough Seeing these were both then Fellows of that Colledg and both afterwards turn'd zealous Romanists yet Enemies and could understand this story best yet finding them in different Tales and so not willing more to believe than to dis-believe either I shall take the story from a third hand who was also Fellow of this Colledg and afterwards Arch-bishop of Canterbury but when he wrote this following Letter which I transcrib'd from the Original was Master or Head of University Colledg To my worshipful loving Friend Mr. Dr. Hussye at Mr. Haiden's House who dwelleth at the Sign of the Tunn in Watling-Street Give these YOV write unto me to know what is in record any way against Mr. Parsons and I return you here inclosed word for word so much as is in the Register of Baliol Colledg In the Resignation as you may see he had written Sponte coactus but now it is Sponte non coactus being blotted out and non being set * * Thus non et over Which I am deceived if it be be not alter'd by some body else of late in as much as I am verily perswaded that since my coming to the Colledg I have seen it Sponte coactus which although it carry a contradiction yet intimateth that he resigned against his will The particular reasons whereof no man can tell better than Dr. Turner now dwelling in Fetter-lane or Dr. * * In the Proctor's Book I find one Tho. Hyde proceeded Master of Arts the same year with Rob. Parsons viz. 1573. Hide of Sarum for as I take it they were both present at his Removing The causes and manner of his giving over as far as I could ever comprehend were these * * Christopher Bagshaw admitted Fellow 1572 let the Colledg 1582 was made Priest in France lived a while in the English Colledg at Rome proceeded Doctor some say at Padoa A. P. Reply p. 1â—6 others at Paris and was one of the Faculty at Sorboune He was active against the Arch. Priest in the stirrs at Wishich He lived to be very old Bagshaw being a smart young man and one who thought his penny good Silver after that he had his Grace to be Batchelor of Arts was with some despight swindged by Parsons being Dean of the Colledg Hoc manet altâ— mente repostum And Bagshaw afterward coming to be Fellow was most hot in prosecution against Parsons It was the more forwarded by Dr. Squire 's displeasure who was then Master of Baliol Colledg and thought himself to have been much bitten by vile Libels the Author whereof he conceived Parsons to be who in truth was a man at that time wonderfully given to scoffing and that with bitterness which also was the cause that none of the Company loved him Now Dr. Squire and Bagshaw being desirous of some occasion to trim him this fell out In the year 1572. Parsons had been Bourser and being joyn'd in Office with one Stanclit a very simple Fellow he took the advantage of the weakness of his Colleague and falsified the Reckonings much to the damage of the Colledg as also deeply polling the Commoners Names whereof there was store in the Colledg and withall not sparing his own Scholars By all which means it was thought that he had purloin'd One hundred Marks His Office expiring at St. Luke ' s Tide there were some that between that and February 1573. scanned over the Books being moved thereto by the secret Complaints of some of the Commoners their Scholars and finding it apparent as also being now certified that he was a Bastard whereas it is the first quality there required by Statute That every Fellow should be Legitimo Thoro natus they proceeded to have his Expulsion solemnly Where by the way you may add that Parsons was not of the best fame concerning * * Dr. Sutclyf's Blessings on Mount Gerizzim pag. 288. Incontinency as I have heard some say who lived in Oxon at that time but whether that were then objected against him I have not heard Parsons being put to this push in the Colledg Chappel and ways sufficient concurring to expel him and in truth no man standing for him maketh humble request That he might be suffered to resign which with some a-do was yeelded to him and then he wrote as you have here inclosed Afterwards before the Assembly broke up he entreated that his giving over might he conceal'd by reason that it would be disgraceful unto him with all men but especially with his Scholars and their Friends and for these causes humbly prayed That he might keep his Scholars Chamber c. and be reputed as a Fellow in the House the matter being concealed from all the Boys and the younger sort in the House which then in words was yeelded unto and that other Decree which now you see razed was enacted for the time but afterward was soon crossed as you may behold And soon after their coming out of the Chappel by Bagshaw's means a Peal of Bells was rung at Magdalen Parish-Church being the Parish wherein Balliol Colledg standeth the reason of which ringing as it was imparted to some few to be to ring out Mr. Parsons so generally it was not known to the world or in the Colledg which gave occasion to this farther jest When Parsons was expell'd he was one of the Deans of the Colledg and so by his Place was to keep Corrections in the Hall on the Saturdays The next time therefore of Corrections which was the day of Parsons his Expulsion or soon after Dr. Squire causeth Parsons to go into the Hall as Dean and to call the Book and Roll c. and then cometh Dr. Squire himself in and as if it had been in kindness to countenance him but in truth more profoundly to deride him he calleth him at every word Mr. Dean and desireth him often to
and imprisoned and the Oath offer'd him which he freely took Cardinal Bellarmine upon notice of this writes a long Letter to Blackwell telling him how joyous the news of the Imprisonment seem'd to him because forsooth now you draw near unto the glory of Martyrdom than the which there cannot be a gift of God more happy and therefore bids him for the comfort of the Church be valiant and stout 'T is easie giving advice afar off but the Cardinal did not care to put himself into the danger of Hereticks ever since he assisted the Rebellious League against the French King But there is one thing that clouds all this Rejoycing viz. that Blackwell should take the Oath This troubles the Cardinal who tells the Arch-Priest That the Oath is so craftily composed that no man can detest Treason against the King and make profession of his Civil subjection but he must be constrained perfidiously to deny the Primacy of the Apostolick See But the Servants of Christ and especially the Chief Priests of the Lord ought to be so far from taking an unlawful Oath where they may endamage the Faith that they ought to beware that they give not the least suspition of Dissimulation that they have taken it For if you will diligently weigh the whole matter with your self truly you shall see it is no small matter that is called in question by this Oath but one of the principal Heads of our Faith and Foundations of Catholique Religion And for proof of this he produceth little scraps out of Gregory the Great Pope Leo and such like Instances nothing at all God wot to the Business in hand as Blackwell himself in his Answer to Bellarmines Letter may testifie The Pope considering Father Blackwell's Humour and it may be his Confinement appointed 1608 Mr. George Birket to be Arch-Priest and sent him a Breve to forbid the taking of the Oath and to deprive all Priests of their Faculties that should take it Part of which take as followeth Tibique injungimus Mandamus ac specialem facultatem ad hoc tribuimus ut Authoritate nostra omnes singulos Sacerdotes Anglos qui quoddam Juramentum in quo multa continentur quae fidei atque saluti animarum aperte adversantur praestiterunt vel ad loca ad quae Haeretici ad eorum superstitiosa Ministeria peragenda convenire solent consulto accesserunt aut qui talia licite fieri posse docuerunt docent admonere cures ut ab hujusmodi erroribus resipiscant abstineant Quod si intra tempus extrajudicialiter tamen arbitrio tuo illis praefigendum hoc facere distulerint seu aliquis illorum distulerit illos seu illum facultatibus Privilegiis omnibus ab Apostolica sede seu illius Authoritate a quocunque alio illis vel cuivis illorum concessis eadem Authoritate prives ac privatos esse declares c. Datum Roma apud S. Petrum sub Annulo Piscator die 1 Feb. 1608 Pontificatus Nostri Anno 3. And we enjoyn and command you and for this we give you special Faculty that by our Authority you take care to admonish all and every English Priest who have taken a certain Oath wherein many things are contained which are manifestly against Faith and the salvation of souls or do willingly repair to such places where the Hereticks use to meet to celebrate their superstitious Services or Worship or have taught and do teach that such things may lawfully be done that they may repent and abstain from such Errors And if within the time extrajudicialiter notwithstanding by you as you think fit to be appointed unto them they or any one of them shall defer to obey this That then you by the same Authority do deprive and declare them or him to be deprived of all Faculties and Priviledges granted them or any of them from the See-Apostolick or by her Authority from any other whatsoever c. Dated at Rome at St. Peters c. 1 Feb. 1608. Birket upon the receit of this Breve draws up and sends abroad this Admonishing-Letter To all the Reverend Secular Priests of England Most dearly beloved Brethren WHereas I have always desired to live without Molesting or Offending others it cannot be but a wonderful Corsive Sorrow and Grief unto me that against mine own inclination I am forced as you have seen by the Breve it self to prescribe a certain time for such as do find themselves to have been contrary to the points which are touched in the said Breve concerning the Oath and going to Church that they may thereby return and conform themselves to the Doctrine declared by his Holiness both in this and the other former Breves And therefore now by this Present do give notice unto you all That the time which I prefix and prescribe for that purpose is the space of two Months next ensuing after the knowledg of this my Admonition Within which time such as shall forbear to take or allow any more the Oath or going to Church I shall most willingly accept their doing therein Yet signifying unto you withall That such as do not within the time prescribed give this satisfaction I must though much against my will for fulfilling his Holiness commandment Deprive them and Denounce them to be Deprived of all their Faculties and Priviledges granted by the See-Apostolique or by any other by Authority thereof unto them or to any of them and so by this present do Denounce hoping that there is no man will be so wilful or disobedient to his Holiness Order but will conform himself as becometh an Obedient Child of the Catholique Church And so most heartily wishing this Conformity in us all and that we may live and labour together Unanimes in Domo Domini I pray God give us the Grace to effect that in our Actions whereunto we are by our Order and Profession obliged This 2d of May 1608. Your Servant in Christ GEORGE BIRKET Arch-Priest of England and Protonotary Apostolical Now were Pens employed on both sides the Romanists cuffing one another bravely about the Oath Voluminous Coquaeus comes railing from France against it Getser opposeth it in Germany Andraeus Eudaemonioannes of Greece declares it Abominable In Italy Cardinal Bellarmine is very busie against it sometimes under his own other times masked under false Names as Tortus and some think Schulckenius was one and the same person with the Cardinal In Spain now flourish'd Franciscus Suarez he also by order from the Pope and Conclave is commanded to undertake it which he doth But the good old man thought he was hardly dealt withall by the Inquisitors to whom having sent his Book for Approbation they alter'd Vid Bishop of Chichester Dr. King his Letter to Is Walton before Hookâ—r's Eccles Poliy Edit 1666. and added according to their own humours as was * confest by Mr. John Salikill then Suarez his Amanuensis but afterwards reconciled to the Church of England But above all the opposers