direct men to the best Religion wherof depends the best Government the Conscience of some and the curiosity of others will furnish me with Readers Some Raylers I must expect to have because I endeavor to demonstrat that the Crown may lawfully seise on the Church Revenues but I am content to bâ—â—â—ld at so the commonwealth be not rallied out of so necessary a support And least J should be thought too partial â—o my own Religion I desire but a tolâ—ration for it as I do for all other Christian professionâ— albeit to obtain this toleration for the Catholick I am forc't to compare it with the protestant and to prove thâ—â— no Religion is so conscientious or so convenient as the Roman The truth of this may â—â—â—ily be discerned by a Comitâ—e of the layty if publik conferences of Religion be permittâ—d in English And truly 〈…〉 Scriptures are permitted to be read and interpreted by every English lay man J seâ— not why the layty may not judge of Controversies and conferâ—â—ces of Religion and according 〈◊〉 they find the interpretations of every Congregation consistent with the word of God grant or not grant liberty of Conscience There are few who 〈…〉 often heard how pressingly aâ—â—â—ertinently som of the wisest members of Parliament have spoke for Liberty of Conscience in the late sessions how they made it appear that our decay of trade and our fall of rents wherof Merchants and Land-lords do so much complain is wholy occasioned by the severity of our laws against Recusants and nonconformists for what credit or security can Merchants or Tradesmen have in England when their stock and substance may be legaly confiscated whensoever they refuse to take an oath or frequent a Church contrary to their conscience what commerce or correspondence can we expect from beyond the Seas when he that this day is an able Banquier amongst vs to morrow must turn Bankrupt if he will not contrefait himself a Conformist The Tenants Cattle and Corn may be seised vpon and by consequence the Landlord deprived of his Revenue whensoever a ceremonious Parson or an officious Church-warden or a malicious neigbor will inform that they come not to the common Prayer or Communion so that the Nonconformists being two parts of England in a few years two parts of the Kingdom will be destroyed If our penal statuts against Non-conformists did make this Monarchy as peaceable as they make it poor perhaps som Polititians might think it advisable to continue them But seing it is impossible to govern an empoverish't multitude without a standing Army which England will hardly brook and that Religion persecuted makes Rebellion plausible all disinteressed persons may with reason admire that the Bishops themselves do not Press and pray for liberty of conscience For though they should be so short-sighted as not to foresee future inconveniencies yet they cannot be so insensible as to forget the former effects of persecutioÌ„ And they will find great difficulty in persuading even the most devoted to their own calling that the same cause will not produce in 70. the same effects we have felt since 40. If they imagin that their spiritual censures will prevail against the temporal power of a discontented multitude they must maintain contrary to late experience that God will work Miracles to support the Church of England against Presbyterian sectaries § As for the Kings restauration I confess it looks like a Miracle but why our English Bishâ—ps should attribut so great a blessing rather to Gods will of countenancing their strange caracter then to his will of continuing lawful Monarchy or of manifesting the late Kings innocency or of rewarding the constancy and of relieving the indignity of the Cavaleer party can never be vnderstood by any that knows the grounds of our Protestant Episcopacy and how it was raised by Q. Elizabeth rather to exclude the succession of the Stevards from the Crown then to establish a succession of true Bishops in the Church There is much more reason to think that his Majesties restauration was decreed by God in order to the performance of his Declaration at Bredà for liberty of conscience then in order to the non-performance of so publick and solemn a promise And albeit I cannot say that our desired peace will be so absolutly secured by liberty of conscience in England as it is in other Countries by the Tenets and vniformity of the Roman Religion yet is it manifest that persecution for promoting Prelatick Protestancy will rather increas our confusions then work our conversion not only becaus the non-conformists are the more numerous party and by consequence can hardly be forc't to obey laws against their Consceince but also becaus it is confessed by the very Prelaticks that Christians may be saved though they do not conform to the Church of England nay they must grant that such as do conform to its doctrin and disciplin may be damned for so doing becaus it is a fallible and by consequence for ought they or any one knows a fals Church That a Church believed by the members therof to be infallible and the only way of salvation doth persecute such as revolt from its faith and obedience is thought by some a rational though by me a rigorous practise but that the Church of England wherof it is a fundamental Article that the whole visible Church or all Christian Congregations and by consequence it self hath erred or may err in doctrin should persecute such as revolt from it or men of a contrary persuasion for having a stronger faith grounded vpon Christs promis of never forsaking vs and a better opinion of Gods providence and of their own Churches doctrin seems not agreable to the rules of the Ghospel nor of human prudence For whether the Protestants sectaries persuasion of their own privat spirits infallibility or the Roman Catholicks belief of their general Councells infallibility be true or fals the Church of England will never be able to persuade or prove that any Christians ought to be persecuted by penal and sanguinary statuts for not exchanging that assurance of Divine faith which themselves are persuaded they have for a bare Prelatick probability of the same faith or for a confessed possibility of being mistaken in the doctrin of salvation Seing therfore of two evils the least ought to be chosen and that if liberty of conscience be an evil it is a less one then persecution becaus it will cause less dangers and disturbances in the Nations then laws which force the Prelatick probability and vniformity It seems to be against the rules as well of piety as of policy to continue the penal and sanguinary statuts in favor of the confessedly fallible Church of England And when I plead for liberty of conscience in England for Presbyterians and Fanaticks I hope it will not be ill taken that I beg the same freedom and favor for Roman Catholicks especially if I prove as I have vndertaken that our principles are not
then by the Churches which they planted Protestants contemn all these rules and because there was never any Church in the world which professed the same faith that any of their Reformers preach't or them-selves now profess they are necessitated to except against all Testimonies of ancient Fathers and Councels and against the continual and common consent of all Christian Churches concerning the proper sense of Scripture delivered to the primitive Christians and will be judg'd therin by none but by them-selves and by their own fancy of Scripture They all follow this rule of Luther the first Reformer which he layd as the foundation of all Protestant Reformations The Governours of Churches and Pastors of Christ's sheep have indeed power to teach but the sheep must judg whether they propose the voice of Christ or of strangers c. Whefore let Popes Bishops Councels c. decree order enact what they please we shall not hinder but we who are Christ's sheep and heare his voice will judg whether they propose things true and agreable to the voice of our Pastor and they must yeeld to us and subscribe and obey to our sentence and censure Luther tom 2. Wittemb cap. de Sacra Script fol. 375. And because B. p Jewel in his challenge thinking that none durst answer or accept it appeal'd to the holy Fathers of the first ages and was thervpon immediatly convicted of hypocrisy and impostures he was grievously reprehended by his own Prelatick brethren as injurious to him-self and as one who had given the Papists too large a scope and after a manner spoyl'd him-self and the Church see Doctor Humfrey in Iewel 's life edit Londin pag. 212. and the same also in Fulk's retentive against Bristow pag. 55. Ever since that foile the Prelatiks have bin more wary and one of their greatest Champions Bilson Bishop of Winchester in his true difference between Christian subjection c. part 2. pag. 353. saith in plain termes The people must be discerners and Judges of that which is taught How contrary to Luther's Reformation was the doctrin of the primitive Church and Fathers we may judg by these words of Gregory Nazianzen in the oration wherin he excuseth him-self for having bin long absent from his flock and not exercised his function Vos Oves nolite pascere Pastores neque super terminos eorum elevamini satis enim est vobis si recte pascimini nolite judicare iudices nec legem feratis legis-latoribus c. Now let any man who hath common sense be Judg whether it be in the least degree probable that not only the illiterat Protestants but even their greatest Doctors and their first Apostles Luther Calvin Cranmer c. should know better the true sense of Scripture that was delivered to the first age then they to whom those of that age told what they were taught by Christ and his Apostles or then the second which told the third what they were taught by the first and so from generation vntill Luther and Calvins tyme. That every age gave this favorable testimony to the subsequent of the sense of Scripture which it delivered can not be denyed otherwise none would have received their sense of Scripture or their doctrin as Divine whether they were sincere in delivering their testimony is the question And because none questions it but Luther Calvin c. and their followers vntill we see be ter evidence and a more cleere cause of their reformed principle and knowledg of the visible Churches apostasy then their privat spirit or Luther and Calvins new and extravagant interpretations of Scripture we dare not condemn the whole ancient visible and Catholick Church nor concurr with it's declared enemies in so rash a judgment as to affirm that the Church betrayed it's trust and posterity which rash judgment is the ground of the Protestant Reformations S. Athanasius in lib. de Decretis Nicen. Synod contra Euseb. Ecce nos quidem ex Patribus ad Patres per manus traditam fuisse hanc sententiam demonstravimus vos autem O novi Judaei Caiphae filii quos tandem nominum vestrorum potestis ostendere progenitores S. Gregor Nazian ep 2. ab Chelid Absconditam post Christum sapientiam nobis annunciant rem lacrymis dignam si enim triginta his annis fides originem habuit cum quadringenti now 1600. fere anni ab eo tempore fluxerint quo Christus palam conspectus est inane tanto tempore fuit Evangelium inanis etiam fides nostra Martyres quidem frustra martyrium subierunt frustra etiam tales tantique Antistites populo praefuerunt St. August de vtilit credendi cap. 14. saith to the Manichees what we may to the Protestant Reformers Vos autem tam pauci estis tam turbulenti tam novi nemini dubium est quoniam nihil dignum autoritate proferetis Seing therfore the Roman Catholick sense of Scripture hath for the space of 1600. years bin delivered by the visible Christian Church from age to age as the true meaning of God's word and that the Protestant sense of Scripture was never accepted of by any but condemned Hereticks and even in this last age was delivered but by a few turbulent and disagreeing persons and obnoxious â—o many exceptions much diminishing the credibility of their testimony it is at least 16. to one not only in the number but also in the quality of the witnesses that the Roman Catholick sense of Scripture is true and the Protestant false and by consequence the Protestants have no Scripture to maintain the doctrin wherin they differ from Roman Catholicks SECT VI. Protestants mistaken in the Ministery and Mission of their Clergy in the Miracles of their Church in the holiness and honesty of their Reformers ALbeit God was able to call justify and confirm the elect without any mediat means yet as Protestants confess he was pleased not to accomplish the same otherwise then in and by the ministery of his Church Therfore S. Paul tells vs Ephes. 4.11.12.13 that Christ hath placed in his Church Pastors and Doctors to continue to the consummation of Saints till we all meet in the vnity of faith The chief of these Pastors and Doctors are the Bishops vnto whom as the same Apostle testifieth it belongeth to govern God's Church Act. c. 2â— These Bishops must succeed not only in Doctrin but in caracter to the Apostles which caracter is the ordinary ministery or vocation discern'd and received by imposition of Episcopal hands 1. Tim. 4. But because Luther was only a single Priest and Calvin as most say not so much as a Priest and that both despaired of Episcopal and Priestly succession they resolv'd to remedy that want by saying that the caracter of Priests and Bishops was not distinct from that of Baptism and wheras Luther's ordination or ordinary vocation in the Roman Catholick Church was to preach the doctrin which he had receiv'd from that Church and not his new
by faith in Christ not by good works which they in no wise did affect We Catholicks do not pretend to have no evill-livers in our Church but this we may say with truth and I hope without offence that the difference between Protestant and Catholick â—â—â—ll-livers is that when Protestants sin they do nothing but what they are encouraged vnto by their justifying faith and the other principles of their Religion but when Catholicks sin they go against the known Tenets of their faith and profession Even our Pardons and Jndulgences how-ever so plenary are so far from encouraging vs to a continuance or relapse of sinning that they involue as a precedent and necessary condition a serious and sincere repentance of our former offences and afirm purpose and resolution of never returning to the like crimes and after all is don we pretend to no such vndoubted certainty of being pardon'd either by confession or Indulgences because we are not certain whether we do al as we ought as Protestants presume to have of their justification and saluation by only faith The nature of this justifying faith and of other Protestant principles considered We Catholicks have reason to thanck God that the prudence â—f the Prince and moderation of his Ministers is so extraordinary that it keeps the indiscreed zeal of a multitude so strangly principl'd if not as much with in the limits of Christianity and civility towards their fellow subjects as were to be wished yet so that the execution of the sanguinary and penal statuts is not altogeather so distructive as the Presbiterians and others endeavor Untill the generality of these Nations reflect vpon the impiety of the first Reformers and vpon their own mistakes in preferring the mad fancies of a few dissolute Friars concerning the nature of Christian faith before the constant Testimony and doctrin of the whole visible Church we cannot expect that they who govern so mistaken a multitude can make justice the rule of the publick Decrees which depend of the concurrence and acceptance of men whose greatest care is to promote Protestancy and persecute Popery SECT IX Protestants mistaken in the consistency of Christian faith humility Charity peace either in Church or state with their making Scripture as interpreted by privat persons or fallible Synods or fancied general Councells composed of all discenting Christian Churches the rule of faith and Iudg of Controversies in Religion How every Protestant is a Pope and how much also they are overseen in making the 39. Articles or the oath of Supremacy a distinctive sign of Loyalty to our Protestant Kings LVther Zuinglius Calvin Cranmer and all others that pretended to reform the doctrin of the Church of Rome seing they could not prove their new Religions or Reformations by testimonies from antiquity or by probability of Reason were inforc't to imitat the example of all Heretiks who as S. Austin says l. 1. de Trin. c. 3. endeavour to defend their falls and deceitfull opinions out of the Scriptures If on shall ask any Heretick saith that ancient Father Vincentius lyr l. 1. cons. Haer. c. 35. from whence do you prove from whence do you teach that I ought to forsake the vniuersal and ancient faith of the Catholik Church Presently he answereth scriptum est It is written and forthwith he prepareth a thousand testimonies a thousand examples a thousand authorities from the law from the Apostles from the Prophets This shift is so ordinary and notorious that Luther him-self postill Wittemberg in 2. con 8. Dom. post Trin. fol. 118. Dom. post Trin. fol. 118. affirmeth the sacred Scripture is the book of Heretiks because Heretiks are accustomed to appeale to that book neither did there arise at any time any heresy so pestiferous and so foolish which did not endeavor to hide it self under the vaile of Scripture And yet Luther Calvin Cranmer c. finding nothing to say for them-selves either in History or Fathers and seing Tradition so cleerly bent against them that they could not name as much as on Parish or person which ever professed their protestant doctrines they appeal'd from the word of God proposed by the visible and Catholick Church and Counâ—â—ls to their own Canon and Translations of Scripture and from that sense of Scripture which the Church and Councells had follow'd for 1500. years to that which their own privat spirit temporal interest or fallacious reason diâ—â—â—ted to them-selves and so did others that followed their examples making every privat Protestant or at least every reforâ—â—d Congregation Judg of Scripture Church Councells and Fathers In so much that Luther tom 2. Wittemberg cap. de Sacram. fol. 375. setteth down this rule for all Protestants to be directed 〈◊〉 The Governors of Churches and Pastors of Christ's sheep 〈◊〉 indeed power to teach but the sheep must judge whâ—â—â—er they propose the voice of Christ 〈◊〉 of strangers c. Wherfore let Popes Bishops Councells c. decree order enact what they please we shal not hinder but we who are Christ's sheep and heare his voice will judge whether they propose things true and agreable to the voice of our Pastor and they must yeeld to us and subscribe and obey our sentence and censure Calvin though contrary to Luthâ—â— in many other things yet in this doth agree as being the ground wherupon all protestant Reformations must rely in his lib. 4. Institut cap. 9. § 8. he says The definitions of Councels must be examined by Scripture and Scripture interpreted by his rules and Spirit The same is maintained by the Church of England as appears in the defence of the 39. Articles printed by authority 1633. wherin it is sayd pag. 103. Authority is given to the Church and to every member of sound judgment in the same to judg controversies of faith c. And this is not the privat opinion of our Church but also the judgment of our godly brethren in foreign Nations And by Mr. Bilson Bishop of Winchester in his true difference c. part 2. pag. 353. The people must be Discerners and Judges of that which is taught How inconsistent this doctrin is with Christian faith is evident by the pretended fallibility and fall of the visible Church which all Protestants do suppose and must maintain to make good the necessity and lawfullness of their own interpretations and Reformations For if the Roman Catholik and ever Visible Church may and from time to time hath erred as the Church of England declares in the 39. Articles no reformed Congregations whether Lutheran Presbiterian or Prelatick can have infallible certainty but that them-selves have fallen into as great errors as those which they have pretended to reform in the Roman Church And if they have not infallible certainty of the truth of their reformed doctrin they can not pretend to Christianity of faith that involves an assurance of truth which assurance is impossible if that the Church can be mistaken in it's proposall So that Christianity of faith including
and Bishops might receive and communicat vnder one kind lay men might not But any weak answer is sufficient for credulous people to persist in obstinacy At length being convicted by his Adversary of an example where the layty and whole people receaved openly vnder one kind and in the Church he answereth this is not sufficient for saith he the point demanded is that the Sacrament was never ministred vnto the people vnder one kind onlâ— in any Congregation or in open order and vsage of any Church and that it will not follow that this was the common order of the Church By which new addition of Common Order and Vsage the whole state of the Question is changed and Iewel convicted as you see of many frauds and falshoods And not only he but all the Protestant Clergy who notwithstanding the acknowledged evidence and their conviction by these examples and many others wherof they are not ignorant that Christ did not command the Communion to be given vnder both kinds to the Layty nor even to Priests when they do not oâ—â—er Sacrifice yet are they so inconscionable as to impose vpon illiterat people that they ought not to be of the Roman Catholick Church because we deprive them contrary to Christ's Institution and precept of one half of the Communion without which they cannot be saved SVBSECT II. How Iewel and the Church of England make the very same Holy Fathers they appealed vnto in other matters wicked Hereticks because they condemned Priests marriage JEwel's Adversaries having quoted against his bould assertions the vnanswerable sayings of sundry Fathers of the first 600. years condemning the marriage of Priests and Votaries the English Clergy by Jewel's pen rather then acknowledg their error and relinquish their wenches and pretended wives resolved to declare the holy Fathers Hereticks saying divers of the holy Fathers have writen ouer bâ—sely J will not say vildly and scandalously of the state of matrimony in generall calling it in all kind of men fornication an evill thing and like to adultery Therfore J say they may much less be taken as indifferent Iudges in Priests marriages So that the Church of England in their Apology and Protestants now a days would fain make the ancient Fathers and all who write against the marriage of Priests to be those hereticks St Paul sayd would teach doctrin of Devills and speake against marriage in generall witness Iewell with the first Bishops and Clergy of Queen Elizabeth But because Jewell and his fellow Bishops would not seem to want examples of holy Bishops that were actualy husbands they corrupt the Ecclesiasticall History and bely the Authors therof Niceph. lib. 10. Hist. c. 10. Zozon lib. 5. c. 11. Cassiod lib. 6. cap. 14. and pretend that they recount how Eusychius Bishop saith Iewel of Cesaraea dyed in martyrdom having married a wife a litle before wheras the sayd Authors have not on word of his being Bishop or Priest but rather do evidently shew that he was a lay nobleman Patricius Cesaraeae Cappadociae a Sentaor's son of that Citty highly commended for that having newly married a wife yet was so constant in his martyrdom In like manner do they falsify Apol. 2. c. 8. St. Gregory Nazianzen Pretending he saith speaking of his own Father that a good and diligent Bishop doth serve in the Ministery never the worse for that he is married but rather the better and this falsification being objected by Harding Iewel and his Camerades prove it by pretending that St. Gregory acknowledged his mother was his father's Teacher and leader in Ecclesiastical functions as perhaps some Protestant Bishops wives are wheras it is evident that the Saint spoke of his father when he was not a Christian and because he was converted by his Mother aâ— St. Monica converted St. Austin's Father see Harding detect fol. 63. SVBSECT III. Bishop Iewel and his Associats wickedness in Charging Cardinal Hosius and all Catholicks with a contempt of Holy Scripture against their own knowledg and after that they had bin admonished of the imposture CArdinal Hosius in his Book de expresso verbo Dei as also in an other de haeresibus against Brentius complain'd of the multitude of Sects and Heresies sprung vp in our days all of them pretending Scripture for their ground So far forth that Luther him-self seing the event therof sayd the Bible was now become liber haereticorum the Book of Hereticks and then further the same Cardinal shewing that there was a new later brood sprung vp of Zuinck feldian Hereticks who by pretence of Scripture did take away all authority of writen Scriptures persuading men only to attend to inspirations and inward revelations alleadging for that their doctrin the words of the Psalm J will hear what the Lord speaketh in me and many other such Texts misconstred Mr. Iewel and the English Protestant Clergy would needs publish this as Hosius his own words sense and meaning with great out-cryes and invectives against both him the Pope and all Catholicks as though we had bin of opinion that all writen Scriptures were to be rejected as may be seen in his Apology both in Latin and English and Doctor Harding's confutation of the same and notwithstanding that before this Apology was printed in Latin they were told of his mistake yet they would needs have it pass And when the sayd Apology was translated into English they were put again in mind of his malitious and fraudulent dealing and earnestly desired to correct this wilfull mistake but they rather did aggravate the calumny then confess their error for they commanded it should be printed and sought by some additions in the English Text more then was in the Latin to justify this former villany Harken saith the Apology how holily and how Godly on Hosius writeth of this matter a Bishop in Polonia as he testifyeth of him-self a man doubtless well spoken and not vnlearned and a very sharp and stout Maintainer of that side Thou wilt mervail I suppose how any good man could either conceive so wickedly or write so dispitefully of those words which he knew proceeded from God's mouth and especialy in such sort as he would not have it seem his own privat opinion alone but the common opinion of all that Band. He dissembleth J grant you indeed and hideth what he is and setteth forth the matter so as though it were not he and his side but the Zuink feldian Hereticks that so did speak We saith he will bid away with the Scriptures wherof we see brought not only divers but all contrary Interpretations we will hear God speak rather then resort to the naked elements or bare words of the Scripture c. Having writen this and other such speeches as proceeding from Hosius Iewel and his Camerades conclude thus This is Hosius his saying vttered togeather with the same spirit and the same mind wherwith in times past Montanus and Marcion were moved c. And then exclaims against
wherin they speak of the Sacraments for wheras Cranmers 25. or 26. article says nothing of Holy orders by Imposition of Hands or any visible sign or ceremony required therin Parker and his Bishops having taken vpon themselves that calling without any such ceremony of Imposition of Episcopal hands declared that God ordained not any visible sign or ceremony for the five last commonly called Sacraments wherof Holy Orders is one This alteration and addition you may see in D. r Heylin's appendix to Ecclesia restauratâ— pag. 189. And by order of the same Convocation was printed the Scripture and in that their edition of 1562. Ordination by imposition of hands was translated ordination by election as you may see part 1. and part 2. of this Treatise And though Cranmer cared as litle for any visible signes or ceremonies in ordinaâ—â—â—◠〈◊〉 the other first Protestant Reformers and according to their 〈◊〉 had abjured the Priestly and Episcopal caracter which he had received among Catholicks 〈◊〉 you may gather by his own words related by John Fox in his degradation thus Then a Barbar dipped his hair round about and the Bishop scraped the tops of his fingers were he had bin annointed wherin Bishop Bonner behaved himself as rougly and vnmanerly as the other Bishop was to him soft and gentle Whiles they were thus doing All this quoth the Archbishop needed not I had my self don with this 〈◊〉 long ago Albeit I say Cranmer cared not for any Episcopal Ordination which he had received in the Catholick Church yet he did not think to make the denial therof an article of the Protestant faith but Q. Elizabeths English Church in their Convocation 1562. seing they could not obtain the Episcopal caracter by Imposition of true Bishops hands thought 〈◊〉 to make it a part of the Protestant belief that no such visible 〈◊〉 or ceremony was necessary or instituted by Christ and therfore concluded holy Orders was not a Sacrament And though the prelatick Clergy now teach and practise the contrary and 〈◊〉 K. Iame's reign Ordination by imposition of hands was restored to the Text of Scripture and by consequence ordination by election declared to be a Cheat or corruption yet this change of the matter doth no more make them now true Priests and Bishops then their last change of their forme of Ordination since the most happy restauration of K. Charles the 2. SVBSECT XI In Advertisment to the Reader concerning Bishop Iewell BEcause Jewell was the most famous and learned man of the Church of England in so much that M. r Hooker termes him the worthiest Divine that Christendom bred for 〈◊〉 hundred yeares past and that his Apology and defence of the Church of England was the work of that whole Clergy and that Withaker after Iewell 's death sayd to Campian Jewell's chalâ—â—â—ge and speech concerning the first 600. yeares was most true and 〈◊〉 all the Church of England did stand to it and that Heylin 〈◊〉 all the Protestant Controversors since Iewell take from his Apology and defence their arguments and authority Because 〈◊〉 the man is such a pillar of English Protestancy and most 〈◊〉 that Religion pin their Faith upon his sleeve and work and think the Holy Ghost directed his pen in his Apology and defence of their Prelatick Church I thought fit to let them Know that they who were intimatly acquainted with him give this testimony of him he was first a Catholick and continued so untill Protestancy was made the religion of the state in Edward 6 Reign then he turned Protestant and remained so untill Queen Maries dayes then he abjured protestancy as heresy and seemed to be so forward and zealous in professing the Roman faith that he was permitted to be one of the Notaries of Cranmer and Ridleys diâ—â—putations in the Vniversity D. r Heylin sayes all this his forwardness in Popery proceeded from feare When Queen Elizabeth succeeded in the Kingdom Jewell embraced her Religion and writ what you haue seen against our Religion which himself had twice professed as the only Catholick This much is confessed on all sides Chark or Fulk I know not which of them is Author in the Answer to the Censure Edit 1583. fol. 78. complains that as Papists say Luther was the son of an Incubus or the Divill and dyed drunk Oecolampadius was killed by the Devill or by his own hands Peter Martyr had a familiar Martin Bucer consulted with his Cow and his Calf so they say that Iewell had all his knowledge from his Cat or from a Weesel and dyed recanting his opinions embracing a Popish Cross with protestation that he sinned against his own conscience and knowledge That Jewell sinned against his own conscience and knowledge is 〈◊〉 by his falsifications which we have set down having bin himself a learned man and besides having bin advertised of them by others and therfore his mistakes could not proceed from ignorance And that he said to some of his friends who put him in minde of his fals dealing the Protestant Religion could not be otherwise defended we have heard credibly reported as also how he replied to his Amanuensis that excepted against some of his falsifications that not one Reader amongst a thousand would examin his corruptions and Translations or compare them with the Text all which makes it â—â—â—dible enough that he went against his knowledge but for my own part I am not beholding to the relation of others for my ill opinion of Jewell I am convinced that he was a wilfull falsifier and Impostar and do Iudge his own writings to be the best evidence therof If he recanted at his death I hope he was saved though he hath bin the damnation I feare of millions that have bin seduced by his Books And as for his cat and his Wesel I dispute not whether the Devill vsed to conferr with him in such shapes But I am sure the substance of his Apology and the manner of defending his doctin could proceed from no better Author and I belieue every rational man will be of the same opinion if he peruse and examin his workes SVBSECT XII Examples of learned Protestants converted to the Roman Catholick Religion by observing the Frauds and falshoods of the Apology of Iewell and of the Protestant Clergy for the prelatick Church of England THough it is to be feared that millions of soules have perished by the falsifications and frauds of Iewell and of the Protestant Clergy in publishing and maintaining even to this day their Apology and defence of the Church of England yet many have bin saved by occasion of the notoriousness of the falshoods therin contained I will speâ—â—fy only three mentioned by the learned Author of the three conversions of England who had it from their own mouthes â—â—mitting others saith he which for just respects may not be named Heare his own words The first is S. r Thomas Copely who oftentimes hath related unto me with much comfort of
the King as chief head in Q. Elizabeth who affected not the title of head of the Church as having preemiâ—â—â—â— because King Iames insisted much vpon a spiritual supremacy they translated to the King as supreme To maintain this error that Priests may have wives they translate 1. Cor. 9. v. 5. for woman wife as if St. Paul had bin married wheras it is evident in the 7. chapter of this same Epistle v. 8. that he was not married I say therfore to the vnmarried and widdows it is good for them if they abide even as I. And the same word which here they translate wife in cap. 7. v. 1. they translate woman because St. Paul saith there it is good for a man not to touch a woman but here to translate wife was not for their purpose In the same Epistle cap. 11. v. 2. contrary to both Greek and Latin they translate for Keep the Traditions as I have delivered them to you Keep ordinances c. 1. Cor. 15. v. 10. they add to this text I have laboured more abundantly then all they yet not I but the grace of God with me they add I say the grace of God which is with me 〈◊〉 that where the Apostle rather sayd the grace of God laborred whiâ—h him and consequently he with the grace of God which proveth 〈…〉 they by adding which is to the Text 〈◊〉 have it seeme that the Apostle did nothing at all but was moved like a thing without liâ—e or will and thus they prove by Scripture the Protestant errors Ephesians 1. v. 6. For he hath gratified vs 〈◊〉 â—â—lde vs gratious or conduct us with graâ—e they translate 〈◊〉 hath made vs accepted in the beloved against inherent grace in favour of the Protestant error of imputative justice Epist. Philip. cap. 4. v. 3. For sincere Companion help those women c. They translate true yoke-fellow help those woman tâ— make men believe that St. Paul had recommended those persons to his wife who indeed had none 1. Cor. 7. v. 8. Nothwithstanding the discipline of the Church of England is contrary to that of the Calvinists because reason oâ— state and the constitution of Parliaments requireth Bishops yet the doctrin therof is Zuinglian and Calvinian in most points and Doctor Abbots Archbishop of Canterbury who had the greatest hand in correcting the Bible by King Iames his order was Calvin's great admirer as may be seen in his books One of Calvin's blasphemies against Christ is that he feared and suffered the paines of hell nay and despaired vpon the Cross and in that sense doth explain his descent into hell admitting of no other That this blasphemy might be authorised by Scripture Cranmer and the whole Clergy and Church of England after him in their edition of Tyndal and Coverdales Bible an 1562. in the epistle to the Hebrews chap. 5. vers 7. corrupt St. Paul's words speaking of Christ praying vpon the cross He was heard for his reverence thus he was heard in that he feared to maintain their blasphemous paradox that our Saviour should have feared and felt the paines of hell vpon the Cross. To confirm also this wicked doctrin and confute Lynâ—◠〈◊〉 jâ—â—trum and Purgatory Dr. Abbots Archbishop of Cant. and the other Translators of the Bible corrupt 1. Pet. 3. v. 〈…〉 for wheras the words of Scripture are quickened or alive 〈…〉 or soule in the which spirit comming he preached 〈…〉 also that were in prison They translate quickned by the spirit by which also he went and preached vnto the spirits 〈…〉 This Translation was so gross that Doctor Montaguâ— â—ishop of Chichester and Noâ—wich reprehended for it Sir Henâ—â— will to whose care the translating of St. Peter's epistle committed but Sir Henry Savill told him plainly that Doctor Abbots and Dr. Smith Bishop of Glocester corrupted and altered the Translation of this place which himself had sincerly performed In pursuance of this their Calvinian heâ—â—sy and corruption they pervert the Text of Gen. 37. v. 35. translating graue for hell Protestants denying more places for soules after this life then heaven for the just and hell for the wicked and being ashamed to say that the holy Patriarch 〈◊〉 was damned or that he despared of his saluation when he sayd I will go down to my son into hell mourning Gen. 37. 〈◊〉 35. They translate I will go down into the grave vnto my 〈◊〉 mourning and rather then confess a third place and by consequence Purgatory after this life they father non-sence vpon Iacob and the Holy Ghost as though Iacob thought that his son Iosâ—ph had bin buried in a grave whereas Iacob thâ—ught and sayd immediatly before vers 33. an evill beast hath devoured him And therfore he must necessarily have meâ—â—â— that he would dye and go where he thought the soule of his son Joseph to be which was neither in heaven for then he would rather have ascended thither Ioyfull then descended to any place mourning neither did he mean the hell of the damned for that had bin desperation but to a low place where the lust soules then remained which was called Lyâ—nâ—â—â— Patrum or Abraham's Bosom the way of the holies as Saint Paul speaketh being not yet made open because our Saviour Christ was to dedicat and begin the entrance in his own person and by his passion to open heaven Tertullian lib. â—â— advers Marcâ—â—â— saith I know the bosom of Abraham was 〈◊〉 heavenly place but only the higher Hell or the higher part of hell from which speech of the Fâ—ther◠〈…〉 afterward that other â—ame Lymbas Patrâ—â—â— that is the very 〈◊〉 or vppermost and outmost part of hell where the Fathers of the Old Testament rested The words of St. Peter 2. 〈◊〉 1. v. â—5 And I will do my diligeâ—â—â—â— to have you often after my decease also that you may keep a memory of these things seemed to Protestants so plain in favour of his praying for the Christians after his decease that King Iames his Translators change them into these Moreover I will endeavor that you may be able after my decease to have these things alwayes to remembrance We ask Protestants why do they wrest this place of the Psalme and corrupt Scripture against the honour which ought to be given to Saints Psalme 138. Thy friends O God are bâ—â—ome exceeding honorable their prinâ—edoâ— is exceedingly strengthned which is Saint Hierom's translation from the Hebrew confirmed by the great Rabbin R. Salomon and the Greek Textâ— and never excepted against by any learned Father of the Church vntill the Protestant Translators were pleased to alter it thus How pretious are thy thoughts 〈◊〉 O God how great is the summe of them as if multiplicity of thoughts were an admirable excellency in God wheras his 〈◊〉 admitâ—s not many but rather one comprehensive knowledge without composition and therfore the Holy Ghost would not have sayd of them in the next verse that they are more in number then the Sands which expression may
who began and perfected the reformation were grosly mistaken and themselves misled in one of the most essential points of Christianity and in one without which there can be no Church Had the dispute between them and us bin about conveniency of disciplin or decency of Ceremonies a change in such things alterable according to the circumstances of time place and persons might be pious and prudent because it might take away occasion of cavills but to alter the essential forms of Priesthood and Episcopacy and to add therunto now after a Century of years words which hitherto wanting concludes the Nullity of their Church and Clergy must rather augment the doubt then avoyd the cavil If they were satisfied of the validity of that form wherby themselves since Ed. 6. vntill this present had bin ordained what needed any addition of Priesthood and Episcopacy which we argued and they denyed to be wanting did they imagin that such an addition would end the dispute I believe it hath for it is an acknowledgment that our exceptions were well grounded but why should they give vs this advantage J fancy they have hopes that some other Spalato will Apostatize and then by this new vndoubted form make them real Bishops Yet that will not serve their turn their want of spiritual Jurisdiction makes their caracter vseless and want of jurisdiction together with their errors in Doctrin doth un-vn-Church a Congregation as well as want of Orders As this want of ordination renders them incapable of the Benefices and Bishopricks which they enjoy so their corruptions of Scripture and Falsifications of Councells and Fathers make them vnworthy And he can not be a true Christian that will stick to their interest after that he is informed of the nullity of their calling and of the falshood of their doctrin Wherfore it will not be in the power of any prelatick polititian to make himself popular vpon the score of patronizing such a cause or Clergy against Liberty of conscience or Conferences and the Prelatick caracter and disciplin is to all other Protestant parties as odious as our late distempers have evidenced The only objection now remaining is that Presbyterians and other Sectaries will take the advantage of an Act for Liberty of Conscience or even for a change in Religion in case the Parliament should resolve vpon it for crying down of Monarchy But as we said t' is well known these Sectaries either desire Liberty of Conscience or their animosity is as great against Prelatick Protestancy as against Popery and if now they be kept in obedience and aw of the government the King and Parliament will be better able hereafter in case of any such liberty or change to keep them to their duty by the addition of the Church revenues then they are at present Besides it is very certain that among those Sectaries many are moral and conscientious persons and would conform to the truth of the Roman Catholick Religion had they bin rightly informed and the Tenets therof had not bin rendred odious and ridiculous by the impostures of Protestant preachers and the vulgar errors of a homly education all which obstacles will be easily removed if Catholicks have liberty to speak and reason for themselves So that considering the influence which Truth alwayes hath vpon honest dispositions such as our English are and the prejudice which all men retain against falshood when it is discovered and it is not their interest to promote it I see no danger of drawing the people into a Rebellion vpon the account of Liberty of Conscience or of opposing a change from Protestancy into the old Religion especialy seing the generality may hope thereby to see the Church Revenues lawfully and legaly applyed to their own ease and against all disturbers of the peace and Trade of these Nations Let us therfore have a fair Trial and conference in order to Liberty of Conscience and then judge of the truth and sincerity of both Clergys and of both Religions Notwithstanding the evident conveniency of this humble proposal I fear we do in vain flatter our selves with the hopes of a publick Conference We are inclined to believe what we wish for notwithstanding that former experience and our learned Adversaries knowledge of so cleer evidences on our side casts vs again into despair Did the busines depend of the vote of the whole multitude of the Protestant Clergy we might assure our selves of a conference because many of the ordinary Persons are honest and most so ignorant that they believe themselves to be in the right way of saluation for they take all that Bishop Jewell and Iohn Fox say for truth never examining it further But the Bishops and great Doctors are of another stamp I fear their guilt of conscience will busy them in opposing all Treaties and Trials of Truth and yet methinks not any one thing should render them more suspected of fraud and falshood then so vnreasonable an opposition 1. Because it argues diffidence of their cause 2. Because their Church being confessedly fallible and by consequence vncertain of the truth they ought not to refuse any means wherby men may be further informed therof Though we Papists believe the Roman Catholick Church infallible in matters of doctrin yet whensoever our Adversaries desire to conferr about Religion their Request is granted nay the Councell of Trent how ever inconsiderable Protestants make it invited all the learned Protestants of the world to propose therin all their doubts and difficulties offering all safety and civility to their persons And though the infallibility of our Church be not consistent with a submission of our faith to the judgment of a Third in point of doctrin yet that prerogative doth not debarr us from submitting ourselves in matter of fact and falsifications to a fair trial of indifferent persons As for the Pope and general Councells not submitting to a Third in controversies with Protestants it is no pride but a prerogative of all supreme Magistrats whether spiritual or temporal as our Adversaries confess and contest to be reasonable when their own Bishops deal with Non-conformists and all Lay Soveraigns must maintain the same when they treat with their revolted Subjects which Subjects are judged very vnreasonable if they refuse to treat with their King of grievances vnless he submits the controversy to the decision of a Third and much more intollerable if no competent Third were to be found as it is in our case vnless we think that Turks Iews or Pagans are fit men to judge of Christian Religion Wherefore if the Church of England thinks it unreasonable that her Sectaries should not conferr with prelatick Divines unless they have it under the seal and powers of Canterbury that the Arch-Bishops or the Convocation will submit to the judgment of a Third I understand not how Arch-Bishhop Laud could exact the like condition from the Pope or a general Council before Protestants would confer with Roman Catholicks The other reasons alledged
his religious habit though he had left the Monastery sayd Mass and was much tormented in his Conscience for running so desperat a cours as to appeale from the authority of Popes Fathers Councels and Church upon a punctilio of his mistaken honour How often saith he did my trembling hart beat with in me and reprehending me object against me that must strong argument Art thou only wise do so many worlds err were so many ages ignorant what if thou errest and drawest so many into error to be damned with thee eternally c. And again Dost thou O sole man and of no accounpt take upon thee so great matters What if thou being but one offendest Jf God permitt such so many and all to erre why may he not permit thee to erre Hitherto apartaine those arguments the Church the Church the Fathers the Fathers the Councels the Customs the Multituds and greatness of wise men whom do not these clouds and doutes yea these seas of examples ouerwhelm Being thus tormented and tossed between his passion of pride and a perplexity of mind himself relates at larg tom 7. Wittemb edit an 1558. lib. 1. de Missa angu how vpon a certain tyme he was sudainly awaked about midnight and how sathan began his disputation with him saying Harken right learned Doctor Luther Thou knowest thou hast celebrated priuat Mass by the space of 15. years almost euery day what if such Masses were horrible Idolaty c. The deuill speaking thus to me I burst forth all into a sweat and my heart began to tremble and leap voce forti gravi utitur the deuill had a graue and strong voice c. And then I learned how it came to pass that somtyms early in the morning men were found dead in their beds To the Deuill I answered I am an anoynted Priest receaued consecration from a Bishop and did all things by order of my Superiors In these streights and agony I would fain vanquish the Devill with the armes of Popery and did object the intention and faith of the Church c. But Sathan with greater force and vehemency did pursue Go to shew where it is writen teaching Luther to appeale to Scripture alone that a wicked and incredulous man can assist at the Altar of Christ and consecrate in the Churches faith c. If men have taught it without the express word of God it is altogether vntrue But in this sort are you acustomed to do all things in the dark under the name of the Church and so set to sale your owne abominations for Ecclesiastical doctrin c. After this disputation Luther was so well acquainted with the Devill that him self saith tom 2. Germ. Jen. fol. 77. Believe me J know the Devill very weell for now and then he walketh with me in my Chamber When I am among company he doth not trouble me but when he catcheth me alone then he teacheth me my manners And in Conc. Dom. Reminiscere fol. 19. apud Cochlaeum J am troughly acquainted with the Deuill for I haue eaten a bushell of salt in his company Yea confesseth in Colloq Germ. fol. 275.281 that the Devill was his Bed-fellow and lay with him more frequently and â—loser to him then his beloved Kate the Nun. And in litteris ad Electorem Saxoniae he saith The Devill doth so run to and fro trough my brain that J can neither write nor read And in Colloq Germ. fol. 283. brags thus J have a couple of rare Devills who attend and wait vpon me most diligently they are no petty Fiends but great Devills yea great Doctors of Divinity among the rest of the Devills One of these two great Doctors of Divinity continued his disputation thus against Luther Now I urge this that thou didst not consecrat in thy Mass but didst offer and adore only bread and wine and proposedst the same to be adored by others c. The institution of Christ is that other Christians may communicat in the Sacrament but thou art anointed not to distribute the Sacrament but to sacrifice and against Christs institution thou hast vsed the Mass for a Sacrifice c. And that which Christ did ordain for eating and drinking for the whole Church and to be given by the Priest to other Communicants c. of this thou dost make a propitiatory Sacrifice O! abomination aboue all abomination And after that Zealous and learned Devill had thus exclaimed and argued against the Sacrifice of the Mass the authority of the Church Transubstantiation and adoring of the B. Sacrament he reasons also against the intercession and prayer to Saints his words are set down by Luther in the same place thus We Spirits being rejected do not confide in Christs mercy neither do we look upon him as a Mediator or Savior but feare him as a cruell Judg such was thine and all other Papists faith c. Therfore ye did shun from Christ as a cruell Judg to Mary and the Saints and they were Mediators betvveen you and Christ so is Christ deprived of that glory In this disputation the Devill had so good success that Luther was convinced and resolued to become a Protestant and to preach and print not only against the Mass and the other particulars mentioned in his Disputation but upon these words of the Devill So is Christ deprived of glory did Luther ground his opinions against the necessity of good works in favor of Iustification by only faith against merit satisfaction Purgatory c. and maintained these his Diabolical opinions with so great obstinacy and so litle respect to Scripture Church Councells Fathers Princes and Prelats that such parts of Scripture as did not favor the Devills argument he either rejected them as apocrijphal or altered the words and sence in his Translations and Comments against all exemplars and copies either in Greek Hebrew or Latin And all Princes and Prelats that contradicted his errors he vilified in so virulent and villanous terms that none but a soule directed by the Devil could resolve to print them His Bull against all Bishops is full of most vile stuffe as also against the Duke of Brunzuick the Elector of Mentz c. In so much that his owne Scholler Sleidan acknowledgeth his manner of writing to be unworthy Base Scurilous c. In his Book and answer against K. Henry 8. he calls him an envious mad foole babling with much spittle in his mouth more furious then madness it self more doltish then folly it self indued with an impudent and vvhorish face without any one veine of princely bloud in his body a lying sophist a damnable rotten vvorme a Basilisk and progeny of an Adder a lying scurill couered with the title of a King a clounish wit a doltish head most wicked foolish and impudent Henry All this he says tom 2. Wittenberg fol. 333.334.335 fol. 338.334 he saith The King doth not only lye like a most vaine scurre but passeth a most wicked knave
of this Realm made in the 25. year of the reign of the King your Father be repealed and be it voyd and of no effect as also all and every such clauses Articles branches and matters contained and expressed in the afforsaid Act of Parliament made in the said 28. year of the Reign of the said late King your Father or in any other Act or Acts of Parliament as wherby your Highness is named or declared to be ilegitimat or the said marriage between the said King your Father and the said Queen your Mother is declared to be against the word of God or by any means vnlawful shal be and be repealed and be voyd and of no force nor effect to all intents constructions and purposes as if the same sentence or Act of Parliament had never bin had nor made and that the said marriage had and solemnized between your said most noble Father King Henry and your said most noble Mother Queen Catharin shal be definitivly cleerly and absolutly declared deemed and adjudged be and stand with God's law and his most holy word and to be accepted reputed and taken of good effect and validity to all Intents and purposes c. Notwithstanding that the force and fraud vsed by King Henry 8. Cranmer and others engaged in this divorce were so plainly manifested the Catholicks faith reestablished the folly and falshood of former schisms and heresies publickly acknowledged yet no sooner was Queen Mary deceased then Queen Elizabeth and her Protestant faction resolved to return to the former errours whervnto vicious persons who always are the greatest number were as vehemently inclined as men are to enjoy their liberty and to excuse the sensuality which they practised by the principles of that Religion And though it seemed a busines of great difficulty for Q. Elizabeth and her Councel to revive a Reformation which had bin so lately cryed down as schism and heresy by the vnanimous concurrence of a ful and lawful Parliament yet her Regal authority her sex and words wrought so strongly vpon the weakness of some and vpon the ambition of others that she gained the greater part of the house of Lords and yet but by on only voice for establishing Protestancy the Duke of Norfolk and the Earl of Arundel employing in her service all their interest with friends and relations against the Religion of their Ancestors And such Lords and Gentlemen saith D. r Heylin as had the managing of elections of their several Counties retained such for members of the house of Commons as they conceived most likly to comply with their intentions for a reformation Besids saith he the Queen was young vnmarried and like enough to entertain some thoughts of a husband so that it can be no great mervail not only if many of the nobility but some even of the Gentry also flattered themselves with possibilities of being the man whom she might choose to be her partner in the Regal Diadem Which hopes much smoothed the way to the accomplishment of her desires which otherwise might have proved more rugged and vnpassable c. Notwithstanding all these devices and compliances they never passed an Act in Parliament for the validity of her Mothers marriage on which saith Heylin her title most depended It seems the late former Act declaring the validity of Queen Catharins mariage deter'd her from attempting an other incompatible therwith and wherin men must have had contradicted themselves most imprudently as also the truth asserted by the many witnesses and confirmed with such individual circumstances that without infamy to the late Parliament they could not take from Queen Elizabeth the brand of bastardy Yet they resolved it should be no bar between her and the Crown and so they thrust her into the Throne which of right belonged to Mary Steward Queen of Scotland as is manifest to all that are not persuaded Catholick Religion doth make soveraigns incapable of Regal jurisdiction SECT VII Other effects of Protestancy after it was revived in England by Q. Elizabeth to exclude the Royal Family of the Stewards from the Crown of the nulity of her Clergy's caracter and jurisdiction By King Henry 8. his revolt from the Church of Rome not only the Religion but the realm of England was so embroyl'd that very many who had no right entertained hopes of ascending into the Royal Throne some by fishing in troubled waters others by marrying Q. Elizabeth others by their descent from the younger daughter of King Henry 7. all mention of the heires of the elder Sister having bin omitted or blotted out of the last will and Testament of K. Henry 8. and Q. Elizabeth having bin declared ilegitimat by three Acts of different Parliaments which never yet were repealed very few there were that did not hould their own title to be more legal then hers This confusion also made the Queen of Scots known right to be neglected But the French King who was concerned therin commanded her to be proclaimed Q. of England and quarter'd the Arms of great Britanie with his lilies Q. Elizabeth apprehended some daunger from a title so cleere seconded with the power of France and Scotland and therfore by the advice of Secretary Cecil and others resolved upon the chang of Religion and the destruction of the Catholick party and Clergy which favoured the Stewards claim The Protestant Reformation as being sutable both to her birth and interests was revived and a new caracter of Priesthood and Episcopacy devised not imprinted in the soule by imposition of Episcopal hands according to the Ghospel but in wax as if forsooth by the weight of the great seal and the vertue of a shee supremacy a woman or lay men might make Bishops This superficial formality was declared a sufficient caracter and ground of Episcopacy by a Junta of her Majesties lawyers and Divines as appeareth in their definitive sentence and her Commission to the Consecraters of her first Bishops D. r Parker and others wherin she dispenseth with all the inhabilities and incapasities even of their State and Condition because the true Bishops refused to ordain her Clergy and a Clergy she was resolved to have that would vote in Parliament and instruct the People as should be thought fit for her Succession and security And because the Roman Catholick Writers of those tyms laught at the Protestant Bishops Episcopacy and bid them shew the letters of their Orders not the letters patens of the Queen and tould them a secular Prince might give them the revenues of Bishopricks but not the Caracter of Bishops and that the same Catholick writers insisted much vpon their Adversaries not being able to name what Bishops did consecrat them and besids pleaded in the publick Court they were not realy nor legaly ordained and that afterwards it appeared so to the Iury appointed for the examination therof both the Queen and her Bishops found it absolutly necessary for her credit and their caracter to ratify all Acts and things
could not otherwise be admitted but however though it was lawfull to begin with such beggarly rudiments yet it behooved the learned grave and godly Ministers of Christ to endeavour farther and set forth somthing more refiâ—ed from filth and vncleaness How great a Cheat Calvin was had bin partly sayd heretofore but whosoever desires to be fully informed of his particular villanies and hypocrisy let him read his life writen by Ierom Bolseck Anno 1577. There he will find how Calvin continued to practise his execrable Sodomy adultery c. How he compassed the Heretick Servetus his death vnder the pretence of Heresy though Calvin him-self wrot a book a litle before to prove that no Heretick ought to be put to death for his Religion but the true cause oâ— his quarell to Servetus was the frauds and falsifications that Servetus had discovered in Calvin's Institutions and published them How he banished from Geneva divers Ministers and Gentlemen that did not favour his way and how he forged letters and suborned an Italian to make Peter Waldâ—â—â—â—â— and the Balâ—asars Traytors but they cleered them-selves and the Lords of Bern gave publick Testimony of their innocency and of Calvin's knavery How this Cheat to make him-self famous devised divers letters and other works in praise of him-self and published them vnder the name of one Galatius and others But Peter Veretus Minister of Lausaâ—a found out the truth and threatned to discredit Calvin who to pacify Veretus writ to him that it was expedient by such means to get in credit for their cause and that he meant shortly to do as much in the commendation of him and Farellus also and so stopt his mouth How Calvin after that he had broken and defaced the Jmages of Christ and Saints in Geneva caused his own picture to be set vp in divers places and vsed also to give litle pictures and Images of him-self to Gentle-women and Gentle-men to carry about their necks And when on tould him that some thought much of this he answered he that cannot abide it let him burst for enuy And twenty more the like But from their Apostle Calvin let us return to his flock the English exiled Clergy This Sentence of Calvin saith Heylin was of such prevalency with all the rest of that party that such who formerly did approve did afterwards as much dislike the English Liturgy and those who at first had conceived only a dislike grew afterwards into an open detestation of it But in the end to give content to such as remained affected to the former Liturgy it was agreed vpon that a mixt form consisting partly of the order of Geneva and partly of the Book of England should be digested and received till the first of April consideration in the mean time to be had of some other cours which should be permanent and oblidging for the time to come Here the Reader may observe the hipocrisy and impiety of this Protestant Clerâ—â— In England they imposed this Liturgy vpon the whole Kingdom as agreable to the word of God and the work was pretended to have bin composed by the assistence of the Holy Ghost words of the Statut wherby it was made legal and thousands of Catholicks were slain in many shires of England by the Protector 's forces because they would noâ— accept of it in steed of the Mass and now they who preach'd and press'd this violence against Recusants contemn and reject their own doctrin and disciplin But as soon as Queen Elizabeth was in possession of the Crown these very men who in Germany had so often changed and condemned their English Liturgy and Religion now to become Bishops turned again in England with the times and were the chief 〈◊〉 of that Church Horn was named to the Sea of Winchester Grindal to that of London Sandys to Worcester Parkhurst to Norwich and Whitehead was offered if you believe Heylin the Archbishoprick of Canterbury c. And being thus exalted were never contented vntil they had penal and sanguinary Statuts enacted against Priestâ— and Popish Recusants for not conforming to that doctrin and Liturgy these godly Prelats had so much sleighted and altered in Germany and postpon'd to â—â—lvin's disciplin and were ready to do the same or wors again in England if occasion had bin offered After that the English Liturgy had bin thus forsaken and despised in Germany D. r Kâ—x who had bin Schoolmaster and Almonâ—er to King Edward 6. arrived at Franckford and could with no patience saith Heylin endure the rejection of that Liturgy in the drawing vp wherof him-self had a principal hand and therfore disturbes the new disciplin Wittingham and Knox procured an Order from the Magistrat against Kox his desâ—ign but Kox accuseth Knox for treason against the Emperour and therfore Knox is commanded by the Senat to depart from Franckford Kox procures Whitehead to be chosen for the principal Pastor appoints two Ministers for Elders and foure Deacons for Assistants then gives an account to Calvin excusing him-self that he had proceeded so far without his consent By the way you may see that Kox was then a good Calvinist in disciplin though afterwards he became a Prelatick 1. Eliz. when he got the Bishoprick of Ely Whitehead not able to rule such a contentious Congregation resign'd his place to Horn between whom and on Ashley were such factions and divisions that Horn with his Elders were forc't to forsake their Offices and Ashleys party got the better and composed a Book of disciplin according to the rules wherof the Congregation was govern'd The Magistrat not able to agree the difference sends for Cox and Sandys to compose it but to no purpose They who stood for Ashley's new disciplin got the power into their hands whervpon Horn and Chambers depart to Strazburg Such were the troubles and disorders saith Heylin in the Church of Franckford occasioned first by a dislike of their publick Liturgy before which they preferred the nakedness and simplicity of the French and Genevian Churches and afterwards continued by the opposition made by the general Body of the Congregation against such as were appointed to be Pastors and Rulers over them An other argument of the sincerity and Religion of this Clergy is that during the Reign of Queen Mary in England they taught and printed that the Government of women is against the Law of nature and not to be endured by Christians but as soon as she dyed they writ and preached the quite contrary in favour of Queen Elizabeth whom they were not content to make temporal head of the common-wealth but supreme Governess of the Church in all Spiritual affaires we have seen their proceedings in Queen Maries days now to Queen Elizabeths SECT IV. Abominable Frauds and willful Falsifications of the Protestant Clergy in Queen Elizabeths reign to maintain their doctrin set forth vnder the name of an Apology and defence of the Church of England AFter that Queen Elizabeth by giving hopes
chalenged them to name him Who hath layd hands on you how and by whom are you consecrated saith Harding and Stapleton How chanced then Mr· Iewell that you and your fellowes bearing your selves for Bishops c. have taken vpon you that Office without any Imposition of hands J ask not who gave you Bishopricks but who made you Bishops Me thinks Iewell and his Camerades the first Protestant Bishops might easily have answered by only naming the person who consecrated them and the place of their consecration But not a word of this point Iewell indeed once attempted to answer something but it had bin better for himself and his Companions he had sayd nothing for his silence to the question might have bin interpreted a slighting of the demand by the Bigots of his Church that endeavor to make the most palpable absurdities probable answers in this and other Controversies Iewell therfore saith himself was a Bishop by the free and accustomed Canonical election of the whole Chapter of â—â—lesbury but to the question how he or Parker together with the first Bishops were consecrated or by whom not one 〈◊〉 After having first contented himself and by conseâ—â—nce Arch-bishop Parker and his other Camerades that were â—â—â—stioned with a bare election of the Chapter insteed of an Episcopal consecration yet he adds our Bishops are made in form 〈◊〉 Order as they have bin ever by free election of the Chapter 〈◊〉 consecration of the Arch-bishop and three other Bishops Heere we may observe both fraud and folly because he doth not answer to the question his adversary askes him how himself and the first protestant Bishops wherof Arch-bishop 〈◊〉 was one and the chief were consecrated and by whom 〈◊〉 lieu of answering Arch-bishop Parker my self and the other 〈◊〉 Bishop were consecrated by such a man and in such a place 〈◊〉 his Adversary our Bishops are made by consecration of the Arch-bishop c. Perhaps he meant that Arch-bishop Parker conâ—â—â—rated himself by imposition of his own hands therfore Harding tells him and how I pray you was your Arch-bishop himself consecrated For that was the question and main point of the Controversy what three Bishops were there in the realm to 〈◊〉 hands on him c. There were antient Bishops enough in England who either were not required or refused to consecrate you He alludes to the Bishop of Landaff who refused to consecrate them at the nags-head and to the Irish Arch-Bishop Creagh who refused also to lay hands on them though they offered him his liberty being then prisoner in the Tower if he would do them that favor What Parker Horn Jewell and none of the first Bishopâ— could do but some fiue or six yeares after their pretended conconsecration their successors of the Church of England have don above fifty yeares after They shewed in the yeare 1613. a Register not only with the names of Parker's Consecrators but with a description of the tapestry on the east-side of the Chappell read 〈…〉 Sermon Communion concourse of people c. at the solemnity of his consecration at Lambeth forsooth and yet neither Parker himself nor any Protestant or Catholick ever heard of such a solemnity Consecration or Consecrators when both parties were so highly engaged about the names of the place and persons and made it the subject of printed Bookes and all this their contest was in a time that it might have been soon ended by 〈◊〉 or Horn's only writing in their answers to 〈…〉 of their Adversaries the names of 〈…〉 place of their Consecration without troubling themselves with copying 〈◊〉 of the Registers the richness of the tapestry or the color of the cloath c. menmentioned by M. r Mason to make the fable credible by so common and ordinary stuff seing he durst not venture upon more individual circumstances But because no Protestant can believe so great 〈◊〉 was kept about â—â—thing M. r Mason Primat Bramhall D. r Heylin and all other modern prelatick writers endeavor to persuade the layty of the Church of England that the dispute between Harding and Jewell Stapleton and Horn was not about the validity but concerning the legality of the first Protestant Bishops consecration because forsooth Bishop Bonâ—er in his plea and Controvertists in their bookes only pretended that there was no law 1. Eliz. to warrant Edward 6. forme of consecrating Bishops Q. Mary having repealed the same with the booke of Ordination which Stapleton and the rest fancied was not revived with that of the common prayer 2. Elizab. by act of Parliament But though this evasion hath bin sufficiently confuted by the Author of the nullity of the Prelatick Clergy and 〈◊〉 of England against Primat Bramhall yet I admire he omitted these ensuing words of D. r Stapleton's which demonstrate our Catholick exceptions were not grounded upon Stapleton's persuasion of the want of Laws or statuts then in force for confirming the forme or Booke of Ordination but they were â—â—ther grounded upon a cleere evidence that though the sayd forme and Book of ordination was legal then yet there had bin 〈◊〉 Consecration at all performed For thus saith D. r Stapleton to Horn pretended Bishop of â—â—â—chester It is not the Princes only pleasure that maketh a Bishop 〈◊〉 there must be free election without either forcing the Clergy to 〈◊〉 or forcing the Chosen it seems Horn payd a good summ 〈◊〉 his Bishoprick to filthy bribery and also there must follow a 〈◊〉 consecration which you and all your Fellowes do lack and therâ—â—â—â— you are indeed no true Bishops neither by the law of the Church 〈◊〉 yet by the law of the realm for want of due consecration expressly required by an act of Parliament renewed in this Queenes dâ—yes in suffragan Bishops much more in you By which words 〈◊〉 appeares that the exception was not grounded vpon D. r Staâ—â—â—ton or any other Catholicks persuasion that Q. Elizabeth had not sufficiently renewed the booke and forme of ordination by 〈◊〉 act of Parliament 1. Eliz. but on the quite contrary and that though there was an act yet the Bishops could not be vaâ—â—â—ly consecrated according to that Act of Parliament that Stapleton says was renewed 1. Eliz. for want of a true Bishop to â—â—ercise that function not for want of any Law to authorise â—piscopal consecration all the Catholick Bishops who were named in her first commission having refused to act by her order and her Majesties Dispensation in her second commission not only with her own statute but with the very state and condition of the Protestant Consecrators who were not Bishops could not be of force to give them a spiritual caracter Wherfore M. r Parker Grindall Horn Jewell and the rest of the first Bishops who understood better their own condition then their Successours would seeme now to do resolved in their 〈◊〉 1562. to publish the 39. Articles made by Cranmer and his Junra but with some alteration and addition especially to that article
learned adversary proves had continued the very same notwithstanding many temporal changes from our first conversion vntill K. Henry 8. and Q Elizabeths reigns and was that very faith which we papists now profess rather 〈◊〉 Fox would confess this truth he resolved to falsify and corrupt venerable Bede's Ecclesiastical History and a provincial Synod of the English Clergy held at Hartford by Theodoâ—â—â— Arch-bishop of Canterbury in the year 673. the decrees wherof he doth so alter that comparing them with themselves â—s they are in St. Bede whom Fox pretends to follow they do not seem to be the same and this he doth also to discredit the Catholick Church of England charging it with decreeing a condemned heresy about keeping of Easter The first decree of this synod was saith Fox that Easter day should be vnformally kept and observed throughout the whole realm vpon one certain day videlicet Prima 14. Luna mensis prioris That is to say vpon the first 14. moon or day of the moon of the first month to wit of March which is just as the Iewes do observe it contrary to the Councell of Nice Well then let vs see what the words of St. Bede himself are in this synodical Decree Primum Capitulum saith he relating it out of the words of the Canons themselves vt Sanctum diem Paschae in communi omnes servemus Dominica post 14. Lunam primi mensis The first article of our decrees saith the Councell is that we do all in common observe the holy day of Easter vpon the sunday next after the fourteenth moon of the first month This is quite contrary to that which Fox relateth he putting out Dominica which maketh or marreth all the matter and then for post decimam quartam lunam written at large in Bede he putteth in prima 14. luna short in numbers only to make it more obscure adding prima of his own and putting out post from the words of this Councell more over he addeth of his own these words vpon one certain day which the Decree hath not meaning therby that this 14. day must be observed with such certainty as it may not be altered or differred to any Sunday in which consisteth the heresy of the Quarta decimans and therby to make the ancient Church of England in St. Theodores time guilty of that heresy To favour the doctrin and practice of Protestants in putting away their wives for fornication and marrying an other he quotes the tenth Decree of the same synod and sets down such words only as seemed to authorise his error and then breaketh off as if the Decree ended there Thus he citeth the Canon Tenthly that no man put away his wife for any cause except for fornication 〈◊〉 the rule of the Ghospell and there stops wheras the Canon is Nullus conjugeâ—â— propriam nisi vt sanctum Evangelium docet fornicationis causa relinquat Quod si quisquam propriâ—m expulerit â—â—njugem legitiâ—o sibi matrimonio conjunctam si Christianus esse recte voluerit nulli 〈…〉 sed ita permaneatâ—aut propriae reconcilietur Conjugi Let no man leave his own wife but only as the holy Ghospell teacheth vs for the cause of fornication and if any man should put away his wife that is joyned to him by lawfull marriage if he will be a true Christian let him not marry another but either remain so in continency or be reconciled to his own wife again Hee wasteth much paper in discrediting Pope Gregory the 7. by Protestants called Pope Hildebrand whom notwithstanding the chief writers of his time exceedingly commend for a Saint and a learned man as you may see in Bellarmin But Fox saith Antoninus writeth that Hildebrand as he lay a dying desired one of his Cardinals to go to the Emperour and desire him forgâ—â—â—ness absolving both him and his partners from excommunication c. Which he relateth to the end his Reader might think that the Pope went against his conscience in excommunicating the Emperour and that St. Antoninus believed the same story to be true wheras St. Antoninus his words are that it was reported how Gregory 7. had sent a Cardinal to the Emperour and to all the Church to wish him Indulgence which yet for many causes saith Antoninus I do not believe to be true These words honest Fox omitteth And it is recorded by an Impartiall German Author that Pope Gregory 7. last words lying on his death-bed in Salerno were these Dilexi Iustitiam 〈…〉 iniquitatem propteria morior in exilio c. I have loved 〈◊〉 and hated iniquity and for this do I dy in banishment Being driven away from his Sea by the violence of the Emperour I read and find saith Fox that in a Councell holden â—t Rome by Pope Hildebrand and other Bishops they did 〈◊〉 three things 1. That no Priests hereafter should marry wives â— Thâ—â— all such as were marryed should be divorced 3. That none hâ—â—â—fter should be admitted to the order of Priesthood but should 〈◊〉 perpetual chastity But he quoteth not one Author for 〈◊〉 three lyes and in the lines immediatly following where 〈◊〉 down in English the Copy of Pope Gregory 7. Bull 〈◊〉 this matter he sufficiently proves his own sayings to be lyes for thus saith the Bull If there be any Priests Deacons or 〈◊〉 deacons that will still remain in the sin of fornication which 〈◊〉 is not applicable to marriage we forbid them the 〈…〉 till they amend and repent But if they persever in their sin we charge that none presume to hear their service And â—â—cordingly it 〈◊〉 the Canon Officium Symoniacorum in 〈…〉 scienter nullo modo recipiatis And Tritemius relateth the matter thus Pope Gregory forbad men to hear the mâ—st of such Priests as were known to have Concubines But Fox 〈◊〉 other Protestants would needs face vs down that Hildebrâ—â—d was the first who prohibited Priests marriage wheras Origen above 1400. years ago tells even of the Greek Church 〈◊〉 solius est offerre Sacrificium qui perpetuae se devoverit castitati To him only belongeth to offer sacrifice who hath vowed himself to pâ—â—petual chastity And Eusebius one of the first Councell of Nice 〈◊〉 of them who were made Priests being married that it becommeth them to contain themselves for the time to come from all dealing with wives And Marianus Scotus speaking of Gregory 7. and of that Roman Synod being in his own time saith Pope Gregory 7. having made a Synod did according to the decree of St. Peter and St. Clemâ—â—t his successor and of other holy fathers forbid vnto Clergy men c. to have wives or dwell with women And Pope Alexander 2. and Pope Nicholas 2. Predecessors to Gregory 7. made the same decree that Hildebrand did as appeareth in their Canons yet exâ—ant It were both endless and needless to set down all John Fox his willfull lyes the fraudulent and â—â—olish tricks and devices wherwith he and
of the two parties are guilty of counterfeiting evidences that is of changing the ancient letter and sense of Scripture and of corrupting and falsifying the Catholick Fathers and Councells It is but matter of fact and may be soon resolved We have given our charge against our Adversaries long since in our printed Books and in this do renew the same Let the Court command them to put in their answer And because the Protestant Clergy hath alwayes endeavored to make vs odious and obnoxious to the state as vnnatural subjects and ill patriots and will strive now to persuade the world that our zeale in manifesting their frauds and falsifications proceeds not from a desire of manifesting the truth but from covetousness of possessing their lands we doubt not but that in case reason and equity appeareth to be on the Catholick side the Catholick Clergy will resign vnto his Majesty all their claim and right to the Church livings of the three Kingdoms to be freely disposed of in pious and publik vses as he and his Parliament will think most fit for the honor of God and defence of this Monarchy against forrein enemies and seditious subjects Wherin we do no more then duty and our Brethren did in the like occasion in Q. Maries reign And as our offer can have no design but duty so this Tryal can not be against conscience and may prove to be of great consequence both for the salvation of soules and satisfaction of his Majestyes subjects It can not be against the tenderness of Protestant consciences because Roman Catholicks who pretend to a greater certainty of doctrin as believing the Roman Catholick Church to be infallible have admitted of such a tryal in France an 1600. in presence of the King then a Catholick the princes and of all the Court and hath bin translated into English in the third part of the 3. Conversions In hopes that Protestants may be moved by such an example and follow the same Method I will set down the summe of the Tryal SVBSECT IV. A brief relation of a Tryal held in France about Religion wherof the Lord Chancellor of France was Moderator IN the year 1600. there came forth a book in Paris vnder the name of Monsieur de Plessis a Hugonot and Governor of Samur against the Mass which book making great shew as the fashion is of abundance and ostentation of Fathers Councells Doctors and stories for his purpose great admiration seemed to be conceived therof and the Protestants every where began to tryumph of so famous a work Iust as our prelatiks have don of late when Doctor Ieremy Taylor 's Dissuasive from Popery was published in Ireland printed and reprinted in England wherupon divers Catholick learned men took occasion to examin the sayd book of Plessis as others have don lately with Doctor Taylors Dissuasive and finding many most egregious deceits shifts and falsifications therin divers books were written against it and one in particular by a French Iesuit discovering at least a thousand falshoods of his part And the Bishop of Eureux afterwards Cardinal Peron Protested vpon his honor in the pulpit that he could shew more then 500. Falsifications in the Book for his part Hereupon the Duke of Bovillon Monsieur Rosny Mr. Digiers and other Protestant Lords began to call for a tryal of the truth for that it seemed to touch all their honors as well as that of their Protestant Religion It were to be wish'd that some of our English Protestant Nobility and Gentry did imitat the French Hugonots rather in this example of the sense they shewed both of honor and conscience then in the fashion of their cloaths cringies and congies The English Protestants have more reason to vindicat Doctor Taylor 's Dissuasive from the aspersions of frauds and falsifications layd to that Bishop's charge then the french Hugonots had to vindicat de Plessis his Book which was but the work of a Lay-man or at least not set out by order of the Hugonot Clergy as Bishop Taylor 's Dissuasive was resolved vpon and published by order of the Protestant prelatik Convocation of Ireland and both the book and Taylor the Author or Amanuensis so much applauded in England that the Dissuasive hath often bin printed at London and the Dissuader's picture in his Canonical habit placed in the beginning of his book with a stern and severe countenance as if he were sharply reprehending St. Ignatius and his learned Jesuits for cheating and selling of soules of which crime they are accused with Mottos set vnder and over their pictures after Taylor 's preface If you add to this insulting dress the impudent drift of the book which is to dissuade all the Irish and English Catholicks from popery you will find that the credit and Religion of prelatik Protestants is more deeply engaged in maintaining the truth of Bishop Taylor 's cause then the French Hugonots in vindicating Monsieur de Plessis and defending his book against the Mass. But to our story Though Plessis had challenged Peron to prove the falsifications that Peron had layd to his charge yet when he saw that Peron accepted of the challenge Plessis began to shrink and seek delayes but by the King 's express command both parties appeared before his Majesty at Fontainbleau where Plessis came with five or Six Ministers on his side to which sort of people it seems he gave too much credit and vpon their word took all his arguments as appeareth by the words of Peron After that Peron had offered to shew 500. enormous and open falsifications in his only book of the Mass he addeth and moreover I say if that after this our conference ended he will take vpon him for his part to choose amongst all his citations of his Book or Books any such authorities as he thinketh most sure against vs I do bind my self for conclusion of all to refute the whole choice and to shew that neither in his sayd Book against the Mass nor in his Treatise of the Church nor in his Common-wealth of Traditions is there to be found so much as any one place among them all which is not either falsly cited or impertinent to the matter or vnprofitably alledged c. neither do J hereby pretend to blame him for any other thing then that he hath bin over credulous in believing the fals relations and Collections of others that have endeavored to abuse the industry and authority of his pen. This disputation saith Peron in his answer to Plessis Challenge shall not be like to others in former times wherein were examined matters of doctrin and the truth therof c. In examination wherof the shifts and sleights of the Disputers and other disguising of the matters might make the truth vncertain to the hearers But all Questions in this disputation shall only be questions of fact whether places be truly alledged or no for tryal wherof it shall only be needfull to bring eyes for Iudges to behold whether
bounds when he took vpon him to excommunicat the Bishops of the East S. Ireneus found fault with his seuerity but neuer doubted of his authority The Centurists Centur. 3. Col. 168. do condemn S. Stephen Pope and Martyr for vndertaking to threaten excommunication to Helenus Firmilianus and all others throughout Cicilia Capadocia and Galacia for rebaptysing Heretiks And col 84. They reprehend S. Cyprian for teaching that the Roman Church ought to be acknowledged of all others for the mother and root of the Catholick Church And Centur. 4. col 764. they confess that the Councell of Sardis consisting of 300. Bishops and aboue assembled from all parts of the world and wher at sundry Fathers of the Nicen Councell were present decreed appeals to the Bishop of Rome [a] M. r Whitaker Lib. de Antichristo contra Sanderum pag 35. answering D. r Sanders who affirmed and proued that the Roman Church was not changed during the first 600. yeares after Christ Whitaker saith During all that time the Church was pure and florished and inuiolably taught and defended the faith deliuered from the Apostles See the same acknowledged by M. r Fulk in his confutation of Purgatory pag 373. And by Reynolds in his conference with Mr. Hart pag 443. And Mr. Iewell in his reply to Mr. Harding pag 246. That the Roman faith and the Catholick faith are Synonima or the same appeared by [b] S. Hieroms words in Apo 2. adversus Rufinum who pretending to be a Catholick S. Hierom demands What doth he call his faith That which the Church of Rome holdeth If he answered it is the Roman ergo Catholici sumus then without doubt we are Catholicks And ep 57. ad Damasum Papam Quicumque extra banc domum Agnum comederit profanus est quicumque tecuÌ„ non colligit spargit S. Cyprian lib 4. epist 2. speaks thus to Antonianus You writ that I should send a Copy of the letters to Cornelius Pope to the end that you communicat with him that is to say with the Catholick Church And the same S. Cyprian ibid Epist 45. ad Cornelium it seemeth good to us that letters should be sent to all our Colleagues at Rome that they should firmly embrace your communion that is to say the Catholick Church Et Ibid Ego nullum primum nisi Christum sequens Beatitudini tuae id est Cathedrae Petri communione consocior Super illaÌ„ Petram aedificataÌ„ EcclesiaÌ„ scio And S. Ambrose de obitu Fratris reporteth how his Brother Satyrus being desirous to know whether the Bishop to whom he came were Catholick or no asked him whether he did communicat with the Catholick Bishop hoc est cum Romana Ecclesia convenerit [d] ¶ Theodoret d a Greek Father in his Epistle to Pope Leo placed before his Commentaries vpon S. Pauls Epistle saith behold after all trauel and sweat I am condemned being not so much as accused But I look for sentence of your Apostolik sea and I humbly beseech and require your Holiness in this case to aide me justum vestrum rectum appellanti judicium appealing to your right and just judgment and command me to come before you And in his Epistle ad Renatum Presbit he further saith I beseech thee persuade the most holy Arch Bishop Leo to exercise his Apostolical authority and command me to go to your Councel because that holy Sea hath the government of all the Churches of the World S. Chrysost. in Epist. ad Innocentium Papam saith I beseech you write that these things so wrongfully don in my absence and I not refusing judgment may not be of force and that those who haue don wrong may be subject to the penalties of the Ecclesiastical lawes c. And command vs to be restored to our Church c. Pope Innocentius in his Epistle to Arcadius the Emperor and his wife who were aduerse to S. Chrysostom and took part with Theophilus quoted Centur 5. col 663. saith I the last of all and a sinner yet hauing the throne of the great Apostle Peter committed to me do separat and remoue thee and her from receauing the immaculat mysteries of Christ our God and euery Bishop or any other of the Clergy which shall presume to minister or giue to you those holy Mysteries after the time that you haue read these present lettres of my Order I prononce them voyd of their dignity c. Arsacius whom you placed in the Bishops throne in Chrysostoms roome though he be dead we depose and command that his name be not written in the role of Bishops In like manner we depose all other Bishops which of purposed aduice haue communicated with him c. To the deposing of Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria we add excommunication c. The Centurists Cent. 5. col 778. say of the Fathers of that 5. Century They did affirm erroniously that antiquity had attributed the principality of priestood to the Roman Bishop aboue all And Col. 782. they set down the general Councell of Calcedons petition to Pope Leo desiring his Holyness to confirm their Decrees and Col 823. the words of the Councell of Carthage to Pope Innocentius supplicating that to the statutes of their mediocrity might be added the authority of the Sea Apostolick They further acknowledged that the Pope summoned S. Athanasius and his aduersaries to appeare at Rome And that Athanasius obeyed wherof see also Nicephor l. 9. c. 6. and hist. Tripartit l. 4. cap. 6. D. Philip. Nicolai de Regno Christ. l. 2. pag. 149. confesseth that Julius Pope exercised the supreme spiritual Jurisdiction as given ex praescripto jure divino and as St. Peters Successor as also Pope Damasus and Pope Jnnocentius afterwards See Iulius epistle to the Churches of the East Centâ—r 4. col 735. and col 746. how Pope Julius saith to them are ye ignorant of the custom to write to vs first to the end from hence may be determined what is just c. For what things wee have received from St. Peter the Apostle those I signifie to you [e] ¶ Functius a Protestant writter in lib. 7. Chronolog anno Christi 494. saith Henaias was the first who raised war in the Church against Images Nicepâ— in Hist Eccl. lib. 16. c. 27. saith Henaias iste primus O audacem animam os impudens vocem illam evomuit Christi eorum qui illi placuere Imagines venerandas non esse August haer 53. Epiphan haer 75. mentions Aerius his nouelties against fasting appointed by the Church prayer for the dead c. Wherof M. r Fulk in his answer to a counterfeit Catholick pag 44. c. 41. saith I will not dissemble c. Aerius taught that prayer for the dead was unprofitable as wittnes both Epiphan and Austin which they count for an error S. Aug. de Eccl. dog c. 73. saith We belieue that the bodyes of Saints and chiefly the Reliques of holy Martyrs ought to be most sincearly honored as if they
Pontif. printed at Basil 1558. page 44 45.46 confesseth besides that St. Gregory held the Sacrifice of the Mass the doctrin of Purgatory c. See Bale in his Pagea of Popes pag. 27. of S. Leo Doct. Humfrey Iesuitissimi pag. 1. rat 5. pag. 626. How particularly the Protestant Clergy â—s charged with frauds and falsifications in maintaining their Religion After Doctor Taylors death his freinds have published a second part of his Dissuasive which is so weack a vindication of the first that it needs not that Reply which is now in hand by E. W. his Adversary Fox pag. 200. vol. 1. num 2. See hereafter some of his falsifications in particular objected to him by the Catholik Bishops and Doctors at his triall Dr. Heylin ed. 6. pag 89 Three Convers of England Part. 2 pag. 593. See the stat an 28. Henr. cap. 7. 1536 Mathews his Bible and the Bible of the large volume was the worck of Tyndal and Coverdale and Rogers well lickt of Cranmer Stat. anno Dom. 1547· Ed. 6. an 1. Fox pag. 1942. Fox in a marginal not vpon this last part saith Bishop Ridleyes profecy vpon the Episcopal see op London Rogers Of Bishop Poynet Schism Angl. pag. 216. Schism Angl. Ed 6. pag. 194. 19â— John Bale writes thus of him self Cent. 5. fol. 245. when I was a boy of twelue yearâ— old at Norwich I was thrust into the Heâ—â— of the white Monks â— Carmelites The word the lord aâ—â—pearing I saw mine own deformity to wit of being a Priest and a friar I did presently theÌ„ scrape out the cursed caracter of the horrible beast for that I took vnto me a most faithful wife Dorothy and this not from any man nor by any man's helpe but by the special guift and Word of Christ. This friar makes Chirst it 〈◊〉 woer for him to marry a Nun and yet he calls our S. Austin and his chast Monks togeather vviâ—h the vvhole primitive Church of England a Carnal Synagogue Osiander in Epitom cent 9 10. â—1 pag 454. act 15. Melanâ—â—â—on in disput de cura Magistrat c. Stows Annals pa. 550. Schism An. pag. 17.217 Of Coverdale and his Bible See Fox pag. 1362. 1363. pag. 1362. Schism pag. 217. Fox pag. 136â— first edit See Dr. Heylins Ecclesia resta 〈◊〉 Queen Mary pag. 80. Melancton in epitom 8. vbi vociferantur quidam Martyres Anglicos esse Martyres diaboli Jbid. pa. 80 Jbidem Heylin Ecclesia restaurata in Queen Mary pa 39 seqq Heylin cit pag. 61. Pag. 60. Queen Mary Heylin cit pag. 63. Schism Angl. pag. 107. Dr Heylin 1. Eliz. pag. 107. D. r Heylin Eccl restaur Q. Elizabeth pag. 103. part 3. Sect. 1. Harding in his rejoind erto Mr. Iewel 's reply 1556. in his epistle to the Reader Dr. Heylin in his Eccles. restaurata hist. Q Eliz. p. 130. 131 Euseb. in Hist. Eccles. lib 6. c. 36. Iewel reply pag. 134. Iewel pag. 132. Luc. 24. Chrysost. ho. 17. in Math. Aug. de consensu Evang. l. 3.6.25 de serm 140. Theophil alii Jewel def of the Apology fol. 222. 1. Tim. 4. â— 3. Apol. defenc pag. 176. Jewel Apol cap. 19 divis l. in defen fol. 517. Reply pag. 239. Bede lib. 1. cap. 27. Scripture corrupted Math. 13 37· Staplet return fol. 32 33. Jn vita St. Andreae pet Presbiterâ—â— Achaiae See heretofore part 1. See the defence pag. 132. S. Cyprian lib. 1. ep 6. ad magn Novatian is not in the Church nor can he be computed a Bishop who succeeding to none and contemning the Evangelical and Apostolical Tradition is ordained by him-self And a litle after He who succeeds no body and begins from him-self is a stranger and profane Optatus lib. 2. cont Parmen There 〈…〉 of their own heads without Divinâ— disposition 〈◊〉 them-selves over rash people assembled togeather who make them-selves Prelats without 〈◊〉 of ordination and take vpon them the name of Bishops and Bishopricks without having received them from any S. Austin ex quaest in nov 〈◊〉 Tostam 100. saith of Hereticks They perturâ—e the order begun from the Apostle Peter and observed vntill this time by a continuation of succeeding Bishops they set vp an Order for them-selves without a beginning And tom 7. contra epist. Manich. cap. 4. Tenet aâ— ipsa Petri Sede c. vsque ad prâ—sentem Episcopatum successio Sacerdotum See Jren. l. 3. adversus haeres c. 3. Defence Apolog pag. 6â—7 In appendicâ— Conc. Consta. § in primis pag. 29.2 Iustinian l. 4. Histor. Venet Bemb Hist. Venet. Sabel Decad 2. l 1. â—20 Ennead 9. lib. 8.260 Gregory l. 7. epist 30. Indict ll Bede l 2. c. 3. Hist. 1. Cor. 16. Apol. of the Church of England part 4. Iewell defence of the Apology pag. 130. Stapleton Counterblast fol. 30â— 30â— An. 1. Eliz. c. 1. Acts and Mon. pag. 2016. Eccles. Polity l. 2. sec. 6. pag. 112. Whitaker in respons ad rat Campt rat 5. pag. 50. Dr. Heylin Eccl. restaur q. Eliz. pag. 130. Three Convers in the relation of the tryall made before the French King 1600. pag. 55. Jewell's answer to excuse his wilfull falsifications The Magdeburgian writers Centur. 2. 3. cap. 4. condemn the Fathers for asserting the Sacrifice of the Mass c. Centur. 2. c. 4. Centur. 3. c. 4. p. 77. Centur. 4. Valentia his comparison of Protestant writers and the Magdeburgians Cent. 3. c. 4. Magdeburg in praef Ep. dedic ad Eliz. Angl. Reg. in Cent. 4. Cent. 2. c. 4. pag. 55. Fox in his protestation to the Church of England pag. 2. 3. Fox in Protest ad Eccl Angl. Tretemius in verbo Bertramus Sand de visibili Monarchia haeres 133. Gerson lib. contra Romant ExtravagaÌ„t de Trin Guido Carmel Caesarius Gadnin lib. 6. hist. Franc. Naucler in hist. Tritem in Chron. Monast Hirsang Genebr in Chron. an 1215. Sylvius lib. 4. de Orig. Bohem cap â—5 Vsparg in Chron. an 1212. Guid. Carm. in haeres Waldens Antonin p. 3. sum tit 11. c. 7. Caesar. 5. dist dialog hixemb haeres Albi Prascol Sander ibideÌ„ Tritem in Chron. an Dom. 1315. Fox pag. â—93 Acts. and mon. pag. 9â— Pag. 1395. 1555. Fox pag. 1414. Fox pag. 1558. Difference between the persecution of Catholiks and Protestants Bede 〈◊〉 4 cap. 5. Bede lib. 4. hist. cap. 5. Fox 112. Bede lib 4. hist. cap. 5. Fox pag 164 Anton. part 2. tit 16. c. 1. §. 21. Naucler generat 37. Distinct. 23. c praeter §. verum apud Anton tit 16. Tritem in Chron. an 1075. Origen hom 23. in lib. nu Euseb. lib. 1. demonstrat Evang. c 9. Marianus Scotus in Chron. an 1096. 1. â— 4. concil pag. 79. Distinct. 32. vt supra c. nullus Iohn Fox in his Acts and monuments is endless in lyes In setting down the differeÌ„ces in doctrin betweeÌ„ his and the Roman Catholick Church he is convinced to have made above 120. lyes in 〈◊〉 leaves to wit from
to the Earl of Arundell that she would marry him and by promising other favours to the Duke of Norfolck had by their solicitations gained most of the nobility and the Lords and Gentlemen who had the managing of elections in their several Counties had retained such men for 〈◊〉 of the House of Commons as they conceived moâ—â— likely to comply with the Queens new design in reviving that Religion which but five years before them-selves and the whole Kingdom had rejected as damnable heresy and groundless novelty devised by some lâ—w'd revolted Friars and Priests and had observed how all sober and conscienâ—ious men weâ—â— troubled to see so shamefull a change introduced only for maintaining the weakness of a title against the cleer right of the Stewards and fearing least this scruple might spread and work vpon the consciences of the illiterat multitude it was thought fit to command Bishop Iewell the fittest man for so impudent an vndertaking to assert the antiquity of the particular Tenets of the New Church of England and so in forme of a Challenge against all Roman Catholicks he published at Paules Cross that the Religion which the Queen and Parliament had then established by Law was no novelty nor new invented sense of Scripture but the same which our Saviour and his Apostles delivered to the Church and all Orthodox Christians held for the first 600. years which thing he vndertook to demonstrat by vndeniable Testimonies of the Holy Fathers that lived in those six first Centuries The words of this Challenge we have set down heretofore as also the confutation therof One Rastal having writ against this challenge Iewell togeather with the rest of the Bishops and learned Protestant Clergy composed that famous Apology for the Church of England both in Latin and English it came out first in the name of their whole Church though I believe Iewell had the wording of it because afterwards his name was set to it and to the defence therof but without doubt all the able men of the English Clergy had their hands and heads in the work Against it divers appeared in print Stapleton Sanders and Harding whervpon saith Dean Walsingham in his search of Religion pag. 166. Mr. Iewel within few years after set forth the reply to D. r Harding which was esteemed to have bin made by joynt labours of the most learned men in England both in London and the Vniversities But in these their labours they were convicted of a thousand and odd falsifications and yet saith Harding of 26. articles only five have passed our examination Imagin then what number is like to rise of the whole work I will mention but one or two of every controversy I hope that is sufficient to prove that no one point wherin Protestants differ from Roman Catholicks can be maintained even by the most learned Protestants without frauds falshoods and impostures And do choose to instance particulars out of this Apology and defence of the Church of England because it is not only the work of their first Bishops and Clergy and the very bulwork of their Church but as D. r Heylin truly says the Magazin from whence all the Protestant Controversies since that time have furnished them-selves with arguments and authorities We will omit most of their corruptions of Scripture in the Apology because we have convicted them elâ—â—where of that crime but that they may not imagin we what matter even in this work of theirs let the curious read 〈…〉 Epistle to M. r Jewell set before his return 〈◊〉 vntruthâ— where he tells him you have falsifyed and mangled the very Text of Holy Scripture namely of Saint Paule in one Chapter nine times as the reader may see in the third article of his Book fol. 107. SVBSECT I. The Protestant Clergy convicted of falshood in their Apology concerning Communion vnder one kind BIshop Iewell and his Associats maintain with most Protestants that to receive the B. Sacrament 〈◊〉 one kind only is against the institution of Christâ— and therfore could not be allowed nor practised by the Church nor ever was during the first six hundred years So that the Controversy between the Church of England and Harding is whether in the first 600. years after Christ any Communion were ministred vnder one kind or no which they vnder the name of M. r Jewell deny against whom Harding giveth an instance out of the Ecclesiastical History of one Serapian that was Communicated in his death vnder one kind only Mr. Iewell seing him-self convicted replieth That it is not our question we vnderstand not of privat Communion but of publick in the Church and yet in the first proposing of the Question there was no mention of the Church or Publick and the whole controversy between Catholicks and Protestants is whether with out breach of Christ's Institution any man might communicat vnder one kind only Then Mr. Iewell is demanded whether if it may be proved that sick persons have received the Communion vnder one kind in the Church it will satisfie him wher to he answereth no saying the only thing that I denied is that yee are not able to bring any one sufficient example or authority that ever the whole people received the Communion in open Church in one kind within that time then he is vrged further whether if it can be proved that in closs chappels and Oratories in wilderness and caves in time of persecution the communion was practised vnder one kind this would satisfie him for so mucâ— as this proveth Christ's Institution not to forbid Communion vnder one kind But M. r Iewel leapeth also from this saying the question is whether the Holy Communion were ever ministred openly in the Church It being manifest that for the first 300. years vntill Constantin's time the Christians in most places particularly at Rome had no open Churches but privat Oratories and caves At length being demanded whether Infants receaving the Communion vnder one kind openly in the Church was a sufficient example Jewel answereth Mr. Harding maketh his whole plea vpon an Jnfant and yet of Infants as he knoweth I spake nothing Mr. Harding presseth him with the example of the two disciples to whom Christ our Saviour did give the Communion vnder one kind only at Emaus as by the Text of Scripture and Jnterpretation of ancient Fathers is plain he alledgeth also the examples of S. t Ambrose and S. t Basil who receaved the Sacrament vnder one kind though they were Priests Wherunto M. r Iewel answereth this is not to the purpose for the question is moved of lay people M. r Harding bringeth examples of Christ and two disciples who were of the number of 72. and therfore it may well be thought they were ministers and not of the lay sort I demanded of the layty M. r Harding answereth of St. Ambrose and St. Basil which were Bishops Which evasion is not only fraudulent but foolish as if forsooth Priests