virtues and revive its ancient Worship Religion and Justice which were superannuated and decayed as appears very plain by the description of their preparation against the French in which it is declared by Titus Livius that upon the marching out of their Army and investing their Tribunes with Consular power they observed no religious ceremony at the same time they not only refused to correct the three Fabii who contra jus gentium had fought against the French but created them Tribunes And it is easily to be presum'd that they made less account of the good Laws and Constitutions ordained by Romulus and other wise Princes than was reasonable and perhaps necessary to preserve the liberty of their State This foreign invasion hapned to them therefore that all the obsolete Laws of that City might be revived and that the people might be taught that it was necessary not only to maintain Religion and Justice but to respect their good Citizens and esteem their vertue above the advantages which they seemed to want for want of their assistance And it fell out exactly for Rome was no sooner taken but they began to renew the Orders of their old Religion they punished the Fabii who had fought against the Law of Nations and conceived so great a value for Camillus that the Senate and People both laid aside their old animosity and plac'd the whole burden of the Commonwealth upon his single shoulders 'T is necessary therefore as was said before that men which live together under a Government be often reminded by these exterior or interior accidents The interior way is when there is a Law which takes an account of all people in that Corporation or else when there is some excellent person among them who by his virtuous example does the same thing so that this happiness results to a Commonwealth either by the virtue of some great person or the authority of some Law And as to this last the Orders which reduc'd the Commonwealth towards its first principles were the Tribunes of the people the Censors and all the other Laws against the ambition and insolence of man which Laws have need to be revived and quickned by the virtue of some Citizen who with great courage and generosity shall put them in execution in despight of all the power of the delinquents The most remarkable executions before the taking of Rome by the French were the death of Brutus his Sons the punishment of the Decem-viri the execution of Sp. Melius after the City was sack'd by the French the most considerable were the death of Manlius Captolinus the death of the Son of Manlius Torquatus the prosecution of Papirius Cursor against Fabius the Master of his Horse and the accusation against Scipio which things being extraordinary were the more remarkable and when ever any of them hapned they reminded the people of their beginning and that they were to live according to Law But when these examples began to be more rare men took occasion to grow worse and their exorbitancies were with more danger and tumult for if in ten years space no examples be made nor no execution done people begin to forget and despise the Laws and unless something happens that may remember them of the punishments and infuse something of fear into them the Delinquents will grow so numerous that it will be dangerous to punish them To this purpose they who governed the State of Florence from the year 1434 to the year 1494 were wont to say that it was necessary every five years to review the State for otherwise it would be very hard to maintain it They call'd reviewing the State reducing the people to the same terror and awe as they had upon them of old when every man was punished according to his crime let his quality be what it would But when the memory of these punishments are lost and suffered to go to decay men take the confidence to attempt any thing and speak ill of whom they please against which no remedy is so proper as reducing them towards their first principles which is to be done by the example of some excellent person inciting you to such executions without dependance upon any Law and they are many times of so great reputation that good men desire to imitate them and bad men are ashamed to live contrary to them Those who in Rome liv'd after this manner were Horatius Cocles Scaevola Fabritius the two Decii Regulus Attilius and some others whose rare and virtuous example had the same effect in Rome that good Laws and good Customs would have had and if every ten years some of those examples or executions aforesaid had hapned in that City the minds and manners of the people could never have been so corrupted but as those virtuous examples and heroick punishments grew seldom and scarce so corruption began to multiply for after Regulus his time there was not any such example to be seen and though the two Cato's succeeded yet there was such great distance betwixt them that their examples could do but little good especially the last of the Cato's who finding the greatest part of the City debauched could not work any considerable reformation upon them And so much for Civil Governments as to the conservation of Sects the same renovation is necessary as may appear by the example of the Roman Religion which would doubtless have been lost before this had it not been reduced towards its first principle by St. Francis and St. Dominick who by their poverty and Christian-like examples revived it in the minds of men where it was almost effaced and prevailed that the loosness and depravity of the Prelates and Cardinals did not ruine it for men seeing them live in that indigence and poverty by confessing their sins to them and hearing them preach they began to learn meekness and charity and obedience not to upbraid people by their vices but to leave them to God whereas their lives must necessarily be bad who neither see nor feel what punishment is So then it is this renovation and reduction to its first principles that has and does still maintain our Religion And as to Kingdoms they as well as Commonwealths have occasion to reform and reduce as the other which course has been of no small advantage to the Kingdom of France for that Kingdom living under Laws and Customs more than any other the said Laws and Customs are preserved and executed by Parliaments and especially by that of Paris which revives them every time it makes out process against any great Person or opposes the King in its arrests and hitherto it has preserv'd it self by its severity against Delinquents without regard to the greatness of their quality whereas should they pass unpunished they would multiply so fast that they would become incorrigible in a short time and not to be reform'd but with the disorder if not the dissolution of the whole Government We may conclude therefore that there is no safer
the whole with death would be too severe and to punish one part and excuse another would be injust to those who were punish'd and encourage the other to commit the same offence again But where all are alike guilty to execute every tenth man by lots gives him who is to be punished occasion to complain only of his fortune and makes him who escapes afraid against the next time The good Women then who would have poyson'd their Husbands and the Priests of Bacchus were punished as they deserv'd and though these maladies in a Commonwealth have many times very ill Symptoms yet they are not mortal because there is still time enough for the cure But where the State is concern'd it is otherwise and time may be wanting and therefore if they be not seasonably and prudently redressed the whole Government may miscarry And this may be clear'd to us by what hapned in Rome The Romans having been very free in bestowing the freedom and priviledges of their City upon strangers the strangers grew so numerous by degrees and to have so great a Vote in the Councils that the whole Government began to totter and decline from its old to its new Inhabitants which being observed by Quiâ—â—us Fabius the Censor he applyed a remedy in time by reducing all the new Citizens into four Tribes that being contracted into so narrow a space they might not have so malignant an influence upon the City and this so timely and so useful expedient was taken so thankfully from him by the people that they gave him the addition of Maximus and he was called Fabius Maximus ever after THE ART OF WAR IN SEVEN BOOKS By NICHOLAS MACHIAVEL Newly Translated into ENGLISH and for the benefit of the Reader divided into CHAPTERS LONDON Printed for Iohn Starkey Charles Harper and Iohn Amery in Fleetstreet 1680. THE TRANSLATOR TO THE READER Kind Reader IT may seem strange to you at first that I have divided the Books of Machiavel and disposed them into Chapters contrary to the order of his Dialogues but I am assured when you consider my intention you will rather applaud than condemn me I was always sensible that no man could blame me if I kept exactly to my Author nevertheless I thought this way more beneficial the length of a Discourse being commonly tiresome to any man who affects brevity besides that in all sorts of Books these kind of breaches and sections are very helpful to the memory For this reason the Works of Aristotle Vitruvius and Pliny which were originally in another method have been reduc'd since into this manner of division I have presum'd to do the same in this my Translation having had more regard to the ease and advantage of the Reader than to the exact order of the Author whom I have not followed verbatim by reason of the diversity of the Languages yet his sense I have observed as strictly as would consist with the propriety of our own Language assuring my self that your bounty will dispence with some faults seeing nothing can be done so accurately but will be subject to many THE PREFACE OF NICOLO MACHIAVELLI TO Lorenzo the Son of Philippo Strozzi Gentleman of FLORENCE MAny have been and are still of opinion that in the whole world no two things are more incongruous and dissimilar than a Civil and a Military life insomuch that many times when a man designs himself for a Soldier he not only takes upon him a new habit but he changes his Customs his Company his manner of Discourse and leaves off all ways of civil conversation for he who would be light and nimble and ready for the execution of all sort of violence looks upon a civil habit as improper and cumbersome civil customs are unsuitable to him who thinks them soft and effeminate and inconsistant with the life he proposes and indeed it would be undecent if a man whose business it is to look big and Hector and fright the whole world with his Oaths and his Blasphemies should carry himself demurely and behave himself with the usual gentleness and complacency of other men and this is it which in our days makes this opinion true But if we consider the condition and method of old times we shall find no two things more united more conformable nor more necessarily amicable than they For all the Arts which are contrived in a City for the common good all the courses invented to keep men in fear of God and the Laws would be useless and vain were not force provided for their defence which force if well ordered will be able to make them good though perhaps the Laws are not so exact in themselves for this is most certain good Orders without Military coertion will quickly moulder to nothing and run to decay like a Noble and Princely Palace that is uncovered at the top and has nothing but the splendor and richness of its furniture to defend it from the weather And if anciently Kingdoms and States imploy'd great industry to keep people in peace and in the faith and fear of God certainly in the regulation of their Military Discipline they employed much more for where can ones Country repose greater confidence than in him who has promised to die for it Where can there be greater inclination to Peace than in him who is not capable of molestation or injury but by War Where can there be more fear of God than in him who being obnoxious to hourly dangers has more need of his divine assistance This necessity being well considered by those who gave Laws to Kingdoms and those who had the Command of their Armies was the cause that the life of a Souldier was in great reputation with all people and much imitated and follow'd But Military discipline being now totally deprav'd and degenerated from the practice of the ancients that depravity hath been the occasion of several ill opinions which have brought that Discipline into contempt and made all people hate and avoid the conversation of a Souldier But considering with my self both from what I have seen and read that it is not impossible to revive the discipline of our Ancestors and reduce it to its primitive excellence I resolved to keep my self from idleness to write what I thought might be to the satisfaction of such persons as were studious of the art of War and lovers of Antiquity 't is true 't is more than ordinary boldness to treat of this Subject where others have been so scrupulous and wary yet I cannot think it an error to write of what others have professed and exercised with much more audacity and presumption For my faults in writing may be corrected without prejudice to any body but those faults which they commit in the execution cannot be repair'd but by the destruction and ruine of several people consider then Sir the quality of my labours and according to your judgment let them be approved or rejected as you think they deserve I send them to you as
that each of these two Companies should be ranged directly behind the extremity of the three precedent Companies and the space left betwixt them should be 91 yards By these means all the Companies thus disposed should extend themselves in front 161 yards and in depth 20. After this I would extend the Pikes extraordinary along the flanks of all the Companies on the left hand at about twenty yards distance and I would make of them 140 ranks of seven in a rank so that they should secure all the left flank in depth of the ten Battalia's drawn up as I said before and I would reserve forty files of them to guard the Baggage and the unarmed people in the rear distributing their Corporals and other Officers in their respective places The three Constables or Captains I would place one at the head of them another in the midst and a third in the rear who should execute the Office of a Tergiductor who was always placed in the rear of the Army But to return to the front of the Army I say that after the Pikes extraordinary I would place the Velites extraordinary which are 500 and allow them a space of forty yards By the side of these on the left hand I would place my men at Arms with a space of 150 yards after them I would advance my light Horse at the same distance as I allowed to my men at Arms. As to the Velites in ordinary I would leave them about their Battalia's which should take up the space which I left betwixt each Company unless I found it more expedient to put them under the Pikes extraordinary which I would do or not do as I found it more or less for my advantage The Captain General of the Battalion should be placed in the space betwixt the first and second orders of Battalia's or else at the head of them or else in the space betwixt the last of the first five Battalia's and the Pikes extraordinary as I found it most convenient he should have about him 30 or 40 select men all brave and experienc'd and such as understood how to execute their Commission with prudence and how to receive and repel a charge and I would have the Captain General in the midst of the Drums and the Colours This is the order in which I would dispose my Battalion on the left wing which should contain half the Army and take up in breadth 511 yards and in depth as much as I have said before without reckoning the space that was possessed by the Pikes extraordinary which should be as a Shield to the people without Arms and take up a space of about a hundred yards The other Battalion I would dispose on the right side leaving betwixt the two Battalions a distance of about 30 yards having order'd it as the other At the head of that space I would place some pieces of Artillery behind which should stand the Captain General of the whole Army with the Drums the Standard or chief Ensign and two hundred choice men about him most of them on foot and amongst them ten or more fit to execute any command The General himself should be so mounted and so arm'd that he might be on Horseback and on foot as necessity required As to the Artillery ten pieces of Cannon would be enough for the taking of a Town In the Field I would use them more for defence of my Camp than for any Service in Battel My smaller pieces should be of 10 or 15 pound carriage and I would place them in the front of the whole Army unless the Country was such that I could dispose them securely in the flank where the Enemy could not come at them This form and manner of ranging an Army and putting it in order may do the same things in a Battel as was done either in the Macedonian Phalanx or the Legion of the Romans for the Pikes are in the front and all the foot placed in their ranks so that upon any charge or engagement with the Enemy they are able not only to bear and sustain them but according to the custom of the Phalanx to recruit and reinforce their first rank out of those which are behind On the other side if they be over-power'd and attack'd with such violence that they are forced to give ground they may fall back into the intervals of the second Battalia behind them and uniting with them make up their body and charge them briskly again And if the second Battalia is not strong enough to relieve them they may retire to the third and fight all together in conjunction so that by this order as to the business of a Battel we may supply and preserve our selves according to the Grecian and the Roman way both As to the strength of an Army it cannot be ordered more strong because the two wings are exactly well fortified with Officers and Arms nor is there any thing weak but the rear where the people which follow the Camp without Arms are disposed and they are guarded with the Pikes extraordinary so that the Enemy cannot assault them any where but he will find them in very good order neither is the rear in any great danger because an Enemy can be hardly so strong as to assault you equally on all sides if you found he was so strong you would never take the Field against him But if he was three times as many and as well ordered as you if he divides and weakens himself to attack you in several places beat him in one and his whole enterprize is lost As to the Enemies Cavalry though they out-number you you are safe enough for the Pikes which encompass you will defend you from any impression from them though your own Horse be repulsed The chief Officers are moreover plac'd in the flank so as they may commodiously command and as readily obey and the spaces which are left betwixt one Battalia and the other and betwixt one rank and another serve not only to receive those who are distressed but gives room for such persons as are sent forward and backward with orders from the Captain Add as I told you at first as the Romans had in their Army about 24000 men I would have our Army consist of the same number and as the Auxiliaries took their method of Fighting and their manner of drawing up from the Legions so those Soldiers which you would joyn to your two Battalions should take their form and discipline from them These things would be very easie to imitate should you have but one example for by joyning either two other Battalions to your Army or adding as many Auxiliaries you are in no confusion you have no more to do but to double your ranks and whereas before you put ten Battalia's in the left wing put twenty now or else you may contract or extend them as your place and Enemy will give leave Luigi In earnest Sir I am so well possess'd of your Army that
of the one Nation and the other I would have therefore the Trumpets placed by the Lieutenant-General as Instruments not only proper to excite and enflame your Army but fitter to be heard and by consequence apter to derive your Commands than any of the other The rest of those kind of Instruments I would have placed about the Captains and Colonels of the Battalions I would have also a smaller sort of Drums and Flutes which should be beaten and played upon not as we do now in our fights but as our Tabours and Flagelets do in our Feasts The General with his Trumpets should signifie when his Army is to make a stand when to advance when to wheel when to retire when to make use of the Artillery when the Velites extraordinary are to move and by the variation of the sounds to direct his Army in all the Marches and Counter-marches that are generally used and I would have the Trumpets followed afterwards by the Drums And because this exercise is of great consequence in an Army it imports very much that it be frequently taught As to the Horse they should have Trumpets too but of a lesser and different sound from those about the Lieutenant-General And this is all that has occurred to my memory in the ordering and exercising of an Army Luigi I beseech you Sir let me not trouble you too much if I desire to be satisfied in one thing more and that is for what reason you caused your light Horse and Velites extraordinary to advance against the Enemy with great shouts and clamours and cries and when afterwards the Body and remainder of the Army came to charge they did it with extraordinary silence I confess I cannot comprehend the reason and therefore I beg your explanation Fabr. The opinions of the Ancient Generals have been different in that point whether an Enemy was to be charged silently and without noise or with all the clamour could be made The silent way is best to keep your men firm in their orders and to signifie the Commands of the General but the obstreperous way is best to excite the courage of your Soldiers and dismay the Enemy and because I thought in both cases there was something of advantage I made use of them both and caused those to advance with clamour and these with silence for I cannot think that an universal and perpetual noise can be any advantage because it hinders orders from being derived which is a most pernicious thing nor is it likely that the Romans used those shouts after the first shock for History tells us that many times by the exhortation and encouragement of their Officers the Souldiers which were flying were stopped and rallyed and disposed immediately into new Orders which could not be where the Officers could not have been heard THE FOURTH BOOK CHAP. I. The considerations and subtleties to be used in the drawing up an Army to fight Luigi SEeing the Victory has been so honourably obtained under my Conduct I think it discretion to tempt fortune no farther knowing how much she is variable and inconstant Wherefore my desire is to resign my Authority and that Zanobi may take it upon him according to the Order proposed of transferring it to the youngest and I know he will not refuse that honour or rather trouble both in complacency to me and as being naturally the more couragious of the two for he fears not to engage in these kind of conflicts though there be as much likelihood of his miscarriage as conquest Zanobi I shall refuse no Office into which you shall put me though I must needs say I could more willingly have been an auditor for your scruples and demands have hitherto given me more satisfaction than any thing I could have objected my self But I think Seignor Fabritio it would be better if you proceed provided your patience will serve and that we do not tire you with our Ceremonies Fabritio You rather oblige me Sir for this variety of Interrogators gives me to understand the vanity of your judgments and appetites But is there any thing behind that you would have added to what has been spoken before Zanobi There are two things of which I would willingly be satisfied before we pass any farther One is whether you have any other way of drawing up an Army The other is what reflections or considerations a General is to have before he comes to a Battel and when any accident intervenes how it is to be avoided Fabr. I shall endeavour to satisfie you but not by answering distinctly to your demands for whilst I answer to one it happens many times that I seem to answer to the other I have told you how I would have my Army drawn up that according to that model any other figure may be taken as the number of the Enemy and the nature of your ground does require for in that case one is to act according to the condition both of the one and the other But take notice of this That there is no way more dangerous than to extend the front of your Army too much unless it be very numerous and strong Otherwise you are to draw it up close and thick rather than wide and thin For when your Forces are few in respect of the Enemy you must look out for other remedies as by drawing your Army up so as it may be fortified by some River or Fen that may secure you behind or fortified in the flanks by some Ditch or Entrenchment as Caesar's was in France and this ought to be a general rule to you that you extend or contract your front according both to your own number and the number of your Enemy If the Enemy be not so numerous and your men as well disciplin'd as they you are to make choice of an open place where you may not only encompass the Enemy but distend your own ranks For in streight and narrow places not being able to make use of your orders you cannot make use of your advantage For this reason the Romans did most commonly make choice of open and clear places and avoided such as were difficult and close But if your Army be small or your men inexperienced you must do quite contrary as I said before and must find out some place where your few men may defend themselves or where their inexperience may do you no hurt In that case you are to choose some hill or eminence from whence you may come down upon the Enemy with more force yet must you have this caution not to draw up your Army upon any Strand or Sea-coast nor under the command of any Hill of which the Enemy may possess himself because you will be exposed thereby to the Enemies Cannon without remedy and be unable to do them mischief with any convenience In the drawing up an Army for Battel great regard is likewise to be had to the Sun and the Wind that neither the one nor the other be in your face for
renders those Towns which stand high weaker then the rest because more subject to be min'd and then adding but a good quantity of powder which takes fire in an instant you do not only ruine the wall but you open the very mountain and cleave the works into pieces The way to prevent this is to fortifie in a flat Country and make the ditch which encompasses your Town so deep that the enemy may not dig under it without coming to the water which is the best defence against mines But if you be to defend a Town upon an eminence your best way will be to make several deep holes in the wall that may give vent to the powder when the enemy sets in on fire There is another way likewise to prevent them and that is by countermining if you find where the enemy mines but 't is a hard matter to discover them especially if you be besieged by a cautious enemy CHAP. XII Good guards are always to be kept and your Souldiers not to be divided Fabr. HE who is besieged is to take extraordinary care that he be not surprized in time of repose as after a storm after the Guards are set which is either at break of day or at the shutting in of the evening or especially whilst you are at dinner in which time many Towns have been taken and many sallies have been made to the destruction of the besiegers Wherefore it is necessary to be upon the Guard in all quarters and your men generally arm'd and here I cannot omit to tell you that nothing makes a Town or Camp harder to be defended than the dividing of your forces for the enemy being able to attack you when he pleases with all his power at once you must be ready on all sides and having parted your Forces you will be forced to defend your self with a part and to keep the same guards with the remainder when ever the enemy assails you as you should have done when your whole Garrison was together which is a great disadvantage for he can attack you with his whole power when you have but a part of yours to defend your self CHAP. XIII That when ones sees himself block'd up on every side it is good to expose ones self now and then and of the advantages which have ensued Fabr. IF he who is besieged be beaten considerately he is certainly lost but the Besieger can only be repulsed for which reason many who have been besieged either in Camp or Town though they have been inferior in number have nevertheless sallied with their whole force at a time and been two hard for the enemy Thus Marcellus did at Nola thus Caesar did in France when his Camp was encompassed with a vast number of Gauls for finding he was not able to defend it because he must divide his men into partles and distribute them round and finding also that standing within his stoccado's he could not do so much execution upon the enemy as he desired he opened his Camp on one side and issuing out of it with his whole force charged the enemy with such fury and courage that he put them to the rout Besides the obstinacy and resolution of the besieged does many times astonish and terrifie the enemy Pompey being encamped against Caesar and Caesar's Army in great distress for provisions Pompey had presented him a piece of Caesar's bread which was made of herbs and look'd upon as a very strange thing Pompey having viewed it commanded that it should not be shewn in his Army lest it should discourage them to consider the obstinacy of their Enemy Nothing was more honourable to the Romans in their War with Hanibal than their constancy because in the greatest of their distress and in the worst of their fortune they never demanded peace nor discovered any token of fear on the contrary when Hanibal was under their Walls they sold the ground in which he was encamped at an higher rate than it would have been sold at another time and they were so true and firm in their enterprizes that they would not draw off from Capua to defend their own City though they had an Army before that when Hanibal appeared before Rome I am sensible that I have told you several things that you understood and perhaps considered already yet I have done it as I said before by that means to give you a better comprehension of the quality of this Army and to satisfie such if there be any such here as have not had the opportunity to understand it so well as you I suppose now there remains nothing but that I give you some general rules which are very obvious and common CHAP. XV. General Rules to be observed in Military Discipline Fabr. THat which is beneficial to you is prejudicial to your Enemy and that which is beneficial to him is prejudicial to you He who in War is most vigilant to observe the designs and enterprizes of the Enemy and takes most pains in exercising and disciplining his Army shall expose himself to less danger and have greater probability of victory Never bring your men to fight till you have some just confidence in their courage till you have seen them well arm'd and well ordered and never let them engage but when you find them cheerly and hopeful of success It is better to conquer an Enemy by hunger than fighting in which last victory fortune has more share than virtue or courage No resolution is so likely to succeed as that which is concealed from the Enemy till it comes to be executed Nothing is of more importance in the whole art of War than to know how to take advantage when it is offered Nature produces few persons strong but industry and exercise makes many Order and discipline is more available in War than valour or force When any come over to your service from the Enemy they are of great advantage to you provided they be faithful for it is more diminution to the Enemies strength to have Soldiers revolt than to have so many slain though the name of a fugitive is suspicious to new friends and abominable to old It is better in the drawing up your Battalions for a Battel to draw them up with reserves and place such behind the front as may supply it upon occasion than to enlarge your front and make as it were but one rank of your whole Army He who understands his own Forces and the Enemies too can hardly miscarry The courage of Soldiers is better than their number The situation of the place is sometimes more effectual than the courage of your men New and unexpected things are an astonishment to some Armies Your Soldiers despise things that are common and are weary of any thing that is tedious I would advise therefore that by pickeering and little skirmishes you acquaint your men with your Enemy before you bring them to a Battel He who pursues an Enemy that is disordered in disorder himself shall lose
expressions yet they are sufficiently known not only to his own Subjects the constant objects of his care and goodness but even to all Strangers more particularly to our Nation he having undertaken a troublesome Journey to visit this Kingdom and to make it witness and partaker of his transcendent generosity and bounty which he hath continued ever since as can be testified by all who have had the honour to wait upon him in his own Country or the good fortune but to see him in ours I my self who have been so happy to be admitted into his presence and have been honoured since in having his Highness my customer for many choice Books to encrease not his knowledge for that is beyond receiving any addition by Books but his curiosity and his Library do think my self bound in Duty to take this poor opportunity of testifying my gratitude and devotion to this excellent Prince As to this Letter I have nothing more to say but that thou mayest see how right this Author was set in Principles of Religion before he could have the information which we have had since from the Pens of most learned and rational Controversists in those points and therefore thou maist admire the sagacity of his Judgment Read him then and serve God thy King and thy Country with the knowledge he will teach thee Farewel NICHOLAS MACHIAVEL'S LETTER TO ZANOBIVS BVONDELMONTIVS IN VINDICATION Of himself and His WRITINGS THE Discourse we had lately dear Zenobio in the delightful Gardens of our old deceased Friend Cosimo Rucellai and the pressing importunity of Guilio Salviati that I would use some means to wipe off the Many aspersions cast upon my Writings gives you the present trouble of reading this Letter and me the pleasure of writing it which last would be infinitely greater if I were not at this day too old and too inconsiderable and by the change of our Government wholly uncapable of performing either with my brain or my hand any further service to my Country for it hath ever been my opinion that whosoever goes about to make men publickly acquainted with his actions or apologize to the world for imputatâ—ons laid upon him cannot be excused from vanity and impertinence except his parts and opportunities be such as may enable him to be instrumental for the good of others and that he cannot atchieve that excellent end without justifying himself from having any indirect and base ones and procuring trust from men by clearing the repute of his justice and integrity to them But although this be far from my case yet I have yielded you see to the entreaty of Guilio and the rest of that Company not only because I am sufficiently both by the restraint of our Press and the discretion of the person I write to assured that this Letter will never be made publick but for that I esteem it a Duty to clear that excellent Society from the Scandal of having so dangerous and pernicious a person to be a member of their conversation for by reason of my Age and since the loss of our Liberty and my sufferings under that Monster of lust and cruelty Alexander de Medeci set over us by the Divine vengeance for our sins I can be capable of no other design or enjoyment than to delight and be delighted in the company of so many choice and virtuous persons who now assemble themselves with all security under the happy and hopeful Reign of our new Prince Cosimo and we may say that though our Common-wealth be not restored our slavery is at an end and that he coming in by our own choice my prove if I have as good Skill in Prophesying as I have had formerly Ancestor to many renowned Princes who will govern this State in great quietness and with great clemency so that our Posterity is like to enjoy case and security though not that greatness wealth and glory by which our City hath for some years past even in the most factious and tumultuous times of our Democracy given Law to Italy and bridled the ambition of foreign Princes But that I may avoid the Loquacity incident to old men I will come to the business If I remember well the exceptions that are taken to these poor things I have published are reducible to three First That in all my Writings I infinuate my great affection to the Democratical Government even so much as to undervalue that of Monarchy in respect of it which last I do not obscurely in many passages teach and as it were perswade the People to throw off Next That in some places I vent very great impieties slighting and villifying the Church as Author of all the misgovernment in the world and by such contempt make way for Atheism and Prophaneness And Lastly That in my Book of the Prince I teach Monarchs all the execrable Villanies that can be invented and instruct them how to break faith and to oppress and enslave their Subjects I shall answer something to every one of these and that I may observe a right method will begin with the first Having lived in an Age when our poor Country and Government have suffered more changes and revolutions than ever did perhaps befall any people in so short a time and having had till the taking of Florence my share in the managing of affairs during almost all these alterations sometimes in the quality of Secretary of our City and sometimes employed in Embassages abroad I set my self to read the Histories of Ancient and Modern times that I might by that means find out whether there had not been in all Ages the like vicissitudes and accidents in State affairs and to search out the causes of them and having in some sort satisfied my self therein I could not abstain from scribling something of the too chief kinds of Government Monarchy and Democracy of which all other forms are but mixtures and since neither my Parts nor Learning could arrive to follow the steps of the Ancients by writing according to Method and Art as Plato Aristotle and many others have done upon this Subject I did content my self to make slight observations upon both by giving a bare Character of a Prince as to the Monarchical frame and as to the popular chusing the perfectest and most successful of all Governments of that kind upon earth and in my Discourses upon it following the order of my Author without ever taking upon me to argue problematically much less to decide which of these two Govâ—rnments is the best if from my way of handling matters in my discourses upon Livy and from those incomparable virtues and great Actions we read of in that History and from the observations I make men will conclude which is I must confess my opinion that the excellency of those Counsels and Atchievements and the improvement which Mankind and as I may so say humane nature it self obtained amongst the Romans did proceed naturally from their Government and was but a plain effect and
in Christendom If Princes will seriously consider this matter I make no question but they will Rule with Clemency and Moderation and return to that excellent Maxim of the Ancients almost exploded in this Age that the interest of Kings and of their people is the same which truth it hath been the whole design of my Writings to convince them of I am charged then in the second place with impiety in villifying the Church and so to make way for Atheism I do not deny but that I have very frequently in my Writings laid the blame upon the Church of Rome not only for all the misgovernment of Christendom but even for the depravation and almost total destruction of Christian Religion it self in this Province but that this Discourse of mine doth or can tend to teach men impiety or to make way for Atheism I peremptorily deny and although for proof of my innocence herein I need but refer you and all others to my Papers themselves as they are now published where you will find all my reasons drawn from experience and frequent examples cited which is ever my way of arguing yet since I am put upon it I shall in a few lines make that matter possibly a little clearer and shall first make protestation that as I do undoubtedly hope by the merits of Christ and by Faith in him to attain eternal Salvation so I do firmly believe the Christian profession to be the only true Religion now in the world Next I am fully persuaded that all Divine verities which God then designed to teach the world are contained in the Books of Holy Scripture as they are now extant and received amongst us From them I understand that God created man in purity and innocence and that the first of that Species by their frailty lost at once their integrity and their Paradise and intaâ—l'd sin and misery upon their posterity that Almighty God to repair this loss did out of his infinite mercy and with unparallel'd grace and goodness send his only begotten Son into the world to teach us 〈…〉 to be a perfect example of virtue goodness and obedience to restore true Religion degenerated amongst the Iews into Superstition Formality and 〈…〉 for the salvation of Mankind and in sine to give to us the Holy Spirit to regenerate our Hearts support our Faith and lead us into all Truth Now if it shall appear that as the lusts of our first Parenâ—s did at that time disappoint the good intention of God in making a pure world and brought in by their disobedience the corruptions that are now in it so that since likewise the Bishops of Rome by their insatiable ambition and avarice have designedly as much as in them lies frustrated the merciful purpose he had in the happy restauration he intended the world by his Son and in the renewing and reforming of humane Nature and have wholly defaced and spoil'd Christian Religion and made it a worldly and a Heathenish thing and altogether uncapable as it is practised amongst them either of directing the ways of its Professors to virtue and good life or of saving thus Souls hereafter If I say this do appear I know no reason why I for detecting thus much and for giving warning to the world to take heed of their ways should be accused of Impiety or Atheism or why his Holyness should be so inraged against the poor Inhabitants of the Valleys in Savoy and against the Albigesi for calling him Antichrist but to find that this is an undoubted truth I mean that the Popes have corrupted Christian Religion we need but read the New Testament acknowledged by themselves to be of infallible truth and there we shall see that the Faith and Religion Preach'd by Christ and setled afterwards by his Apostles and cultivated by their Sacred Epistles is so different a thing from the Christianity that is now profess'd and taught at Rome that we should be convinc'd that if those Holy men should be sent by God again into the world they would take more pains to confute this Gallimaufry than ever they did to Preach down the Tradition of the Pharisees or the Fables and Idolatry of the Gentiles and would in probability suffer a new Martyrdom in that City under the Vicar of Christ for the same Doctrine which once animated the Heathen Tyrants against them Nay we have something more to say against these Sacrilegious pretenders to Gods power for whereas all other false worships have been set up by some politick Legislators for the support and preservation of Government this false this spurious Religion brought in upon the ruines of Christianity by the Popes hath deformed the face of Government in Europe destroying all the good principles and Morality left us by the Heathen themselves and introduced instead thereof Sordid Cowardly and impolitick Notions whereby they have subjected Mankind and even great Princes and States to their own Empire and never suffered any Orders of Maxims to take place where they have power that might make a Nation Wise Honest Great or Wealthy this I have set down so plainly in those passages of my Book which are complained of that I shall say nothing at all for the proof of it in this place but refer you thither and come to speak a little more particularly of my first assertion that the Pope and his Clergy have depraved Christian Religion Upon this subject I could infinitely wish now Letters begin to revive again that some Learned Pen would employ it self and that some person vers'd in the Chronology of the Church as they call it would deduce out of the Ecclesiastical Writers the time and manner how these abuses crept in and by what arts and Steps this Babel that reaches at Heaven was built by these Sons of the Earth but this matter as unsuitable to the brevity of a Letter and indeed more to my small parts and Learning I shall not pretend to being one who never hitherto studied or writ of Theology further than it did naturally concern the Politicks therefore I shall only deal by the New Tesâ—ament as I have done formerly by Titus Livius that is make observations or reflections upon it and leave you and Mr. Guilio and the rest of our Society to make the judgment not citing like Preachers the Chapter or Verse because the reading of Holy Scripture is little us'd and indeed hardly permitted amongst us To begin at the top I would have any reasonable man tell me whence this unmeasurable power long claim'd and now possess'd by the Bishop of Rome is derived first of being Christ's Vicar and by that as I may so say pretending to a Monopoly of the Holy Spirit which was promised and given to the whole Church that is to the Elect or Saints as is plain by a Clause in St. Peter's Sermon made the very same time that the miraculous gifts of the Spirit of God were first given to the Apostles who says to the Iews and Gentiles Repent
told him what was pass'd That now it was at his Choice whether he would kill Alboino and injoy her and her Kingdom or be kill'd himself for vitiating his Wife Almachilde had no fancy to be slain and therefore chose the other Proposition of killing his Master but when they had kill'd him they found themselves so far from acquiring the Kingdom that they were afraid of being made away by the Lombards out of the affection they bare to the Memory of Alboino for which cause packing up with all the Jewels and Treasure they could make they marched off to Longinus at Revenna who receiv'd them honourably During these Troubles Iustinus the Emperour died and Tiberius was elected in his Place but being imploy'd in his Wars against the Parthians he was not at leasure to send Relief into Italy Which Longinus looking upon as an opportunity to make himself King of the Lombards and of all Italy besides by the help of Rosmunda and her Treasure he imparted his Design to her and perswaded her to kill Almachilde and take him afterwards for her Husband She accepted the Motion and having in order thereunto prepar'd a Cup of Poison she gave it with her own hand to Almachilde as he came thirsty out of a Bath who having drank off half finding it work and great Convulsions within him concluding what it was he forc'd her to drink the rest so that in a few hours both of them died and Longinus lost all hopes of making himself King In the mean time at a Convention of the Lombards at Pavia which they had made their Metropolis they created Clefi their King who re-edified Imola that had been destroyed by Narsetes He conquer'd Rimini and in a manner all up as far as Rome but died in the middle of his Cariere This Clefi behav'd himself so cruelly not only to Strangers but even to the Lombards themselves that the Edge of their Monarchical inclination being taken off they would have no more Kings but constituted Thirty they call'd Dukes to Govern under them Which Counsel was the cause the Lombards extended not their Conquests over all Italy nor dilated their Dominion beyond Benevento Rome Ravenna Cremona Mantua Padua Monfelice Parma Bolonia Faenza Furli Cesana some of them defended themselves for some time other never fell at all under their subjection For having no King they were first render'd unapt for the Wars and when afterwards they reassum'd their Old Government and created Kings again the small relish and taste the people had had of Liberty render'd them less obedient to their Prince and more contentious among themselves and not only put a stop to the Cariere of their Victories at first but was the occasion afterwards that they were driven out of Italy Things being in this posture with the Lombards The Romans and Longinus came to terms with them and it was agreed that Arms should be laid down on all hands and each enjoy what was in their proper possession About this time the Bishops of Rome began to take upon them and to exercise greater Authority than they had formerly done At first the Successors of Saint Peter were venerable and eminent for their Miracles and the holiness of their Lives and their Examples added daily such numbers to the Christian Church that to obviate or remove the Confusions which were then in the World many Princes turned Christians and the Emperour of Rome being converted among the rest and quitting Rome to hold his Residence at Constantinople the Roman Empire as we have said before began to decline but the Church of Rome augmented as fast Nevertheless untill the coming in of the Lombards all Italy being under the dominion either of Emperours or Kings the Bishops assumed no more power than what was due to their Doctrine and Manners in Civil Affairs they were subject to the Civil Power imploy'd many times by the Emperours and Kings as their Ministers and many times executed for their ill Administration But Theodorick King of the Gothi fixing his Seat at Ravenna was that which advanc'd their interest and made them more considerable in Italy for there being no other Prince left in Rome the Romans were forc'd for Protection to pay greater Allegiance to the Pope And yet their Authority advanc'd no farther at that time than to obtain the Preference before the Church of Ravenna But the Lombards having invaded and reduc'd Italy into several Cantons the Pope took the opportunity and began to hold up his head For being as it were Governour and Principal at Rome the Emperour of Constantinople and the Lombards bare him a respect so that the Romans by mediation of their Pope began to treat and confederate with Longinus and the Lombards not as Subjects but as Equals and Companions which said Custom continuing and the Popes entring into Allyance sometimes with the Lombards and sometimes with the Greeks contracted great reputation to their dignity But the destruction of the Eastern Empire following so close under the Reign of the Emperour Heracleus in whose time the Schiavi a people we mention'd before fell again upon Illyria and over-ran it and call'd it Sclavonia from their own Name The other parts of that Empire being infested first by the Persians afterwards by the Saracens out of Arabia under the Conduct of Mahomet and last of all by the Turks and having lost several Provinces which were members of it as Syria Africa and Egypt The Pope lost the convenience of the Emperours protection in time of Adversity and the power of the Lombards increasing too fast on the other side he thought it but necessary to address himself to the King of France for assistance so that the Wars which hapned afterwards in Italy were occasioned by the Popes and the several inundations of Barbarians invited by them which manner of proceeding having continued to our times has held and does still hold Italy divided and inâ—irm But in my description of Occurrences betwixt those times and our own I shall not inlarge upon the ruine of the Empire which in truth receiv'd but little assistance from the Popes or any other Princes of Italy till the dayes of Charles the 8th but discourse rather how the Popes with their Censures Comminations and Arms mingled together with their Indulgences became formidable and reverenced and how having made ill use both of the one and the other they have lost the one entirely and remain at the discretion of other people for the other But to reurn to our Order I say that Gregory the Third being created Pope and Aistolfus King of the Lombards Aistolfus contrary to League and Agreement seiz'd upon Ravenna and made War upon the Pope Gregory not daring for the reasons abovesaid to depend upon the weakness of the Empire or the fidelity of the Lombards whom he had already found false appli'd himself to Pepin the Second who from Lord of Austracia and Brabantia was become King of France not so much by his own
Countrey against the commotion of his Friends he resolved to give way to their Envy and Banish himself from that City which he had preserv'd from the Tyranny of the Nobility by his own danger and charge The Nobility after his departure to recover their dignity which they conceived lost by the dissentions among them united and apply'd themselves by two of their Number to the Senate or Segnoria which they judg'd to be their friends to intreat them to mitigate in some measure the acerbity of those Laws which were made against them which demand was no sooner known but the people fearing the Signoria should comply began immediately to tumultuate and betwixt the ambition of the one and suspicion of the other they fell soon after to blows The Nobility stood upon their Guards in three places at St. Iohn's in the Mercato nuovo and the Piazza de Mozzi under three Commanders Forese Adinari Vanni de Mozzi and Geri Spini The people were not got together under their Ensigns in great Numbers at the Senator's Palace which at that time not far from St. Pruocolo and because the people were jealous of the Signori they deputed six Citizens to share with them in the Government In the mean time while both parties were preparing for the Combat some both of the Nobility and Commons with certain Religious persons of good Reputation interpos'd themselves remonstrating to the Nobility that the Honour they had lost and the Laws made against them were occasioned by their arrogance and ill Government that now to take Arms and betake themselves to force for the recovery of what was lost by their own dissention and ill-management would be the ruine of their Countrey and a detriment to themselves That they should consider in number riches and malice they were much inferiour to the people That that Nobility they so vainly affected by which they thought to advance others when they came to sight would prove but a meer Title and Name unable to defend them against the advantages which their Enemies had over them To the people it was represented imprudence to drive things too far and make their Adversaries desperate For he that hopes no good fears no ill That it ought to be considered their Nobility were they which had gain'd so much Honour to their City in its Wars and were not therefore in justice to be used at that rate That they could be content to have the Supream Magistacy taken from them and endure it patiently but they thought it unreasonable and insupportable to be at every bodies mercy as their new Laws rendered them and subject to be driven out of their Countrey upon every Cappriccio That it would be well to mitigate their fury and lay down their Arms rather than to run the hazard of a Battel by presumption upon their Numbers which had many times fail'd and been worsted by the less The people were divided in their Judgments some were for ingaging as a thing some time or other would necessarily be and better now than to deser till their Enemies were more powrful and if it could be imagined the mitigation of the Laws would content them they should be mitigated accordingly but their insolence and pride could never be laid by till by force they were constrain'd to 't To others more moderate and prudent it appeared that the alteration of the Laws would not signifie much but to come to a Battel might be of very great importance and their Opinion prevailing it was provided that no accusation should be admitted against a Nobleman without necessary testimony Though upon these terms both parties laid down their Arms yet their jealousies of one another were mutually retain'd and they began again to fortifie on both sides The People thought sit to re-re-order the Government and reduc'd their Signori to a less number as suspecting some of them to be too great favouers of the Nobility of whom the Mansini Magalotti Altoviti Peruzzi and Cerretani were the chief Having setled the State in this manner in the year 1298. for the greater Magnificence and Security of their Signori they founded their Palace and made a Piazza before it where the houses of the Uberti stood formerly About the same time also the Foundation of the Prisons were laid which in few years after were finished Never was this City in greater splendor nor more happy in its condition than then abounding both in men riches and reputation They had 3000. Citizens in the Town â—it to bear Arms and 70000. more in their Territory All Tuscany was at its devotion partly as subjects and partly as friends And though there were still piques and suspicions betwixt the Nobility and the People yet they did not break out into any ill effect but all lived quietly and peaceably together and had not this tranquillity been at length interrupted by dissention within it had been in no danger from abroad being in such terms at that time it neither feared the Empire nor its Exiles and could have brought a force into the Field equivalent to all the rest of the States in Italy But that diseasâ— from which ab extra it was secure was ingendred in its own bowels There were two Families in Florence the Cerchi and the Donati equally considerable both in numbers riches and dignity being Neighbours both in City and Countrey there happened some exceptions and disgust betwixt them but not so great as to bring them to blows and perhaps they would never have produc'd any considerable effects had not their ill humours been agitated and fermented by new occasion Among the chief Families in Pistoia there was the Family of the Cancellieri It happened that Lore the Son of Gulielmo and Geri the Son of Bertaccio fell out by accident at play and passing from words to blows Geri received a slight wound Gulielmo was much troubled at the business and thinking by excess of humility to take off the scandal he increased it and made it worse He commanded his Son to go to Geri's Fathers house and demand his pardon Lore obey'd and went as his Father directed but that act of humanity did not at all sweeten the acerbity of Bertaccio's mind who causing Lore to be seiz'd by his servants to aggravate the indignity he caused him to be led by them into the stable and his hand cut off upon the Manger with instruction to return to his Father and to let him know That wounds are not cured so properly by words as amputation Gulielmo was so enraged at the cruely of the fact as he and his friends immediately took Arms to revenge it and Bertaccio and his friends doing as much to defend themselves the whole City of Pistoia was engaged in the quarrel and divided into two parties These Cancellieri being both of them descended from one of the Cancellieri who had two Wives one of them called Bianca that party which descended from her called it self Bianca and the other in
resolv'd to reform in that particular either because the Sesti or sixths were ill distributed or else designing more Authority to the Nobility they thought it convenient to increase the number of the Senators Hereupon they divided the City into Quarters and in every Quarter three Signori were created to superinspect it The Gonfaloniere della Iustitia and Gonfalonieri of the Popular Companies were laid aside and instead of them they created XII Buon-Huomini and VIII Consiglieri four of each sort The Common Wealth being setled in this Method might have continued quiet and happy had the Grandees been contented to have fram'd it themselves to such modesty of Conversation as is requisit in a Civil Government But their practices were quite contrary when they were but private Persons no Body was good enough to be their Companions and being in Office scarce any too good to be their Subjects every day producing new instances of their Arrogance and Pride insomuch that the People were exceedingly troubl'd to consider with what impatience and fury they had remov'd one Tyrant to make room for a thousand In this manner things stood at that time the insolence of one side and the indignation of the other fermenting to that degree that the Chief of the People complaining of the Enormity of their great Ones and their haughtiness to the People and to the Bishop desir'd that he would be an instrument to restrain the Grandees to their share in the other Offices and effect that the Senate might consist only of the People The Bishop was naturally a good Man but easie and unconstant from that unconstancy of temper it was that his Associats first wrought upon him to favour the Duke of Athens and afterwards persuaded him against him in the late Reformation he appear'd highly for the Nobility now upon the instance and solicitation of the Popular Citizens he was as earnest for the People and supposing to have found the same irresolution in other People as was eminent in himself he fancy'd himself able to prevail with the Nobility to consent Hereupon convoking the XIV who were as yet in possession of their Authority with the best language he could use he exhorted them to resign the dignity of the Senate to the People if they bare any respect to the tranquillity of the City or their own safety and preservation But these Words wrought a contrary effect in the minds of the Nobility Ridolfo de Bardi reprehending him very smartly upbraided the Levity and Treachery of his behaviour with the Duke and concluded at last that the Honours and imployments they were in they had acquir'd with hazzard and would defend them with the same and in this squable he and his Brethren left the Bishop and went to the rest of the Nobility to communicate with them The People were made acquainted with their answer on the otherside and whilst the Grandees were providing what strength they could for the defence of their Senators the Commons thought it no time to attend for Orders but ran immediatly to their Arms and with them to the Palace calling out to the Nobility to renounce The noise and tumult were great the Signori found themselvâ—s forsaken for the Grandees finding the People universally in Arms durst not appear but kept themselves close at home as obscurely as they could whereupon the Popular Senators endeavouring to pacifie the People alledg'd that they were honest and good Men and prevail'd though with great difficulty that they might be sent safe to their houses The Senators of the Nobility being dismiss'd the Office was taken away from the four Grand Couâ—sellors and transfer'd upon XII of the People and the eight Popular Senators which remain'd They restor'd the Gonfaloniere della Iustitia and XVI Gonfalonieri of the Companies of the People and reâ—orm'd all Counsels in such manner that the Government remain'd entirely in the People When those exorbitances happen'd there was a great scarcity in the City which occasion'd the discontents both of Nobility and People the People for want of Victuals the Nobility for want of Command and gave incouragement to Andrea Strozzi to usurp upon their liberty Andrea selling his Corn at a cheaper rate than his Neigbours had greater resort of poor People to his House which he observing mounted on Horseback one morning with several of the Rabble at his heels he cry'd out to the rest to take Arms and in a few hours he got together more than 4000 Men with whom he march'd to the Palace of the Senate and demanded to have it open'd but the Senators partly by threatning and partly by force disingag'd themselves of them and afterward when they were gone frighted them so with their Proclamations that by little and little they dissolv'd and went every Man to his Home and left Andrea alone to escape as he could Though this accident was rash and had the common end of such desperate attempts yet it gave no little hopes to the Nobility of prevailing against the People seeing the Refuse and Rascallity of the City had an animosity against them That they might not slip so fair an occasion it was resolv'd that they should fortify themselves with their assistance if they could gain it and recover by force what by injustice was taken from them And so bold they grew in their confidence of Vâ—ctory that they began to provide Arms publickly to fortify their Houses and send to their friends in Lombardy for help and supplies The People and their Senators were as busie on the other side they provided themselves with what Arms they could get and sent to the Sanesi and Perugini for relief The Auxiliaries on both sides being arriv'd the whole City was immediatly in Arms. The Nobility had posted themselves in three places on this side the River Arnus at the Palace of the Câ—vicciulli near S. Iohns at the Palaces of the Pâ—zzi and Donati near S. Piero Maggiore and at the Palace of the Cavalcanti in the new-Market those of the Nobility who were on the other side of the River had fortifi'd the Bridges and Streets which were in the way to their Houses The Nerli possess'd themselves of the Ponte alla Carraia the Frescohaldi and Mannelli of S. Trimita the Rossi and Bardi were upon their guard at the old Bridge and the Rubaconte The People in the mean time form'd themselves into a posture under the Gonfalone della Giustitia and the Ensigns of the People and being drawn up in array it was thought best immediately to fall on the first that march'd were the Medici and Rondinelli who assaulted the Cavicciulli on that side which is towards the Piazza de S. Giovanni The service was very hot great stones being tumbled upon them from above and vollies of Arrows sent liberally among them from below and continued three hours compleat but the numbers of the People increasing and no relief like to get near them the Cavicciulli submitted to their multitudes and surrendred
But they not being satisfied to attend three years before they should be capable of Office the Arts in favour to them got together again and demanded of the Senate that for the future no Citizen might be admonished as a Ghibilin by either the Senate the Colledge the Captains of the Parties the Consuls or Sindic's of any Art whatsoever requiring likewise that new imborsation might be made of the Guelfs and the old one be burn'd Their demands were presently accepted both by the Senate and Counsels supposing thereupon their new tumult would have ceased But those that are covetous and impatient for revenge are not to be satisfied with bare restitution Such as desired disorder to inrich and wreck themselves upon their enemies persuaded the Artificers they could never be safe unless many of their adversaries were banished ot destroyed Which practices being remonstrated to the Senate they caused the Magistrates of the Arts and the Sindic's to appear before them to whom Luigi Guicciardini the Gonfaloniere spake in this maner If these Lords and my self had not long since understood the fortune of this City and observed that its Wars abroad were no sooner determined but it was infested with new troubles at home we should have more admired and more resented the tumults Which have happened but things that are familiar carrying less terror along with them we have born the late passages with more patience especially considering we were not at all conscious to their beginning and had reason to hope they would have the same end as former tumults have had upon our condescension to their great and their numerous demands But finding to our Sorrow you are so far from composing your thoughts or acquiescing in what has been granted that you are rather exasperated and conspire new injury against your fellow Citizens and endeavour to banish them we must needs say the ignobleness of your proceedings provokes us to displeasure And certainly had we imagin'd that in the time of our Magistracy our City should have been ruin'd either in siding with or against you we should have declin'd that honour and freed our selves from it either by banishment or flight But supposing we had to do with people not utterly destitute of humanity and void of all affection to their Country we willingly accepted of the preferment as hoping by the gentleness of our deportment to be too hard for your ambition and violence But we see now by unhappy experience the mildness of our behaviour and the readiness of our condescensions do but inhanse and elate you and spur you on to more dishonourable demands We say not this to disgust but to inform you let others represent to you what will please it shall be our way to remonstrate what is profitable Tell me upon your words what is there more that you can justly desire of us You proposed to have the Captains of the Parties devested of their authority it is done Yov mov'd the old imborsations might be burn'd and new ones decreed to supply them we consented You had a mind the Ammoniti should be re-admitted to places of honour and trust we granted it Upon your intercession we pardoned those who had burned houses and rob'd Churches and to satisfie you have sent several of our principal Citizens into Exile To gratifie you the Grandees are circumscrib'd with new Laws and all things done that might satisfie you what end therefore will there be of your demands Or how long will you abuse the liberty you enjoy Do you not perceive that we can be overcome with more patience then you can subdue us What will be the conclusion or whither will your dissentions hurry this poor City Can you have forgot how Castruccio an inconsiderable Citizen of Luca taking advantage of the divisions possessed himself of it Do not you still remember that the Duke of Athens from a private person became your Lord and your Sovereign and all from our own differences at home Whereas when we were united the Arch-Bishop of Millan nor the Pope himself were able to hurt us but were glad after several years War to lay down with dishonour Why then will you suffer your own discords in time of Peace too to bring a City into slavery which so many potent enemies in time of War were not able to captivate What can you expect from your divisions but servitude What from the goods you have or shall hereafter take violently from your neighbours but poverty The persons you plunder are they who by our care and appointment supply the City with all things and if it be defeated of them what can we do to sustain iâ— What-ever you gain being unjustly acquir'd you can hardly preserve from whence famine and poverty must necessarily follow These Lords therefore and my self do command and if it be consistent with our Dignity intreat and beseech you that you would compose your selves for this once and be content with our pass'd condescensions or if they be too little and there remains still something to be granted that you would dâ—sire it civilly and not with the force and clamour of a tumult and if your request be just you will not only be gratified but occasion taken away from wicked men to ruine your Country under your shelter and pretence These words being true had great influence upon the people insomuch that they return'd their thanks to the Gonfaloniere acknowledged that he had behav'd himself like a good Lord to them and a good Citizen to the City and promised their obedience to what-ever he commanded To breake the ice the Signori deputed two Citizens for each of the chiefest Offices to consult with the Syndic's of the Arts what in order to the publick good was most fit to be reformed and to report it to the Senate But whilst these things were transacting a new tumult broke out which put the City into more trouble than the former The greatest part of the robbery and late mischief was committed by the rabble and rascallity of the people and of them those who had been most eminently mischievous apprehended when the greater differences were reconcil'd they might be questioned punished for the crimes they had committed and as it always happens be deserted by those very persons who instigated them at first to which was added a certain hatred the inferior sort of the people had taken against the richer Citizens and the Principals of the Arts upon pretence that they were not rewarded for the service they had done with proportion to their deserts For when as in the time of Charles the First the City was divided into Arts every Art had its proper Head and Governour to whose jurisdiction in Civil cases every person in the several Arts were to be subject These Arts as we said before were originally but XII afterwards they increased to XXI and grew to that power and authority that in a few years they ingrossed the whole Government of the City and because among
humanity and promis'd him reward if ever his fortune gave him opportunity Cosimo being by this means in some kind of repose and his business and condition in dispute among the Citizens to entertain Cosimo Federigo brought home with him one night to Supper a Servant of the Gonfaloniere's call'd Fargannaccio a pleasant Man and very good company Supper being almost done Cosimo hoping to make advantage by his being there having known him before very well made a sign to Federigo to go out who apprehending his meaning pretended to give order for something that was wanting and went forth After some few preliminary words when they were alone Cosimo gave Fargannaccio a token to the Master of the Hospital of S. Maria Nuova for 1100 Ducates a thousand of them to be deliver'd to the Gonfaloniere and the odd hundred for himself Forgannaccio undertook to deliver them the Money was paid and the Gonfaloniere was desir'd to take some opportunity of visiting Cosimo himself Upon the receipt of this sum Bernardo became more moderate and Coâ—imo was only confin'd to Padua though Rinaldo design'd against his Life Besides Cosimo Averardo and several others of the Medici were imprison'd and among the rest Puccio and Giovanni Pucci For greater terrour to such as were dissatisfied with the Banishment of Cosimo the Balia was reduc'd to the eight of the Guards and the Captain of the people Upon which resolution Cosimo being conveen'd before the Senate the 3 of October 1433 received the sentence of Banishment with exhortation to submit unless he intended they should proceed more severely both against his Person and Estate Cosimo received his sentence very chearfully He assur'd them that honorable convention could not order him to any place to which he would not willingly repair He desir'd of them that since they had not thought fit to take away his Life they would vouchsafe to secure it for he understood there were many in the Piazza who attended to kill him and at length he protested that in what ever place or condition he should be himself and his Estate should be always at the service of that City Senate and people The Gonfaloniere bad him be satisfied kept him in the palace till night convey'd him than to his own house and having supped with him delivered him to a guard to be conducted safely to the Frontiers Whereever he pass'd Cosimo was honorably receiv'd visited publickly by the Venetians and treated by them more like a Soveraign than a Prisoner Florence being in this manner deprived of a Citizen so universally belov'd every Body was dismay'd as well they who prevail'd as they who were over-power'd Whereupon Rinaldo foreseeing his Fate that he might not be deficient to himself or his party call'd his Friends together and told them That he now saw very evidently their destruction was at hand that they had suffer'd themselves to be overcome by the intreaties and tears and bribes of their Enemies not considering that ere long it would be their turns to weep and implore when their Prayers would not be heard nor their tears find any compassion and for the mony they had received not only the principal would be required but interest extorted with all possible cruelty That they had much better have died themselves than Cosimo should have escap'd with his Life and his friends be continued in Florence Great Men should never be provok'd when they are there is no going back That now there appear'd no remedy to him but to fortifie in the City which our Enemies opposing as doubtless they will we may take our advantage and banish them by force since we cannot by Law That the result of all this would be no more than what he had inculcated before the restauration of the Nobility the restitution of their honors and Officers in the City and the corroboration of their party with them as the adversary had strengthened his with the People And that by this means their party would be made more strong by assuming more courage and Vigor and by acquiring more credit and reputation At last supperadding that if these remedies were not apply'd in time he could not see which way amidst so many Enemies the State was to be preserv'd and he could not but foresee the City and their whole party would be destroy'd To this Mariotto Boldovinetti oppos'd himself alledging the haughtiness of the Nobility and their insupportable Pride and that it was not prudence in them to run themselves under a certain Tyranny to avoid the uncertain dangers of the People Rinaldo perceiving his Counsel not likely to take complain'd of his misfortune and the misfortune of his party imputing all to the malignity of their stars rather then to the blindness and inexperience of the Men. Whilst things were in this suspense and no necessary provision made a letter was discover'd from Agnalo Accinivoli to Cosimo importing the affections of the City towards him and advising him to stir up some War or other and make Neri de Gino his friend for he did presage the City would want Mony and no Body being found to supply them it might put the Citizens in mind of him and perhaps prevail with them to solicite his return and if Neri should be taken off from Rinaldo his party would be left too weak to defend him This letter coming into the hands of the Senate was the occasion that Agnolo was secur'd examin'd and sent into banishment and yet his example could not at all deter such as were Cosimo's friends The year was almost come about since Cosimo was banished and about the latter end of August 1434 Nicolo di Croco was drawn Gonfaloniere for the next two months and with him eight new Senators chosen of Cosmo's Party So that that election frighted Rinaldo and his friends And because by Custom it was three days after their election before the Senators were admitted to the execution of their office Rinaldo address'd himself again to the heads of his Party and remonstrated to them the danger that was hanging over their heads that the only remedy left them was immediately to take Arms to cause Donati Velluti who was Gonfâ—loniere at that time to erect a new Balia to degrade the new Senators to create others for their turns in their places to burn the old and fill up the next imborsation with the names of their friends this resolution was by some people held necessary and good but by others it was thought too violeâ—â— and that which would draw very ill consequences after it Among the number of dissenters Palla Strozzi was one who being a quiet gentle and courteous Person apter for study than the restraining of factions or opposing civil dissentions reply'd that all enterprizes that are contriâ—'d with the least shadow of wisdom or Courage seem good at first but prove difficult in the execution and destructive in the end That he had thought the Dukes Army being upon their frontiers in Romagna the apprehension of
Brescians should yield thereupon they solicited the Count very earnestly both by letters and Messages that he would attempt to relieve them The Count perceiving his hopes of doing it by the Lake absolutely defeated and his way by the fields impossible by reason of the Trenches and Bulwarks which were so numerous and strong and an Army to make them good so that to venture among them would be inevitable destruction the way by the Mountains having been succesful to him at Verona he resolved to try it once more for the relief of Brescia Having pitched upon his way the Count departed from Zeno and by the Val d' Acri marching to the Lake of St. Andrea he pass'd to Forboli and Penda upon the Lake di Garda from whence he advanced to Tenna and sate down before it it being necessary that Castle should be taken before he could get into Brescia Nicolo having intelligence of his design marched his Army to Pischiera and from thence joyning with the Marquess of Mantoua and a commanded party of his best-men he proceeded to engage the Count who giving him battle Nicolo was beaten his Army dispersed many of them taken Prisoners and those which escaped many of them fled to their Camp and many of them to the Fleet. Nicolo got off himself into Tenna and night being come concluding if he stayed till morning he could never get farther to avoid a certain danger he exposed himself to a doubtful Of all his retinue Nicolo had only one servant with him a lusty stong German and one that had always been very faithful to him Nicolo persuaded his German that if he would put him into a sack he might carry him off to some secure place upon his shoulders as some luggage of his Masters The Enemy lay round before the Castle but transported and secure upon their Victory the day before without any Order or guards by which means the German found no great difficulty in the business for putting himself into the habit of a freebooter and Mounting his Master upon his shoulders he passed thorow their whole Camp and brought him safe to his party This Victory had it been improved as happily as it was gained might have given more relief to Brescia and more felicity to the Venetians but being ill managed they had little reason to exult and Brescia remaining in the same necessity as before for Nicolo was no sooner returned to the forces which he had left behind but he set all his wits to work which way he might exploit some new thing to attone for his loss and obstruct the relief of the Town he knew himself the situation of the Citadel of Verona and had learned from the Prisoners taken in that War not only that it was ill guarded but the way how it might easily be surprized he believed therefore that fortune had presented him with an opportunity of recovering his honor and converting his Enemies joy into sadness and sorrow Verona is in Lombardy seated at the foot of those Mountains which divide Italy from Germany so that it stands partly upon the Hill and partly upon the plain the River Adice rises in the vally di Trento and running into Italy does not extend himself immediately thorow the plains but banding to the left hand among the Mountains it comes at length to the City and passes thorow the midst of it yet not so as to divide it into equal parts for towards the plain it is much greater then towards the Mountains upon the rising part of the City there are two Castles one of them called San Piero and the other San Felice which appear stronger in their situation than their walls and do by it command the whole Town In the plain on this side the Adice behind the wall of the City there are two Fortresses about a thousand paces distant one from the other of which the one is called the old Citadel and the other the new On the inside of one of them there passes a wall to the other and is in respect of the other walls which fetch a compass as the string to a bow All the space betwixt these two walls is full of Inhabitants and called the Borg of San Zeno. These two Castles and the Burg Nicolo designed to surprize believing it would be no difficult matter both because of the former negligence of the Guards which he presumed after the late Victory would be much greater and of an opinion he had that no enterprize was so feasible as that which the Enemy believed was impossible to be done Having drawn out a party of choice Men in order to his design he joyned with the Marquess of Mantoua and marching in the night to Verona he scaled the new Citadel and tooke it without being perceived and then forcing upon the Port di S. Antoine the signal was given to his Horse and they marched all of them into the Town Those of the old Citadel who were upon the Guard hearing the noise when the Sentinels in the other Citadel were knock'd on the head and when the Gate of S. Antoine was broken up believing it was the Enemy cryed out to the People to Arm and fell a ringing their Bels. The Citizens taking the alarm came together in great Confusion those of them who had most courage got to their Arms and retreated with them to the Palace of the Rettori in the mean time Nicolo's Souldiers had plundered the Borgo di S. Zeno and advancing towards the Town the Citizens perceiving the Dukes forces was entred and no way left to defend themselves advised the Venetian Rettori to retire into the fortresses and preserve themselves and their goods for as they said it would be much better to do so and attend better fortune than by endeavouring to avoid the present danger to be knock'd on the Head and the whole City pillaged hereupon the Rettori and all the Venetians betook themselves to the Castle of S. Felice and several of the principal Citizens went to meat Nicolo and the Marquess of Mantoua to beg of them that they would rather possess that City rich and with honor than poor to their disgrace especially seeing they had not by an obstinate defence deserved preferment from their old Masters or hatred from their new The Marquess and Nicolo having encouraged them what they could they protected them from plunder as much as was possible and because they were confident the Count would immediately address himself to the recovery of the Town they contrived with all imaginable industry to get the Fort into their hands but what they could not take they block'd up with ditches and trenches cut about to obstruct the Enemy from relieving them The Count Francesco was with his Army at Tenna where upon the first report of this surprize he believed it but vain afterwards understanding the truth he resolved by a more than ordinary speed to recompence his former negligence and expiate its disgrace And though all the chief
else to reconcile himself with Francesco Piccinino who had a command likewise under him that he might assist him in his enterprises or at lest oppose them with more circumstances of respect after which he took the field with his Army and the Citizens of Pania suspecting their own ability to defend themselves against so formidable a force and yet unwilling to bring themselves under the yoke of the Milanesi they offered to surrender to him upon condition they might not fall under their domination The Count had a great mind to that City and looked upon it as a fine initiation and pretence to the rest of his designs Nor was it fear or the imputation of breaking his Faith that restrained him from taking it for great Men think it dishonorable for to lose but none to gain though with fraud and injustice His great doubt was lest in taking it he should disoblige the Milanesi so as they should give themselves to the Venetian and in not taking it he was jealous they should surrender to the Duke of Savoy to which he saw too many of the Citizens inclin'd in either of which cases his authority in Lombardy would be lost At length judging it less danger to take that City himself than to let another Man get it he resolved to accept it persuading himself it would satisfie the Milanesi to let them know how fatal it might have been for him to have refused it seeing those Citizens would certainly have delivered it to the Venetian or the Duke of Savoy either of which ways their State had been undone and that it was better in his possession who was their friend than in either of theirs both of them being too potent and both of them their Enemies The Milanesi for all his compliments were much unsatisfied with the business as plainly discovering the ambition and ends of the Man but they thought best at present to conceal it not knowing whither they were to betake themselves upon a rupture with the Count but to the Venetians whose pride and arrogant terms they dreaded and abhorred so that they concluded not to break with the Count but to obviate their present miseries with his assistance hoping when they were freed from the former some propitious opportunity might happen to quit them of him for they were not only infested by the Venetians but by the Genoeses and the Duke of Savoy in the name of Charles of Orleans descended from a Sister of Philips but the Count defended all against them without any trouble Their greatest adversary was the Venetian who was come near with a powerful Army to seize upon their state and had Lodi and Piacenza already in their possession which last the Count beleagured and after a long siege took it and sack'd it after he had recovered that City Winter coming on he drew his Army into quarters and went himself to Cremona where all that Winter he entertained himself with his Wife but as soon as the Spring appeared the Venetian and Milanesi were both in the field the Milanesi had a great desire to retake Lodi and afterwards to come to an agreement with the Venetian for the expence of the War was encreased and the fidelity of the Count suspected In order to this it was resolved their Army would march to Caravaggio and besiege it supposing that upon the taking of that Castle Lodi would surrender The Count obeyed their Orders though his own inclination was to have passed the Adda and invaded the Country of Brescia Being set down before Caravaggio he intrenched and fortified his Army so well with Ditches and Ramparts that the Venetians could not attempt to relieve it without great disadvantage However the Venetians advanc'd with their Army under the Command of their General Micheletto within two flights shot of the Counts camp continued there several days and had many skirmishes with them Notwithstanding the Count persisted in his siege and prest them so hard they must of necessity surrender The Venetians believing the loss of that Castle would be the loss of their whole enterprize were much dissatisfied with the news and calling a Counsel after many disputes it was concluded there was no way but to attack the Count in his trenches which was not to be done without great disadvantage but the Senate of Venice though naturally timorous and not apt to any sudden or dangerous resolutions was in this case so much transported as rather to venture all than lose that though the loss of that would be the ruine of all It was concluded therefore to fall upon the Count and standing to their Arms one morning very early they assaulted that part of the camp which was the weakest guarded and as it usually happens in such surprizes as that at the very first onslaught they put the whole Sforescan Army into disorder But the Count so rallied them again that after many attempts and irruptions upon their Works they were not only repulsed but so shattered and dispersed that of their whole Army in which there were more thaâ— 12000 Horse there were not above 1000 escaped and their whole baggage and train of Artillery taken so that never till that day had the Venetians received so considerable a defeat Among the rest of the prey and Prisoners there was found a Venetian Proveditore who before the Battle had spoken opprobrious words of the Count calling him Bastard and Coward this Proveditore finding himself in the hands of his Enemies being conscious of his offence and expecting no otherwise but that his reward would be sutable according to the Nature of base Spirits who are always insolent in prosperity and poor and abject in adversity throwing himself with tears at the feet of the Count he acknowledged his fault and beseech'd his pardon The Count took him up by the arm and bad him be of good courage but afterwards he told him he could not but wonder a Person of prudence and that gravity as he desir'd to be thought should commit so great an error and indecorum as to speak reproachfully of those who did not deserve it As to Bastardy he accused him of he knew not the passages betwixt Sforza his Father and Madona Lucia his Mother for not being then present he was not able to order them better and therefore he did hope nothing which they did could be imputable to him But this he knew that since he had been capable of any thing himself he had carried himself so as no body could reprehend him to which both he and his Senate could give fresh and irrefragable testimony at last he admonish'd him to be more modest for the future to have more caution in all his enterprizes and then he dismiss'd him After this Victory the Count march'd his Army into the Country of Brescia possess'd himself of all wherever he came and then encamped within two miles of the City The Venetians upon their overthrow suspecting as it happened that Brescia would be the first thing the Count
of his Towns But whilst the War was carried on in that Kingdom with such variety an accident happen'd which rob'd Giovanni of his opportunity of compleating that enterprize The Genoesi were extreamly dissatified with the insolent Government of the French had taken Arms against the Governor and forc'd him into the Castle in this action the Fregosi and Adorni concur'd and the Duke of Milan supplyed them both with mony and men King Rinato passed that way with a fleet towards the relief of his Son imagining by the help of the Castle he might recover the Town and landing his men in order thereunto he was beaten in such sort that he was forc'd back into Provence This news dismaid Giovanni not a little however he gave not his enterprize over but continued the War by the help of such Barons whose revolt from Ferrando had render'd them desperate of pardon at length after many occurencies both Armies came to a Battle near Troia in which Giovanni was routed but his defeat troubled him not so much as the loss of Piccinino who left his side and went back again to Ferrando His Army being broke he got off into Histria and from thence into France This War continued 4 years and miscarried by the negligence of the General when the Souldiers had many times overcome In this War however the Florentines were not publickly concern'd The truth is upon the death of Alfonso his Son Iohn of Aragon being come to that Crown sent his Embassadors to desire their assistance for his Nephew Ferrando according to their obligation by their late League with Alfonso but the Florentines returned that they did not think themselves oblig'd to assist the Son in a quarrel commenced by the Father and as it was begun without their consent or knowledg so without any assistance from them it might be continued or ended Whereupon in behalf of their King the Embassadors protested them guilty of the breach of the League and responsible for all the losses which should follow and having done that in a great huff they departed During the revolutions in this War the Florentines were at quiet abroad but at home it was otherwise as shall be shown more particularly in the following Book THE HISTORY OF FLORENCE BOOK VII IN the reading of the last Book it may appear possibly impertinent and a digression for a Writer of the Florentine History to have broke out and expatiated upon the affairs of Lombardy and Naples Yet I have done it and shall do it for the future for though I never profess'd to write the transactions of Italy yet I never bound my self up from giving a relation of such important and memorable passages as would make our History more grateful and intelligible especially seeing from the actions of other Princes and States wars and troubles did many times arise in which the Florentines were of necessity involved for example the War betwixt Giovanni d' Angio and King Ferrando proclaimed in them so great a hatred and animosity one towards the other that it was continued afterwards betwixt Ferrando and the Florentines and more particularly the House of Medici For King Ferrando complaining not only that they had refus'd him their assistance but given it to his Enemies that resentment of his was the occasion of much mischief as will be shown in our narration And because in my description of our Foreign affairs I am advanc'd to the year 1463. being return'd to our domestick it will be necessary to look back for several years But first by way of introduction as my custom I shall say that they who imagine a Commonwealth may be continued united are egregiously mistaken True it is dissention does many times hurt but sometimes it advantages a State It hurts when it is accompanied with parties and factions it helps when it has none Seeing therefore it is impossible for any Legislator or founder of a republick to provide there should be no piques nor unkindnesses betwixt Men it is his business what he can to secure them against growing into parties and Clans It is then to be consider'd that there are two ways for Citizens to advance themselves to reputation among their Neighbours and they are either publickly or privatly The Publick way is by gaining some battle surprizing and distressing some Town performing some Embassy carefully and prudently or counselling their State wisely and with success the private way is by being kind to their fellow Citizens by defending them from the Magistrats supplying them with mony promoting them to honors and with plays and publick exhibitions to ingratiate with the People This last way produces parties and factions and as the reputation acquir'd that way is dangerous and fatal so the other way it is beneficial if it sides with no party as extending to the publick And although among Citizens of such qualification there must needs be emulations and jealousies yet wanting partisans and People which for their advantage will follow them they are rather a convenience than otherwise to a Government for to make themselves more eminent and conspicuous than their Competitors they imploy all their faculties for its advancement prying and observing one anothers actions so strictly that neither dares venture to transgress The emulations in Florence were always with faction and for that reason always were dangerous nor was any party unanimous any longer than it had an adverse party in being for that being overcome and the predominant party having no fear nor order to restrain it subdivided on course Cosimo de Medici's party prevail'd in the year 1434 but the depress'd party being great and many powerful Men amongst them for a while they continued unanimous and supportable committing no exorbitance among themselves nor injustice to the People which might beget them their hatred Insomuch as when ever they had use of the People for their readvancement to any place of authority they found them always ready to confer it upon the chief of that party whether it was the Balia or any other power which they desir'd and so from the year 1434 to 55 which was 21 years they were six times created of the Balia by the Counsels of the People There were in Florence as we have many times hinted two principal Citizens Cosimo de Medici and Neri Capponi Neri had gain'd his reputation in the publick way and had many friends but few partisans Cosimo on the other side had advanc'd himself both ways and had friends and partisans both and these two continuing friends whilst they lived together they could ask nothing of the People but it was readily granted because unanimity went along with the Power But Neri dying in the year 1455 and the adverse party being extinct the Government found great difficulty to recover its authority and Cosimo's great friends were the cause of it who were willing to detract from his authority now his adversaries were suppress'd This was the beginning of the divisions in 1466 in which year in
their followers to secure themselves of the palace took them along with him and being come to the Palace he left some of his company below with orders upon the first noise above stairs that they should seize upon the Gate whilst he and the rest of the Perugians went up into the Castle Finding the Senate was risen by reason it was late after a short time he was met by Cesare Petrucci the Gonfaloniere di Giustitia so that entring further with him and some few of his crew he left the rest without who walking into the Chancery by accident shut themselves in for the lock was so contriv'd that without the key it was not easily to be opened either within or without The Archbishop being entred with the Gonfaloniere pretending to impart some great matter to him from the Pope he accosted him in so confused and distracted a way the Gonfaloniere from the disorder both of his looks and expressions began to suspect sprung from him out of the Chamber with a great cry and finding Giacopo di Poggio he caught him by the hair of the head and delivered him to one of the Sergeants the noise running immediately to the Senators with such arms as they had about them they set upon the Conspirators and all them who went up with the Archbishop part being shut up and part unable to defend themselves were either kill'd or thrown alive out of the windows Of this number the Archbishop the two other Salviati and Giacopo di Poggio were hang'd Those who were left below had forc'd the Guards and Possessed themselves of the Gate insomuch that the Citizens which upon the first alarm had run into the Castle were not able to assist the Senate either with their counsel or Arms. Francesco de Pazzi in the mean time and Bernardo Bandini seeing Lorenzo escaped and one of themselves upon whom the hopes of that enterprize did principally depend most grievously wounded they were much dismaid Bernardo concluding all lost thinking to provide for his safety with the same courage as he had injured the Medici he made his escape Francesco being returned to his house tried if he could get on Horseback for orders were as soon as the fact was committed to gallop about the Town and excite the People to liberty and arms but finding he could not ride by reason of the deapness of his wound and the great quantity of blood which he had lost he desired Giacopo to do that office for him and then stripping he threw himself upon the bed Giacopo though an ancient Man and not versed in such kind of tumults to try the last experiment of his fortune he got on Horseback and with about an hundred Horse well armed and formerly prepared he marched towards the Palace caying out Liberty liberty to the People as he went along but some of them being deafned by their obligations to the Medici and the rest not desirous of any change in the Government none of them came in The Senators who were on the top of the Palace and had secured themselves as well as they could threw down stones upon their heads and frighted them with threats as much as possible Giacopo was in great confusion and knew not what to do when his cousin Giovanni Saristori coming to him and reproaching him by what was done already advised him to go home to his house and be quiet assuring him there were other Citizens who would be as careful of the People and their liberties as he Being therefore utterly destitute of all hopes Lorenzo alive Francesco wounded and no body appearing for him he resolved to save himself if he could and marched out of Florence with his Party at his heels and went towards Romagna In the mean time the whole City was in Arms and Lorenzo surrounded by a strong Party of armed men was reconveyed to his Palace The Senats Palace was recovered and all those who had possess'd it were either taken or killed The name of the Medici was with great acclamation cryed about the City and the members of those who were slain were either dragged or carried upon the point of their swords about the streets every body with great anger and cruelty persecuting the Pazzi Their houses were all broken up by the People Francesco naked as they found him in his bed was hurried out of his house to the Palace and hanged up by the Bishop and his Bretheren Yet with all their contumely by the way and all their affronts when he came there they could not provoke him to give them one word only he looked grim and fixed his eyes upon every one that abused him and without any other complaint he silently expired Guglielmo de Pazzi Brother-in-Law to Lorenzo was preserved in his house both out of respect to his innocence and the intercession of Bianca his Wife There was not a Citizen in all the City but went either armed or disarmed to Lorenzo in this exigence and proffered him both themselves and their fortunes so great was the kindness and interest which that family by their prudence and liberality had gained in the People Whilst this business happend Rinato di Pazzi was retired to his Country house intending to disguise himself and and escape if he could but he was discovered apprehended by the way and brought back again to Florence Giacopo was taken likewise passing the Alps for the Alpigines hearing what happened in Florence seeing him pass that way they persued took him and returned him to Florence nor could he prevail with them though several time he mades it his earnest request to kill him by the way Four days after this accident Giacopo and Rinato were condemned and put to Death bâ—t among all who were executed and they were so many that the streets and high ways were full of their limbs none was so much lamented as Rinato for he was always esteemed an honest good Man not guilty of that pride and arrogance which was observed in the rest of his family And that this story might not pass without an extraordinary instance of the fury of the People Giacopo who was buried at first in the Sepulchre of his Fathers afterwards was torn from thence as an excommunicated Person dragged out of the walls of the City and thrown into a hole and being taken up again his body was drawn in the same halter with which he was hanged naked about the streets and having no place allowed it to be quiet at land was at last thrown into the Arnus A great example of the inconstancy of fortune to see a person of his wealth and authority pulled so ignominiously in pieces and ruined with so many circumstances of contempt They spake indeed of his vices and of a strange propensity in him to swearing and play above the degree of the most profligate person but those infirmities were abundantly recompensed in his charity and benificence for he was a great reliever of the poor and endow'd several places of devotion
Galeazzo being of age become capable of the Government and married to the Daughter of the Duke of Calabria he had a mind his Son-in-Law and not Lodovico should exercise the Government Lodovico smelling his design resolved if possible to prevent him This inclination of Lodovico's being known to the Venetians they thought it a fair opportunity to gain as they had done before by peace what by Wur they had lost and making private overtures to him in August 1484 they came to an agreement which was no sooner divulged but the other Confederuts were highly displeased especially seeing all they had taken from the Venetians would be restored the Venetians lefvin the possession of Rovigo and Polisine which they had taken from the Marquess of Ferrara and invested with all the Prerogatives and preheminences which they had exercised over that City before for every Man judged they had made a chargeable War gained some honor indeed in the prosecution of it but in the conclusion they had come off with disgrace for the Towns which they had taken were restored but the Towns they had lost were kept by the Enemy yet the confederats were glad to accept the Peace being weary of the war and unwilling to attempt their fortune any further with the defects and ambition of other People Whilst in Lombardy things were managed at this rate the Pope by the mediation of Lorenzo pressed hard upon the City of Castello to turn out Nicolo Vitelli who to bring over the Pope to their party was deserted by the League Whilst they were intrenched before the Town those of the Garison who were friends to Vitelli sallyed out upon the Enemy and beat them from the siege hereupon the Pope recalled Girolamo from Lombardy caused him to come to Rome to recruit his Army and then sent him to pursue his designs against Castello but judging it better upon second thoughts to reduce Nicolo by fair means than foul he made peace with him and reconciled him as much as in him lay to his adversary Lorenzo and to this he was constrained more out of apprehension of new troubles than any desire to peace for he saw ill humours remaining betwixt the Colonnesi and the Ursini In the War betwixt the Pope and the King of Naples the King of Naples had taken from the Ursini the Country of Pagliacozzo and given it to the Colonnesi who followed his party When Peace was afterwards made betwixt the Pope and the King the Ursini demanded restitution by virtue of that treaty The Pope many times required the Colonnesi to deliver it but neither the prayers of the one nor the threats of the other being able to prevail they fell upon the Ursini with their old way of depredation and plunder The Pope not enduring that insolence drew all his forces together and joyning them with the Ursini they sacked the Houses of all the Colonni in Rome killed those who resisted and destroyed most of the Castles which they had in those parts so that those tumults were ended not by peace but by the destruction of one of the parties In the mean time the affairs in Genoa and Tuscany were in no better condition for the Florentines kept Antonio da Marciano with his forces upon the frontiers of Serezana and with excursions and skirmishes kept the Serezani in perpetual alarm In Genoa Battistino Fregoso Doge of that City reposing too much confidence in Paulo Fregoso the Arch-Bishop was himself his Wife and Children seized by him and the Archbishop made himself Prince The Venetian fleet had at that time assaulted the King of Naples possess'd themselves of Galipoli and alarmed all the Towns about it but upon the peace in Lombardy all the differences were composed except those in Tuscany and Rome for the Pope died five days after the Peace was proclaimed either his time being then come or else his indignation at the Peace against which he was most obstinately averse having killed him However he left all Italy quiet when he died though whilst he lived he kept it constantly imbroiled Upon his death Rome was immediatly in Arms Count Girolamo with his forces retired to the Castle the Ursini were fearful the Colonni would revenge the injuries they had so lately received the Colonni demanded their Houses and Castles to be made good so that in a few days Murders Roberies and burning of Houses was to be seen in several parts of the City but the Cardinals having persuaded Girolamo to deliver up the Castle into the hands of their Colledge to retire to his own Government and free the City from his forces hoping thereby to make the next Pope his friend he readily obeyed delivered up the Castle to the Colledge and drew off his forces to Imola So that the Cardinals being rid of that fear and the Barons of the assistance they expected from Girolamo they proceeded to the Election of a new Pope and after some little disputes they made choice of Giovan Battista Cibo Cardinal di Malfetta a Genoese with the name of Innocent the 8 who by the easiness of his Nature being a Man of peace prevailed with them to lay down their Arms and once more made all quiet at Rome Notwithstanding this Peace the Florentines could not be prevailed with to be quiet it appearing to them dishonorable and insufferable that a private Gentleman should have taken and keep from them the Castle of Serazana and because it was an article in the Peace that not only all that had been lost might be demanded again but that War might be waged against any that obstructed it they prepared Men and mony to go on with that enterprize whereupon Agostino Fregoso who had surprized Serazana finding himself unable with his private force to sustain such a War he resigned it to S. George And seeing we shall many times have occasion to mention S. George and the Genoesi it will not be inconvenient to describe the orders and methods of that City which is one of the principal in Italy When the Genoesi had made peace with the Venetians after the greatest War in which they had ever been engaged not being able to satisfie certain Citizens who had advanced great sums of money for the service of the publick they made over to them the profits of the Dogana appointing that every Man should share of them according to the proportion of his principal sum till his whole debt should be wrought out and for their convenience of meeting and better disposing of their affairs they consigned the Palace to them which was over the Custom-house These Creditors erected a kind of Government among themselves created a Counsel of 100 to deliberate and order all publick matters and another of eight Citizens to put them in execution their debts were divided into several parts which they called Luoghi and their whole body was called San. Giorgia Having established their Government in this manner new exigences arising every day to the Commonwealth they
had recourse to San. Giorgio for supplies which being rich and well managed was able always to relieve them but the Magistrates and community of the City having granted them their customs before were forced now when they borrowed any mony to make over their lands to them and they had done it so frequently that the necessities of the one and the supplies of the other had brought things to that pass that the greatest part of the Towns and Cities under the jurisdiction of Genoa were fallen into their hands and they Governed and disposed of them as they pleased chusing annually their Rettori or Governors by publick suffrage without the least interposition or concernment of the Common-wealth From hence it happened that the affection of the People was removed from the Government of the Commonwealth which they looked upon as tyrannical to the Government of San Giorgio which was well and impartially administred and from hence the casic and often changes of the State did proceed which submitted it self sometimes to this Citizen sometimes to that stranger as occasion invited and the reason was because it was not San. Giorgio but the Magistrats which altered the Government Therefore when the contention was betwixt the Fregosi and Adorni for Soveraignty of the City because the controversie was only among the Governors of the Commonwealth the greatest part of the Citizens withdrew and left the State to him that could catch it the office of San. Giorgio concerning it self no farther than to swear the person advanced to the conservation of their Laws which have not been altered to this very day for having Arms and mony and conduct they cannot be subverted without danger of a destructive Rebellion A rare and incomparable example not to be fellowed in all the visible or immaginary Commonwealths of the Philosophers to behold in the same Circle among the same Citizens liberty and tyranny civility and corruption justice and rapine to be exercised at the same time for that order alone preserved that City in its ancient and vencrable customs And had it fallen out as in time doubtless it will that the Government of the Commonwealth had fallen to the management of San. Giorgio no question but before this it would have been greater and more formidable than the republick of Venice To this San. Giorgio therefore Agostino Fregosa not being able to keep it himself delivered Serezana San. Giorgio accepted it readily undertook to defend it put out a Fleet immediatly to Sea and sent forces to Pietra Santa to intercept any that should go to the Florentines who were already encamped before Serezana The Florentines on the other side had a months mind to Pietra Santa as a Town which by reason of its situation betwixt Pisa and that would make Serezana inconsiderable though they should take it and in the mean time interrupt them in their Leaguer as often as that Garison should think it fit to come forth To bring this about the Florentines sent a considerable quantity of provisions and amunition with a small party to convey them from Pisa to their Camp Supposing that the Garison of Pietra Santa would be tempted to take them both from the weakness of the convoy and the greatness of the prize and their artifice succeeded for the Garison could not see such a booty and suffer it to pass This was as the Florentines desired and gave them just pretence of hostility whereupon rising from Serezana they marched to Pietra Santa and encamped before it which being well man'd defended it self stoutly The Florentines having disposed their artillery in the plain they raised a new battery upon the mountain intending likewise to batter it from thence Giacopo Guicardini was their Commissary at that time and whilst they were employed at Pietra Santa in this manner the Genoa fleet took and burned the Rocca di Vada and landing some Men overran all the Country there abouts Against these forces Bongiami Gianfigliazza was dispatched with a party of Horse and foot who restrained their extravagance so as they did not make their excursions as formerly However the Fleet continued to moleft the Florentines and accordingly removed to Ligorn where with bridges and other military engines having got close to the New Tower they battered it smartly for several days together but finding it to no purpose they went off again with shame In the mean time the siege at Pietra Santa went on very slowly insomuch that the Enemy was encouraged to attempt upon their battery and sallying out when they saw their advantage they carried it much to their own reputation and to the discouragement of their Enemy who immediatly drew off to about four miles distance and the officers considering it was October and the Winter fâ—r on were of opinion to put their Army into their quarters and reserve the prosecution of their siege till a better season These disorders being known at Florence filled all the chief officers with great indignation upon which to recruit their Camp and recover their reputation they elected Antonio Pucci and Bernardo del Nero for their new Comissaries who being sent with a consisiderable supply of mony to the Camp remonstrated to the chief officers the displeasure of the Senate the State and the whole City their commands to return their Leaguer with the Army the scandal and infamy it would be if so many great officers with so great an Army having nothing to oppose them but a pitiful Garison should not be able to carry so weak and so contemptible a Town They represented likewise the present and future advantage which they might expect if it were taken so that they were all encouraged to return and the first thing to be attacked they resolved should be the Bastion out of which they had been forced in which action it was manifest what courtesie affability kind usage and good words could produce in the Souldiers for Antonio Pucci persuading this promising that assisting a third with his hand and embracing the fourth incited them to the assault with such fury that they regained the Bastion in a moment but they did not take it without loss for the Count Antonio da Marciano was slain from one of their great Guns This success brought such a terror upon the Garison that they began to think of surrendring That things might be transacted with greater reputation Lorenzo de Medici thought good to repair in person to the Camp where he was no sooner arrived but in a few days the Castle surrendered Winter being come it did not appear to those Officers convenient to prosecute the War but to attend better weather for the season of the year by the malignity of the air had infected the Army extreamly for many of their chief Officers were sick and among the rest Antonio Pucci and Bongianni Gianfigliazzi were not only sick but died to the great regret of all People so much honor and estimation had Antonio acquired by his conduct at Pietra Santa The Florentine had
and fortune of those who advanced them which being two things very valuable and uncertain they have neither knowledg nor power to continue long in that degree know not because unless he be a Man of extraordinary qualities and virtue it is not reasonable to think he can know how to command other people who before lived always in a private condition himself cannot because they have no forces upon whose friendship and fidelity they can rely Moreover States which are suddenly conquered as all things else in nature whose rise and increase is so speedy can have no root or foundation but what will be shaken and supplanted by the first gust of adversity unless they who have been so suddenly exalted be so wise as to prepare prudently in time for the conservation of what fortune threw so luckily into their lap and establish afterwards such fundamentals for their duration as others which I mentioned before have done in the like cases About the arrival at this Authority either by virtue or good fortune I shall instance in two examples that are fresh in our memory one is Francis Sforza the other Caesar Borgio Sforza by just means and extraordinary virtue made himself Duke of Milan and enjoyed it in great peace though gained with much trouble Borgia on the other side called commonly Duke of Valentine got several fair territories by the fortune of his Father Pope Alexander and lost them all after his death though he used all his industry and employed all the Arts which a wise and brave Prince ought to do to fix himself in the sphear where the Arms and fortune of other people had placed him For he as I said before who laid not his foundation in time may yet raise his superstructure but with great trouble to the Architect and great danger to the building If therefore the whole progress of the said Duke be considered it will be found what solid foundations he had laid for his future dominion of which progress I think it not superfluous to discourse because I know not what better precepts to display before a new Prince than the example of his actions and though his own orders and methods did him no good it was not so much his fault as the malignity of his fortune Pope Alexander the sixth had a desire to make his Son Duke Valentine great but he saw many blocks and impediments in the way both for the present and future First he could not see any way to advance him to any territory that depended not upon the Church and to those in his gift he was sure the Duke of Milan and the Venetians would never consent for Faenza and Riminum had already put themselves under the Venetian protection He was likewise sensible that the forces of Italy especially those who were capable of assisting him were in the hands of those who ought to apprehend the greatness of the Pope as the Ursini Colonnesi and their followers and therefore could not repose any great confidence in them besides the Laws and alliances of all the States in Italy must of necessity be disturbed before he could make himself Master of any part which was no hard matter to do finding the Venetians upon some private interest of their own inviting the French to another expedition into Italy which his Holiness was so far from opposing that he promoted it by dissolution of King Lewis his former marriage Lewis therefore passed the Alps by the assistance of the Venetians and Alexanders consent and was no sooner in Milan but he sent forces to assist the Pope in his enterprize against Romagna which was immediatly surrendred upon the Kings reputation Romagna being in this manner reduc'd by the Duke and the Colonnesi defeated being ambitious not only to keep what he had got but to advance in his Conquests two things obstructed one was the infidelity of his own Army the other the aversion of the French for he was jealous of the forces of the Ursini who were in his service suspected by would fail him in his need and either hinder his conquest or take it from him when he had done and the same fears he had of the French and his jealousie of the Ursini was much increased when after the expugnation of Faenza assaulting Bologna he found them very cold and backward in the attack and the King's inclination he discover'd when having possess'd himself of the Dutchy of Urbin he invaded Tuscany and was by him requir'd to desist Whereupon the Duke resolved to depend no longer upon fortune and foraign assistance and the first course he took was to weaken the party of the Ursini and Colonni in Rome which he effected very neatly by debauching such of their adherants as were Gentlemen taking them into his own service and giving them honorable pensions and Governments and Commands according to their respective qualities so that in a few months their passion for that faction evaporated and they turn'd all for the Duke After this he attended an opportunity of supplanting the Ursini as he had done the Family of the Colonni before which happened very luckily and was as luckily improved for the Ursini considering too late that the greatness of the Duke and the Church tended to their ruine held a Council at a place called Magione in Perugia which occasioned the rebellion of Urbin the tumults in Romagna and a thousand dangers to the Duke besides but though he overcame them all by the assistance of the French and recovered his reputation yet he grew weary of his foreign allies as having nothing further to oblige them and betook himself to his artifice which he managed so dexterously that the Ursini reconciled themselves to him by the mediation of Seignor Paulo with whom for his security he comported so handsomly by presenting with mony rich stuffs and Horses that being convinced of his integrity he conducted them to Sinigaglia and deliver'd them into the Dukes hands Having by this means exterminated the chief of his adversaries and reduc'd their friends the Duke had laid a fair foundation for his greatness having gain'd Romagna and the Dutchy of Urbin and insinuated with the People by giving them a gust of their future felicity And because this part is not unworthy to be known for imitation sake I will not pass it in silence When the Duke had possess'd himself of Romagna finding it had been governed by poor and inferiour Lord's who had rather robb'd than corrected their Subjects and given them more occasion of discord than unity insomuch as that Province was full of robberies riots and all manner of insolencies to reduce them to unanimity and subjection to Monarchy he thought it necessary to provide them a good Governor and thereupon he confer'd that charge upon Râ—miro d' Orco with absolute power though he was a cruel and a passionate Man Orce was not long before he had settled it in peace with no small reputation to himself Afterwards the Duke apprehending so large
the conquests are slow and tedious and weak but their losses are rapid and wonderful And because I am come with my examples into Italy where for many years all things have been manag'd by mercenary Armies I shall lay my discourse a little higher that their Original and progress being rendred more plain they may with more ease be regulated and corrected You must understand that in latter times when the Roman Empire began to decline in Italy and the Pope to take upon him authority in Temporal affairs Italy became divided into several States For many of the great Cities took Arms against their Nobility who having been formerly favoured by the Emperours kept the People under oppression against which the Church opposed to gain to it self a reputation and interest in temporal affairs other Cities were subdued by their Citizens who made themselves Princes so that Italy upon the translation of the Empire being fallen into the hands of the Pope and some other Common-wealths and those Priests and Citizens unacquainted with the use and exercise of Arms they began to take foreigners into their pay the first Man who gave reputation to these kind of forces was Alberigo da Como of Romagna among the rest Braccio and Sforza the two great Arbiters of Italy in their time were brought up under his discipline after whom succeeded the rest who commanded the Armies in Italy to our days and the end of their great discipline and conduct was that Italy was overrun by Charles pillaged by Lewis violated by Ferrand and defamed by the Swizzers The order which they observ'd was first to take away the reputation from the Foot and appropriate it to themselves and this they did because their dominion being but small and to be maintained by their own industry a few foot could not do their business and a great body they could not maintain hereupon they changed their Militia into horse which being digested into Troops they sustain'd and rewarded themselves with the commands and by degrees this way of Cavalry was grown so much in fashion that in an Army of 20000 Men there was scarce 2000 Foot to be found Besides they endeavour'd with all possible industry to prevent trouble or fear either to themselves or their Souldiers and their way was by killing no body in fight only taking one another Prisoners and dismissing them afterwards without either prejudice or ransom When they were in Leaguer before a Town they shot not rudely amongst them in the night nor did they in the Town disturb them with any sallies in their Camp no approaches or intrenchments were made at unseasonable hours and nothing of lying in the field when Winter came on and all these things did not happen by any negligence in their Officers but were part of their discipline and introduc'd as is faid before to ease the poor Souldier both of labour and danger by which practices they have brought Italy both into slavery and contempt CHAP. XIII Of Auxiliaries mix'd and Natural Soldiers AUxiliaries which are another sort of unprofitable Soldiers are when some potent Prince is called in to your assistance and defence as was done not long since by Pope Iulius who in his Enterprize of Ferrara having seen the sad experience of his Mercenary Army betook himself to auxiliaries and capitulated with Ferrand King of Spain that he should come with his Forces to his relief These Armies may do well enough for themselves but he who invites them is sure to be a sufferer for if they be beaten he is sure to be a loser if they succeed he is left at their discretion and though ancient Histories are full of examples of this kind yet I shall keep to that of Pope Iulius XI as one still fresh in our Memory whose Expedition against Ferrara was very rash and inconsiderate in that he put all into the hands of a stranger but his good fortune presented him with a third accident which prevented his reaping the fruit of his imprudent Election for his subsidiary Troops being broken at Ravenna and the Swizzers coming in and beating off the Victors beyond all expectation he escaped being a Prisoner to his Enemies because they also were defeated and to his Auxiliary friends because he had conquered by other peoples Arms. The Florentines being destitute of Soldiers hired 10000 French for the reduction of Pisa by which Counsel they ran themselves into greater danger than ever they had done in all their troubles before The Emperor of Constantinople in opposition to his Neighbors sent 10000 Turks into Greece which could not be got out again when the War was at an end but gave the first beginning to the servitude and captivity which those Infidels brought upon that Country He then who has no mind to overcome may make use of these Forces for they are much more dangerous than the Mercenary and will ruine you out of hand because they are always unanimous and at the command of other people whereas the Mercenaries after they have gotten a Victory must have longer time and more occasion before they can do you a mischief in respect they are not one body but made up out of several Countries entertain'd into your pay to which if you add a General of your own they cannot suddenly assume so much Authority as will be able to do you any prejudice In short it is Cowardize and sloth that is to be feared in the Mercenaries and courage and activity in the Auxiliaries A wise Prince therefore never made use of these Forces but committed himself to his own choosing rather to be overcome with them than to conquer with the other because he cannot think that a Victory which is obtain'd by other peoples Arms. I shall make no scruple to produce Caesar Borgia for an Example This Duke invaded Romagna with an Army of Auxiliaries consisting wholly of French by whose assistance he took Imola and Furli But finding them afterwards to totter in their faith and himself insecure he betook himself to Mercenaries as the less dangerous of the two and entertained the Ursini and Vitelli into his pay finding them also irresolute unfaithful and dangerous he dismiss'd them and for the future employed none but his own From hence we may collect the difference betwixt these two sorts of Forces if we consider the difference in the Dukes reputation when the Ursini and Vitelli were in his Service and when he had no Soldiers but his own When he began to stand upon his own Legs his renown began to increase and indeed before his esteem was not so great till every body found him absolute Master of his own Army Having begun my Examples in Italy I am unwilling to leave it especially whil'st it supplies us with such as are fresh in our memory yet I cannot pass by Hiero of Syracuse whom I have mentioned before This person being made General of the Syracusan Army quickly discovered the Mercenary Militia was not be relied upon their Officers being
qualified like ours in Italy and finding that he could neither continue not discharge them securely he ordered things so that they were all cut to pieces and then prosecuted the War with his own Forces alone without any foreign assistance To this purpose the Old Testament affords us a figure not altogether improper When David presented himself to Saul and offered his Service against Goliah the Champion of the Philistius Saul to encourage him accoutred him in his own Arms but David having tryed them on excused himself pretending they were unfit and that with them he should not be able to manage himself wherefore he desired he might go forth against the Enemy with his own Arms only which were his Sling and his Sword The sum of all is the Arms of other people are commonly unfit and either too wide or too strait or too cumbersom CHARLES VII the Father of Lewis XI having by his Fortune and Courage redeem'd his Country out of the hands of the English began to understand the necessity of having Soldiers of his own and erected a Militia at home to consist of Horse as well as Foot after which his Son King Lewis cashiered his own Foot and took the Swissers into his pay which error being followed by his Successors as is visible to this day is the occasion of all the dangers to which that Kingdom of France is still obnoxious for having advanced the reputation of the Swisses he vilified his own people by disbanding the foot entirely and accustoming his Horse so much to engage with other Soldiers that fighting still in Conjunction with the Swissers they began to believe they could do nothing without them Hence it proceeds that the French are not able to do any thing against the Swisses and without them they will venture upon nothing So that the French Army is mix'd consists of Mercenaries and Natives and is much better than either Mercenaries or Auxiliaries alone but much worse than if it were entirely Natural as this Example testifies abundantly for doubtless France would be insuperable if Charles his Establishment was made use of and improv'd But the imprudence of Man begins many things which favouring of persent good conceal the poyson that is latent as I said before of the Hectick Feaver wherefore if he who is rais'd to any Soveraignty foresees not a mischief till it falls upon his head he is not to be reckoned a wise Prince and truly that is a particular blessing of God bestowed upon few people if we reflect upon the first cause of the ruine of the Roman Empire it will be found to begin at their entertaining the Goths into their Service for thereby they weakened and enervated their own Native courage and as it were transfused it into them I conclude therefore that without having proper and peculiar forces of his own no Prince is secure but depends wholly upon fortune as having no Natural and intrinsick strength to sustain him in adversity and it was always the opinion and position of wise Men that nothing is so infirm and unstable as the name of Power not founded upon forces of its own those forces are composed of your Subjects your Citizens or Servants all the rest are either Mercenaries or Auxiliaries and as to the manner of Ordering and Disciplining these Domesticks it will not be hard if the Orders which I have prescribed be perused and the ways considered which Philip the Father of Alexander the Great and many other Princes and Republicks have used in the like cases to which Orders and Establishments I do wholly refer you CHAP. XIV The duty of a Prince in relation to his Militia A Prince then is to have no other design nor thought nor study but War and the Arts and Disciplines of it for indeed that is the only profession worthy of a Prince and is of so much importance that it not only preserves those who are born Princes in their patrimonies but advances men of private condition to that Honorable degree On the otherside it is frequently seen when Princes have addicted themselves more to delicacy and softness than to Arms they have lost all and been driven out of their States for the principal things which deprives or gains a man authority is the neglect or profession of that Art Francesco Sforza by his Experience in War of a private person made himself Duke of Milan and his Children seeking to avoid the fatigues and incommodities thereof of Dukes became private Men for among other evils and inconveniences which attend when you are ignorant in War it makes you contemptible which is a scandal a Prince ought with all diligence to avoid for reasons I shall name hereafter besides betwixt a potent and an impotent a vigilant and a negligent Prince there is no proportion it being unreasonable that a Martial and Generous person should be subject willingly to one that is weak and remiss or that those who are careless and effeminate should be safe amongst those who are Military and Active for the one is too insolent and the other too captious ever to do any thing well together so that a Prince unacquainted with the Discipline of War besides other infelicities to which he is expos'd cannot be beloved by nor confident in his Armies He never therefore ought to relax his thoughts from the Exercises of War not so much as in time of Peace and indeed then he should employ his thoughts more studiously therein than in War it self which may be done two ways by the application of the body and the mind As to his bodily application or matter of action besides that he is obliged to keep his Armies in good Discipline and Exercise he ought to inure himself to sports and by Hunting and Hawking and such like recreation accustom his body to hardship and hunger and thirst and at the same time inform himself of the Coasts and situation of the Country the bigness and elevation of the Mountains the largeness and avenues of the Vallies the extent of the Plains the Nature of the Rivers and Fens which is to be done with great curiosity and this knowledge is useful two ways for hereby he not only learns to know his own Country and to provide better for its defence but it prepares and adapts him by observing their situations to comprehend the situations of other Countries which will perhaps be necessary for him to discover For the Hills the Vales the Plains the Rivers and the Marshes for Example in Tuscany have a certain similitude and resemblance with those in other Provinces so that by the knowledge of one we may easily imagine the rest and that Prince who is defective in this wants the most necessary qualification of a General for by knowing the Country he knows how to beat up his Enemy take up his quarters March his Armies Draw up his Men and besiege a Town with advantage In the Character which Historians give of Philopomenes Prince of Achaia one of his
of the Nobles and judging it convenient to have them bridled and restrained and knowing on the other side the hatred of the people against the Nobility and that it proceeded from fear being willing to secure them to exempt the King from the displeasure of the Nobles if he sided with the Commons or from the malice of the commons if he inclined to the Nobles he erected a third judge which without any reflexion upon the King should keep the Nobility under and protect the people nor could there be a better order wiser nor of greater security to the King and the Kingdom from whence we may deduce another observation That Princes are to leave things of injustice and envy to the Ministery and Execution of others but acts of favour and grace are to be perform'd by themselves To conclude a Prince is to value his Grandees but so as not to make the people hate him Contemplating the lifes and deaths of several of the Roman Emperors it is possible many would think to find plenty of Examples quite contrary to my opinion forasmuch as some of them whose Conduct was remarkable and Magnanimity obvious to every body were turn'd out of their Authority or murthered by the Conspiracy of their subjects To give a punctual answer I should inquire into the qualities and conversations of the said Emperors and in so doing I should find the reason of their ruine to be the same or very consonant to what I have opposed And in part I will represent such things as are most notable to the consideration of him that reads the actions of our times and I shall content my self with the examples of all the Emperors which succeeded in the Empire from Marcus the Philosopher to Maximinus and they were Marcus his Son Commodus Pertinax Iulian Severus Antoninus his Son Caracalla Macrinus Heligabalus Alexander and Maximinus It is first to be considered That whereas in other Governments there was nothing to contend with but the ambition of the Nobles and the insolence of the people the Roman Emperors had a third inconvenience to support against the avarice and cruelty of the Soldiers which was a thing of such difficult practice that it was the occasion of the destruction of many of them it being very uneasie to please the Subject and the Soldier together for the Subject loves Peace and chooses therefore a Prince that is gentle and mild whereas the Soldier prefers a Martial Prince and one that is haughty and rigid aâ—d rapacious which good qualities they are desirous he should exercise upon the people that their pay might be encreased and their covetousness and cruelty satiated upon them Hence it is That those Emperors who neither by Art nor Nature are endued with that address and reputation as is necessary for the restraining both of the one and the other do always miscarry and of them the greatest part especially if but lately advanced to the Empire understanding the inconsistancy of their two humors incline to satisfie the Soldiers without regarding how far the people are disobliged Which Council is no more than is necessary for seeing it cannot be avoided but Princes must fall under the hatred of somebody they ought diligently to contend that it be not of the multitude If that be not to be obtain'd their next great care is to be that they incur not the odium of such as are most potent among them And therefore those Emperors who were new and had need of extraordinary support adhered more readily to the Soldiers than to the people which turn'd to their detriment or advantage as the Prince knew how to preserve his reputation with them From the causes aforesaid it hapned that Marcus Aurelius Pertinax and Alexander being Princes of more than ordinary Modesty lovers of Justice Enemies of cruelty courteous and bountiful came all of them except Marcus to unfortunate ends Marcus indeed lived and died in great honour because he came to the Empire by way of inheritance and succession without being beholden either to Soldiers or people and being afterwards indued with many good qualities which recommended him and made him venerable among them he kept them both in such order whil'st he liv'd and held them so exactly to their bounds that he was never either hated or despised But Pertinax was chosen Emperor against the will of the Soldiers who being used to live licentiously under Commodus they could not brook that regularity to which Pertinax endeavoured to bring them so that having contracted the Odium of the Soldiers and a certain disrespect and neglect by reason of his Age he was ruined in the very beginning of his reign from whence it is observable that hatred is obtained two ways by good works and bad and therefore a Prince as I said before being willing to retain his jurisdiction is oftentimes compelled to be bad For if the chief party whether it be people or army or Nobility which you think most useful and of most consequence to you for the conservation of your dignity be corrupt you must follow their humour and indulge them and in that case honesty and virtue are pernicious But let us come to Alexander who was a Prince of such great equity and goodness it is reckoned among his praises that in the fourteen years of his Empire there was no man put to death without a fair Tryal Nevertheless being accounted effeminate and one that suffered himself to be managed by his Mother and falling by that means into disgrace the Army conspired and killed him Examining on the other side the Conduct of Commodus Severus Antoninus Caracalla and Maziminus you will find them cruel and rapacious and such as to satisfie the Soldiers omitted no kind of injury that could be exercised against the people and all of them but Severus were unfortunate in their ends for Severus was a Prince of so great courage and magnanimity that preserving the friendship of the Army though the people were oppressed he made his whole Reign happy his virtues having represented him so admirable both to the Soldiers and people that these remained in a manner stupid and astonished and the other obedient and contented And because the actions of Severus were great in a new Prince I shall shew in brief how he personated of the Fox and the Lyon whose Natures and properties are as I said before necessary for the imitation of a Prince Severus therefore knowing the laziness and inactivity of Iulian the Emperor persuaded the Army under his Command in Sclavonia to go to Rome and revenge the death of Pertinax who was murthered by the Imperial Guards and under that colour without the least pretence to the Empire he marched his Army towards Rome and was in Italy before any thing of his motion was known being arrived at Rome the Senate were afraid of him killed Iulian and elected Severus After which beginning there remained two difficulties to be removed before he could be Master of the whole Empire
gain such persons as were satisfied with the former Government and by consequence his Enemies than those who being disobliged sided with him and assisted to subvert it It has been a Custom among Princes for the greater security of their Territories to build Citadels and Fortresses to bridle and restrain such as would enterprize against them and to serve as a refuge in times of Rebellion and I approve the way because anciently practised yet no longer ago than in our days Mr. Nicolo Vitelli was known to dismantle two Forts in the City of Castello to secure his Government Guidobaldo Duke of Urbin returning to his State from whence Caesar Borgia had driven him demolished all the strong places in that Province and thereby thought it more unlikely again to fall into the hands of the Enemy The Bentivogli being returned to Bologna used the same course So that Fortresses are useful or not useful according to the difference of time and if in one place they do good they do as much mischief in another And the case may be argued thus That Prince who is more afraid of his Subjects than Neighbours is to suffer them to stand The Family of the Sforza's has and will suffer more mischief by the Castle of Milan which ws built by Francesco Sforza than by all its other troubles whatever so that the best fortification of all is not to be hated by the people for your Fortresses will not protect you if the people have you in detestation because they shall no sooner take Arms but Strangers will fall in and sustain them In our times there is not one instance to be produced of advantage which that course has brought to any Prince but to the Countess of Furly when upon the Death of Hierâ—nimo her Husband by means of those Castles she was able to withstand the popular fury and expect till supplies came to her from Milan and resetled her in the Government and as times then stood the people were not in a Condition to be relieved by any stranger But afterwards they stood her in no stead when Caesar Borgia invaded her and the people being incensed joyned with her Enemy Wherefore it had been better for her both then and at first to have possessed the affections of the people than all the Castles in the Country These things being considered I approve both of him that builds those Fortresses and of him that neglects them but must needs condemn him who relies so much upon them as to despise the displeasure of the people CHAP. XXI How a Prince is to demean himself to gain reputation NOthing recommends a Prince so highly to the world as great Enterprizes and noble Expressions of his own Valor and Conduct We have in our days Ferdinand King of Aragon the present King of Spain who may and not improperly be called a new Prince being of a small and weak King become for fame and renown the greatest Monarch in Christendom and if his Exploits be considered you will find them all brave but some of them extraordinary In the beginning of his Reign he invaded the Kingdom of Granada and that Enterprize was the foundation of his Grandeur He began it leisurely and without suspicion of impediment holding the Barons of Castile employed in that service and so intent upon that War that they dreamt not of any Innovation whil'st in the mean time before they were aware he got reputation and Authority over them He found out a way of maintaining his Army at the expence of the Church and the people and by the length of that War to establish such Order and Discipline among his Soldiers that afterwards they gained him many honourable Victories Beside this to adapt him for greater Enterprizes always making Religion his pretence by a kind of devout cruelty he destroyed and exterminated the jews called Marrani than which nothing could be more strange or deplorable Under the same Cloak of Religion he invaded Affrica made his Expedition into Italy assaulted France and began many great things which always kept the minds of his Subjects in admiration and suspence expecting what the event of his Machinations would be And these his Enterprizes had so sudden a spring and result one from the other that they gave no leisure to any man to be at quiet or to continue any thing against him It is likewise of great advantage to a Prince to give some rare Example of his own administration at home such is reported of Messer Bernardo da Milano when there is occasion for some body to perform any thing Extraordinary in the Civil Government whether it be good or bad and to find out such a way either to reward or punish him as may make him much talk'd of in the world Above all a Prince is to have a care in all his actions to behave himself so as may give him the reputation of being excellent as well as great A Prince is likewise much esteemed when he shows himself a sincere friend or a generous Enemy That is when without any hesitation he declares himself in favour of one against another which as it is more frank and Princely so it is more profitable than to stand neuter for if two of your potent Neighbours be at Wars they are either of such condition that you are to be afraid of the Victor or not In either which cases it will be always more for your benefit to discover your self freely and make a fair War For in the first cause if you do not declare you shall be a prey to him who overcomes and it will be a pleasure and satisfaction to him that is conquered to see you his Fellow-sufferer nor will any body either defend or receive you and the reason is because the Conqueror will never understand them to be his Friends who would not assist him in his distress and he that is worsted will not receive you because you neglected to run his fortune with your Arms in your hands Antiochus upon the invitation of the Etolians passed into Greece to repel the Romans Antiochus sent Embassadors to the Achaians who were in amity with the Romans to persude them a Neutrality and the Romans sent to them to associate with them The busines coming to be debatedin the Council of the Achaians and Antiochus his Embassador pressing them to be Neuters The Roman Embassador replyed As to what he has remonstrated That it is most useful and most consistent with the interest of your State not to engage your selves in our War their is nothing more contrary aud pernicious for if you do not concern your selves you will assuredly become a prey to the Conqueror without any thanks or reputation and it will always be that he who has least kindness for you will tempt you to be Neuters but they that are your friends will invite you to take up Arms. And those Princes who are ill advised to avoid some present danger follow the Neutral way are most commonly ruin'd
so to evince and demonstrate the courage of an Italian spirit it was necessary that Italy should be reduced to its present condition That it should be in greater bondage than the Iews in greater servitude than the Persians and in greater dispersion than the Athenians without Head without order harras'd spoyl'd overcome over-run and over-flown with all kind of Calamity and though formerly some sparks of virtue have appeared in some persons that might give it hopes that God had ordained them for its redemption yet it was found afterwards that in the very height and career of their exploits they were check'd and forsaken by Fortune and poor Italy left half dead expecting who would be her Samaritan to bind up her wounds put an end to the Sackings and devastations in Lombardy the Taxes and Expilations in the Kingdom of Naples and Tuscany and cure her sores which length of time had fester'd and imposthumated 'T is manifest how she prays to God daily to send some person who may redeem her from the cruelty and insolence of the Barbarians 'T is manifest how prone and ready she is to follow the Banner that any man will take up nor is it at present to be discerned where she can repose her hopes with more probability than in your illustrious Family which by its own courage and interest and the favour of God and the Church of which it is now chief may be induced to make it self Head in her redemption which will be no hard matter to be effected if you lay before you the lives and actions of the persons above named who though they were rare and wonderful were yet but men and not accommodated with so fair circumstances as you Their Enterprize was not more just nor easie nor God Almighty more their friend than yours You have Justice on your side for that War is just which is necessary and 't is piety to fight were no hope is left in any thing else The people are universally disposed and where the disposition is so great the opposition can be but small especially you taking your rules from those persons which I have proposed to you for a Model Besides many things that they did were super-natural and by Gods immediate Conduct the Sea opened a cloud directed a rock afforded water it rained Manna all these things are recompenced in your Grandeur and the rest remains to be executed by you God will not do every thing immediately because he will not deprive us of our free will and the honour that devolves upon us Nor is it any wonder if none of the fore-named Italians have been able to do that which may be hoped for from your illustrious Family and if in so many revolutions in Italy and so long continuation of War their Military Virtue seems spent and extinguished the reason is their old Discipline was not good and no body was able to direct to a better Nothing makes so much to the honour of a new Prince as new Laws and new Orders invented by him which if they be well founded and carry any thing of Grandeur along with them do render him venerable and wonderful and Italy is susceptible enough of any new form Their courage is great enough in the Soldier if it be not wanting in the Officer witness the Duels and Combats in which the Italians have generally the better by their force and dexterity and stratagem but come to their Battels and they have oftner the worst and all from the inexperience of their Commanders for those who pretend to have Skill will never obey and every one thinks he has Skill there having been no body to this very day raised by his virtue and fortune to that height of reputation as to prevail with others to obey him Hence it came that in so long time in the many Wars during the last twenty years when ever an Army consisted wholly of Italians it was certainly beaten and this may be testified by Tarus Alexandria Capua Genoa Vaila Bologna and Mestri If therefore your illustrious Family be inclined to follow the examples of those excellent persons who redeemed their Countries it is necessary as a true fundamental of all great Enterprizes to provide your selves with Forces of your own Subjects for you cannot have more faithful nor better Soldiers than they And though all of them be good yet altogether they will be much better when they find themselves not only commanded but preferred and caressed by a Prince of their own It is necessary therefore to be furnished with these Forces before you can be able with Italian virtue to vindicate your Country from the oppression of Strangers And though the Swiss and Spanish Infantry be counted terrible they have both of them their defects and a third sort may be composed that may not only encounter but be confident to beat them for the Spanish Foot cannot deal with Horse and the Swiss are not invincible when they meet with Foot as obstinate as themselves It has been seen by experience and would be so again the Spaniards cannot sustain the fury of the French Cavalry and the Swisses have been overthrown by the Infantry of Spain And though of this last we have seen no perfect Experiment yet we had a competent Essay at the Battel of Ravenna where the Spanish Foot being engaged with the German Battalions which observe the same Order and Discipline with the Swisses the Spaniards by the agility of their Bodies and the protection of their Bucklers broke in under their Pikes and killed them securely while the poor Germans were uncapable to defend themselves and had not the Spaniards been charged by the Horse the German Foot had been certainly cut off 'T is possible therefore the defect of both those Foot being known to institute a third which may buckle with the Horse and be in no fear of their foot which will be effected not by the variation of their Arms but by changing their Discipline And these are some of those things which being newly reformed give great grandeur and reputation to any new Prince This opportunity therefore is by no means to be slip'd that Italy after so long expectation may see some hopes of deliverance Nor can it be expressed with what joy with what impatience of revenge with what fidelity with what compassion with what Tears such a Champion would be received into all the Provinces that have suffered by those barbarous inundations What Gates would be shut against him What people would deny him obedience what malice would oppose him what true Italian would refuse to follow him There is not there is not any body but abhors and nauseates this barbarous domination Let your illustrious Family then address it self to the work with as much Courage and Confidence as just Enterprizes are undertaken That under their Ensigns our Country may be recovered and under their Conduct Petrarch's Prophesie may be fulfilled who has promised that Virtu contr ' al furore Prendera l' arme
apprehended of all those that accused Castruccio with that abominable ambition Opizi was of opinion that the death of Francesco Guinigi head of the adverse party would leave him Master of the Town but he quickly found that the single reputation oâ— Castruccio would be a new impediment to his usurpation so that thinking to rob him of the affections of the people he spread false reports and aspersed him where-ever he came At first these calumniations troubled Castruccio but little but at length they alarm'd him to the purpose for he suspected that Opizi would not fail to set him at odds with the Lieutenant which Robert King of Naples had settled in Lucca and that if that Governor was his enemy he should in a short time be turned out of the Town And against so great danger his provision was this The Town of Pisa was then under the Government of Huguccione de Fagivola originally of the Town of Arrezzo being chosen Captain by the Pisans he had made himself their Soveraign and having given protection to certain Ghibilins who were banished from Lucca Castruccio entred into secret intelligence by the privity of Huguccione and being assured of his assistance he resolved the poor Exiles should be restored To this effect he agreed with his friends in Lucca who were of his Counsel and jealous as himself of the power of the Opizi All necessary measures were taken by the Conspirators Castruccio had the care of fortifying privately a Tower in the City called the Tower of Honour He furnished it with ammunition in case he should be forced to defend it and having appointed the night for the execution of their design Huguccione failed not at the precise hour to be at the Rendezvous betwixt Lucca and the neighbouring Mountains Upon a signal given to Castruccio he advanced towards the Gate of St. Peter and set fire to the Antiport next the â—ields whilst Castruccio broke down another on the other side of the Town In the mean time his associates cryed out To your Arms to excite the people to rise and thereby put all things into confusion Huguccione entred with his Troops and having seized upon the Town he caused all the Opizi to be murdered and all the rest of their party which fell into their hands The Governor for the King of Naples was turned out and the Government of the Town altered as Huguccione directed who to compleat the desolations of Lucca banished no less than a hundred of the best Families that belonged to it The miserable Exiles fled part to Florence and part to Pistoia two Towns of the Faction of the Guelfs and for that reason enemies to Huguccione and the prevailing party in Lucca The Florentines and whole Faction of the Guelfs apprehending this great success would hazard to re-establish the power of the Ghibilins in Tuscany they entred into consultation which way those Exiles might be restored They set out a considerable Army and encamped at Monte Carlo to open themselves a passage to Lucca Huguccione on his side drew the Lucca Troops together and put them under the Command of Castruccio and then joyning them with his own from Pisa and reinforcing them with a Squadron of German Horse which he got out of Lombardy he marched out to encounter the Florentines Whereupon the Florentines quitted their Post at Monte Carlo and entrenching betwixt Monte-Catino and Pescia Huguccione possessed himself of the quarter which they had left Their Armies being within two miles distance one from the other their Horse met daily and skirmished and they had come certainly to a peremptory Battel had not Huguccione fallen ill just in the nick His disposition forcing him from the Camp to look out for better accommodation in Monte-carlo he left the Command of the Army to Castruccio his retirement which discouraged his own men and made them think of protracting the Battel animated the Florentines but brought no great advantage to their affairs In short the Florentines perceiving their Enemies without a General began to despise them and Castruccio observing how much they were elated endeavoured to augment it He pretended great Consternation and to make his fear the more credible he gave Orders that his Troops should be drawn up within the Lines but with positive inhibition for any of them to go forth though not a moment passed but the Florentines provoked them but all to no purpose Besides that this pretended terror in Castruccio redoubled the rashness of the Enemy and perfectly blinded them he drew another advantage from it which was to discover exactly the disposition of their Army and the Order of their March When he had well observed them and tempted their temerity as much as he thought fit he resolved to fight them the next Bravado they made and omitting nothing that might encourage his Soldiers he assured them of Victory if they followed his Commands He had observed that the weakest and worst arm'd of their Soldiers were disposed still in their wings and their best placed in the Body Castruccio drew up in the same Order but distributed his Soldiers quite contrary for the worst and most unserviceable he placed in the Body and his best men in the wings In this posture he drew out of the Trenches and had scarce form'd his Battalia before the Enemy appeared and with his usual insolence Castruccio Commanded that the Body should march slowly but the two wings were to advance as fast as they could so that when they came to engage there was only the wings that could fight for Castruccio's Body having lagged by Command the Florentine Body had too far to march before they could charge them so as they remained idle being neither able to do any thing against the Main Body that was design'd to oppose them nor sustain those who were engaged in the wings so it hapned that the Florentine wings composed of the refuse of their Soldiers were easily broken by Castruccio's which consisted of his best and when the wings of the Enemy which were drawn up before their Body so as the whole Army was ranged in the figure of a half Moon were routed they turn'd tail ran among their own Body which was marching behind them and put all into Confusion The loss was very great to the Florentines they left above 10000 men dead upon the place Their best Officers and the bravest of the Guelfs perished there unfortunately and to make the defeat the more lamentable there were several Reformades which died there of extraodinary quality Among the rest Piero Brother to Robert King of Naples Carlo Nephew to the said King Philip Lord of Tarentum who were all come in Gallantry to make that Compania with the Florentines But that which made all the more wonderful was that Castruccio lost not above 300 men though unhappily one of Hugucciones Sons were of that Number his Name was Francesco who sighting briskly at the head of the Voluntiers for want of good Conduct was slain at the very first
that he would not stir from Monte-Carlo thereby to draw them into his Clutches and make them hast with all speed to gain the avenues to the Val de Nievole and this plot of his jump'd exactly with the Florentine design For they having no mind that Pistoia should be the Theatre of the War and being willing to remove it into the Vale they encamped above Seravalle with intention to have passed the Streights the next day not imagining in the least that the Castle was surprized Castruccio having notice of their motion about midnight drew his Army out of their quarters and stole privately before break of day to the foot of Seravalle The accident was odd for as he marched up the Hill on one side the Enemy marched up on the other caused his Foot to advance by the way of the common Road but he drew out a party of Four hundred Horse and commanded them towards the left on that side towards the Castle There were Four hundred of the Enemies Horse that were a Forlorn to their Army and the whole Infantry followed them but their Scouts were no sooner upon the top of the Hill when on a sudden they fell foul upon the Troops of Castruccio They were strangely surprized for knowing nothing of the taking of the Castle they could not imagine the Enemy would come to meet them Insomuch that before they had leisure to put themselves into a posture they were constrained to engage tumultuosly with those Troops which were drawn up in good Order but they in confusion Not but some of the Florentine Cavaliers behaved themselves gallantly but the noise of so unexpected an Encounter put them presently to a stand and being defused in the Army it put all into great disorder and fear The Horse and the Foot fell foul upon one another and both upon the baggage Want of ground rendered the Experience of the Officers of no use and the streightness of the pass confounded all their Military cunning The first Troops that Castruccio charged upon the top of the Hill were immediately routed and the small resistance they made was not so much the defect of their courage as the effect of the place with the incommodity of which and the strangeness of the surprize they were constrained to give ground There was no way left for them to run on their Flanks the Mountains were inaccessable their Enemies were in the Front and their own Army in the reer In the mean time as this first charge of Castruccio was not sufficient to stagger the enemies Battel he drew out a party of Foot and sent them to joyn with the Horse in the Castle of Seravalle this body in reserve having possession of the Hills and falling upon the flank of the Florentines forced them to give ground and yield to the wild incommodity of the place and the violence and fierceness of the enemy The Reer-guard ran and having got into the plain that looks towards Pistoia every man shifted as well as he could This defeat was bloody and great among the multitude of prisoners there were many of the principal Officers among the rest three Noble Florentines Bandino di Rossi Francesco Brunilleschi and Giovanni della Tosa without mentioning several considerable Tuscans and many of the King of Naples his Subjects who by their Princes order were in the service of the Florentine Upon the first tidings of their defeat the Pistoians turned the Guelfs Faction out of Town and came with their keys and presented them to Castruccio who pursuing his Victory carried Prato and all the Town in that plain as well beyond as on this side the Arno after which he encamped with his Army in the plain of Peretola two miles from Florence where he continued braving the City and passed several days in the enjoyment of his good fortune parting the spoil and coining of mony thereby exercising with great ostentation a kind of Soveraign right over their Territory and releasing something of the rigour of his discipline he gave his Soldiers liberty to insult as they pleased over the conquered and to make his triumph the more remarkable nothing could serve the turn but naked women must run Courses on horse-back under the very walls of the City But this gallantry and ostentation entertained him but lightly or rather served but as a colour to hide his greater designs for in the mean time he found a way to corrupt Lupacci Frescobaldi and some certain other Gentlemen in the Town who were to have delivered him a Gate and brought him into Florence in the night had not their Conspiracy been discovered and defeated afterward by the punishment of the accomplices This great Town being so streightned and so long block'd up that the Inhabitants seeing no other way of preserving their liberty than by engagiâ—g it to the King of Naples sent Embassadors to that Prince and offered to throw themselves into his arms It was not only for his honour to accept of their proffer but for the general interest of the whole Faction of the Guelfs which without that could subsist no longer in Tuscany The terms being agreed the treaty concluded and the Florentines to pay him annually two hundred thousand Florens he sent them four thousand Horse under the Command of Prince Carlo his Son During this negotiation an unexpected accident hapned which put Castruccio into a cooler temper and made him give the Florentines breath in spight of his teeth there was a new Conspiracy against him at Pisa not to be suppressed by his presence Benedetto Lanfranchi one of the chief Citizens in the Town was the author of it Benedetto troubled to see his Country subject to the tyranny of a Lucchese undertook to surprize the Citadel force out the Garison and cut the throats of all that were friends to Castruccio But as in those kind of conjurations if a small number be able to keep things secret it is not sufficient to put them in execution and therefore whilst Lanfranchi was endeavouring to hook in more associates he met with those who were false and discovered all to Castruccio Two Noble Florentines Cecchi and Guidi who were fled to Pisa were suspected to be the Traitors and the suspicion of that perfidy left an ill stain upon their reputation which way soever it was Castruccio put Lanfranchi to death banished his whole Family and several of the chief Pisans were left shorter by the head This plot discovering to Castruccio that the fidelity of the Towns of Pistoia and Pisa would be always easily shaken he put all things in practice that cunning or open force could suggest to keep them in their duties but whilst his thoughts were upon the tenters about so important a care the Florentines had some respite to recover their Senses and expect the Neapolitan Succours which being at length arrived under the Conduct of Prince Carlo a general Counsel was held of the whole Faction of the Guelfs Upon the resolution taken there an Army was
France is in no apprehension because it is washed by the Sea on that side and accommodated with Ports always full of Ships partly of the Kings and partly of other petty Princes sufficient to defend their Coasts from any sudden impression and against any thing premeditated they will have time enough to prepare for it requires time to make a solemn invasion and the preparation will be discovered by some body besides for further security there are always parties of Men at Arms scowring upon the Coasts Their expence in keeping of their Towns is not so great for the French Subjects are very dutiful and the fortresses are not kept at the charge of the Kingdom and on the borders where Garisons and by consequence expence would be more necessary those flying bodies of Men at Arms save them that charge for against any extraordinary insult there will be time enough to provide for that requires time to be fitted and more to be executed The people of France are very humble and obedient and have their King in mighty veneration They live at very little expence by reason of their great plenty and every body hath something of his own their clothing is course of very cheap stuff and they use no kind of Silks neither the men nor the women for if they should they should be obnoxious to the Gentry who would certainly be even with them The Bishopricks in France according to modern computation are 146 and the Arch-Bishopricks 18. The Parishes are reckoned a million and 700 and the Abbies 740. Of the Priories there is no account Of the ordinary and extraordinary Entries of the Crown I could get no exact account I inquired of several and all told me they were as the King pleased to require Yet some persons told me that that part of his ordinary Revenue which arises out of his Gabels upon wine and bread and flesh and the like amounts to a million and seven hundred thousand Crowns and his extraordinary by Taxes amounts as he pleases but in case they fall short he has another string to his bow and that is by way of loans which are seldom repaid The Letters to that purpose do commonly run thus Sir The King recommends himself to you and having at this time pressing occasion for mony He desires you would furnish him with the sum contained in this Letter which sums are paid in to the next Receiver and there are of them in every Town who receives all the profits and revenue accrewing to the King by Gabels Taxes Loans or otherwise Those Towns which are subject to the Crown have no rules or orders but what His Majesty is pleased to set them for raising of mony either by Taxes or otherwise The authority of the Barons over their Subjects and half their Revenues consists in bread and wine and flesh as abovesaid and so much a year for hearth-mony but it must not exceed six pence or eight pence a hearth to be paid every three months Taxes and Loans they cannot require without the consent of the King which he grants very rarely The Crown receives no other advantage from them than in the revenue for salt and never taxes them but upon extraordinary occasion The King's order in his extraordinary expences both in War and Peace is to command the Treasurers to pay the Souldiers which they do by tickets of assignment The Pensioners and Gentlemen repair to the Generals with their tickets from month to month where they are entred and having received a new policy from three months to three months the Pensioners and Gentlemen go then to the Receivers of the respective Provinces where they live and are paid immediately The Gentlemen belonging to the King are 200 their pay 20 Crowns a month and paid as abovesaid each hundred has a Captain The Pensioners are no set number and their Pensions are as uncertain being more or less as it pleases the King they are in a way of preferment and therefore there is no exact rules for them The office of the Receivers General of France is to receive so much for fire and so much for taxes by consent of the King and to take care that both ordinary and extraordinary expences be paid at the time and discharges given as aforesaid The Treasurers have the keeping of the mony and pay it according to their orders from the Generals The office of the Grand Chancellor is judicial land definitive he can pardon and condemn as he pleases and that even in Capital Causes without the consent of the King In Causes where the Clients are contumaciously litigious He can prefix them a day for the determination of their Suit He can confer Benefices but that must be with the King's consent for those grants are pass'd by the King's Letters under the Broad-Seal wherefore that Seal is kept by the said Chancellor His salary is 10000 Franks per an and 11000 more for his Table which Table is intended for the repast and entertainment of such Gentlemen Lawyers and Counsellors as follow in his train when they think fit either to dine or sup with him The sum which the King of England received annually from the King of France was fifty thousand Franks in consideration of certain disbursements by the present King of England's Father in the Dutchy of Britagne but the time of that payment is expired At present there is in France but one Grand Seneschal when there are more I do not mean Grand Seneschals for there is never but one their authority is over the Militia both in Ordinary and Extraordinary whom for the dignity of their Office they are obliged to obey The Governors of the Provinces are as many as the King pleases and have their Commission for life or years and their Salaries great or little as he thinks good to appoint the other Governors to the very inferior Officers in every little Town have all their Commissions from the Kings for you must know there is no office in that Kingdom but is either given or sold by that King Of the quantity of distributions for the Gentlemen and the Pensioners there is no certain account but as to them the King's warrant is sufficient for they are not liable to the Chamber of Accounts The Office of the Chamber of Accounts is to view and audit the accounts of all such as have any thing to do in the King's Moneys as the Generals the Treasurers and the Receivers The University of Paris is paid out of the Rents of the Foundations of the Colledges but very narrowly The Parliaments are five of Paris of Roan of Tholose Burdeaux and Douphine from either of which there is no appeal The Universities first were but four at Paris Orleans Bourgi and Poictiers to which these at Tours and Angiers have been added since but they are very inconsiderable The standing Army is a great both for number of Men and Artillery as the King pleases and are quartered and disposed according to orders from
to prevent the inconvenience which might follow thereupon enjoyned such a necessity of exercise to such as were intended for the Wars that by degrees they became better Souldiers than those Countries which were mountainous and barren could any where produce Among whom may be reckoned the Kingdom of Egypt which notwithstanding that it was extreamly pleasant and plentiful by the virtue and efficacy of its Laws produced excellent men and perhaps such as had not their names been extinguished with time might have deserved as much honour as Alexander the Great and many other great Captains whose memories are so fresh and so venerable among us An who-ever would consider the Government of the Soldan the discipline of the Mamalukes and the rest of their Militia before they were extirpated by Selimus the Turk might find their great prudence and caution in exercising their Souldiers and preventing that softness and effeminacy to which the felicity of their soil did so naturally incline them For these reasons I conceive best to build in a fruitful place if the ill consequences of that fertility be averted by convenient Laws Alexander the Great being desirous to build a City to perpetuate his name Dinocrates an Architect came to him and undertook to build him one upon the Mountain Athos and to recommend and inforce his proposal besides the goodness of the soil he persuaded him it should be made in the shape and figure of a man a thing which would be new wonderful and sutable to his greatness But when Alexander enquired whence it was to be supplyed the Architect replyed he had not considered of that at which answer Alexander laugh'd very heartily and leaving him and his mountain to themselves he built Alexandria where people might be tempted to plant by the richness of the Soil the nearness of the Sea and convenience of the River Nile Again if we examine the Original of Rome and admit Aeneas for the first Founder it will fall in the number of those Cities built by foreigners if Romulus among such as were erected by the natives either way it was originally free without any dependance It will appear likewise as shall be shewn more particularly hereafter by what Laws Romulus Numa and others fortified and secur'd it insomuch that neither the fertility of the Soil the commodity of the Sea the frequency of their Victories nor the largeness of its Empire were able to debauch or corrupt it but it remained for several ages for piety and virtue more exemplary than any other Commonwealth either since or before it And because the great things acted under that Government and transmitted to us by Titus Livius were performed by publick or private Counsel within or without the City I shall begin with what occur'd in the Town and was managed by publick debate as judging that most worthy our annotation super-adding what-ever depended thereupon and with these discourses I intend this first Book or rather Part shall conclude CHAP. II. The several kinds of Commonwealths and under which kind the Roman is comprehended WAving the discourse of those Cities which in their beginning have been dependant I shall speak of such as were originally free and governed themselves according to their own fancies Commonwealths or Principalities as their own inclinations lead them Of these according to the diversity of their principles their Laws and Orders were divers Some of them at their first foundation received their Laws at one time from a single person as the Spartans from Lycurgus Others received them by chance at several times upon variety of accidents as Rome and that Commonwealth is doubtlesly happy whose good fortune it is to have a person so wise as to constitute and dispose its Laws in such manner at first that it may subsist safely and securely by them without necessity of new modelling or correction Of this sort was Sparta which for more than 800 years was observed to remain entire and incorrupt without any dangerous commotion On the other side that City must needs be in some measure unhappy which not having submitted to or complyed with the prudence of a single founder is necessitated of it selt to remodel and reformâ— Of these kinds that is most unhappy whose principles were at first remote and devious from the right way which might have conducted to perfection and indeed those Common-wealths which are in this degree are almost impossible to be established by any accident whatsoever But others whose Commencements are good and capable of improvement though perhaps not exquisitely perfect may become perfect afterwards by the concurrence of accidents yet not without danger forasmuch as most men are averse and will not easily admit of any new Law which introduces new Orders and Customs into a City without great appearance of necessity and that necessity arising necessarily from some danger impending it many times falls out the Commonwealth perishes before remedy can be applyed Of this the Commonwealth of Florence is instance sufficient which in the commotion of Aretz was the IIth time reformed and the 12 th time confounded by the sedition of Prato But being now to discourse of the State of the Roman Commonwealth and what were the accidents and orders which advanced it to that perfection it is convenient to premise what has been asserted by several Authors that there are but three sorts of Governments Monarchy Aristocracy and Democracy to either of which who-ever intends to erect a Government may apply as he pleases Other of no less reputation are of opinion the forms of Government are six of which three are bad and three good of themselves but so easily corrupted even they become fatal and pernicious Those which are good are the three before mentioned those which are evil are three others depending upon the three former and carrying so near a resemblance they many times interfere and fall one into the other as Monarchy into tyranny Aristocracy into Oligarchy and Democracy into Anarchy and Confusion insomuch that who-ever forms his Government of one of the three former forms it for no long time because no care nor remedy can prevent but it will degenerate into its contrary by reason of the similitude betwixt virtue and vice and these changes and variations of Government happened by accident amongst men for at the beginning of the World the Inhabitants being few they lived dispersed after the manner of beasts afterwards as they multiplyed they began to unite and for their better defence to look out for such as were more strong robust and valiant that they might choose one out of them to make him their head and pay him obedience from hence the first distinction betwixt honest and dishonest did arise for observing that if any injur'd his Benefactor it immediately created an hatred and compassion among the rest all people abhorring him that was ungrateful and commiserating him that was injur'd lest the same injustice might happen to themselves they began to make Laws and ordain punishments for
them their friends confirm'd the ill opinion which they had of their adversaries before Several examples might be produced to this purpose but I shall only instance in one The Florentine Army was encamped before Lucca under the Command of Giovanni Guiccardini their Commissary By his ill fortune or conduct the Town was not taken which of the two soever it was Giovanni was aspersed as having been brib'd by the Luccheses which calumny being propagated by his enemies netled Giovanni and almost brought him to despair and though in order to his justification he offered to put himself into the hands of the Captain yet all was to no purpose for in that Commonwealth there was no body qualified to clear him from hence arose great contentions betwixt Guiccardin's friends who were the greatest part of the Grandees in that City and those who studied novelty which contentions and others of the like nature encreasing daily upon their hands brought that poor Commonwealth into a most deplorable condition Manlius therefore spreading these false reports of the Senators about Rome was a calumniator not an accuser and the Romans in his case gave manifest instruction how such people are to be punished that is that they be obliged publickly to accuse and when their charge is made good that they be rewarded or encouraged but when it cannot be proved that they be punished like Manlius CHAP. IX How much a single person is necessary for the establishment of a new common-wealth or the reformation of an old IT may seem to some that I have run too far into the Roman History having made no mention of the Founders of that Commonwealth nor of the Orders which they observed either in matters of Religion or War To ease them therefore of their suspence who are desirous to hear something to that purpose I say that many perhaps may think it of ill example for the Founder of a State as Romulus was to kill his own Brother and afterwards consent to the death of Titus Tatius Sabinus who was chosen his companion in the Government supposing that according to that president any of his Citizens that were ambitious of Command might make away their adversaries or competitors and remove any obstucle that opposed them and it were reasonable enough were it not to be considered to what end and upon what motives that murder was committed This is to be taken for a maxim and general rule that it is impossible for any Government either to be well founded at first or will reformed afterwards unless by a single person by whose direction all Orders all Laws are to be made and promulged He therefore who is the founder of a Common-wealth if he be an honest man and aims not at his own interest and the raising of his Family more than the advancement of his Country must endeavour to get the power into his single hands nor will any wise man ever accuse him for any action extraordinary that he shall do in order thereunto or if the fact be to be blamed the effect will excuse it especially if be good as it was in Romulus his case for it is destructive and pernicious violence that is to be reprehended not that which tends to settlement and reformation He is also to be so prudent and vertuous as not to leave the authority which he assumed in inheritance to another because men being more prone to evil than good his success or may employ that power to the prejudice of the State which he in his wisdom made use of to its benefit and advantage Moreover though one be fittest to make Laws yet when once made they cannot hold long if left upon the shoulders of a single person but when the care and execution of them is transfer'd upon many and many are concerned to maintain them it is much better for though many be not so proper in laying the foundations of a Government because their diversity of opinions keeps them from discerning what is absolutely for its good yet when things are once setled and they have found it that very diversity will be a means to preserve it And that Romulus was excusable for what he did to his Brother and Companion and that what he did was more for the common good than his own private ambition or revenge appears by this that he had no sooner made them away but he constituted a Senate by whose advice he acted in every thing reserving to himself only the power of calling them together and commanding the Armies when they should resolve of a War and of this we cannot have better evidence than that which followed after the expulsion of the Tarquins there being nothing innovated or altered by the Romans only in stead of one perpetual King they created two annual Consuls which shews that Romulus in his first Institutions aimed rather at the election of a civil and a free than an absolute and tyrannical State Many more examples might be produced to fortifie what is said as those of Moses Lycurgus Solon and other Founders of Kingdoms and Commonwealths who by assuming a Monarchical authority were able to frame and impose such Laws as were for the benefit of the publick but being so well known it would be superfluous I shall add only one not so famous perhaps yet worthy to be considered by those who are desirous to be good Legislators and it is this Agls King of Sparta observing his Citizens had lost much of their ancient virtue and by consequence were decayed both in their power and Empire imputing it in part to their deviation from the Laws of Lycurgus desired very earnestly to reduce them again but before he could bring it to perfection he was slain by the Spartan Ephori as one who designed to make himself absolute but Cleomenes succeeding him in the Government having the same inclination and perceiving by some Records and Writings which Agis had left behind what was his intention he found that he could not do his Country that service any way but by making himself absolute for by the ambition of some persons he found that he could not do the good which he designed to the generality by reason of the malevolence of a few wherefore he caused the Ephori and who-ever else he thought likely to obstruct him to be killed and revived the Laws of Lycurgus which noble act might have recovered that State and have made Cleomenes as venerable as Lycurgus himself had it not been for the power of Macedon and the weakness of other Commonwealths for not long after that reformation being invaded by the Macedonians it proved unable to defend it self and having no body to sustain it was overcome and that just and honourable design was unhappily laid aside Considering therefore what has been said I conclude that a single person is best for the institution or regulating of any sort of Government and that for the death of Remus and Tatius Romulus was not to be blamed CHAP. X. As they are
Authority in Italy into the Territories of the Swizzers who are the only people at this day which live either as to their Ecclesiastical or Military Discipline according to the Model of the Ancients and then he would quickly find that the wickedness and depravity of that Court would produce more confusion and disorder in that Country than ever befell it by any accident before CHAP. XXIII How the Romans pretended Religion many times to regulate their City to prosecute their Wars and to pacifie their tumults ANd I hold it not extravagant to produce two or three Examples in which the Romans made use of their Religion both in the regulation of their City and the prosecution of their Wars and although in Titus Livius they be very frequent yet I shall content my self with these After the people of Rome had created their Tribunes with consular power and all of them except one from among the Plebeans there hapning that year a furious Plague a desperate Famine and other Prodigies besides the Nobility in the next creation of Tribunes took advantage of that occasion and pretended that the Gods were incensed against the people for that they had debased the Majesty of the Empire and that there was no remedy to appease them but to reduce the Election of the Tribunes to its primitive institution upon which the people were so frighted they chose all their Tribunes that year out of the Patricii It was the same case in the taking of Veii The Romans had been before it ten years and no great lekelihood of carrying it but the Tenth the Lake of Albin being miraculously swell'd so as to drown a good part of the Country the great Officers of the Army observing their Soldiers weary of the Siege and impatient to be at home feigning to have consulted the Oracles they pretended that they had received this answer That Veii should be taken that year that Albin overflowed which answer reflecting upon their Devotion the Soldiers reassumed their Courage continued the Siege and Camillus being chosen Dictator carried the Town and thus you may see how the Romans made use of their Religion to encourage their Army against the fatigues and dangers of a tedious Leaguer and to fright the people from entrenching upon the priviledges of the Nobility in the Election of their Tribunes without which pretence it would have been a hard matter to have persuaded either the one or the other There was another example to the same purpose Terentillus a Tribune of the people would needs make a Law which was called Lex Terentilla and shall be mentioned hereafter contrary to the interest and inclination of the Senate The Senate resolved to oppose it and the best means they could think of was pretence of Religion of which they made use two ways they ordered the Books of the Sybils to be look'd over and this answer to be returned That that very year the City would be in great danger of losing its liberty unless civil Sedition was prevented which artifice notwithstanding it was discovered by the Tribunes put the people into such a fright they grew cool in the business and refused to stand by them After this they made use of the same pretence another time Appius Herdonius having got together of Slaves and Exiles to the number of Four thousand men seized upon the Capitol in the night and brought such a terror upon the City it might very well be feared if the Aequi and the Volsci perpetual Enemies to the Romans had taken their opportunity and marched to Rome they would have gone near to have master'd it However the Tribunes persisted and nothing could serve their turns but the Lex Terentilla must be promulged for they affirmed the Stories of being invaded were but suggestions and fallacies and not one word of them true Hereupon one Publius Rubetius a grave Citizen and of good authority among them came forth of the Senate and partly by fair words and partly by foul remonstrating the danger of the City and the unseasonableness of their demands he play'd his part so well that the Constrained the people to take an Oath of fidelity â—o the Consul and in testimony of their integrity the people ran to their Arms and recovered the Capital from Herdonius but Publius Valerius their Consul being slain in the Conflict Titus Quintius was chosen immediately in his place who to keep the populace employed and leave them no time to think of their Law Terentilla Commanded them out of Town forthwith against the Volsci alledging that the Oath which they had taken to be true to the Consul obliged them to follow him and though the Tribunes opposed it and objected that that Oath extended no further than to the Consul that was dead nevertheless Livy tell us that such was the peoples tenderness and veneration for Religion that they chose rather to follow the Consul than to strain and presume upon their Consciences giving this reason for it Nondum haec quae nunc tenet seculum negligentia deûm venerat nec interpretando sibi quisque jusjurandum leges aptas faciebat The neglect of the Gods which has overspread this Age was not then come to that height nor did everyman interpret his Oaths and accommodate his Laws to his own interest and advantage Upon which the Tribunes perceiving their danger and that if they persist they should run a hazard of being utterly extinguished they came to an agreement with the Consul received his Orders obliged themselves not to insist upon the Lex Terentilla for a Twelve-month in case the Consuls for the same time would forbear drawing out the people And thus you see how by pretence of Religion the Senate overcame a difficulty which without it it could never have done CHAP. XIV The Romans were wont to interpret their Auspices with accommodation to their own pleasures and designs and when at any time they were forced to transgress they managed it wisely and pretended to be very precise and if any body rashly despised them he was sure to be punished AMong the Gentiles Auguries were a great part of their Religion as I have said elsewhere and they contributed not a little to the well being of the Roman Common-wealth for which reason the Romans had them in particular care above any other Ordinance and made use of them in the creation of Consuls in the undertaking of Enterprizes in drawing out their Armies in their Battels and Engagements and in every other business of importance whether Military or Civil nor would they ever begin an Expedition till they had possessed the Soldiers that the Gods had promised them success Among the several Orders of Auspices they had one called the Pullarii who were to give their presages before ever they fought with their Enemy If the pullen over which they had inspection Eat it was a good Omen and they might with confidence engage if they did not Eat It was an ill sign and they were obliged to forbear
Lombardy the great objection by those who were against the Expedition was That the Swizzers would obstruct his passage over the Mountains which argument was found idle afterwards for the Kings of France waving two or three places which they had guarded passed by a private and unknown way and was upon their backs in Italy before they perceiv'd him so that being mightily surprized the Enemy quitted his Posts and retired into Italy and all the Lombards submitted to the French they being deceived in their opinion who thought the French were with more Ease and Convenience to be obstructed in the Mountains CHAP. XXIV In well Ordered Governments offence and desert are never set one against the other but he who does well is rewarded and he who does otherwise is punished THE merits of Horatius were very great having by his own single valor and conduct overcome the Curiatii after which he committed a most abominable act in killing his own Sister which Murther was so hainous in the Eyes of the Romans that he was brought to a Trial for his life though his deserts were so fresh and considerable which at first sight seem ingrateful in the people but he who examins it strictly and weighs how necessary and sacred a thing Justice ought to be in every Common-wealth will find them more blameable for discharging than they would have been for condemning him and the reason is because in a well constituted State no man's good actions should indemnisie him for doing ill for punishment being as due to ill actions as rewards are to good having rewarded in a man for doing well he is satisfied for what he did and the obligation discharged so as if afterwards he commits a Crime he is to be punished severely according to the Nature of his offence by the observation of which Orders a City may continue free a long time which otherwise will quickly go to ruine For if a Citizen having perform'd any great Exploit for his Country should expect not only honor and reward for what he has done but priviledge and impunity for any mischief he should do afterwards his insolence would in a short time grow insupportable and inconsistent with Civil Government So then it is very necessary for discouragement from ill actions to recompense good which was the practice in Rome and though where a Common-wealth is poor her tâ—wards cannot be great yet even out of that small stock she is to be punctually grateful for a thing how little soever given in acknowledgment of ones good Service let it be never so great is look'd upon as Honorable and received as a Magnificent reward The Stories of Horatius Cocles and Mutius Scaevola are generally famous Coles with incompâ—rable courage maintained fight against a great body of the Enemy upon the Bridge over Tiber till it was cut behind him and their passage obstructed The other designing against the life of Porsenna King of Tuscany and killing his Secretary by mistake being apprehended and brought before the King to show the courage and constancy of the Romans he thrust his own hand into the fire and burnt it off before his face and how were they gratified marry each of them had two Staiora's which is as much ground as can be sown with two Bushels of Corn. The History of Manlius Capitolinus is no less remarkable Having relieved the Capitol which the French had surprized in the night and beaten them out again his Comerades in requital gave him a certain measure of Flower which as times went then was a mighty reward and esteemed so adequate to the Service that Manlius afterwards either out of ambition or ill nature causing a tumult in Rome and endeavouring to debauch the people his former exploits being as they thought amply rewarded without farther regard to him they threw him headlong down that Capitol which he had so gloriously preserved CHAP. XXV Though it is many times convenient to reform the old Fundamental Customs of a free City yet it is convenient still to retain some shadow and appearance of their ancient ways HE who desires to set up a new form of Government in a Common-wealth that shall be lasting and acceptable to the people is with great caution to preserve at least some shadow and resemblance of the old That the people may if possible be insensible of the innovation for the generality of Mankind do not penetrate so far into things but that outward appearance is as acceptable to them as verity it self For this cause the Romans at the beginning of their liberty when their Kings were expelled thought it expedient to create two Consuls instead of one King assigning them only XII Lictors that their number might not exceed what attended upon the King Besides this there was an anniversary Sacrifice in Rome in which the Ministry of the King was of necessity required To salve that defect the Romans created a chief of the said Sacrifice with the Title of Royal Priest but with subordination to the High Priest by which Artifice the people were satisfied with their Sacrifice and took no occasion to complain for the expulsion of their King He therefore who desires to reform the policy of a State and to introduce a new is to disguise it to the people by the retention at least in appearance of some part of the ancient Customs that may keep them from discerning it and if at any time by accident there be a necessity of changing the power the number and duration of the Magistrates it will be convenient to continue the Name This as I said before is to be observed by any one who would establish an absolute power either in a Republick or Monarchical way but he who would erect such an absolute power as by Authors is called Tyrannies must unravel the whole bottom and innovate all CHAP. XXVI A new Prince in a new Conquest is to make every thing new WHoever makes himself Lord of a City or State and especially if he finds himself weak and suspects his ability to keep it if he intends not to continue the Government in the old way either by Kingship or Common-wealth the best course he can take is to subvert all to turn every thing topsie turvy and make all things as new as himself To alter the Magistracy create new Titles elect new persons confer new Authorities advance the Poor and impoverish the Rich that what is said of David may be said of him Esurientes implevit bonis divites dimisit inanes He filled the hungry with good things and the rich he sent empty away Besides it is his interest to build new Cities to erect new Corporations to demolish and uncharter the old to shift the Inhabitants from one place to another in a word so to toss and transpose every thing that there be no honor nor wealth nor preferment in the whole Province but what is ownable to him And for this he need go no farther than Philip of Macedon Father to Alexander the
judgment of the people in the distribution of Offices and Honours and such particular affairs for in those things they are almost infallible and when they do mistake it is rather to be attributed to the obstinacy of some few to whom that business is referred than to the ignorance of the whole body which being certainly so I think it not superfluous to shew in my next Chapter the Order which the Senate observed to over-reach the people in those kinds of distributions CHAP. XLVIII To prevent the advancement of mean people to the Magistracy it is particularly to be contrived that the competition be betwixt the best and most Noble and the wickedest and most abject WHen the Senate began to apprehend that the Tribunes wnuld be chosen out of the people and invested with Consular power they had two ways one of which they constantly made use of They put the best and most honorable persons to stand or else by their Mony they foisted in some sordid and ignoble Plebeian among those of the better sort which pretended to the Magistracy and demanded it for him The last way made the people ashamed to confer it the first made them ashamed to remove it which reinforces what I have said so often before that though in generals the people may be mistaken in particulars they are provident enough CHAP. XLIX If those Cities which have been free from their foundation as Rome have found it difficult to contrive such Laws as might maintain them so Those which have been always servile will find it almost impossible THe Government of Rome and its affairs abroad and at home do sufficiently show how hard it is to establish such Laws in a Commonwealth as my preserve it always in a good and quiet Estate It had first Romulus then Numa Tullus Hostilius Servius and others who employed their industry and capacity to regulate it well and prescribe good Laws after which ten Citizens were created on purpose and yet new difficulties arose every day which required new remedies One of their great expedients which indeed contributed much to the incorruption of that City was the creation of the Censors to correct the exorbitances splendor and ill husbandry of the Citizens and although in the beginning it was with some inconsideration decreed that those Officers should be created for five years yet by the prudence of Mamercus the Dictator that error was afterwards rectifyed and the time of their continuance reduced to 18 months which disgusted the then Censors so highly that they found means to turn Mamercus out of the Senate to the great regret both of the Senators and people And because the History does not show how Mamercus defended himself it must needs be the neglect of the Historian or the defect of the Laws for it is not to be thought that in a perfect Commonwealth a Citizen should be so ill treated for promuâ—ging a Law so much for the security of their liberty and his innocence left without sanctuary or protection But to return to my design I say it is not to be admired if Cities conceived and born and brought up all along in servitude find so much difficulty to regulate and preserve themselves in tranquility and peace as was to be seen in Florence when Rome and other States which have been free from the beginning have scarce been able to do it Florence was in Subjection to the Roman Empire and governed by other people so long that it had searce any hopes of ever being free Afterwards having time to breath it began to look up and make Laws for it self but mingling them with their old Laws which were bad they did them no good For two hundred years together their Government was in this manner so that it was scarce worthy the name of a Commonwealth And the same inconveniencies have been incident to all Cities whose beginnings have been servile like that And though the Florentines did many times by publick and free suffrage transfer an Authority upon a few of their principal Citizens to examine and reform all things yet those few regarded not so much the common enterest and liberty as their own private design and advantage in the whole manner of their proceedings which was so far from producing any order or settlement as was intended that it augmented the disorder and made things worse than before To pass by other things which are likewise to be observed I say that in every Commonwealth it is particularly to be considered in whose hands the Cognizance of Capital offences is placed and who has the execution of the Sanguinary Laws This was well ordered in Rome an appeal lying to the people from all the courts and Magistrates of the City and if at any time by that appeal the delay of execution became dangerous to the State they had recourse to the Dictator who commanded execution immediately but they never made use of their refuge but in extream necessity But Florence and other Cities born in servitude and Subjection had not the benefit of such an Officer but were governed by strangers upon whom the Prince had transferred his Authority which Custom they kept up after they had made themselves free and continued the same Authority in a Foreigner whom they called their Captain which was a dangerous thing considering how easily he might be corrupted by the better sort of the Citizens Afterwards the Custom changed with the revolutions of State and eight Citizens were created to do the Office of the Captain which alteration proved much for the worse for as I said before a few men prefer'd to the government are always liable to be caressed and cajoled by the Nobility to the prejudice of the people Against which inconvenience Venice provided very well where there is a Council of Ten which can punish any Citizen whatever without any appeal yet for fear they should not be sufficient though they have authority enough for the punishment of persons of more than ordinary quality they have constituted the Quarantie to assist them and the Council of Pregui besides which is the highest Council of that City so that if any man will accuse there are judges enough ready to hear him If therefore in Rome which was originally free and model'd and govern'd by the Counsels of so many wise men new faults were daily discovered and fresh occasions for new Laws to be made for the preservation of their liberty it is not to be admir'd if in other Cities it was worse where their Original was not so free nor so many wise men to model and instruct them CHAP. L. No Magistrate or Council ought to have power to check or controul the publick acts of the City TItus Quintius Cincimatus and Cneus Iulius Mentus being Consuls together in Rome but at perpetual odds the affairs of that State was at a stand their Laws were not executed their Wars were not prosecuted nor any thing managed as it should be The Senate observing it persuaded
them to make a Dictator by whom the State might be reformed and their differences composed which had hitherto hindered the reformation But the Consuls how contrary so ever in other things consented not to do it the Senate having no other remedy addressed to the Tribunes who by the Authority of the Senate required and compelled the Consuls to the Creation of a Dictator In which place it is remarkable how beneficial the assistance of the Tribunitial power was not only to defend the people against the insolence of the Nobility but to controul and restrain the emulation and difference among themselves And here it is carefully to be provided in the settlement of a Commonwealth that it be not in the power of a few persons to whom the Government is entrusted to quash or obstruct any Customs or Acts that are necessary to its subsistance For Example If you authorize a Council or any other persons to distribute Honours dispose of Offices or execute any other of your commands you must either lay a strict injunction or necessity upon them to do as you appoint or provide so that if it be neglected by them it may be done by some body else otherwise things are ill managed and the order is defective as is manifest by that example in Rome it the perversness of the Consuls had not been opposed by the Authority of the Tribunes In the Republick of Venice the grand Council or Senate has the distribution of Honours and the Election of Magistrates both abroad and at home and it hapning one time that the Senate either upon some disgust or false suggestion omitted to creat Successors to the Magistrates at home or to their Officers abroad there followed great disorders immediately the Territory and City wanting their lawful judges could have no justice in any thing till the Senate was appeased And this inconvenience would in time have brought the City into an ill condition had it not been prevented by the wisdom of some Citizens who taking the opportunity obtained a Law That there should be no vacancy of Offices either within the City or without but the old Offices should be continued till their Successors were chosen by which Law they deprived that great Council of a power to interrupt the course of Justice which could not have been suffered without hazard to the State CHAP. LI. A Prince or Commonwealth that is constrained to do a thing is to seem to do it frankly and without any compulsion A Wise man orders his affairs so that whatever he does seems rather voluntary and gracious than done by force and compulsion be his necessity of doing it never so great which point of wisdom being well observed by the Romans got them great reputation among the people especially when they decreed stipends to the Soldiers out of the publick Treasury who before were obliged to serve at their own proper charges for seeing their Wars were like to be tedious and their Armies to be carried into far Countries before they could be finished they found neither the first could be continued nor the latter perform'd but at the publick expence wherefore the Senate was forced and necessitated to pay the Soldiers out of the publick stock yet they did it so slyly and with that artifice that though compelled by necessity it was received as a grace and gain'd them exceedingly the affections of the people who had never so much as mention'd it by their Tribunes or thought of it themselves So that never any thing was received with more demonstration of joy But the Tribunes were not so well satisfied but endeavoured to possess the people that it was not an act of that grace as they imagined and that if they looked closely into it it would appear rather a grievance than a benevolence for how was this Mony to be rais'd but by Taxes and Impositions upon the people so that if the Senators were bountiful it was out of other mens purses But all would not do let the Tribunes say as they pleased the people believed themselves highly obliged and then the manner of raising the Mony made it much the more grateful for it was done with more than ordinary equity the greatest part of it being levyed upon the greatest men and the poor favoured as much as was possible CHAP. LII The best and most secure way to repress the insolence of an ambitious and powerful State is to preclude and stop up those ways by which he would come to his greatness BY what has been said before it appears what affection the Senate conciliated among the people not only by the frankness of their bounty but by their kindness in collecting it which order if continued to the people would have prevented all the tumults which hapned afterward in that City and deprived the Tribunes of their great credit and authority And indeed there is not a better or more secure way to suppress the insolence or cross-bite the designs of an ambitious Citizen than to take the same ways to prevent which he takes to advance them which course if it had been followed by the adversaries of Cosimo de Medici would have been much more for their advantage than to have forced him out of the Town For had they applyed themselves to caressing and insinuating with the people which was the way he took to fortifie himself they had disarm'd him without any tumult or violence and taken from him the only arms upon which he depended for his defence About the same time Piero Soderini by his extraordinary beneficence got him self a great interest and reputation among the people and was publickly esteemed the great Champion and Protector of their liberties and doubtless his adversaries who began to grow jealous of his greatness had done much more wisely and honourably and safely to have gone the same way to work and countermined him by their indulgence to the people than to oppose themselves downright and ruine him and their whole Country together for could they by any art or insinuation have gained the affections of the City they had taken from him the only thing upon which he relyed without noise or confusion and they might have opposed in all his counsels without fear of the people if he be urged here that if the Citizens which were enemies to Piero committed an error in not taking the same course to retain as he had done to debauch the people Peter committed the same fault by not making use of the same instruments which his adversaries employed against him it is answered that Soderini indeed might have tryed but he could have done it neither with honour or case for the way that his adversaries took was to set up the Medici by whose assistance they bearded him exceedingly and ruined him at last and it had been dishonourable for Soderini to have deserted the liberties of the people which he had undertaken to defend and gone over to the party of the Medici nor could he have done it so
their liberty with it and turn'd Subjects to the Latins Livy tells us the same thing for says he the Latin Army was in nothing inferiour to the Romans their courage the same their constancy the same and their numbers the same if the Romans had any advantage it was in their Generals which indeed were better than the Latins and it is expressed by several both Latins and Romans who have left an account of that Battel to posterity that where-ever Manlius had been that side would certainly have conquered In this Battel there were two things very exemplary and remarkable One of the Consuls to keep his Souldiers firm in their obedience and preserve their Military Discipline caused his own Son to be slain for transgressing his Orders though he gain'd the Victory by the means The other devoted himself freely to death for the good of his Country for the dispute was like to be very hard fighting against the Latins who as Livy tells us had the same Language the same Customs the same Arms the same Discipline with the Romans the Soldiers the Captains the Tribunes both in one Army and the other had been Comerades and served formerly together not only in the same Army or Garison but in the same Company and Band. It was necessary therefore being equal in their numbers and equal in their courage that something extraordinary should be done that might render the Soldiers fiercer and more obstinate to overcome upon which fierceness and obstinacy the whole hopes of the victory did depend for whilst there is any such in the breasts of the Soldiers they never think of running but press still on for victory and prize and because there was more of this constancy and fortitude in the breasts of the Romans than in the breasts of the Latins partly the destiny and partly the bravery of the Consuls effected that for the good success of their Army and the preservation of their Discipline Torquatus killed his Son and Decius himself Titus Livius in his description of the equality of their force gives us an exact account of the Orders which they observed in their Armies and Fights and he has done it so largely I need not repeat it all but shall only select what I think most particularly remarkable and what if observed by the Generals of our days might have prevented very great disorders I say then that according to Livy's description their Armies were divided into three principal Schieri or Squadrons The first consisted of their Hastati which were most of them young men in the flower of their age digested into Manipuli or small parties and disposed at a certain distance with Pikes or Darts in their hands from whence they were called Hastati The second Squadron was as numerous as the first and divided into as many Manipuli but their distance was something greater and it consisted of choice men from whence they were called Principes The third and last Squadron was the biggest of the three and had almost as many in it as both the other and this was made up of the ancientest and most experienced Soldiers whom they called Triarii They too had their certain distances but something greater than in either of the other In their Battels the Hastati were in the Van the Principes behind them and the Triarii in the Rear To every one of these Squadrons there was a body of Horse which being drawn up in two divisions and disposed one of the right and the other on the left hand of the Army represented two wings and were therefore called Ala. These three Squadrons preceded and followed one another exactly but the Hastati in the first Squadron were drawn up closer That being to receive the first impetus of the Enemy they might endure it the better The Principes that followed them was not in such close order but were disposed at more distance to the end that if the Hastati should be forced to retire they might be received into that Squadron without disorder or confusion But the Triarii were drawn up with greater spaces and intervals than both the other and for the same reason that if they were repulsed that might fall back among them and make an entire Body together Being drawn up in this order the Hastati began the sight if they were over-powred by the Enemy and forced to give ground they fell back to the Principes and uniting with them renewed the fight in one body if they were both of them too weak and unable to bear up against the Enemy they retreated gradually into the spaces betwixt the Triarii and then all the three Squadrons being joyned the whole Army charged in a body and if they were beaten farewel there was no more reserves but the Battel was lost and because whenever the Triarii was engaged the whole Army was in â—â—nger this Proverb grew very frequent Res reducta est ad Triarios Things are now at the Extremity The Generals of our times having laid aside all the old discipline of the Romans have neglected this among the rest to their no little prejudice For he that draws up his Army in a posture with two such reserves must be beaten three times before he can be utterly defeated whereas once beating will do the Enemies business But he that trusts only to the first shock as the Christian Armies do generally now may easily be broken the least disorder or relaxation of courage puting all to the rout And that which is the reason why our Armies are so quickly defeated is because they have lost the old way of falling back one body into another and rallying three times For whoever draws up his Army according to Modern Custom does it with one of these two inconveniences He either draws up his several Squadrons shoulder to shoulder and by enlarging his Ranks makes his Files very thin which weakens his Army very much by leaving the distance so small betwixt the Front and the Rear or else he draws them up deeper according to the manner of the Romans but then their Files are so close that if the Front be beaten there being no spaces in the Battel to receive them they entangle and confound one another so as the Front being repulsed falls foul upon the middle Squadron and both of them upon the third whereby they are embarrassed and hindred from advancing or receiving the Enemy in any order and the whole Battel is lost The Spanish and French Armies at the Battel of Ravenna where Monsieur de Foix the French General was slain fought very well being drawn up according to the mode of our times with their Fronts so extended that their Battalions were much more in wideness than depth and his was done in respect of the ground which in that place was very spacious and large for being sensible that retreats are more difficult where the Files are too deep they drew them up large in the Front to prevent it as much as possible But when they
them as I said before so that when all is done the best way to defend a Town is as they did of old by their small shot and the courage of the Soldier And yet though small shot be of some use to the besieged it cannot countervail the dammage which they receive from the Enemies great shot for by them their walls are battered and beaten down into the Ditches so that when the Enemy comes to storm which he may do with more ease when the Ditches are filled up with the ruines of the walls the besieged are under great disadvantage Wherefore as I said before those Guns are more beneficial to the besieger than the besieged And if you do not defend your self either in a great Town or a little but shall choose rather some strong and convenient place where you may encamp and entrench so as not to be forced to an Engagement but with advantage to your self I say that in this case you have no better way now than the Ancients had of old and that many times your great Guns are more inconvenient than otherwise for if the Enemy falls upon your back with any advantage of ground as may easily happen That is if he gains by accident any eminence that commands your Camp or surprizes you before your intrenchments are finished he quickly dislodges you and compells you to fight This was the case with the Spaniards before the Battel of Ravenna who entrenched upon the River Roncus but made their 〈◊〉 too low whereupon the French having the advantage of the ground with their great Guns played so furiously over them into their Camp that the Spaniards 〈…〉 and forced afterwards to give them Battel And if you shall choose such a place to â—â—trench in as commands the whole Country and fortifie it so well that the 〈…〉 you yet the Enemy will have the same ways of provoking and 〈◊〉 you as were practised of old that is by making inroads and plundring your Country by 〈◊〉 your Roads and intercepting your Convoys and a thousand other 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 dities which he will put upon you against which your Artillery will 〈…〉 So that considering what has been said and that the Roman Wars 〈◊〉 most 〈◊〉 offensive they would have had advantage by them and in probability 〈…〉 their conquests had there been any Artillery in their times As to the 〈…〉 that by reason of those great Guns men could not show their valour so much as an ancient times I answer it is true and the danger is greater when they come to place their â—adders and make an assault dully and heavily and rather one by one than in a body their Officers being in the same hazard and liable to be killed at greater distance nor can the strongest guards nor choicest men about them secure them yet for all these great dangers no memorable instance can be produced of any great dammage that ever was received For Towns are not taken usually by storm or assault but by way of Leaguer as formerly and in those that are taken by storm the danger is not much greater than it was then for even in those times whoever undertook the defence of a Town had his Machines and instruments of War which though not discharged with such force did the same execution And as to the reaching of Commanders at a distance and killing them in the midst of their Reserves there have been fewer of them slain since great Guns came up in 24 years Wars in Italy than there was in any ten years in the time of the Romans for unless it were Count Lodovic della Mirandola who was killed in Ferrara when the Venetians invaded that State and the Duke of Nemours who was killed at Cirignuola there has not been one great Officer slain for Monsieur de Foix at Ravenna dyed by the Sword So that if men show themselves not so couragious as formerly it is from the weakness and ill order of their Armies rather than the Artillery And whereas it is said that these great Guns are an impediment to their fighting and that the decision of Battels will by degrees be left to the Artillery I reply That that opinion is clearly a mistake and has been judged so by all those who are for the old way of Discipline For he that would have his Soldiers good must exercise them well and with frequent Alarms true or false 't is no matter accustom them to the Enemy bring them to handy-stroaks and as it were to take one another by the beards by which means they will come to a greater dexterity in handling their weapons and grappling with the Enemy and for the same reason the Foot are rather to be relyed upon than the Horse for if your Foot be nimble and good you may fall with more security upon an Enemy perplexed and embarrassed with a train of Artillery than you could of old when they had their Elephants their Chariots with Cythes and such other devices And if the Romans could find out remedies daily against such daily inventions no question but they would have found out some or other against great Guns and so much the more easily because the danger of the Guns is sooner over than the danger of the other for the execution which is done by the Cannon is done before the engagement begins The execution by the Chariots and Elephants during the whole fight besides the Cannon is easily avoided by the Infantry either by posting themselves behind some bank or clapping down upon their bellies and yet of this so easie and obvious an evasion experience tells us there is seldom any necessity for it is a hard matter to point your great Guns so exactly but that either they will be mounted too high and shoot over you or too low and never come at you And when the Battel is joyn'd 't is as clear as the day that neither great nor small shot is of any advantage for if the Artillery be placed before the Army 't is odds but it is taken if behind the execution it does is upon themselves and on either side it can gaul you but little before you get to it and either cloy or secure it and if an example be required we have one ready in the Swizzers who at Navarre in the year 1513. without Horse or Artillery or any such thing fell upon the French Camp and overcame them though they were as strong as Trenches and Artillery could make them and another reason is besides what has been urged before because Artillery ought to be guarded if you would have it do service with walls or ramparts or some such thing as may secure it from being taken otherwise it will be of no use as when in field fights it has nothing to defend it but the Bodies of men In the Flanks they are of no use more than the old Roman Engines in those days who were placed out of their Squadrons that they might be managed with more dexterity and
when-ever overlaid by the Horse or any thing else they were received into their Legions and if there be any way of making advantage of Artillery in a field fight it is this He that uses it otherwise understands not very well and puts his confidence in that which may easily deceive him The Turk indeed by the help of his great Guns-obtained two or three Victories against the Sophy and the Soldan but if produced more from the novelty of the noise and the terror it brought upon their Horse than any great execution they did I conclude therefore that Artillery may be good in an Army that is stout but where they are used in an Army that is raw and inexperienced they are of little advantage if the Enemy be either couragious or strong CHAP. XVIII How by the authority of the Romans and the universal Discipline of the Ancients the Foot are more serviceable than the Horse BY many Arguments and Examples it may be proved that the Romans in their Military exploits had greater estimation for their Infantry than their Horse and how all their principal designs were executed by their Foot This appeared in their Wars with the Latins when the Roman Army being over-powered and giving ground in that great Battel near the Lake of Regillum the Roman General caused his Cavalry to dismount and fight on foot and by so doing they recovered their ground and got the Victory by which it is manifest the Romans thought them more serviceable on foot than on horse-back and in that posture placed more confidence in them The same thing they practised in many other fights and always with good success nor can the raillery of Hanibal be objected against this who when news was brought him at the Battel of Cannas that the Consuls had caused all their Horse to dismount resolving to fight it out on foot cryed out in derision Quam mallem vinctos mihi traderent Equites They might as will have bound them and delivered them to me Which expression though coming out of the mouth of an excellent person yet his single authority is not to be put in the ballance against the judgment of the whole Roman Commonwealth and the experience of so many brave Captains as had been educated under it and if it were there are reasons to defend it The Foot can get into several places where the Horse cannot get The Foot keep their ranks better than the Horse and in any disorder are sooner rallyed and in a posture again whereas the Horse are more unmanageable and when once out of order with great difficulty to be rallyed Besides as it is among men so it is among Horses some are high spirited and couragious others are untoward and dull and it frequently happens that a mettled Horse has a cowardly Rider or a mettled Rider a dull Horse be it which it will the disparity is inconvenient A body of Foot well order'd and drawn up will easily be too hard for the same number of Horse but the same number of Horse will have hard service to break a Body of Foot if there be any thing of proportion betwixt them and this opinion is confirmed not only by ancient and modern examples but by the relations and constitutions of Legislators and whoever else have left any rules and directions for the Government of an Army for though they tell us indeed That at first Horse were in greatest reputation because the way of ordering of Foot was not known but as soon as the way of managing them was found out and their usefulness was discovered they were preferred to the Horse Not but that Horse are very necessary in an Army to scout abroad make incursions into the Enemies Country pursue the Enemy when he runs and confront their Horse when they come to a Battel yet the hopes and strength of an Army lies more especially in the Foot and if any one error in the Conduct of our Italian Princes has contributed to the enslaving of their Country it is their neglecting to improve themselves in the management of Foot and addressing themselves wholly to the Horse And this fault proceeded from the malignity of the Officers or the ignorance of those who govern'd the State For this last 25 years the Commands of the Italian Militia being in the hands of Reformades and Soldiers of fortune who had no setled Estates they made it their design to preserve their Commands by all possible means though with never so much prejudice to their Masters And because a great Body of Foot was not like to be long paid nor would there always be occasion to use them and a little one would not turn to account they applyed themselves wholly to the Discipline of Horse for 200 or 300 Horse was a fair Command and maintained the Officers in a good reputation nor was the charge so great but their Governors could pay them For the better insurance therefore of their places they began to undervalue and decry the Foot service in such manner that by degrees they were almost wholly laid aside so that in the greatest of their Armies there were very few Foot the unhappiness of which practice with other irregularities in our days has made the Italian Militia so weak it has not been able to defend it self against the insults and depredations of foreigners So then the Foot is with more confidence to be rely'd upon than the Horse and that this was the judgment of the Romans appears by another example The Romans were encamped before Sora and a party of Horse sallying out of the Town to beat them from some post was met by a Roman Captain at the Head of his Troop who charging his adversary it was their fortune both of them to be slain However their Troops continued the fight though their Officers were dead and the Romans to facilitate their Victory dismounted in the middle of the fight and forced the Enemy to do the same if they had a mind to defend themselves so that the nature of the fight was changed the Foot service was preferred and the Samnites were routed Nothing can be more plain that the Foot were preferred than this case for though upon other occasions the Consuls many times dismounted their Troops yet it was to reinforce and bring off the Foot that were overlaid by the Enemy but here they dismounted not to relieve their own Foot or to engage with the Enemies but fighting Horse against Horse and finding their Victory doubtful they thought though they could not master them on Horse-back they might do it on foot and accordingly they alighted I conclude therefore that a Body of well ordered Foot is very hardly to be broken but by another Body of the same Crassus and Marcus Antonius with a small Body of Horse but a good Army of Foot over-run and harrassed the whole Country of the Parthians for several days together though the Parthians had a vast Army of Horse to defend it Crassus 't is true
the Heavens have upon human affairs Titus Livius has discoursed of it largely and efficaciously telling us That the Stars to make us sensible of their power first disposed the said Fabii who were sent Embassadors to the French to fight as abovesaid to the end that upon that occasion they might make War upon Rome In the next place they besotted the Romans so as they did nothing worthy of the name of Romans in order to their defence having banished Camillus the only person capable of standing them in stead to Ardea Again when the French were upon their march towards Rome those who to repel the inroads of the Volsci and other bordering Enemies had made Dictators many times and with very good success made none upon the approach of the French They were so slow likewise and so remiss in the raising of Men and so tedious in furnishing them with Arms that they could scarce draw out any considerable force against them till the Enemy was as far as the River Allia which is within ten miles of Rome and when their Army was come thither it was not encamped by the Tribunes with the usual diligence and discretion they having neither chosen a good place nor drawn their line nor fortified themselves with Trenches nor Stoccadoes as formerly nor done any thing for their security either humane or divine When they came to fight they drew up their men so awkwardly and untowardly that neither Soldier nor Officer did any thing worthy of the Discipline of the Romans so that the Battel was lost without any effusion of Blood the Romans running at the very first charge the greatest part of them to Veii the rest to Rome and in such consternation that they fled directly to the Capitol before they went home to their houses So that the Senate without so much as thinking to defend their City any more than the rest never caused the Gates to be shut but part of them fled away and part into the Capitol There it is true they began to observe better orders than before and managed things with less confusion They discharged all those that were unserviceable and furnished themselves with what provision they could get that they might be able to hold out The greatest part of those useless people which were turn'd out of the Capitol as old Men Women and Children fled into the Neighbouring Cities the rest continued in Rome and were a prey to the French So that if a man should have read their Exploits in former times and compared them with their actions then he would not have believed them to be the same people and Titus Livius gives the reason after he had described all the disorders aforesaid in these words Adeo obcaecat animos fortuna cum vim suam ingruentem refringi non vult So strangely does fortune blind other people when she would not be obstructed in her designs and there can be nothing more true Wherefore men are not so much to be blamed or commended for their adversity or prosperity for it is frequently seen some are hurried to ruine and others advanced to great honour by the swing and impulse of their fate wisdom availing little against the misfortunes of the one and folly as little against the felicity of the other When fortune designs any great matter she makes choice of some man of such courage and parts as is able to discern when she presents him with an occasion and so on the otherside when she intends any great destruction she has her Instruments ready to push on the wheel and assist to her designs and if there be any man capable of obstructing them in the least she either rids him out of the way or deprives him of all authority and leaves him without any faculty to do good And this is abundantly cleared by this place where Fortune to amplifie Rome and bring it to that Grandeur to which it arrived afterwards thought fit to debase it as we shall show at large in the beginning of our third Book but would not utterly destroy it For which reason though she permitted Camillus to be banished she would not suffer him to be killed though she let Rome be taken she preserved the Capitol Though she intimidated the Romans and would suffer them to do nothing wisely for the safety of the City yet she left them so much wisdom as secured the Capitol That Rome might be taken she caused the greatest part of the Army that was defeated upon the Allia to retire to Veii thereby cutting off all ways for the defence of Rome But in the midst of her Career when she seem'd in such haste and so impatient of its destruction she prepared every thing that was necessary for its preservation having conveyed a good Army to Veii and Camillus to Ardea that once again they might make head under a General whose reputation was never fully'd with the ignominy of such a loss but stood clear and entire for the recovery of his Country And here we might bring store of modern examples to prove what is said were not this sufficient without them Yet this I shall assert again and by the occurrences in all History there is nothing more true That men may second their fortune not resist it and follow the order of her designs but by no means defeat them Nevertheless men are not wholly to abandon themselves because they know not her end for her ways being unknown and irregular may possibly be at last for our good so that we are always to hope the best and that hope is to preserve us in whatever troubles or distresses we shall fall CHAP. XXX Princes and Republicks that are truly magnificent do not make their Leagues and Alliances with Money but by their virtue reputation and force THe Romans were besieged in the Capitol and though they were in expectation of relief from Vâ—ii and Camillus yet Famine constraining them they proposed a parley with the French and were to pay a certain Sum of Money for their liberty The Articles were sign'd all things concluded and Commissioners sent in to receive the Money when on a sudden Camillus appears with his Army as if fortune had done it says Livy Ut Romani auro redempti non viverent That it might not be said the Romans had ever been ransom'd Which point is not only observable in this place but in the whole progress of the affairs of that Commonwealth where it may be seen that they never got Town nor never made Peace with their Money whatever they did was bravely and with their Arms which I think is more than can be said of any other State in the world One of the great marks of the puissance of this Commonwealth was the manner of her living with her Neighbors When things are so managed in a Government that the Neighbors purchase its amity and make themselves its Pensioners 't is a certain sign of the potency of that Government But when the Neighbors on the
ought rather to have had a care that the end of his intentions might have appeared for the good and benefit of his Country and not out of any particular ambition and to have provided that whoever succeeded him afterwards in his dignity should not be able to employ that authority to the ruine of the State which he was forc'd to take upon him to preserve it But the good man was mistaken in his first opinion as not understanding that the malice of mankind is not to be extinguished with time nor appeased with presents for could he have imitated the severity of Brutus he had preserved his own dignity and the liberty of the State But as it is a difficult thing to preserve the liberty of a State so it is no less difficult to preserve the authority of a King as shall be shewn in the next Chapter CHAP. IV. A Prince is never safe in his new Conquests whilst they are in being whom he dispossessed THe death of Tarquinius Priscus by the Sons of Ancus and the death of Servins Tullius by Tarquinius Superbus shews how dangerous it is to disposses any man of a Kingdom and suffer him to live though you endeavour by all means possible to cares him Tarquinius Priscus thought his Title unquestionable being made King by the People and confirmed by the Senate nor could it enter into his thoughts that the malice and indignation of the Sons of Ancus should be so great as to keep them from submitting to that wherewith the whole City of Rome was contented Servius Tullius was mistaken in the same manner in thinking with new favours and obligations to have pacified the Sons of Tarquin So that from the first example a Prince may take warning and not delude himself with an opinion he is safe whilst any of them are living whom he dispossessed and from the second he may inform himself that old injuries are never cancelled by new favours especially if the favours be not equivalent to the injury And without doubt Servius Tullius was ill advised to believe that the Sons of Tarquin would be content to be his Sons-in-Law when it was their due to be his King And this ambition and impatience to govern is so great and insatiable in mankind that it not only affects those persons who have some right and expectation to govern but those likewise who in reason can have no such expectancy as in the example of Tullia the Daughter of Servius but married to one of the Tarquins which Tullia was so enflamed with a desire of governing that not contented with being a King's Daughter transported with rage contrary to all silial duty and affection she incited her Husband against her Father and forc'd him into a conspiracy not only against his Kingdom but Life Whereas if Tarquinius Priscus and Servius Tullius had known how to have secured themselves against those they had supplanted they had neither lost their Kingdoms nor Lives But Tarquinius Superbus was expell'd for not observing the Laws and Practices of the ancient Kings his Predecessors as shall appear in the next Chapter CHAP. V. How a King may lose his Kingdom though he comes to it by inheritance TArquinius Superbus seemed to have secure possession of the Kingdom upon the death of Servius Tullius who dying without heirs left him nothing of that trouble and vexation which his Predecessors encountred For although the way by which he came to the Government was irregular and abominable nevertheless had he followed the steps of his Predecessors and observed their old rules he would not have run himself so fatally in to the displeasure of the Senate and People nor have provoked them to have been so diligent in his expulsion Nor is it to be believed that his Son Sextus his deflowring of Lucretia was the chief cause that he lost his Kingdom but his infraction of the Laws his tyranny his usurpation upon the Senate and his ingrossing all authority to himself for he had brought things to that pass that those affairs which were formerly debated publickly by the Senate and according to their sentiment and order were put in execution were now transacted and determined privately in his own Palace with great dissatisfaction and offence so that in a short time Rome was deprived of the liberty which it injoyed under other Kings nor was it enough for him to disoblige the Senate but he run himself into the odium of the people harassing them out by mechanick and servile imployments to which they had never been used in the days of his Predecessors by which cruel and insolent actions he had so incensed and inflamed the minds of the Romans against him that they were ready for rebellion the first opportunity that offered it self and if that accident had not hapned to Lucretia as soon as any other had fallen out it would have had the same effect And if Tarquin had governed and lived according to the example of his Ancestors and his Son Sextus had committed that error Brutus and Collatinus would have addressed themselves to Tarquin and not to the people of Rome for justice against his Son Let Princes therefore observe that they begin to ruine their own dignity and power when they first go about to transgress and violate the old Laws and Customs of their Ancestors and if after they are removed and dispossessed of their authority they should grow so wise as to understand the felicity of governing a Kingdom with good Counsel their loss would be more insupportable and they would condemn themselves to a greater punishment than any body else would condemn them for 't is easier to be beloved by good people than bad and to obey Laws than to command them and to understand the way by which this is to be done they have no more to do but to observe the lives of good Princes as Timoleon the Corinthian Aratus Sicionius and others in which they will find so much ease and security to him that governs and them that are governed that they will be tempted to imitate them if for nothing but the easiness of it For when men are governed well they desire no other liberty as it hapned to the people who were governed by the two persons above named whom they compelled to continue their Princes whilst they lived though they endeavoured several times to have laid down and betaken themselves to a private condition And because in this and the two precedent Chapters we have discoursed of the hatred contracted against Princes and the Conspiracy of the Sons of Brutus against the State and others against Tarquinius Priscus and Servius Tullius I think it not amiss to speak of Conspiracies more largely in my next Chapter as being a subject well worth the observation both of Princes and private Persons CHAP. VI. Of Conspiracies I Did not think it inconvenient in this place to discourse something of Conspiracies seeing they are things of such consequence and danger both to Princes private Persons for
accomplices together into his house with intention to assault him as he went by to which purpose he armed them all and disposed them into the Porch that they might be ready upon a signal to be given from a Window above It hapned that Pandolfus being just by the person at the Window gave the signal when by accident in the very nick of time Pandolfus met a friend and stopt to salute him Some of his Attendants passing on heard a noise of Arms took the Alarm and discovered the Ambuscade so that Pandolfus was miraculously preserved Iulio and his Companions forced to fly from Siena and all by the accident of this rencounter which not only hindred the execution at that time but defeated the whole enterprize But against these accidents no remedy can be prescribed because they happen so rarely however it is necessary to think of us many and provide against them as well as we can It remains now that we say something of those dangers which we incur after execution is done of which sort there is but one and that is when somebody is left alive that may revenge it as his children brothers kinsmen and such others to whom the sovereignty may descend by right of inheritance and these may be left to revenge the death of their Predecessor either by your negligence or by some of the accidents aforesaid as it hapned to Giovan-Andrea da Lampognano who conspiring with other persons killed the Duke of Milan but they left two of his Brothers and one of his Sons behind who revenged it in due time But in these cases the Conspirators are to be excused because there is no remedy to be provided but where by their own imprudence or negligence they suffer any such to escape there it is otherwise and they are highly to be condemned At Forum Livii some there were who conspired against Count Girolamo â—lew him seized upon his wife and children which were very young and clap'd them in Prison a great mind they had to the Castle but the Governour was refractory and would not admit them the Counsels called Madonna Caterinâ— made them a proposition that if they would suffer her to go into him she would prevail with the Governor to surrender and that in the mean time her children should be left as hostages in their hands The Conspirators believed her and let her go in but she was no sooner in the Castle but she began to upbraid them by the death of her Husband and threaten them with all possible revenge and to convince them that her care and compassion for her children should not restrain her she shew'd them her genitals thorow the windows to let them know that if they killed those she had wherewithal to have more so that perceiving their error too late and being destitute of all counsel their indiscretion was punished with their perpetual banishment But of all dangers after the fact is committed none is so fatal as the affection of the people to their Prince whom you have slain For their revenge is not possible to be prevented Of this the murder of Caesar may be an example for the people of Rome being his friends his death was thorowly revenged upon the Conspirators who afterwards though in several times and places were all of them slain Conjurations against ones Country are not so dangerous as Conjurations against ones Prince for in the contrivance and management the dangers are not so many in the execution they are but the same and after the fact is committed they are nothing at all In the management and preparation the dangers are not so many because a Citizen may make his party and put his affairs in a posture without discover◠〈…〉 â—is orders be not interrupted bring his designs to a very good end or if they be inâ—errupted by some Law it is in his power to adjourn the execution or find out some other way that may be more commodious but all these it is to be understood are to be done only in Commonwealths where the manners of the people are beginning to be corrupted because where the City is incorrupt such designs will never come into any of their thoughts but in a corrupt Republick where the dangers are not so great there are many ways for private Citizens to make themselves Princes because a Commonwealth is not so quick and dexterous as a Prince their suspicion is less and by consequence their caution besides they are commonly in more awe of their Grandees and therefore the Grandees are more bold and couragious against them Every body has read Catilins's Conspiracy written by Salust and can tell how Catiline after it was detected not only continued in Rome but came audaciously into the Senate and had the confidence to talk insolently both to the Senate and Consul so great reverence had that City for its Citizens And when things were gone so far that he had left the City and was got to the head of an Army Lentulus and the rest of the Conspirators had never been seized had not there been Letters produced against them under their own hands Hanno a great Citizen in Carthage had a mind to usurp and in order thereto he had contrived at the Wedding of one of his Daughters to poison the whole Senate and then make himself Prince when his plot was discovered the Senate troubled themselves with no farther provision against it than by making a Law against exorbitant feasting upon such kind of occasions so great was their respect to a Citizen of his quality But in a Conspiracy against ones Country the greatest danger lies in the execution for it seldom happens that a particular Citizen is strong enough to subdue a whole Country and every man is not General of an Army as Caesar Agathocles Cleomenes and others were who had their Armies ready to back their designs To such the way is easie and secure but they who want those advantages must manage their business with more cunning or employ foreign assistance this cunning and artifice was used by Pisistrates the Athenian for having overcome the Megarenses and thereby got himself great reputation among the people he came forth of his house one morning and shew'd himself wounded to them complaining that the Nobility had abused him and desiring that he might be permitted to have a guard for the security of his person which being granted inconsiderately gave him opportunity by degrees to make himself absolute Pandolfus Petrucci with other Exiles returned to Siena and by way of contempt was made Keeper of the Palace which was a mechanick employment that others had refused Yet those few arm'd men who were under his Command by virtue of that place by degres gave him such reputation that at length he made himself Prince Others have taken other ways and by time and their industry arrived at the same dignity without any danger but those who have endeavoured to make themselves Masters of their Country by their own force
to many people and then when ever it is destroyed it will necessarily follow that all those who were injured before will endeavour to repair and revenge themselves which is not to be done without great tumult and slaughter But when a Commonwealth is fix'd gradually and by universal consent of the people when it comes to be changed there is no need of disturbing any body â—lse for the bare removal of those who are then in authority will effectually do the business Of this sort was the revolution at Rome upon the translation of the Government from the Kings to the Consuls and the accident at Florence in the year 1494 when the Medici were expelled without the least prejudice to any body else for they having been advanced by the general vote of the people there was no need of doing more than turning them out of the City Such mutations are not therefore so dangerous but those others where many have been injured and as many are to be revenged have been so dreadfully destructive that the very History of their consequences is enough to terrifie the Reader but all Books being full of them I shall speak no more of them in this place CHAP. VIII He who would change the form of a Government is to consider seriously upon what grounds he does it and the disposition of the Subject IT has been said before that an evil disposed Citizen can do no great hurt but in an ill disposed City which conclusion besides my former arguments is much fortfied by the examples of Spâ—rius Cassius and Manlius Capitolinus Spurius was an ambitious man and being desirous to procure to himself extraordinary authority in Rome by favouring the people in the sale of such Lands as the Romans had conquered from the Hernici the Senate discovered it and grew so jealous of him that when in a speech of his to the people he proffered to give them the mony which had been received for corn that the Senate had sent for out of Sicily the people absolutely refused it supposing that Spurius intended that their liberty should make it good but had the people of Rome at that time been corrupt or ill disposed they had taken his mony and opened him a way to the making himself absolute but the example of Manlius Capitolinus is greater than this for by that we may see how the courage and integrity which he expressed to his Country in their wars against the Gauls was afterwards clowded and extinguished by an infatiable desire of authority arising from an emulation of Camillus whom the Romans had advanced to a greater degree of honour and so strangely was he blinded with this passion that not considering the state and incorruption of the City or how indisposed the people were to any such enterprize he began to make parties and raise tumults in Rome both against the Senate and Laws In which passage it was evident how well that Government was constituted and how well that people was disposed for in this case though the Nobility and he were great friends and fierce defenders of one anothers interest none of them nor his very relations appeared in his behalf and whereas at other Trials the friends of the criminal used to accompany him to the Bar in mourning and with all other circumstances of sadness that they 〈◊〉 of to work if it were possible the Judges to compassion Manlius went alone without so much as one friend to attend him the Tribunes of the people who were in other things always opposite to the Nobility and created on purpose to balance their power when they found the design tending to the ruine of them all they joyn'd heartily with them to remove so commoâ— a destruction and the people of Rome who were zealous in any thing that made for their advantage and lovers of any thing that crossed the Nobility though they also had their kindness for Manlius nevertheless when the Tribunes cited him and referred him to the judgment of the people they condemned him to death without any consideration of his former services Wherefore I am of opinion that in the whole tract of this History there is not an example that with more efficacy demonstrates the justice of that Commonwealth in all its orders and degrees of men than this seeing there was not one Citizen appeared in the defence of Manlius who was a person of known virtue and endowments and had done many honourable things both in publick and private and the reason was because the love to their Country had a greater influence upon them than any other respect and the consideration of the present danger of their affairs being stronger than the memory of his past merits they chose to free themselves by decreeing his death Titus Livius tells us Hunc exitum habuit vir nisi in libera Civitatenatusesset memorabilis This was the end of a man who had been very memorable had he been born any where but in a free State And in his case there are two things very remarkable one that in a corrupt State glory and authority is acquir'd a quite contrary way than where they live exactly according to the true rules of policy and justice the other not much unlike the former that men in their affairs especially of greatest importance are to consider the times and accommodate thereunto and those who by the unhappiness of their election or their natural inclination do otherwise live always unfortunately and are more unsuccessful in all their enterprizes than they who comply with the times And doubtless by the fore-mentioned expression of the Historian had Manlius been born in the days of Marius and Sylla when the Mass was corrupt and depraved and susceptible of any form his ambition would have imprinted he had had the same success that they had when they aspired to be absolute So again had Marius and Sylla come into the World in the time of Manlius they had miscarried as he did and been lost in their first attempt For one man by his ill customs and conversation may indeed give a touch and tincture of corruption to the people but 't is impossible his life should be long enough to debauch them so totally that he may expect any advantage of it in his time or if he should be so happy and live long enough to infect a whole City yet so impatient are the desires of man that they cannot restrain their passions or attend an opportunity of pursuing them wisely but they circumvent and delude themselves in those very things of which they are most eagerly ambitious so that sometimes for want of patience and sometimes for want of judgment they venture rashly upon things before the matter be prepared and are ruined in their designs He therefore who would alter a Government and set up himself must attend till time has corrupted the Mass and by degrees brought all into disorder which of necessity must follow when it is not as we said before purged and refined
preserved that Province to the Romans So that in the whole there are examples on both sides where the Soldiers have done bravely and got the Victory by their valour and where the Conduct of the General has done as much as a whole Army from whence it may be concluded that they are mutually useful and that the Soldier is as much advantaged by the excellence of his General as the General by the courage of his Army However this I think will not be unworthy our consideration whether is most formidable a good Army under a bad Commander or a good Commander with a bad Army In the opinion of Caesar neither of them was considerable for when he went into Spain against Afranius and Petreius who had a good Army under their command he went with much confidence because as he said himself Ibat ad exercitum sine duce He went against an Army without a head reflecting thereby upon the insufficiency of their Generals Again when he went into Thessaly against Pompey his expression was Vado an ducem fine Exercitu I go now against a General without an Army It remains now that we consider whether it be most easie for a good Captain to make a good Army or a good Army to make a good Captain But to this in my opinion it is easily answered for many good men in an Army can sooner select one out of their number and instruct him so as that he may be fit to command the rest than the best General in the world can make an Army expert and ready Lucullus when he was sent against Mithridates was utterly unexperienced in matters of War yet being in a good Army where his inferior Officers were good he quickly became a good General The Romans for want of men were forced to arm their Servants and having referred them to be disciplin'd by Sempronius Graccâ—us in a short time he made them excellent Soldiers Pelopidas and Epominandas after they had rescued their Country from the Tyranny of the Spartans in a short time made their Country-men so good Soldiers that they were not only able to contend but to conquer the Spartans So that the case is equal and which soever is good may make the other so too Nevertheless a good Army without a good Commander grows insolent and dangerous as it hapned in the Macedonian Army after Alexander was dead and as it is in civil Wars among all old Soldiers so that I think if there be more confidence to be reposed in the one than in the other it is to be rather in the General than the Army especially if he has time to instruct and discipline his Men for an Army without a head is insolent and mutinous Those Captains therefore are worthy of double honour who have not only the Enemy to overcome but are to instruct and prepare their Forces before they bring them to engage And in doing so they do highly recommend the Conduct of their General which is so rare a thing that if the trouble were laid upon many they would be much less esteemed and respected than they are now CHAP. XIV What strange effects new inventions have sometimes in a Battle and how new Noises have the same WHat strange consequences have succeeded from sudden and unexpected accidents that have been seen or heard in the heat of the Battel appears by several examples in History but especially in the conflict betwixt the Romans and the Volsci where Quintius observing one of the wings of his Army to stagger and give ground cry'd out to them to stand firm for that in the other wing the Victory was theirs with which words he not only reincouraged his own men but put such a terror upon the Enemy that they fled in good earnest And if in a well ordered Army those unexpected vociferations have such wonderful effect in a tumultuous and ill governed Army they have much more where everything is more subject to the agitation of such winds and of this we have a memorable example of our times The City of Perugia not many years since was divided into two parts the Oddi and the Baglioni The Baglioni prevailing the Oddi were banished But the Oddi having got an Army together and brought them privatly to a place not far from Perugia by the favour of their friends they were let one night into the Town and possessed themselves as far as the Piazza And because the Streets were chained up from one side to other to hinder the passage of the Horse the Oddesche had a man who went before them with a great engine of Iron wherewith he brake the chains and he had done his work so effectually that he had broke all the chains but what opened into the Piazza the alarm being taken and every body crying out Arm Arm he who broke down the chains being pressed so close by the throng that was behind him that he had not room for his blow cryed out to those that were next Back Back intending only to have made more room for his arm But they who were next him calling back to those who were behind them by degress the word went through the whole Army and they who were in the Rear not knowing the reason began to run and being followed by those who were next the whole Army retreated by little and little till at last they brake out into an absolute flight by which inconsiderable accident the Oddi were defeated of their design So that it is to be considered that in a Battel order is not only to be taken that the Army be well drawn up and put in a good posture to fight but that no such trifling accident be able to discompose it For if for any thing the popular multitude be unfit for the Wars it is because every noise rumour or alarm distracts them and puts them to the rout Wherefore it ought to be a principal care in a good General to appoint such persons as are to receive all orders and words of command and derive them to the rest that by so doing the Soldiers being accustomed to their Officers may not receive any such orders but from such persons as are commissioned thereunto the want of which custom has many times produc'd very great confusion As to apparitions and such things as are many times seen it is the part of a good General to contrive and exhibit in the very height of the Battel such sights as may incourage his own men and discourage the Enemy for among many accidents which conduce to your victory this may be especially effectual To this purpose is that invention of which Sulpitius made use against the French being drawn up and ready to engage the Enemy he caused all the Servants and refuse of his Army to be armed and mounted upon the Mules and Horses belonging to the Baggage and having furnished them so formally with Colours and Trumpets that they appeared a compleat body of Horse he disposed them behind a hill where
persons of good esteem and such as are reputed discreet and sober by every body and because nothing indicates and discovers a man so much as the Company which he keeps he who keeps good Company may be concluded to be good for of necessity persons so conversant together must have something of similitude But their is another way of gaining the favour of the people which exceeds them both and that is by performing some extraordinary action whether publick or private it matters not so you come honourably off And the judgments which are made in this case are much better than the other For the arguments taken from the virtue of the Parents are doubtful and fallacious nor can any man conclude any thing till experience resolves him The presumptions in the second from their conversations and Company are much better than the first but not comparable to the third for reputation from Ancestors or Company depends barely upon opinion and hopes till some great action be performed that testifies your virtue and determines the doubt and then if this action be performed when you are young it makes the impression much deeper and so fixes your reputation that you must commit many ill actions before you can expunge it Those therefore who would advance themselves in a Commonwealth are to take this course and endeavour to do some remarkable thing at first which was done at Rome very frequently by several young persons either by the promulgation of some Law for the benefit of the publick or by the accusation of some great person for transgressing the Law or doing some other great or new thing that may make you be talk'd of Nor are these things necessary only to recommend you at first but they are necessary likewise to maintain and augment your reputation so that they are to be renewed and repeated often as long as you live as Manlius did for after he had defended his Father so honourably and by that noble action laid the foundation of his esteem many years were not past before he fought singly with a French man and having slain him very bravely he took a Gold Chain from his neck which gave him the name of Torquatus and having given these testimonies of his courage in his youth when he came to riper years he made himself as famous for discipline and justice by the example upon his Son whom he caused to be put to death for fighting contrary to Orders though he defeated the Enemy which three great instances of his courage and virtue made his name so honourable both then and ever since that no Victory no Triumph could have done more And good reason for in victories many equalled and some exceeded him but in these three very few came near but no body exceeded him Scipio the elder was not so glorious by all his triumphs as for having in his youth so manfully defended his Father at the Battel upon the Tesin and after the Battel of Cannas forced certain young Romans with his Sword drawn to take an Oath not to desert their Country as they had resolved to do before which two actions were the foundations of his following reputation and served as steps to his Triumphs both over Spain and Africa which favour and good opinion of him was highly encreased by his returning a Daughter and a Wife both of them great Beauties and both of them his Prisoners immaculate and untouched one to her Father and the other to her Husband in his Wars in Spain And this way of proceeding is not only necessary for such as would gain honour and promotion in a Commonwealth but for Princes likewise and Kings who are desirous to retain their reputation with their subjects For nothing recommends a Prince more efficaciously to the people than in his youth to give them some taste or specimen of his virtue by some remarkable act or proposal for the benefit of the publick especially if it has any tendancy to justice magnanimity liberality or the like for things of that nature that are extraordinary whether acted or spoken are transmitted to posterity with so much reverence that they even come to be Proverbs among the people But to return I say then when the people designs to confer honour upon a Citizen upon one of these three accounts they go upon very good grounds but especially upon the last when several and reiterated examples make him more known for then 't is not possible they should be deceived and in young persons they are certain presages of their deportment for the future I speak only of those degrees which are given at first before any firm experience has made them better known or that they pass from one action to a contrary in which both as to mistakes and corruption the people do not erre so often as Princes And because it may happen that the people may be deceived by report or opinion or perhaps the actions of a man as believing them more considerable and estimable than they are which cannot easily happen to a Prince by reason of his Council which are by and always ready to inform him that the people may not want such Monitors those who have laid right foundations for a Commonwealth have provided that when the great and supream Offices of a City are to be supplyed where it would be dangerous to entertain any incapable persons if they find the people disposed to the creation of any man who is known to be improper it may be lawful for any Citizen nay an honour to any one that shall publickly discover his defects that thereby the people understanding him better may be better able to choose That this was the practice in Rome appears by the Oration of Fabius Maximus which he made publickly to the people in the second Punick War when at the creation of the Consuls the people were inclined to create T. Ottacilius whom Fabius conceiving an unfit man for those times remonstrated his thoughts so effectually to them that he put him by that degree and prevailed with the people to give it another person that deserv'd it much better Which being so the people in the election of their Magistrates do judge according to the best and truest tokens that they can observe and could they be as well counselled in these affairs as Princes they would commit fewer errors than they do So that that Citizen who would work himself into the favour of the people must do some great matter or express some great instance of his virtue or parts that he may seem to imitate Manlius and get as much honour as he CHAP. XXXV What dangers they incur who make themselves authors of any Enterprise and the more extraordinary the design the greater the danger IT would be too long and difficult a task to discourse at large of the danger there is in being the head in any new enterprise what hazards there are in the Conduct and how impossible to maintain it Reserving that therefore for a
more convenient place I shall speak here only of the dangers to which such Citizens or other persons are subject who advise a prince to make himself head of any important design and do it with that eagerness and impetuosity that the whole enterprise may be imputed to him The first thing I would recommend to their observation is that Counsels are commonly judged by their success if their success be unfortunate the whole scandal of the miscarriage falls upon the author If it prospers and the event be good he is commended but at a distance and his reward is not commensurate with the danger The present Emperor of the Turks Sultan Selimus as it is reported by some that came late out of that Country having made great preparations for an Expedition into Syria and Egypt changed his design upon the persuasion of one of his Bassa's and with a vast Army march'd against the Sophie of Persia. Arriving in an open and â—rge Country but for the most part Desarts and dry and no Rivers to supply them many Diseases were contracted in his Army insomuch as with hunger and sickness it dwindled away as many of the Romans had done in that Country before till at last though he had the better of the War he had lost most of his men upon which the Emperor being highly enraged caused the Bassa who had counselled him thither to be slain We read likewise of several Citizens advising and Enterprize upon the miscarriage of which they were all of them banished At Rome certain Citizens proposed and promoted very earnestly the making one of the Consuls out of the people and having prevailed the first of them which went out with their Army being beaten and over-thrown the authors would doubtless have found the inconvenience of their Counsel had not the people in whose favour it was given appeared in their protection So that this is most certain all Counsellors of this kind whether to Princes or Commonwealths are betwixt those two rocks if they do not advise what in their judgments they think profitable for their Masters and that frankly and without respect they fail in their duties and are defective that way again if they do counsel freely they bring their lives and fortunes in danger because such is the natural blindness of Mankind they cannot judge of the goodness or badness of any thing but by the success and considering with my self what way was most likely to avoid this infamy or danger I can find no better than to take all things moderately to assume and impropriate no enterprize to deliver your opinion frankly but without passion and to defend it so modestly that if it be followed by your Prince or Commonwealth it may appear to be their voluntary act and not done upon your importunity in that case it will not be reasonable to complain of your Counsel when executed by the concurrence of the rest for if there be any danger it is where things are done in contradiction of the rest of the Counsel who upon any miscarriage will be sure to combine against you and procure your destruction and though perhaps in this case there may want something of that glory which accrews to a single person who carries a design against the opposition of the rest especially if it succeeds yet there are two advantages on your side for first you will not run so great a hazard in the miscarriage and then if you advise a thing modestly which by the obstinacy and contradiction of the rest is carried against you the miscarriage of their Counsel will make much more to your reputation And although a good Citizen is not to desire to raise his credit upon the misfortunes of his Country nor indeed to rejoyce in what happens of it self yet when a thing is done it is more satisfaction to have your Counsel applauded than to be in danger of being punished Wherefore I am of opinion in these doubtful and difficult cases there can be no better way for the Counsel either of a Prince or State than to deliver themselves modestly and freely for to be sullen and say nothing would not only betray your Country but expose your self because in time you would become suspected and perhaps it might befal them as it did to one of the Counsel of Perseus King of Macedon who being defeated by Emilius Paulius and escaping with some few of his friends one of them in discourse of his Master's misfortune began to find fault and blame several passages in his Conduct which as he pretended might have been managed much better At which the King being inraged turn'd to him told him And do you like a Traytor as you are tell me of it now when 't is past remedy and killed him with his own hands so that he pay'd dear for being silent when it was his duty to have spoke and for speaking when it was discretion to have been silent nor did his forbearing to give his advice secure him from danger so that I am confirmed in my opinion that the best way is to observe the directions above said CHAP. XXXIV The reason why at the first Charge the French have been and still are accounted more than Men but afterwards less than Women THe arrogance of that French man who challenged the stoutest of the Romans to fight with him upon the Bridge of the Arrien and was afterwards killed by T. Manlius Torquatus puts me in mind of what Livy says in many places of the French that in their first attack they are more fierce and daring than men but afterwards more fearful and pusillanimous than Women And many people enquiring into the cause do attribute it to the peculiarity of their temperature and nature I am of opinion that there is much of that in it yet I cannot think but that Nature which makes them so furious at first may be so invigorated and improved by art as to continue their courage to the last To prove my opinion I do affirm there are three sorts of Armies In the first there is courage and fury joyn'd with order and discipline and indeed their courage and fury proceeds from their discipline And of this sort were the Armies of the Romans for all Histories do agree that there was always good order by reason of their long discipline and experience Nothing was done in their Armies but with great regularity and express order from their General They neither eat nor slept nor bought nor sold nor did any other action either military or civil but by permission of the Consul and therefore these Roman Armies who by their discipline and courage subdued the whole world are the best example we can follow they who do otherwise do ill and though perhaps they may do something extraordinary sometimes yet 't is more by accident than judgment But where well ordered courage meets with good discipline and is accommodated to the circumstances of manner and time nothing dismays them nothing withstands them for
in service talk ridiculously and of things either impossible or useless 'T is true when they are to be raised for immediate Service they are always to be paid yet if in times of Peace they be the occasion of any disorder or inconvenience which I cannot believe the advantages of a well disciplin'd and ready Militia does abundantly recompence it for where there is no such force there is nothing secure I conclude then That he who would have a small number to pay them the better or for any other of your reasons is mightily ignorant for though it agrees with my opinion that let your number be what it will it will lessen upon your hands by the many accidents that are not possible to be avoided yet a small number would quickly dwindle to nothing Besides a great number is of more real service and reputation To this it may be added That if in order to the exercising you select a few persons in Countries where plenty is to be had they are so remote and at such distance from on another that you cannot bring them to a Rendezvouz without great inconvenience and without exercising Militia's are useless as shall be shown in due place Cosimo You have satisfied me as to my former demand but I desire you would resolve me another doubt and that is whether such great numbers do not produce more confusion and disorder in the Country Fabritio That opinion is as idle as the other and for the reasons I shall give CHAP. XI How the inconveniencies which follow great Armies may be prevented Fabritio THose who are designed for the Wars may occasion disorder two ways either among themselves or with other people but the remedy is easie though their discipline should not prevent it for as to quarrels and mutinies among themselves discipline will obviate them If the Country where your Levies are to be made be so weak that they have no Arms among them or so unanimously united among themselves that they have no head this Order and Militia will make them more fierce and couragious against Strangers without any impediment to their unity For men who are well disciplin'd are as tender of breaking the Laws when they are Armed as much as when they are disarmed nor can they be any ways altred unless the Officers which you set over them debauch them and which way that is to be done I shall shew you presently But if the Country where your Levies are to be made are in Arms and disunited this way will be sufficient to unite them for though they had Arms and Officers of their own before yet they were such Arms as were useless in War and such Officers as rather bred and provoked mutinies than prevented or suppress'd them And the reason is because in those Countries as soon as a man is offended he repairs immediately to the head of his party who to maintain his own reputation encourages him to revenge whereas a publick General proceeds quite contrary So then by this way Seditions are prevented Unity established Provinces united but weak continue their union and are freed of their weakness Provinces disunited and mutinous are reconciled and composed and their ferocity which was employed formerly in disorders is employed now to the advantage of the publick As to the provision that is to be made that they injure not other people it is to be considered that that is not to be done but by the fault of their Officers and to prevent the Officers from oocasioning such disorders it is necessary that care be taken that they do not usurp too great an authority over their Soldiers which authority is to be gained two ways either by nature or accident the way by nature is to be prevented by providing that he who is born in a place be never put to command the Forces raised in the same place but be put at the head of such Troops as are raised in other Countries with whom he has no natural converse As to the accidental way things are to be so ordered that the Commanders in chief be changed every year for the continuation of a command over the same men contracts such a friendship and intimacy betwixt them as is many times perverted to the prejudice of the Prince Which changes how useful they have been to those who have used them and how much the omission of them have been prejudicial to other people may be observed by the example of the Kingdom of Assyria and the Empire of the Romans for that Kingdom continued a thousand years without Tumult or civil War which proceeded from the annual changing of the Officers of the Army And in the Roman Empire after Iulius Caesar was killed all the civil Wars and Conspiracies which hapned betwixt the Officers and the Emperors proceeded from nothing but holding the Officers continually in command And if any of the first Emperors or those who rul'd afterwards with any reputation as Adrianus Marcus Severus and the like had had the providence to have introduced that custom into their Armies without doubt their Empire would have been more quiet and durable for their Generals would not have had so much opportunity to rebel the Emperors would not have had so much occasion to for and the Senate in default of succession having more authority in the election of a new Emperor would undoubtedly have chosen better But ill customs either thorow the ignorance or inadvertancy of mankind are not to be eradicated by examples either good or bad Cosimo I fear my demands have drawn you from your intended discourse for from speaking of Levies and Militia's and such things we are got clear upon another Subject so that had I not excused my self before I should think I deserved reprehension Fabritio Let not that trouble you all that we have said is pertinent enough for being to treat of the way of Militia's which is condemned by many people and I to defend it was convenient that we should begin with the way of Election and first as to the Cavalry CHAP. XII Of the Cavalry Fab. THe Cavalry anciently was raised out of the richest and most considerable of the City but with respect to the age and quality of the person Of these there were only three hundred to a Legion so that in each Consular Army the Romans had never above six hundred Horse Cosimo Would you have a standing Militia of Horse to exercise them at home and employ them afterwards in the War Fab. To do well you cannot do otherwise if you would have Soldiers of your own and not rely wholly upon such as make War their profession Cosimo How would you choose them Fab. I would imitate the Romans choose them out of the wealthiest give Officers as they do at this day and see them well armed and well exercised Cosimo Would it be well to allow them any pay Fab. Yes truly it would yet it should be no more than would keep their Horse for otherwise lying
make use of Pikes not only to resist and keep off but to attack and sometimes to disorder the Horse And by vertue of these Arms and these Orders the Germans have assumed the confidence with 15 or 20000 of their Foot to attack a vast Body of Horse of which 't is not above 25 years since we had a most signal experiment and so many great examples there are of their courage founded upon their Arms and their Order that after Charles VIII's Expedition into Italy all Nations made use of them insomuch as thereby the Spaniards grew into great reputation Cosimo Which manner of arming do you prefer the German or the ancient Roman Fabritio The Roman without doubt and I will tell you the usefulness and inconvenience of them both CHAP. III. Whether the ancient or modern is the best way of Arming THe German Foot are able not only to sustain but to beat the Cavalry they are better for expedition and can draw themselves up better because not over pestered with Arms. On the other side Foot are more exposed to wounds both at hand and at a distance They are not so useful likewise in Storming of Towns and are in great danger where there is vigorous resistance But the Romans were so well armed they could encounter and baffle the Horse as well as the Germans and were secure against their blows by vertue of their Arms could manage themselves better in an engagement with their Swords than the Germans with their Pikes and assault a Town better under the shelter of their Targets So that the only inconvenience was the weight of their Arms and the trouble of carrying them along which they easily surmounted by accustoming themselves to all kind of difficulties and hardships and you know custom is a second Nature You must know likewise that Foot are many times to engage both against Horse and Foot together and consider also that these kind of Soldiers would be altogether unserviceable and could never stand against Horse or if they could bear up against them yet they would still be afraid of the Foot lest they should be better armed and better ordered than they Now if you consider the Romans and Germans together you will questionless discover that the Germans had much the advantage in charging and breaking a body of Horse as we said before but to engage a Body of Foot armed and ordered like the Romans they have much the disadvantage So that by this you see what advantage and disadvantage the one has of the other the Romans were able to fight Foot and Horse both and the Germans are able to deal only with Horse Cosimo I would desire you to give us an example that we may understand it the better Fabritio I say you will find in many places of our History the Roman Foot have overcome great Bodies of Horse and you shall never find that they were overcome by Foot by reason of any defect in their Arms or any advantage which the Enemy had in theirs For had their way of arming been found inconvenient one of these two things would have followed they would not have advanced with their Conquests so far their Enemy being better arm'd or else they would have arm'd as the Enemy did and left their own way and because neither the one nor the other was done it follows probably that their way of arming was the best With the Germans it was otherwise as appears by the ill success which they have had whenever they have been engaged with Foot that were well ordered and as valiant as they which proceeded from the advantage the Enemy had of them in their Arms. Philippo Visconte Duke of Milan being assaulted by 18000 Swizzers sent against them the Count Carmignuola who was his General at that time Carmignuola with 6000 Horse and a few Foot went to encounter them and coming to an engagement was beaten for his pains Carmignuola being a wise man quickly discovered the advantage which the Enemy had in their Foot over his Horse having rallyed and recruited his Army he advanced against the Swissers again and when he came near them he caused his Horse to dismount and engaging them smartly in that posture he put them all to the rout and most of them to the Sword only 3000 were left who finding themselves past remedy threw down their Arms. Cosimo How comes that great disadvantage Fabritio I told you before but since you did not regard it I will repeat it again The German Infantry have little or no defensive Arms and for offensive they have the Pike and the Sword and with these weapons and in that order they attack the Enemy But if the Enemy be well provided for his defence as the Cavalry were which Carmignuola caused to dismount and receives them in any good order they may deal well enough with the Swizzers if they can but come to the Sword for when they once get within them the length of their Pikes make them useless and falling then to their Sword they have the disadvantage of wanting defensive Arms with which the Enemy is provided So that considering the advantage and disadvantage on both sides it will appear that they who have no defensive Arms are without remedy if the Enemy charges but home and passes their Pikes for Battels do always advance as I shall show when I have told you their manner of drawing up and pressing on prepetually they must of necessity come so near as to reach one another with their Swords and though some few perhaps may be killed or tumbled down with their Pikes yet those that are behind pressing still on are sufficient to carry the Victory and this was the reason why Carmignuola overcame with so great slaughter of the Swisses and so little of his own Army Cosimo Considering that Carmignuola's Forces were men at Arms and though on foot yet armed compleatly in my judgment it would be convenient upon any great enterprize to arm your Foot in that manner Fabritio Had you remembred what I told you before about the way of the Romans arming themselves you would not have been of that opinion For a Foot Soldier with a Head-piece Breast-plate Shield his arms and his legs covered with Iron is better able to defend himself against the Pikes and break into them than one of the men at Arms dismounted I will give you a modern example Certain Companies of Spanish Foot were transported out of Sicily and landed in the Kingdom of Naples being to supply Gonsalvo who was besieged in Barletta by the French Monsieur d' Aubigny had notice of their march and went to meet them with his men at arms and some 4000 German foot who pressed upon them with their pikes and opened the Spanish body but by the help of their bucklers and the agility of their bodies having got under their pikes and so near as that they could come at them with their swords the Spaniards had the day with the slaughter of most of
the Swisses Everyone knows how many of the Swisses foot were cut off at the battel of Ravenna and all upon the same account the Spanish foot having got to them with their swords and had cut them certainly in pieces had they not been rescued by the French horse and yet the Spaniards drawing themselves into a close Order secured themselves I conclude therefore a good Infantry ought to be able not only to sustain the horse but to encounter the foot which as I have said many times before is to be done by being well arm'd and well ordered Cosimo Tell me therefore I beseech you how you would have them arm'd CHAP. IV. How foot should be arm'd and of the force and convenience of men at Arms. Fabritio I Would take both of the Roman and German arms and half my men should be arm'd with the one and half with the other for if in 6000 foot as I shall explain to you hereafter I should have 3000 with bucklers like the Romans 2000 pikes and 1000 muskets like the Swiss I think I should do well enough for I would place my pikes either in my front or where-ever I suspected the Enemies horse might make any impression my bucklers and swords should second my pikes and be very conducing to the Victory as I shall demonstrate So that I think an Infantry thus ordered would be too hard for any other Cosimo What you have said about the Foot is sufficient I pray let us now hear what you judge of the horse and which way of equipping them is the best the ancient or modern Fabr. I think the present way is the best in respect of the great saddles and stirrups which were not in use among the ancients and make men sit stronger and firmer upon their horse I think our way of arming now is more secure and a body of our horse will make a greater impression than a body of the old Yet I am of opinion that Cavalry are not to be more esteemed now than of old because as I have said they have in our days been oft worsted by the foot and so they always will be if the foot be arm'd and ordered as abovesaid Tigranes King of Armenia came into the field against the Roman Army under the command of Lucullus with 150000 horse many of them arm'd like our men at arms which they called Catafracti the Romans consisting only of 6000 horse and 15000 foot Whereupon in contempt of their number when Tigranes saw them he said That they were liker the Train of an Embassador than an Army Nevertheless when they came to fight he was beaten and he who writes the story blames the Catafracti and declares them unserviceable for says he having Beavers over their faces they cannot so well see how to offend the Enemy and being laden with arms if by accident their horse be killed or throws them upon the ground they cannot get up again nor help themselves in any manner I say then that Nation or Kingdom which prefers their horse to their foot shall always be weak and in danger of ruine as Italy has experimented in our time having been exposed to ruine and depredation by strangers for want of foot which has been very much neglected and all the Souldiers set on horse-back Not but it is good to have horse too yet not to make them the strength of their Army but sufficient to second the foot for they are of great use for scouting making inroads into the Enemies Country raising Contributions infesting the Enemy and cutting off Convoys and supplies of Provisions nevertheless when they come to a Field-fight which is the main importance of a War and the very end for which Armies are raised they are not so serviceable as foot though indeed in a rout they are better to pursue Cosimo I cannot concur with you in this for two reasons one is the Parthians used nothing but horse and yet they had their share of the World as well as the Romans and the other is because I cannot see which way the Cavalry can be sustained by the Foot and from whence proceeds the strength of the one and the weakness of the other Fabr. I think I have told you or else I will tell you now that my discourse of military affairs shall extend no farther than Europe Being intended no farther I do not think my self obliged to give a reason for their customs in Asia yet this I may say that the Parthian discipline was quite contrary to the Roman for the Parthians fought always on horse-back in confusion and disorder which is a way of fighting very uncertain The Romans fought generally on foot in close and firm order and they overcame one another variously as the place where they fought was open or streight in streight places the Romans had the better in champian the Parthians who were able to do great things in respect of the Country which they were to defend it being very large a thousand miles from the Sea not a River sometimes within two or three days march and Towns and Inhabitants very thin So that an Army like the Roman pestered and incumbred with their arms and their order could not pass thorow the Country without great loss by reason the strength of the Enemy consisted in horse which were nimble here to day and to morrow fifty miles off And this may be a reason why the Parthians prevailed with their horse ruined the Army of Crassus and put Marc Anthony into so much danger But as I said before my intention is not to speak any thing of the Armies out of Europe and therefore I shall insist only upon the Romans the Grecians and the Germans CHAP. V. The difference betwixt men at Arms and foot and upon which we are most to rely Fabr. WE come now to your other demand in which you desire to understand what order or what natural virtue it is that makes the foot better than the horse I say in the first place horse cannot march in all Countries as foot can they are not so ready to obey orders when there is any sudden occasion to change them for when they are upon their march if there be occasion to wheel or face about to advance or stop or retreat they cannot do it with that dexterity as the foot Upon any rout or disorder horse cannot rally so well though perhaps they are not pursued which is not so with the foot Again it is frequently seen a brave and a daring man may be upon a bad horse and a coward upon a good and that inequality is the occasion of many disorders Nor let any one think strange that a body of foot can sustain the fury of the horse because an horse is a sensible creature and being apprehensive of danger is not easily brought into it And if it be considered what forces them on and what forces them off it will be found that that which keeps them off is greater than that which
pricks them on for that which puts them forward is but a spur whilst that which keeps them off is a pike or a sword So that it has been many times seen both by ancient and modern experience that a body of foot are secure and insuperable by horse If you object that coming on galloping to the charge makes the horse rush furiously upon the Enemy and to be less careful of the pike than the spur I answer that though a horse be in his career when he sees the pikes he will stop of himself and when he feels them prick he will stop short and when you press him on will turn either on the one side or the other and if you have a mind to make the experiment try if you can to run a horse against a wall and you shall find very few that will do it Caesar when he was in France being to fight a battel with the Swizzers caused all his horse to dismount and send their horses away as being fitter to fly than to fight upon But though horse are naturally subject to these impediments he who commands the foot is to march such ways as are likely to be most difficult for horse and he shall scarce come into a Country but such ways are to be found If you march over mountainous and hilly places the very situation will secure you against the fury of the horse if your march be in a plain you will seldom march any where but you will have plow'd-fields or hedges or woods to secure you for every ditch every bank how inconsiderable so ever takes off from the fury of the horse and every plow'd-field or vineyards retards them And if you come to a battel it will be the same as in a march for every small accident that happens to a horse dismays him and takes off his courage However I will not omit to tell you one thing that the Romans trusted so much to their orders and arms that had it been in their power to have chosen a place that had been sleep and covenient to secure them against horse though they had not been able to draw themselves up or an open place more obnoxious to the horse where they might put themselves handsomly in Battalia they chose always the last and rejected the first But it being time to come now to their manner of exercise having arm'd our foot according to the ancient and modern way let us see what exercise the Romans gave them before they brought them to a Battel CHAP. VI. How the Souldiers were exercised THough they be never so well chosen and never so well arm'd Souldiers are carefully to be exercised for without exercise they are good for nothing And this exercise ought to be three-fold one is to inure them to labour and hardship and make them dexterous and nimble another to teach them how to handle their arms and the third to teach them to keep their ranks and orders in their marches battels and encampments which are three great things in an Army For if an Army marches is drawn up well and encamps regularly and skilfully the General shall gain reputation let the success be as it will Wherefore all ancient Commonwealths provided particularly for these exercises by their Customs and Laws so that nothing of that nature was omitted They exercised their youth to learn them to be nimble in running active to leap strong to throw the bar and to wrestle which are all necessary qualities in a Souldier for running and numbleness fits them for possessing a place before the enemy to fall upon them on a sudden in their quarters and pursue with more execution in a rout activity makes them with more ease avoid their blows leap a ditch or climb a bank and strength makes them carry their arms better strike better and endure the shock better and above all to inure them to labour they accustomed their Souldiers to carry great weights which custom is very necessary for in great expeditions it happens many times that the Souldiers are forced to carry besides their arms several days provisions which without being accustomed to labour would be more tedious to them and by this great dangers are many times avoided and great victories many times obtained As to their way of accustoming them to their arms they did it in this manner They made their young men wear head-pieces twice as heavy as those which they were to wear in the field and instead of Swords they gave Cudgels with lead run into them much heavier than their Swords They caused each of them to fix a pale into the ground three yards high and fasten it so strong that no blows might be able to batter or shake it against which pale or stake the youth were accustomed to exercise themselves with their cudgel or buckler as it had been an Enemy striking it sometimes as it were on the head sometimes on the face then on the sides legs before and behind sometimes retreating and then advancing again and by this way of exercise they made themselves dexterous and skilful how to defend themselves and offend an enemy And for the heaviness of their counterfeit arms they did it to make the true ones appear more light The Romans taught their Souldiers rather to thrust than to cut with their swords because thrusts are more mortal more hard to be defended and he that makeâ— it is not so easily discovered and is readier to double his thrust than his blow Do not admire that the ancients concerned themselves in such little things for when people come to handy strokes every small advantage is of great importance and this is not my own opinion only but is taught by many Authors The ancients thought nothing more beneficial in a Commonwealth than to have store of men well exercised in arms for 't is not the Splendor of their gemms not their gold that makes the enemy run but the fear of their arms The faults which one commits in other things may be repaired but those which are committed in war are never to be redressed besides experience in this kind makes men more audacious and bold for no man fears to do that which he thinks he understands the ancients therefore would have their Citizens exercise themselves in all military actions and made them cast darts much heavier than the true ones against their pales which besides that it taught them dexterity it was a great strengthener of their arm They brought up their youth likewise to the bow and the sling in all which exercises there were professed Masters so that when afterwards they were drawn out to the wars they were perfect Souldiers both in courage and discipline nor were they defective in any thing but keeping their ranks in their marches and receiving orders in their fights which was quickly learn'd by mixing them with such as had serv'd a long time Cosimo What exercises would you recommend at present Fabritio Several of those which I have mentioned
numbers were written upon their Helmets in great Characters calling them the first second third and fourth c. And not content with this every Soldier had the number of his File and the number of his place in that File engraven upon his Buckler Your Companies being in this manner made distinguishable by their Colours and accustomed to their Ranks and Files by practice and experience it is no hard matter though they be disordered to rally and reduce them suddenly again for as soon as the Colours are stuck down in the ground they are immediately visible and the Captains and Officers knowing which are their own repair themselves and dispose their Soldiers immediately to their places and when those on the left have placed themselves on the left hand and those which belong to the right hand on the right the Soldiers directed by their rules and the difference of their Colours fall immediately into their Ranks as easily as we put together the Staffes of a Barrel when we have marked them before These things if learned with diligence and exercise at first are quickly attained and hardly forgot for your raw men are directed by the old and in time a Province by these exercises might be made very fit for the War It is necessary therefore to teach them how to turn all together when to face about in the Rear or the Flanks and make Rear and Flank of the first Ranks when occasion is offered And this is no hard matter to do seeing it is sufficient that every man faces to that side he is commanded and where they turn their faces that is the Front True it is when they face to the Flank their Ranks do not hold their proportion because the distance betwixt the Front and the Rear is thereby much lessened and the distance betwixt the extremity of the Flanks is much encreased which is quite contrary to the genuine order of a Battalia for which cause great practice and discretion is required to rectifie it and yet this may be remedied by themselves But that which is of greater consequence and which requires more practice is when an Officer would turn his whole Company together as if it were a single man or a solid and massy body of it self And this requires longer experience than the other For if you would have it turn to the left the left corner must stand still and they who are next them march so leisurely that they in the right may not be put to run if they be it will breed confusion But because it always happens that when an Army marches from place to place that the Companies which are not in the Front are forced to fight in the Flanks or Rear so that one and the same Company is many times compelled to face about to the Flanks and Rear at one and the same time that these Companies therefore may in this exigence hold their old proportion according to what is said before it is necessary that they have Pikes in that Flank which is most likely to be attacked and Capidieci Captains and other Officers in their proper places CHAP. X. To range a Company in such order that it may be ready to face the Enemy on which side soever he comes Fabr. WHen you have marshalled your fourscore Files five in a File you are to put all your Pikes into the first twenty Files and place five of your Corporals in the head of them and five in the Rear The other 60 Files which follow are Bucklers all and consist of 300 men So then the first and last File of every Company are to be Corporals The Captain with his Ensign and Drum is to stand in the midst of the first hundred of Bucklers and every Centurion at the head of his Division When they are in this order if you desire to have your Pikes on the left hand you are to double them Company by Company from the right Flank if you would have them on the right you are to double from the left and this is the way by which a Company turns with the Pikes upon one Flank with their Officers at the Head and the Rear of them and their Captain in the midst and it is the form which is observed in a march But upon the approach of an Enemy when they would make a Front of a Flank they have no more to do but to command that all of them face about to that Flank where the Pikes are and in so doing the whole Battalia turns with its Files and Officers at the same time in the manner aforesaid for unless it be the Centurions they are all in their old places and the Centurions can quickly be there But when a Battalia marches in the Front and is in danger to be engaged in the Rear the Files are to be so ordered that the Pikes may be readily behind and to do this there needs no more but whereas usually in every Battalia every Century has five Files of Pikes in the Front those five Files may be placed in the Rear and in all other places the same order to be observed as before Cosimo If my memory fails not you said that this way of exercise is in order to the uniting these Battalia's into an Army and that this practice is sufficient to direct them in that But if it should happen this Squadron of 450 Foot should be to fight singly and by its self how would you order it then Fabritio He who commands them is to judge where his Pikes are to be disposed and place them as he thinks fit which is not at all consistant with what I have prescribed before for though that be a way to be observed in Battel upon an union or conjunction of several Squadrons yet it may serve as a rule in what ever condition you fall into But in showing you the two other ways which I recommended for the ordering of a Battalia I will satisfie you farther CHAP. XI To draw up a Company with two horns or another with a Piazza or vacuity in the middle TO come to the way of drawing up a Battalia or Squadron with two horns or points I say you must order your 80 Files five in a File after this manner In the midst you must place a Centurion with 25 Files two of Pikes to the left and three of Bucklers to the right when those five are disposed bring up the other twenty with twenty Files and File-leaders all of them to be placed betwixt the Pikes and the Bucklers only those who carry Pikes are to stand with the Pikes After these twenty five Files are so placed draw up another Centurion with fifteen Files of Bucklers after which the Constable or Captain is to draw into the middle with his Drum and his Colours with other fifteen Files of Bucklers This being performed the next to march up is the third Centurion who is to be at the head of 25 Files of 5 in a File three Bucklers to the left
Companies and be appointed to make charges and counterfeit skirmishes with them rather to bring them acquainted than for any thing else What we have said already is sufficient for this part let us now come to marshal our Army and draw it up in a posture to fight and with hopes of success which is the great end of all kind of military discipline in which men employ so much study and diligence THE THIRD BOOK CHAP. I. The Order observed by the Roman Legions when a Battel was presented Cosimo SEeing we change our subject I shall yield my place of expostulating to another man for presumption being a thing which I condemn in other people I would not be too much guilty of it my self therefore I dismiss my self of that office and will transfer it to which of our friends will vouchsafe to accept it Zanobi It would have been very grateful to us all had you pleased to have continued but seeing 't is not your pleasure tell us at least which of us it is you will depute to succeed you Cosimo I shall leave that to the election of Signor Fabritio Fabr. I am content to undertake it and do desire that we may follow the Venetian custom by which the youngest of the company has the liberty to speak first and in this case not without reason for this being the proper exercise of young men I persuade my self young Gentlemen are the fittest to discourse of it as being most ready to follow it Cosimo 'T is then your province Luigi and as I do much please my self in my successor so you may be as well satisfied with his interrogation But that we lose no time let us return to our business Fabritio I am certain that to demonstrate how well an Army is to be marshall'd and prepared for a Battel it would be necessary to declare how the Greeks and Romans ordered The Troops in their Armies but because these things are sufficiently obvious in History I shall pass by several particulars and address my self only to such as I think most useful for our imitation and fittest to give perfection to the discipline of our times which will be the occasion that at once I give you a prospect how an Army is to be ranged in order to a Battel how they are to confront and charge one another in a real Engagement and how they may be exercised in a counterfeit The greatest disorders committed in the drawing up an Army for a Battel is to give it only a front because they leave them and their fortune to the success of one charge and this error proceeds from nothing but from having lost the old way of closing their ranks and thrusting one into another Without that way there is no relieving of the front no defending them nor no supplying their places in the heat of their Engagement which among the Romans was most accurately observed To the end therefore that you may comprehend this way I say that the Romans divided each Legion into three Bodies The first were Hastati the second Principes the third Triarii The Hastati were in the front of the Army in thick and firm ranks The Principes behind them but their ranks not altogether so close and after them the Triarii in so loose an order that they could receive both Principes and Hastati into their body upon any distress Besides these they had their Slingers their Bow-men and their Velites not drawn up in this order but placed at the head of the Army betwixt the Cavalry and the Foot These light arm'd Souldiers began the Fight and if they prevailed which was very seldom they followed the Victory if they were repulsed they fell back by the â—â—nks of the Army or thorow certain spaces appointed on purpose and retired among those who had no arms When they were retir'd the Hastati advanced against the enemy and finding themselves overpowred they retir'd softly to the Principes and fell into their ranks and together with them renewed the Fight but if they also were too weak to sustain the fury of the Battel they retreated all into the spaces of the Triarii and all together being consolidated into a firm mass they made another effort more impetuous than before if this miscarried all was lost for there was no farther reserves The Horse were plac'd at the corners of the Army like two wings to a body and fought sometimes on Horseback and sometimes on foot as occasion was offered This way of reinforcing three times is almost impossible to be master'd because fortune must fail you three times before you can be beaten and the Enemy must be so valiant as to conquer you as often CHAP. II. The form observed in their Battels by the Macedonian Phalanx THe Grecians ordered not their Phalanx as the Romans did their Legions and though they had many Officers among them and several ranks yet they made but one body or rather one front The way which they observed to relieve one another was not to retire one rank into another like the Romans but to put one man into the place of another which was done in this manner Their Phalanx being reduced into Files and let us suppose each File to consist of fifty men being afterwards with the front towards the Enemy of all the Files only the six first could charge because their Launces which they called Sarissae were so long that the sixt rank charged with the point of his Launce thorow the first ranst In the Fight therefore if any of the first rank was either killed or disabled he who was behind in the second rank supplyed his place and the vacuity in the second rank was filled up out of the third and so successively and on a sudden the ranks behind supplyed what was defective before so as their ranks remained always entire and no place left void but the last rank which was not reinforced because there was no body behind to supply them So that the loss in the first rank exhausted the latter and yet it self was continued entire So that these Phalanxes were sooner consumed and annihilated than broken because the closeness and grosseness of the body made them impenetrable The Romans at first used these Phalanxes and instructed their Legions in that way Afterwards they grew weary of that order and parted their Legions into several divisions viz. into Cohortes and Manipuli judging as I said before that body to be most vigorous and fullest of life that consisted of most members so constituted as that they could subsist and govern themselves CHAP. III. How the Swisses ordered their Battalions Fab. THe Swisses at present do use the same method with their Battalions as the Macedonians did anciently with their Phalanxes both enranging them entire and in gross and in relieving one another When they came to a Battel they disposed their Squadrons one in the Flank of another and not behind They have not the way of receiving the first into the second upon a
I fancy I see it drawn up before my eyes which gives me an ardent desire to see it engaged I would not for any thing in the world that you should prove a Fabius Maximus and endeavour no more than to avoid Fighting and keep the Enemy in suspence for I should blame you more than the Romans did him CHAP. VI. The description of a Battel Fabr. DO not question it Hark do not you hear the Artillery Ours have fired already but done little execution upon the Enemy the Velites extraordinary together with the light Horse advance to the charge in Troops with the greatest shout and fury imaginable The Enemies Artillery has fired once and the shot passed over the head of our Foot without any prejudice at all That it might not have time for a second Volley our Velites and our Cavalry have marched up in great haste to possess it and the Enemy advancing in its defence they are come so close that neither the Artillery of one side or the other can do any mischief See with what courage and bravery our Souldiers charge with what discipline and dexterity they demean themselves thanks to the exercise to which they have been used and the confidence that they have in our Army See our Battalions marching up with their Drums beating Colours flying and men at Arms in their wings in great order to the charge Observe our Artillery which to give place and make room for our men is drawn off by that ground which was left by the Velites See how the General encourages his men and assures them of Victory See how our Velites and light Horse are extended and returned to the flanks of our Army to see if there they can find any advantage to make an impression upon the Enemy Now now they are met See with what firmness our Battalions have received the charge without the least noise or confusion Observe the General how he commands his men at Arms to make good their ground not to advance upon the Enemy nor desert the Foot upon any occasion whatever See our light Horse marching to charge a Body of the Enemies Harquebussiers that was firing upon our flank and how the Enemies Horse come in to their rescue so that being enclosed betwixt the Cavalry of one side and the other they cannot fire but are forced to retreat behind their Battalia's See with what fury our Pikes addresâ— themselves to the Fight and our Foot advanced already so near that the Pikes are become unserviceable so that according to our Discipline the Pikes retire by little and little among the Shields See in the mean time how a Body of the Enemies men at Arms has disordered our men at Arms in the left wing and how according to our Discipline retiring under the protection of our Pikes extraordinary by their assistance they have repulsed the pursuers and killed most of them upon the place See the Pikes in ordinary of the first Battalia's how they have sheltred themselves under the Scudati and left them to make good the fight See with what courage with what security with what leisure they put the Enemy to the Sword Behold how they close their ranks in the Fight and are come up so near they have scarce room left to manage their Swords See with what fury the Enemy slyes because being armed only with Pike and with Sword both of them are become unserviceable one because of its length the other because the Enemy is too well armed See how they throw down their Arms how they are wounded killed or dispersed See how they run in the right wing see how they fly in the left So now we are safe and the Victory our own CHAP. VII The Authors reasons for the occurrences in the Battel Fabr. WHat do you think now have we not got the Victory very fortunately but we would have had it with more advantage had I been permitted to have put all things in execution You see there is no necessity of making use either of the second or third order because our Van was sufficient to overcome the Enemy so that I am enclined to speak no farther upon this Subject unless it be to resolve any doubt that may arise in your mind Luigi You have gain'd this Victory with so much courage and gallantry that I fear my transport will not give me leave to explain my self whether I have any scruple or not Nevertheless presuming upon your quickness I shall take the boldness to tell you what I think First therefore let me desire you to inform me why you made use of your Artillery but once why you caused them to be drawn off into your Army and made no mention of them afterward It seems to me that you placed the Enemies too high and ordered them as you fancied which might possibly be true but if their Cannon should be so placed as I do not question but many times they are as that they should play among your Troops I would fain understand what remedy you would prescribe and since I have begun to speak of the Artillery I shall propose all my scruples in this place that I may have no occasion to mention them hereafter I have heard many persons find fault with the Arms and orders of the ancients as things of little or no use in our days in respect of the fury of our Cannon because they break all ranks and pierce all Arms at such a rate that it seems to them no less than madness to oppose any ranks or orders of men against them and to tire your Souldiers with the carriage of Arms that will not be able to defend them Fabr. Your demand consisting of many heads requires a large answer 'T is true I caused my Artillery to play but once and I was in doubt whether they should do that and the reason is because it concerns a man more to keep himself from being hurt than to mischief his Enemy You must understand that to provide against the fury of great Guns it is necessary to keep where they cannot reach you or to place your self behind some wall or bank that may shelter you for there is nothing else that can secure you and then you must be sure that either the one oâ— the other are able to protect you Those Generals who put themselves into a posture to give battel cannot place their Armies behind a wall or a bank or at a distance where the Enemies Cannon cannot reach them and therefore seeing they have no way to defend themselves absolutely the best course is to secure themselves as well as they can and that is by possessing their Cannon with as much speed as is possible The way to possess themselves of it is to march up to it suddenly and in as wide an order as is convehient suddenly that they may fire but once and wide that the execution may be the less This is not to be done by a band of Souldiers in order for if they march any
they are great impediments to your sight one with its beams and the other by raising the dust and carrying the powder into your eyes besides the wind being contrary is a great disadvantage in rendring the blows which they give the Enemy more languid and weak and as to the Sun your must not only take care that it be not in your face nor does you no prejudice in the beginning of the Fight but that it does you no injury when it gets up wherefore the best way is when you draw up your men to have it if possible on their backs that many hours may pass before it can come about into their faces Hanibal knew this advantage very well and made use of it in the Battel of Cannas and Marius did the same against the Cimbrians If you be weaker in Horse it is your best way to draw up among the Vines or the Woods and such other impediments as in our times the Spaniards did when they beat the French in the Kingdom of Naples near Cirignuola And it has been many times seen that the same Soldiers which have been worsted and bastled before by only changing their order and shifting their ground have recovered the Victory Thus it was with the Cartbaginians who having been many times worsted by Marcus Regulus were afterwards Victorious by the Conduct of Kantippus the Lacedemonian who caused them to come down into the plain where they might have room for their Horse and their Elephants and by so doing they were too hard for the Romans According to the practice of the Ancients I have observed That all great Generals when they have known which quarter of the Enemy was the strongest and where they have fortified most they have not opposed the strongest part of their Army against it but have chose rather to confront it with the weakest of their divisions and with their strongest attack the weakest of the Enemies When afterwards they came to engage they commanded the strongest of their Squadrons that they should not only stand firm and receive the charge without making any advance whilst the weaker parts had orders to suffer themselves to be overcome and by giving ground gradually to fall behind the rear of the Army The Artifice procures two great disorders to the Enemy The first is that the strongest part of his Army is environ'd insensibly the other is that imagining their Victory certain by the retreat of their Enemy they fall frequently into disorder which many times robs them of that Victory of which they thought themselves so certain Cornelius Scipio being in Spain against the Carthaginians under the command of Asdrubal and knowing that Asdrubal understood very well that in the drawing up his Army he put the Roman Legions which were the strength and flower of his Army in the midst and that Asdrubal in probability would do the like When they came afterwards to Fight he changed his order put his Legions in the Wings and his light arm'd men in the Body When the Battel was joyned he commanded his Body to slacken their march on a sudden and the Wings to double their pace so that only the Wings on both sides engaged and the Bodies on both sides being at a distance one from the other came not up to one another and the strongest part of Scipio's Army fighting better than the weakest of Asdrubal's he overcame them In those days that stratagem was well enough but in our days by reason of our Artillery it is unpracticable for the space which would be left betwixt the two Bodies would give opportunity to the Artillery to play which as we said before would be very dangerous So then that way is to be laid aside and the way which I recommended before is to be used which is to charge with your whole Army and let your weakest Squadrons retire When a General finds his Army stronger than his Enemies if he would encompass it insensibly and that the Enemy may not prevent him let him draw up his Army to an equal front with the Adversary afterwards in the heat of the Fight let him order by little and little to retire in the front and let the Wings advance as gradually and it will always happen that the Enemy shall be encompassed before he is aware When a General would fight and be sure not to be routed let him draw up his Army near some place of retreat or security as either Fens Mountains or some strong inexpugnable Town for in that case he may pursue the Enemy but the Enemy cannot pursue him Hanibal made use of this cunning when his fortune began to decline and he began to apprehend the Conduct of Marcellus Some Generals to disturb the orders of the Enemy have commanded their light armed men to begin the Battel and when it is once joyned to retire among the ranks When afterwards it grows hotter and both sides are thorowly engaged they have had orders to draw forth out of the flanks of the Army and having flanked the Enemy unexpectedly they have disordered and broke him If any one finds himself weaker in Horse besides the ways proposed before he may place a Battalia of Pikes behind them and draw them up in such manner that in the heat of the Battel they may open and give way for the Pikes to pass thorow them and by so doing he shall be sure to prevail Several have accustomed their light armed men to fight among their Horse and they have been found to give the Horse very good assistance Of all those who are famous for drawing up Battels Hanibal and Scipio are the most renowned for the great skill that both of them expressed in their conflict in Africa but because Hanibals Army was composed of Carthaginians and Auxiliaries of several Nations he placed 80 Elephants in his front behind them he placed his Auxiliaries next them his Carthaginians and last of all his Italians in whom he could not safely conside and the reason why he ordered them so was because the Auxiliaries having the Enemy in their faces and finding themselves closed up with Carthaginians at their backs should not think of flying but being under a necessity to fight he did hope they might either overcome or so harrass the Enemy that when he came up with his fresh men he might the more easily overthrow them Against this order Scipio placed his Hastati Principes and Triarii in his accustomed manner so as upon occasion they might be received one into the other The front of his Army he made up with great spaces but that it might appear close and united to the Enemy he filled them up with his Velites with order that as soon as the Elephants come upon them they should retire and entring among the Legions by the ordinary spaces leave a way open for the Elephants to pass by which means the fury and execution of the Elephants being evaded they came presently to handy-blows and the Carthaginians were overcome Zanobi
In your description of the Fight you have caused me to remember how Scipio in the Engagement caused not his Hastati to retire into the ranks of the Principes but divided them and caused them to retire into the Wings of the Army to give place to the Principes when they were to advance against the Enemy I would know therefore for what reason he differed from the ordinary custom Fabritio I will tell you Hanibal had placed the strength of his Army in the second division so that Scipio to oppose them with equal courage united the Principes and the Triarii together insomuch as the intervals of the Principes being filled up by the Triarii there was no spaces left for the reception of the Hastati wherefore he caused the Hastati to open to the right and left and fall in with the Wings of the Army But you must observe that this way of dividing the first Squadron is not to be used but when the other is Superior for then you may do it conveniently as Scipio did but being inferior or under any repulse it is not to be done without manifest danger and therefore it is necessary that you have spaces behind in your other Squadrons that may be ready to receive you But to return to our discourse The ancient Asians among other contrivances to mischief their Enemy made use of certain Chariots with Sythes fastned to the Sides of them which served not only to open the Squadrons of the Enemy with their force but to cut and kill them with their Sythes Against these Chariots they had three ways to defend themselves either by the closeness of their ranks or by receiving them into their ranks as they did the Elephants or by some other vigorous resistance as Silla the Roman did against Archelaus who had store of those Chariots to repel them Silla caused several stakes to be pitched into the ground before his first Squadron which putting a stop to the carreer of the said Chariots prevented the execution which they would otherwise have done And it is observable the new method that Silla used in ranging his Army for placing his Velites and light Horse behind and all his compleat arm'd Soldiers before he left intervals sufficient to receive them which were behind when they had occasion to march up so that the Fight being begun by the assistance of the Horse who had room to pass thorow the first Squadron to the charge he obtained the Victory CHAP. II. The Arts which are to be used during the Fight Fabr. TO disturb the Army of the enemy when the Battel is joyned it is necessary to invent some way or other to affright them either by spreading a report of supplies that are hard by or counterfeiting some representation of them that may dismay the enemy and facilitate their defeat Minutius Ruffus and Acillus Glabrio two of the Roman Consuls were skilful in this art Caius Sulpitius caused all the boys and refuse of his Army to mount upon mules and other beasts that were unserviceable in fight and placed them at a distance upon a hill and drawn up in such order that they appeared like a compleat body of horse when he was engaged with the French and the enemies apprehension of that body got Sulpitius the Victory Marius made use of the same stratagem when he fought against the Germans if then these false alarms and representations are of such use and advantage in time of Battel true ones must needs be more efficacious especially if they fall upon the enemies flank or rear whilst the battel is joyned which indeed is not easy to be done unless the nature of the Country contributes for if it be open and plain you cannot conceal any part of your Forces as is necessary to be done in those cases but in woody or mountainous Countries you may conceal some of your Troops in such manner as they may fall suddenly and unexpectedly upon the enemy which will give you a certain Victory It is many times of great importance to spread a rumour abroad during the Fight that the enemies General is slain or that he is beaten in another part of the Army which as the other has many times been the cause of a Victory The enemies horse are often disordered by the representation of strange figures or the making of some unusual noise as Croesus did who opposed camels against horse and Pyrrhus when he confronted their Cavalry with his Elephants the strangeness of which sight affrighted them so that nothing was strong enough to keep them from disorder In our days the Turk defeated the Sophi of Persia and the Soldan of Syria only with the noise of this Guns which being unusual to their horse disordered them in such manner that the Turk got the Victory without any great trouble The Spaniards to distract the Army of Amilcar placed in the front of their Army certain Chariots filled with flax and drawn by oxen to which flax when the enemy came up to charge they put fire and the oxen running from the fire rush'd furiously into the Army of Arailcar and put it to the rout It is an unusual practice as we have said before to surprize and disturb the enemy with ambuscades where the Country is convenient but where it is open and large many have made great holes in the ground and covered them with straw and earth lightly leaving certain spaces solid and firm for their own retreat over which having retired cunningly in the heat of the fight the enemy pursuing has fallen in and been ruined If during the fight any ill accident happens that may discourage your Souldiers 't is prudence to dissemble it and turn it to advantage as Tullus Hostilius did and Lucius Sylla who observing in the heat of the Battel a party of his Troops go over to the enemy to the great disheartening of the rest caused it to be published quite thorow his Army that it was done by his order which not only dispelled the apprehension that was among them but encouraged them in such manner that it got him the Victory Sylla having commanded out a party upon some enterprize and all of them being killed in fight of his Army that the rest might not be terrified told them he sent them on purpose because he had found them unfaithful Sertorius fighting a battel in Spain flew one of his own men who brought him news that one of his great Officers was killed and the reason was lest telling it to the rest it might possibly have discouraged them It is no easy matter to detain and Army if it be once tottering and inclining to run and to bring it to fight again but you must consider it with this distinction either it is wholly disordered and then it is impossible to recover it or else it is disordered but in part and there is some remedy Many of the Roman Generals have stop'd the flight of their Armies by putting themselves at the head of
fight the whole Army and every Member of it may be in their proper places and the manner of doing it we have declared before when we discoursed of putting the Companies in order I would divide my Artillery and place part of it without my right flank and the other without my left My light Horse I would send before to scour the Country my men at Arms I would dispose part behind my right wing and part behind my left at about forty yards distance from the Battalia's And this general rule you are to observe by all means in the drawing up your Army that your Horse are to be placed either in the rear or upon the flanks for to place them before at the head of the Army would occasion one of these two things either they must be placed at such distance that upon a repulse they may have space and time enough to wheel of without falling foul upon the foot or else draw up the foot with such intervals that the Horse may pass thorow without putting them into disorder Certainly no body ought to look upon this as a thing of small importance for many have been ruined and routed by their own men for want of timely consideration But to return to our business the Carriages and the people unarmed are placed in the void place of the Army and so disposed that there is passage left for any to pass from one part of the Army to another These Companies without the Horse and Artillery do take up a space of 282 yards And because this square consists of two Battalions it is convenient to let you know what part of them makes one Battalion and what the other Now because Battalions are denominated from the number and each of them as you know consists of ten Battalia's or Companies and a Colonel I would have the first Battalion place five of first Companies in the front the other five in the left flank and the Colonel in the left angle of the front The second Battalion should place its five first Battalia's upon the right flank and the other five in the rear with the Colonel in the right corner to secure the rear and perform the office of him whom the Romans called by the name of Tergiductor CHAP. III. How to put an Army presently into order and draw it up so as if upon a march it should be attack'd it may defend it self on all sides Fabr. HAving put your Army into this posture you are to cause it to march and in its march observe the same order for without doubt it is safe enough against the tumults and incursions of the Peasants against which it is sufficient if the Colonel commands out parties of Horse or certain Companies of his Velites to repel them Nor is there any danger that those kind of people will ever come to handy strokes with you for men without order are always fearful of men in order and ' it s the practice of such people to alarm you with great shouts and crys but never to come near like little Curs that bark at a Mastiff but keep far enough off When Hanibal invaded Italy with so much detriment to the Romans he passed thorow France was frequently infested by the Bores but he valued them not But it is not sufficient to have your Army in this order but if you intend to march you must have Pioneers and such kind of people to plain the ways make your intrenchments c. and these Pioneers are to be secured by the Horse which you send up and down the Country In this order an Army may march ten miles a day and be time enough at their journeys end to Sup and take up their Quarters by day-light for many times an Army will march in one day twenty miles But if it happens to be attacked by a formed Army it cannot be so sudden but you will have time to put your self into a posture of defence because an orderly Army marches slowly and you will have leisure to draw your self up in Battalia and put your Army either into the same figures I have prescribed or into such another If you be assaulted in the Van you have no more to do but to bring your Artillery thither out of the flanks and bringing your Horse out of the rear into the Van to put them into the same place and distance as I have directed The 1000 Velites which are before may advance divide themselves into two parties of five hundred a piece and enter into their own place betwixt the Horse and the wings of the Army and then into their place are to succeed the two Companies of Pikes extraordinary which I placed before in the great vacuity of the Army The 1000 Velites in the rear are to remove from their post and dividing themselves repair to the two flanks and fortifie them and by the space and chasm which they leave at their departure the Carriages may march out and all those who are unarmed and put themselves behind in the rear The space in the middle being now void and every man in his place the five Battalia's which I ordered behind the Army may advance by the void space betwixt the two flanks and march towards those in the Van. Three of them may march up within 40 yards with equal intervals betwixt the one and the other and the other two may remain behind at the same distance of forty yards This is a form that may be ordered on a sudden and has some resemblance with the first model of an Army which we recommended before for thought it be streighter in the front it is firmer in the flanks and by consequence stronger But because the five Battalia's in the rear have Pikes with them for the reasons abovesaid it is necessary to cause them to advance to fortifie the front of the Army and therefore either you must cause your Companies to turn Company by Company as they were solid bodies or else pass them into the front thorow the files of the Bucklers which way is a better way and less disorderly than to cause them to wheel in whole Companies like a solid body and the same thing is to be done with those in the rear upon any assault as I have shown before If the Enemy presents himself in the rear you have no more to do but to face about with your whole Army and immediately the figure is altered the rear becomes the front and the front the rear after which you are to observe all the ways of fortifying your front as I have directed before If the Enemy appears upon your flank your Army is to face about to that side and do the same things to strengthen your front so that your Horse your Velites your Artillery may be in such places as are convenient for the making up that front and if there be any difference in this variation of fronts it is only this that some of those who are to remove have farther to
advance than others Nevertheless in making a front of your right flank your Velites are to enter into the intervals betwixt the wings of the Army and the horse should approach to the left flank into whose place the two Companies of Pikes extraordinary which were placed in the middle should succeed but the carriages should remove and the unarm'd people by the great space and overture that is made and retire behind the left flank which is now become the rear of the whole Army and the other Velites who were placed in the rear at first are not to budge in this case because that place should not remain open being of the rear become the flanks all other things are to be done as in my first directions for the making of a front What is said before of making a front of the right flank will serve for making a front of the left flank for the same order is to be used if the Enemy comes upon you so strong that he is able to attack you on both sides you must fortify the places where you suspect he will charge by doubling your ranks from the place where he does not appear to fall on by dividing your Artillery your Velites and your Horse distributing them equally in both places If he assaults you in three or four sides at once you or he must be very imprudent for had you been wise you would never have put your self into a place where an enemy could have come at you on so many sides especially with a form'd and well ordered Army For to ruine you securely it is necessary the Enemy be strong enough to attack you on all sides and with as many men in every place almost as in your whole Army and if you be so indiscreet to march into his Country or put your self into the power of an enemy whose men are three times as many and as well experienced as yours if you miscarry you can blame no body but your self but if misfortune happens not by your fault but by accident of war no body will condemn you and it will fair with you as it did with Scipio in Spain and Asdrubal in Italy But if the Enemy be not much stronger than you and yet ventures to assault you in several places the rashness will be on his side and the success in all probability on yours for of necessity he must so weaken himself that you may receive him in one place and charge him briskly in another and then you will easily ruine him This way of ordering an Army against an enemy that is not in sight but is hourly expected is very necessary and it is very useful to accustom your Souldiers to close and change and march in this order and in their march to shew them how to fight according to my first front and then falling into their march again upon a new alarm in the rear to turn that into a front and then each of the flanks and so in their first posture again and these exercises are very necessary if you would have your Army ready and well disciplin'd For which cause I would recommend it to all Princes and great Captains to restore these practices of the ancients for what is military discipline but to know how to command and execute these things well what is a well disciplin'd Army but an Army train'd up well in these kind of exercises and he who in our times would but frame his discipline to this I am confident could never be worsted But to continue our discourse if this square figure be difficult it is not to be laid aside for that for that difficulty is necessary nevertheless exercise will make it easy for having learn'd how to draw your self up and preserve your figure you will easily understand afterwards how to maintain other figures in which there is not so much difficulty Zanobi I am of your mind that those orders are necessary and cannot tell as to my self what can be added or substracted Yet I would willingly be satisfied in two things One is when you would make a front of your rear or one of your flanks and would have your men face about how you do signify your commands whether by word of mouth or sound of trumpet The other is whether those you send before to plain the ways and make them passable for your Army are to be Souldiers drawn out of your Battalia's or other Country people designed on purpose for that work CHAP. IV. Of Commands derived by word of mouth by Drums and Trumpets and of the nature of Pioneers Fabr. YOur first demand is of very great importance for many Armies have been ruined when the Captain 's orders have been mistaken or not heard for which reason the words of Command in such great dangers ought to be clear and intelligible and if you would signify your commands by the sound of your Trumpets or Drums great care is to be taken that the sounds be so different and distinguishable one from the other that they cannot be mistaken If your commands are by word of mouth you must use particular and be sure to avoid general terms and in your particular words you must be cautious to use none that may be liable to an ill interpretation Many times the crying back back has been the loss of an Army wherefore that word is to be avoided and instead of it you are to say retreat If you would change your front and make it either in the flank or the rear you must not say turn but face about to the right or the left to the front or the rear and in like manner all the words of command are to be plain and intelligible as march on stand firm advance retreat and what ever may be done by word of mouth clearly and distinctly is to be signified that way what cannot be done that way is to be done by the Trumpet and Drum As to the Pioneers which is your second demand I would have that office performed by my own Souldiers as well because it was the practice of ancient times as because thereby I should have fewer idle persons in my Army and by consequence fewer impediments I would command out of every Battalia what number I thought necessary I would furnish them with Pickaxes and Spades and cause them to leave their arms with their next ranks who should carry them for them so that when the enemy appeared they should have no more to do but to fall back to their ranks and take them again Zanobi But who should carry their Pickaxes and Spades Fabr. There should be Waggons on purpose Zanobi I fear you would never prevail with your Souldiers to work Fabr. We will talk of that in its proper place at present I shall lay it aside and discourse of the way how they are to be supplyed with provisions for having tired them thus long 't is but reasonable to refresh them with victuals CHAP. V. Of the Provisions that are
what Street and in what quarter he may find his Tent. This must be observable in all times and places and in such manner that it may seem a moving City which where-ever it moves carries with it the same Gates the same Streets the same Houses and the same Figure which is a thing that cannot be practised by those who make choice of places of natural strength for they must frame their Camp according to the variety of the situation But the Romans fortified their Camps with Trenches and Ramparts and Mounts for they left a good space round about their Camp and before it they made a ditch commonly six yards wide and three yards deep They made these spaces greater or less according to the time which they design'd to stay there or according to their apprehension of the Enemy for my own part I would not enclose my Camp with Stoccado's unless I intend to winter in it I would have my Trench and my Parapet not less than theirs but bigger upon occasion Upon every corner and side of the Camp I would raise a kind of half-moon from whence my Artillery might play and flank any Enemy that should attempt the ditch In this exercise to understand how to mark out a Camp your men are to be trained frequently and your other Officers are by practice to be made ready in designing and your Soldiers as dexterous in knowing their own quarters nor is there any great difficulty in it as I shall shew else-where for at present I shall pass to the Guards of the Camp because without them all the other pains and punctilio's would be vain Battista Before you proceed to the Guards I would be informed when you would pitch your Camp near your Enemy what method you would use for I cannot imagine that you should have time enough to do it without manifest danger Fabr. You must know no man incamps near an Enemy but he who is desirous to fight when ever the Enemy will give him opportunity and when the Enemy is disposed to it as well as he the danger is no more than ordinary for two parts of the Army are drawn out to fight and the third orders the Camp In this case the Romans committed the fortification and ordering of their Camp to the Triarii whilst the Principes and Hastaâ—i stood to their Arms. And this they did because the Triarii being to fight last had time if the Enemy advanced to leave their work stand to their Arms and fall every man into his place You if you would imitate the Romans must cause your Camp to be made by the Battalia's in your Rear which are instead of the Triarii but now to the Guards of the Camp CHAP. III. Of the several Watches and Guards about the Camp Fabr. I Do not remember in History to have found that the Ancients for the security of the Camp in the night did ever make use of out Guards or Sentinels without the Ditches as we do now The reason as I take it was because they thought the Army thereby might be easily surprized by the difficulty of discerning their Sentinels and Scouts besides their Sentinels might be over-powred or corrupted by the Enemy so that to rely upon them either in part or in whole they concluded would be dangerous wherefore all their Guards were within their Trenches placed with such diligence and exactness that it was no less than death for any man to desert his post How these Guards were disposed by them I think it unnecessary to relate because if you have not seen it already you may do it when you please only this I shall tell you in short what I would do in the Case I would have every night one third of the Army in Arms and of them a fourth part upon the Guard distributed all along the works and in all convenient places quite thorow the Camp with a main Guard in each of the four quarters of your Camp of which a party should remain constantly upon the Guard and another party should Petrole from one quarter to the other And this order I would use likewise in the day time if my Enemy was near As for giving the word and changing it every night and other things which are observable in the like cases I shall pass them by as notorious and known One thing only I shall mention as being of importance and that which brings much advantage to any man that uses it and as much disadvantage where it is neglected CHAP. IV. To observe who goes and comes to the Camp Fabr. HE who would be secure in his Camp is to require notice with great exactness of all strangers that lodge in his Camp and to have a strict account of all goers and comers and this no hard matter to do if the Tents be but viewed all along as they stand in their orders because every lodgment had its precise and definitive number and when you find them more or less than their proportion let them be examined and punished He who observes this course exactly shall keep the Enemy from practising your Officers at least without great difficulty or from having knowledge of your affairs Had not the Romans been very exact observers of this course Claudius Nero when Hanibal lay so near him could never have stole so privately from his Camp in Lucania and have marched into la Marca and back again before Hanibal had missed him CHAP. V. Of Military Iustice and the methods used by the Ancients in the punishment of Offenders Fabr. BUt it is not enough to contrive good orders unless they be strictly observed for severity is no where so requisite as in an Army wherefore to keep your Soldiers to their duty strict and severe Laws are to be made and they are to be executed as strictly The Romans punished it with death to be absent from the Guard when it was a mans duty to be there It was no less capital to abandon the place assigned him in Battel To carry any thing privately out of his Quarters To boast and appropriate to himself some great exploit which he never did To fight without the General 's order To throw away ones Arms in fear If at any time it happened a whole Troop or Company had offended in that nature they were all put to death but an imbursation was made of their names and drawing them out by lotts every tenth man was executed And this way of Decimation was used that though all were not actually sensible yet all might be affrighted But because where the punishments are great the rewards ought to be proportionable that men may be as well encouraged as deterred they ordain'd recompences for every remarkable exploit As to him who in the fight saved the life of a Citizen He who first scal'd the Walls of an Enemies Town He who first entred into the Enemies Camp He who wounded or killed the Enemies General or dismounted him from his Horse By this means no signal act was
very cautious of this in his War with the Germans and opened a way for them when he saw that not being able to fly they must of necessity fight and that more couragiously than otherwise wherefore he chose rather the trouble of pursuing them when they fled than the danger of fighting them when they were forced to defend themselves Lucullus observing a party of his horse going over to the Enemy caused a Charge to be founded immediately and commanded other parties to follow them whereupon the Enemy believing Lucullus intended to fight sent out a party to charge those Macedonians who were running away and they did it so effectually that the Macedonians were glad to stand upon their guard by which means of fugitives intended they became good Subjects in spight of their teeths CHAP. XVI How a suspected Town or Country is to be secured and how the Peoples hearts are to be gained Fabr. IT is a great thing in a General to know how to secure a Town that you suspect either after a Victory or before as several ancient examples do demonstrate Pompey being jealous of the Catinenses beg'd of them that they would give entertainment to some of his sick men and under the disguise of sick sending stout and valiant men they surprized the Town and kept it for Pompey Publius Valerius was diffident of the Epidauni and caused a General indulgence to be given in one of the Churches without the Town the people thronging thither for pardon he shut the Gates upon them and received none back again but such as he could trust Alexander the great being to march into Asia and by the way secure himself of Thrace carried along with him all the principal persons of that Province giving them commands in his Army and leaving the people to be governed by those of their own condition by which means he satisfied all parties the Nobility by paying them and the Populace by leaving no Governor that would oppress them But among all the ways wherewith the people are to be cajoled nothing goes so far as examples of chastity and justice as that of Scipio in Spain when he returned a beautiful young Lady to her Parents and Husband untouched a passage that contributed more than his Arms to the subduction of that Country Caesar only for paying for the wood which he caused to be cut down to make Stoccadoes about his Camp in France got such a name for his justice that it facilitated the Conquest of that Province I know not now that there remains any thing to say further about these accidents or that there is any thing which we have not already examined If there be any thing it is the way of taking and defending of Towns which I am willing to show were I sure I should not be tedious Battista Your civility is so great that it makes us pursue our desires without the least fear of presumption for you have offered us that frankly which we should have been ashamed to have requested We do assure you therefore you cannot do us a greater favour than to finish this Discourse but before you proceed let me entreat you to resolve me whether it be better to continue a VVar all VVinter long as they do now adays or carry it on only in the Summer and in the VVinter go to their Quarters CHAP. XVII War is not to be continued in the Winter Fabr. OBserve Gentlemen had it not been for the prudence of Battista a very considerable part of our Discourse had been omitted I tell you again that the Ancients did every thing with more prudence and discretion than we who if we be defective in any thing are much more in matters of War Nothing is more imprudent and dangerous for a General than to begin a War in the Winter and he who is the aggressor is more liable to miscarry than he that is invaded The reason is this all the industry employed in Military Discipline consists in preparing your men and putting them into order for a Battel That is it at which a General is principally to aim because a Battel does commonly decide the business whether it be lost or won He therefore who knows best how to put his Army in order and he who knows best how to prepare and equip them has doubtless the advantage and is in most hopes to overcome On the other side nothing is more inconsistent with good order than steep places or cold rainy weather for steep places will not suffer you to open or extend your ranks according to discipline cold and wet weather will not permit you to keep your men together nor present them in close order before the Enemy but constrains you of necessity to lodge them up and down asunder without order at the mercy of all the Castles and Towns and Villages that receive you so that all the pains you have taken to discipline your Army is for that time utterly useless Do not admire If now adays we make War in the Winter for our Armies being without discipline it is not to be imagined what inconveniences they suffer by not being quartered together for it troubles them not that they cannot keep those orders and observe that discipline which they never had Yet it ought seriously to be considered what prejudice has followed upon encampments in the Winter and it ought likewise to be remembred that the French in the year 1503. were broken and ruined near Garigliano rather by the extremity of the weather than the magnanimity of the Spaniards For as I told you before the Invador is under greatest incommodity as being more exposed to the weather in an Enemies Country than at home for to keep his men together he is necessitated to endure the cold and the rain or to avoid it to divide his men which is mightily to expose them But he who is upon the defensive part can choose his place and his way attend him with fresh men which he can joyn in a moment and fall upon some party of the Enemies with such fury as they will not be able to endure the shock It was the weather therefore which disordered the French and 't is the weather that will always ruine any man that begins War in Winter if his adversary have any share of discretion He therefore who would have his force his order his discipline and his courage of no use or advantage to him let him keep the Field and carry on his War in the Winter For the Romans who desired all those things in which they employed their industry and diligence should be useful to them avoided the incommodities of Winter as much as the asperities of the Alps the difficulty of places and whatever else might hinder them from showing their dexterity and courage And thus much as to your demand we will discourse now of taking and defending of Towns and of their Natural and Artificial strength THE SEVENTH BOOK CHAP. I. How Towns or Castles are to be
the victory he had gained and perhaps give it to the Enemy He who makes not provision of Victuals will be beaten without a blow He who relies more upon his Horse than his Foot or his Foot than his Horse must accommodate himself to the place If you would know at any time whether you have any spies in your Army you have no more to do but to command every man to his Tent. If you find the Enemy has any knowledge of your designs you must change them What you are to do you may advise with many what you are resolved to do communicate with few When Soldiers are in their quarters they are to be kept in order by fear and by punishment when in the field with hopes and reward A good General never comes to a Battel but when necessary requires or some great advantage invites him You must endeavour that your Enemy may not know how you intend to draw up your Army when you come to fight and let your figure be what it will be sure your first Companies be so ordered as that they may fall back into the second and both into the third When you are engaged never employ any of your Battalia's about any thing but that to which you deputed them at first if you would avoid putting things into disorder Sudden accidents are not easily prevented but those which are foreseen are prevented without difficulty Men Arms Money and Provisions are the nerves of War but the first two are most necessary because Men and Arms will find Money and Victuals but Money and Victuals can never find Men. The Rich Man unarm'd is but a prey to the Soldier Use your Soldiers to abominate luxury either in diet or cloths This is as much as I can think fit to speak of in general though I am sensible other things would have fallen in well enough with my Discourse As how and in what manner the ancients ordered their Squadrons how they were habited and how they exercised them in several other things and I could have added several particulars which I have not thought necessary at this time because you may know it your self and likewise because it was not my intention at first to shew you exactly how the ancient Malitia was constituted but how it was to be done in our times For this reason I have thought unnecessary to speak any farther of those kind of antiquities than what might be serviceable to this introduction I know likewise I might have inlarged myself more about the exercising of Horse and come afterwards to discourse of Sea-fights for to distinguish Militia's their Armies at Sea and Armies at Land Armies of Foot and Armies of Horse but of Sea discipline I shall not presume to say any thing because I know nothing of it I shall leave that to be treated of by Genoueses or Venetians who by their experience in that kind have done very great things formerly Nor shall I speak any farther of Horse than what I have said before because they are not so corrupt and disorderly For if your Foot which is the strength of an Army are well disciplin'd and in good order your Cavalry must be good of necessity CHAP. XV. The way to have many Horse in your Country Fabr. I Would however remember him who is desirous to settle and establish a good Militia in his Country that to furnish it handsomly with Horse he should do two things one is that he should distribute a certain number of good Stalions up and down that the Country-men may breed and drive a Trade with Foles and Colts as you do in this Country with Calves and young Mules The other is that there might not want Chapmen for the Colts I would oblige every man that keeps a Mule to keep an Horse and he that would keep but one thing for his Saddle should be enjoyned to have it an Horse besides I would constrain every man that wore Cloth-clothes to keep an Horse in his Stable This order was taken not long since by a Prince of our times and succeeded so well that in a short time he had a most excellent Cavalry As to other things relating to Horses I refer you to what has been said this day and what has been practised of old CHAP. XVI A General is to invent of himself and not follow altogether the practiecs of his Predecessors Fabr. BUt perhaps you would desire to know what parts and qualifications there ought to be in a General and I will satisfie you in short for I cannot make choice of a properer man than he who understands all those things which I have recommended this day and yet that would not be sufficient unless he had abilities to invent some thing of his own for never any man was Master of a Trade who had no invention of his own and if invention be honourable in any thing it is most certainly in this This is manifest in all Authors who have constantly applauded all sorts of inventions how slight and inconsiderable soever as appears by the great Character they bestowed on Alexander the great for his wisdom in appointing a Cap to be put upon the top of a Launce as a signal for the dislodging of his Army rather than to do it by sound of Trumpet as formerly because it imported him much that they should remove privately He was commended likewise for ordering his Soldiers upon a charge to fall down upon their left knee as an expedient that would make them receive the charge with the more strength and firmness which invention got him the Victory and occasioned him so much honour that all Statues erected afterwards in his honour were erected in that posture But because it is time to conclude our discourse I will leave where I began to avoid the reproach which is incident to such persons as when once straggled know not how to return CHAP. XVII The Author returns and with a short Discourse concludes his Book Fabr. IF you remember Cosimo you told me that you could not imagine the reason why in one place I should commend Antiquity and blame those which would not imitate it in great things and yet I have not imitated it my self in my Martial affairs in which I have taken much pains and spent a great deal of my time To which I answer That men who are to execute any thing are first to learn which way it is to be done that they may be afterwards the more able when it comes to operation Now whether or no I understand how to establish a Militia according to the method of the Ancients I leave you to judge who have heard me discourse of it so long from whence you may imagine how much time has been spent in those thoughts by me what great desire I have had to bring them to effect and whether I have already or ever may have occasion to do it But to satisfie you farther and justifie my self I will give you the reasons and
any thing of Virtue to require that their words should be like Oracles and of as much authority as if spoken by God himself to employ such as had no knowledge in affairs to commit great things to those who durst attempt nothing to believe every thing immediately without pondering and debating either their words or arguments that spoke them and several other imperfections which hindered them from seeing that at last they must become a prey to any that would attack them These things in the year 1494. were the occasion of those flights and fears and depredations by which three of the most potent States in Italy were frequently destroyed But the worst is they which remain continue in the same errors and live in the same disorder without any consideration that those who formerly desired to preserve their Dominions did all that I have prescribed this day and that their whole study was to accustom themselves both minds and bodies to labour to trouble and dispising of danger And this was the cause that Caesar and Alexander and all the valiant and brave Princes were always at the head of their Armies compleatly arm'd and on foot and rather than lose their states they would lose their lives so as they lived and dyed with a great deal of honour And though perhaps some of them might be condemned for their ambition and exorbitant desire to Reign yet they could never be accused of effeminacy or doing any thing that might render them delicate and unmanly Which passages if they were read and believed by the Princes of our times it would be impossible but they must alter their course of life and their Provinces their fortune But because in the beginning of our discourse you complained of your Militia I tell you that if you have ordered it according to my abovesaid direction and it has not answered your expectation you have reason to complain but if it be not ordered and exercised according to my rules the complaint lyes more properly against you who has made it rather an abortion than a perfect production The Venetians and the Duke of Ferrara began very well but they did not persevere and it was imputable rather to themselves than their Soldiers And let me affirm this to you for a truth and among all the present Princes of Italy he who takes his way first and observes these rules and these orders shall make himself greater than any Prince in that Country and it shall happen to his Subjects as to the Kingdom of Macedon which falling under the Dominion of King Philip was improved to that height by this order and exercise whilst the rest of Greece were idle and if employed at all it was in following Plays and Balls and such effeminat entertainments that in a few years time he was able to conquer the whole Country and leave a foundation to his Son to make himself Monarch of the whole world He then who despises this Doctrine if he be a Prince despises his own Principality and if a Citizen his own City And in this I cannot but complain of Nature who should either have not suffered me to have known these things or have given me power to have executed them which is a thing I can never hope for now as growing old and towards the end of my days For this reason I have discoursed the more frankly with you who are young and so qualified that you may be able if you be satisfied with what is said to give the same Council to your own Princes when occasion shall be offered and I hope with success and of this I beg you would not dispond for this Province seems to have a peculiar faculty of reviving things that are dead as it has done Poetry and Painting and Sculpture though for my own part I cannot expect to see it as having one foot already in the grave Certainly had fortune indulged me in my young days so far as to have afforded so much Territory as such an enterprise required I believe in a short time I would have demonstrated to the world the power and efficacy of the orders of the Ancients by means of which I should have enlarged my Dominions with honour or lost them without shame THE MARRIAGE OF BELPHEGOR BY Nicholas Machiavel IT is recorded in the ancient Chronicles of Florence that a certain holy Person whose life was the admiration of that age falling one day into a Trance had a very strange apparition it seemed to him that the souls of married men that came trooping in great numbers to Hell cried out all of them as they passed that their Marriage was the cause of their misery and their Wives the occasion of their coming thither Minos Radamanth and the whole infernal Privy-Council were amazed at the clamour at first they could not believe there was any thing in the business but at last observing the same complaints continually multiplyed they thought it fit to make Pluto acquainted Pluto understanding the report without imparting any thing to his wife who had taken Physick that week and kept her Chamber resolved the matter should be accurately examined and such course be taken as was likeliest to make the speediest discovery of the truth he issued out his Writs immediately and assembled his Courts his Princes Dukes Counts and Barons were all present never was Senate so full nor never was affair of that importance before it the holy Father that beheld all affirms positively that Pluto delivered himself in this manner Right Trusty and well-Beloved Though our Kingdom was assigned us from Heaven and the fatal decree has anciently determined our Dominion though that sentence be irrevocable and above the cognisance of any humane Power yet seeing his prudence is most safe that is dictated by Laws and his judgment most solid that is fortified with others we are resolved to take your counsels along with us which way we are to steer in an affair that otherwise may prove in time of great dishonour to our Government The souls of married men that are continually flocking into our Dominions do unanimously exclaim against their Wives as the only persons that send them tumbling hither to us it seems impossible yet forasmuch as a peremptory and determinate sentence upon their bare allegations would not suite with our Satanical mercy so a careless pretermission on the other side could not be without reflexion on our Iustice that matters of such importance therefore may have their due disquisition and our administration be defended from obloquy or scandal that no inconveniency may follow for want of deliberation and that some better expedient may be found out than ourselves have happily thought on we have thought good to call you together being confident and assured by the assistance of your counsels the honour and reputation of our Empire will be continued as unquestionable for the future as it has been preserved hitherto by our own proper care and solicitude There was not one present but
him Yet every great Town upon the Frontiers have Artillery and Ammunition of their own and within these two years several more have been cast in several places of the said Kingdom at the charge of the Town where they were made and to re-imburse themselves the are allowed a Toll of a penny an head for all Cattel and as much for every bushel of Corn whilst the Kingdoms is under no danger of invasion The standing Force is divided into four Bodies which are disposed into four several Posts for the security of the Country that is to say into Guienna Piccardy Burgundy and Provence but not precise number is observed in any for they are lessened or encreased and removed from one place to another as they have occasion to suspect I have with some diligence inquired what moneys were assigned every year for the charges of the King's Houshold and his privy Purse and I find it is what he pleases himself His Archers are four hundred design'd for the Guard of his Person among which there are two Scotch Their Salary is three hundred Franks a man every year and a Coat of the King's Livery But there are 24 constantly at the King's elbow and their Salary is 400 Franks per an His German Foot-Guards consisted formerly of three hundred men with each of them a Pension of ten Franks a month and two Suits of Apparel a year that is Coats and Shooes one for Summer and the other for Winter but of these Foot there were 100 particularly near the King their Salary being 12 Franks per mens and their Coats of Silk which was begun in the time of King Charles The Harbingers are those who are sent before to take up Lodgings for the Court they are 32 in number and each of them has a Salary of three hundred Franks every year and a Coat of the King's Livery Their Marshals or chief Officers are four and have each of them 600 Franks per an In taking up their Lodgings their method is this they divide themselves into four parties one Marshal or his Lieutenant in case he cannot wait himself stays where the Court departed to see all things rectified betwixt the followers of the Court and the Masters of the Houses another of them goes along with the Court a third where the King lies that night and the fourth where he lies the next by which means they keep so exact an order that they are no sooner arrived but every man knows his Lodging and is furnished with every thing got ready to his hand The Provost del Hostel is a person who follows always the person of the King and his office is judiciary where-ever the Court goes his Bench is the first and in all Towns where he comes the people may appeal to him as to their Lieutenant His ordinary Salary is 6000 Franks He has under him two Judges in Civil Causes paid by the King each of them 600 Franks per an he has likewise under him a Lieutenant Criminal and 30 Archers paid as abovesaid Those who are taken by this Provost upon any criminal account cannot appeal to the Parliament He dispatches all both in Civil and Criminal affairs and if the Plaintiff and Defendant appear once before him it is enough their business is determined The Masters of the King's Houshold are eight but there is no certain rule for their Salary for some have 1000 Franks per an some more some less at it pleases the King over whom there is a Grand Master with a Salary of 11000 Franks per an and his authority is only over the rest The jurisdiction of the Admiral of France is over all the Fleet and Ships and Ports belonging to that Kingdom He can seize and make what Ships he pleases and dispose of them as he thinks good when he has done His Salary is 10000 Franks The Knights of the King's Order have no certain number depending wholly upon the King's pleasure When they are created they swear to defend the Crown and never upon on any terms to be engaged against it they can never be degraded or deprived of their Dignity but by death The highest of their Pensions is 4000 Franks per an some have less for all are not equal The Chamberlains office is to wait upon the King to see to his Chamber and to advise him and indeed his Chamberlains are persons of the principal reputation in his Kingdom their Pensions are six eight and ten thousand Franks per an and sometimes nothing for the King does often confer those Places upon some great and rich stranger whom he has a mind to oblige but though they have no Pensions they are exempted from all Gabels and have their diet in Court at the next Table to the King 's The Master of the Horse is to be always about the King his authority is over the 12 Quieries and the same that the Grand Seneschal the Grand Master and the Grand Chamberlains is over those who are under them He has the care of the King's Horses and Harness helps him up and down and carries the Sword before him The Lords of the King's Council have Pensions of betwixt six and eight thousand Franks Per an at the pleasure of his Majesty their names at present are Monseigneur di Parigi Mons. di Buonaglia the Baylif of Amiens Mons. du Russi and the Grand Chancellor but Rubertet and Mons. di Parigi govern all There is no Table kept for them since the death of the Cardinal of Roan for when the Grand Chancellor is absent Parigi does that office for him and takes them with him The Title which the King of France pretends to the State of Milan is thus His Grand-father married a Daughter of the Duke of Milan who died without Heir males Duke Giovanni Galeazzo had two Daughters women grown and I know not how many Sons Of the Ladies one was called Madona Valentina and was married to Lewis Duke of Orleans Grand-father to this present King descended lincally from King Pipen Duke Iohn Galeazzo being dead his Son Philip succeeded him who died without legitimate issue leaving only one natural Daughter behind him Afterwards that State was usurped illegally by the Sforzeschi as is reported because they pretend it fell to the Heirs of the said Madona Valentina and that from the very day in which the Duke of Orleans married with the House of Milan he added to the three Lillies in his Coat of Arms the Snake which is to be seen at this day In every Parish in France there is a person called a Frank Archer who is paid by the Parish and is obliged to be always ready with a good Horse and Arms to wait upon the King when ever they are required whether abroad in time of War or at home upon any other occasion they are bound likewise to ride up and down for the security of such places as are liable to in-roads or any ways suspected and according to the number of the Parishes they are
close to the short Swords of the Enemy and may be wounded both themselves and Horses in those disarmed places and it is in the power of every Foot man to pull them off on their Horses and rip their Guts out when they have done and then as to the manage of their Horses they are too heavy to do any thing at all Their Foot are very good and very personable men contrary to the Swiss who are but small rough hewn and not handsome at all But they arm themselves unless it be some few only with a Pike and a Sword that they might be the more dexterous and nimble and light and their saying used to be that they arm themselves no better because they feared nothing but the Artillery against which no Breast-plate or croslet or Gorget would secure them other weapons they despise for it is said their order is so good and they stand so firm to one another 't is impossible to break into them nor come near them if their Pikes be long enough They are excellent in a Field sight but for the storming of a Town they are good for nothing and but little to defend one and generally where the Men cannot keep their old orders and manage themselves with room enough they are worth but little Of this experience has been seen where they have been engaged with the Italians or assaulted any Town as at Padua where they came off very ill though on the other side in the Field they had done well enough For in the Battel of Ravenna betwixt the French and the Spaniards if it had not been for their Lanceknights the French had been beaten for whil'st the Men at Arms were confronted and engaged with one another the Spanish had the better of the French and had disordered their Gascoigns so that had not the Germans came in and relieved them they had been utterly broken and the same was seen lately when the Spanish King made War upon the French in Guienna the Spaniards were more fearful of a Body of 10000 German Foot which the King of France had in his Service than all the rest of his Army therefore they declined coming to a Battel with all the Art they could use THE DISCOURSES OF Nicholas Machiavel UPON THE FIRST DECADE OF TITUS LIVIUS Faithfully Englished LONDON Printed for Iohn Starkey Charles Harper and Iohn Amery in Fleetstreet 1680. NICOLO MACHIAVELLI TO ZANOBI BUOND ELMONTI And COSIMO RUCELLAI I Send you a Present which though not answerable to my obligations is doubtless the greatest that Nicolo Machiavelli was able to send having expressed in it whatever I know or have learned by a long practice and continued reading of the affairs of this World than which neither you nor any body else being to expect more I am not to be blamed if my Present be no better You may complain indeed of the poverty of my parts my narrations being so poor and of the weakness of my judgment having perhaps mistaken in many places of my Discourses if so I know not which of us is less obliged to the other I to you for having forced me to write against my own inclination or you to me for having perform'd it no more to your satisfaction Accept it then in the same manner as things are accepted from friends among whom the intention of the giver is always more considered than the quality of the gift and believe that as oft as I think of it I am satisfied in this that however I have been mistaken in many other circumstances I have done wisely in this having chosen you above all others for the dedication of my Discourses both because in not doing it I should have shewn my self in some measure ingrateful for the benefits received and in doing it I have transgressed the common custom of Authors who for the most part direct their Works to some Prince and blinded with ambition and avarice applaud and magnifie him for all the virtuous qualities when perchance they ought rather to have reproached him with all the vices imaginable To avoid that error I have made choice not of those who are actually Princes but of such as by their infinite good parts do merit to be so not of those who are actually able to advance me to Honours Employments and Wealth but to those who though unable would do it if they could for to judge right men are rather to esteem those in whose nature than those in whose power it is to be liberal and those who understand how to govern a Kingdom than those who do govern it without that understanding Accordingly Authors do commend Hiero the Syracusan though but a private person above Perseus of Macedon though a great King because to Hiero there was nothing wanting to be an Excellent Prince but a Principality and Perseus had nothing but a Kingdom to recommend him to be King Accept then whether it be good or bad what you commanded your selves and if you be so far in an error as to approve my opinions I shall not fail to pursue the rest of my History as I promised in the beginning Farewel THE DISCOURSES OF Nicholas Machiavel CITIZEN and SECRETARY OF FLORENCE Upon The First Decade of TITVS LIVIVS TO ZANOBIVS BONDE MONTVS AND COSIMVS RVCELLAIVS LIBER I. COnsidering with my self what honour is given to Antiquity and how many times passing by variety of instances the fragment of an old Statue has been purchased at an high rate by many people out of curiosity to keep it by them as an ornament to their house or as a pattern for the imitation of such as delight in that art and with what industry and pains they endeavour afterwards to have it represented in all their buildings On the other side observing the most honourable and heroick actions describ'd in History perform'd by Kingdoms and ancient Common-wealths by Kings great Captains Citizens Legislators and others which have not only tired but spent themselves in the service of their Country are rather admir'd than imitated and indeed so far shun'd and declin'd in all places there is scarce any impression or shadow to be seen in this age of the virtue of our ancestors I could not at the same time but admire and lament it and the more by how much I observed in all civil and personal controversies in all diseases incident to mankind recourse is continually had to such judgments and remedies as have been derived to us by our predecessors for to speak truth the Civil Law is nothing but the sentence and determination of their fore-Fathers which reduc'd into order do shew and instruct our present Lawyers which way to decide nor is the art of the Physitian any thing more than ancient experience handed down to our times upon which the Practiser of our age founds all his method and doctrine Nevertheless in the ordering of Commonwealths in the conservation of their several members in the Government of Kingdoms in the regiment of armies in
the management of War in the administration of Justice in the enlargement and propagation of Empire there is not to be found either Prince Republick great Captain or Citizen which repairs to Antiquity for example which persuaded me it proceeded not so much from niceness and effeminacy our present Education has introduced upon the world nor from the mischief which turbulent and seditious idleness has brought forth in many Provinces and Cities in Christendom as from our ignorance or inadvertency in History not taking the sense of what we read or not minding the relish and poinancy with which it is many times impregnated from whence it comes to pass that many who read are much pleased and delighted with the variety of accidents contained in History but never think them intended for their imitation that being a thing in their judgments not only difficult but impossible as if the Heaven the Sun the Elements and Mankind were altered and dispossessed of the motion order and power with which they were primitively invested Being desirous to reduce such as shall fall into this error I have Judged it necessary to write upon all those Books of Titus Livius which by the malignity of time have not been intercepted what I according to ancient and modern opinion shall think useful for their further explanation to the end that they which shall peruse these my discourses may extract such advantage and document as is necessary for their proficiency and improvement by History and though my enterprize appears to be difficult yet by the assistance of those who put me upon it I do not despair but to discharge my self so as to leave the way much more easie and short to any man that shall desire to come after me CHAP. I. What have been generally the principles of all Cities and particularly of Rome THose who shall read the Original of the City of Rome by what Legislators advanced and by what Government ordered will not wonder it shall remain firm and entire for so many ages afterwards so vast an Empire spring out of it as that Common-wealth arrived to Being to discourse first of its Original it is convenient to premise that all Cities are built either by natives born in the Country where they were erected or by strangers The first happens when to the Inhabitants dispersed in many and little parties it appears their habitation is insecure not being able apart by reason of their distance or smalness of their numbers to resist an invasion if any Enemy should fall upon them or to unite suddenly for their defence without leaving their Houses and Families exposed which by consequence would be certain prey to the enemy Whereupon to evade those dangers moved either by their own impulse or the suggestions of some person among them of more than ordinary authority they oblige themselves to live together in some place to be chosen by them for convenience of provision and easiness of defence Of this sort among many others Athens and Venice were two the first that built under the authority of Theseus upon occasion of the like distance and dispersion of the natives The other there being many people driven together into certain little Islands in that point of the Adriatick Sea to avoid the War which every day by the access and irruption of new Armies of Barbarians after the declension of the Roman Empire grew intolerable in Italy began by degrees among themselves without the assistance or encouragement of any Prince to treat and submit to such Laws as appeared most likely to preserve them and it succeeded to their desire by the long respite and tranquillity their situation afforded them that Sea having no passage at that end and the Barbarians no ships to disturb them so that the least beginning imaginable was sufficient to exalt them to their present authority and grandeur The second case when a City is raised by strangers it is done by people that are free or depending as Colonies or else by some Prince or Republick to ease and disburthen themselves of their exuberance or to defend some Territory which being newly acquir'd they desire with more safety and less expence to maintain of which sort several were by the people of Rome all over their Empire otherwise they are sometimes erected by some Prince not for his residence so much as for his glory and renown as Alexandria by Alexander the great But these Cities not being free in their Original do seldom arise to any extraordinary height more than to be reckoned the heads or chief of some Kingdom Of this sort was Florence for whether built by the Souldiers of Silla or perchance by the Inhabitants of the Mountain di Fiesole who presuming upon and being encouraged by the long Peace under the Reign of Augustus descended from their Mountain to inhabit the plain upon the River Arms it was built under the Roman Empire and could not upon those principles exalt it self higher than the courtesie of the Prince would permit The Founders of Cities are free when by themselves or the Command of their Soveraign they are constrained upon occasion of sickness famine or war to abandon their own inquest of new Countries and these do either possess themselves of such Towns as they find ready built in their Conquests as Moses did or they build them de novo as Aeneas In this case the power of the builder and the fortune of the building is conspicuous and honourable according as the cause from whence it derives its Original is more or less eminent His virtue and prudence is discernible two ways by the election of the Seat and institution of the Laws and because men build as often by necessity as choice and the judgment and wisdom of the builder is greater where there is less room and latitude for his election it is worthy our consideration whether it is more advantagious building in barren and unfruitful places to the end that the people being constrained to be industrious and less obnoxious to idleness might live in more unity the poverty of the soil giving them less opportunity of dissention Thus it fell out in Raugia and several other Cities built in such places and that kind of election would doubtless be most prudent and profitable if men could be content to live quietly of what they had without an ambitious desire of Command But there being no security against that but power it is necessary to avoid that sterility and build in the fruitfullest places can be found where their numbers encreasing by the plentifulness of the soil they may be able not only to defend themselves against an assault but repel any opposition shall be made to their grandeur and as to that idleness to which the richness of the situation disposes it may be provided against by Laws and convenient exercise enjoyn'd according to the example of several wise men who having inhabited Countries pleasant fruitful and apt to produce such lazy people improper for service