Rumors spread and Informations given which may have induced many to believe that We intend to make War against Our Parliament We Profess before God and Declare to all the World That We always have and do abhor all such Designs and desire all Our Nobility and Commoners who are here upon the place to declare Whether they have not been Witnesses of Our frequent and earnest Declarations and Professions to this purpose whether they see any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget a belief of any such Design and whether they be not fully perswaded that We have no such intention but that all Our Endeavours according to Our many Professions tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true Protestant Religion the just Priviledges of Parliaments the Liberty of the Subject the Law Peace and Prosperity of this Kingdom MDCXLVII Aug. 1. The Heads of the Proposals agreed upon by his Excellency Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX and the Council of the Army to be tendred to the Commissioners of Parliament residing with the Army and with them to be treated on by the Commissioners of the Army Containing the particulars of their Desires in pursuance of their former Declarations and Papers in order to the clearing and securing of the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom and the settling a just and lasting Peace To which are added some further particular Desires for the removing and redressing of divers present pressing Grievances being also comprized in or in necessary pursuance of their Former Representations and Papers appointed to be Treated upon I. THat the things hereafter proposed being provided for by this Parliament a certain period may by Act of Parliament be set for the ending of this Parliament such period to be within a year at most and in the same Act provision to be made for the succession and constitution of Parliaments in future as followeth 1. That Parliaments may Biennially be called and meet at a certain day with such provision for the certainty thereof as in the late Act was made for Triennial Parliaments and what further other provision shall be found needful by the Parliament to reduce it to more certainty And upon the passing of this the said Act for Triennial Parliaments to be repealed 2. Each Biennial Parliament to sit 120. days certain unless adjourned or dissolved sooner by their own Consent afterwards to be adjournable or dissolvable by the King and no Parliament to sit past 240. days from their first meeting or some other limited number of days now to be agreed on upon the expiration whereof each Parliament to dissolve of course if not otherwise dissolved sooner 3. The King upon Advice of the Council of State in the Intervals betwixt Biennial Parliaments to call a Parliament extraordinary provided it meet above seventy days before the next Biennial day and be dissolved at least sixty days before the same so as the course of Biennial Elections may never be interrupted 4. That this Parliament and each succeeding Biennial Parliament at or before adjournment or dissolution thereof may appoint Committees to continue during the Interval for such purposes as are in any of these Proposals referr'd to such Committees 5. That the Elections of the Commons for succeeding Parliaments may be distributed to all Counties or other parts or divisions of the Kingdom according to some Rule of equality or proportion so as all Counties may have a number of Parliament-Members allowed to their choice proportionable to the respective Rates they bear in the common Charges and burthens of the Kingdom according to some other Rule of equality or proportion to render the House of Commons as near as may be an equal Representative of the whole and in order thereunto that a present consideration be had to take off the Elections of Burgesses for poor decayed or inconsiderable Towns and to give some present addition to the number of Parliament-Members for great Counties that have now less than their due proportion to bring all at present as near as may be to such a Rule of proportion as aforesaid 6. That effectual provision be made for future freedom of Elections and certainty of due Returns 7. That the House of Commons alone have the power from time to time to set down further Orders and Rules for the Ends expressed in the Two last preceding Articles so as to reduce the Elections of Members for that House to more and more perfection of Equality in the distribution Freedom in the Election Order in the proceeding thereto and Certainty in the Returns which Orders and Rules in that case to be as Laws 8. That there be a Liberty for entring Dissents in the House of Commons with provision that no Member be censurable for ought said or voted in the House further than to exclusion from that Trust and that onely by the judgment of the House it self 9. That the Judicial Power or power of final Judgment in the Lords and Commons and their power of Exposition and Application of Law without further Appeal may be cleared and that no Officer of Justice Minister of State or other person adjudged by them may be capable of Protection or Pardon from the King without their Advice and Consent 10. That the Right and Liberty of the Commons of England may be cleared and vindicated as to a due Exemption from any Judgment Trial or other Proceeding against them by the House of Peers without the concurring Judgment of the House of Commons as also from any other Judgment Sentence or Proceeding against them other than by their Equals or according to the Law of the Land 11. The same Act to provide that Grand-Jury-men may be chosen by and for several parts or divisions of each County respectively in some equal way and not remain as now at the discretion of an Under-Sheriff to be put on or off and that such Grand-Jury-men for their respective Counties may at each Assize present the Names of persons to be made Justices of Peace from time to time as the County hath need for any to be added to the Commission and at the Summer-Assize to present the Names of Three Persons out of whom the King may prick one to be Sheriff for the next year II. For the future security to Parliaments and the Militia in general in order thereunto that it be provided by Act of Parliament 1. That the power of the Militia by Sea and Land during the space of Ten years next ensuing shall be ordered and disposed by the Lords and Commons assembled and to be assembled in the Parliament or Parliaments of England or by such persons as they shall nominate and appoint for that purpose from time to time during the said space 2. That the said power shall not be ordered disposed or exercised by the King's Majesty that now is or by any person or persons by any Authority derived from Him during the said space or at any time hereafter by His said Majesty without the Advice
Witnesses cross-examined though they attended above twelve months to do it and if some men had not believed that their general and violent expressions affirming this to be a Plot equal to that of the Gun-powder-Treason would sooner be believed if it were not publickly discussed but left to every mans fancy to heighten according to his own Inclinations and had not feared that if the whole Examinations taken and not such only as they pleased to select had come to light it would have appeared by the Examination of Master Goring purposely supprest with what intention that mention of bringing up the Army was made with what earnestness it was opposed and with what suddenness it was deserted and many extenuations of and many other contradictions to what is now published would have appeared and this impossible Stratagem with which they have so much disturbed Our Subjects and reproached Us could never have been made so much use of After all this readiness in Us to do whatsoever they desired of Us and patience in suffering them to do whatsoever they pleased to Us We gave them warning that if there were any more good Bills which they desired might pass for the benefit of Our Subjects We wished they might be made ready against such a time when We resolved according to Our Promise to Our Scots Subjects with which they were well acquainted to repair into Our Kingdom of Scotland to settle the unhappy Differences there Upon this We were earnestly desired by both Our Houses of Parliament to deferr Our Journey thither as well upon pretence of the Danger if both Armies were not first disbanded as that they had many good Laws in readiness for the settling the Differences here We were by their entreaty perswaded to deferr Our Journey to a day agreed on by themselves assuring Our Self that they would think themselves obliged against that time not only to disband Our Armies but so to prepare and digest the business of Parliament that We might have made a Session before Our going But that Malignant Faction was so prevalent that the debate of the Bishops Bill took up most of their time so that neither any care was taken for the disbanding the Army nor any thing done that had any reference to the publick benefit and when the time of Our stay was expired and even the day come themselves had appointed a new Address was made unto Us for a longer stay of fourteen days because the Treaty was not concluded nor the Armies disbanded which was the main ground of Our deferring it before This Suit which was the first We denied them We could not grant there being that necessity with reference to Our Promise and to the expectation of Our Subjects of Scotland that it was not in Our power to satisfie them as We informed both Houses Our self at a Conference and according to that necessity We undertook that Journey not doubting but that when We should have dispatched the Affairs of that Kingdom which We hoped speedily to do and both Our Houses of Parliament should have refreshed themselves in the Visitation of those for whom they had so well provided by Our Favour We should meet again with mutual Confidence one in another and that it would be Our turn then to receive such Testimonies of that Confidence and Affection as We had deserved But the mischievous and indefatigable industry of that Malignant party which had before Our going interrupted that Correspondence which We deserved from Our People had with no less Malice provided for Our reception at Our Return instead of reducing business to that head that the Distractions of the Kingdom might be composed by the due observation and execution of the Laws We found things far more out of order than We left them and Our good Subjects more puzzled to know their Duties Orders had been made in the House of Commons and published in derogation of the Book of Common-Prayer and for suspension of those Laws in force which concerned the Government of the Church and though another Order of the Lords was likewise published according to Law for the due observation of the Laws established and for suppressing those Disorders which were every day breaking out by the faction of mean loose persons against the Divine Service appointed by Law the House of Commons took upon them publickly to declare against that Order because it was only made with the consent of eleven Lords and that nine other Lords did then dissent from it whereas in truth the said Order was made in a full House in January before and only Ordered then by that difference of number to be printed after the House of Commons had made in a very thin House and after it had been rejected by Vote that illegal Order for such alteration in the Church and if in truth it had been then made and but by the odds of two Voices being in pursuance of the Law all men will think it of much more validity than any Order of the House of Commons against the Law which in truth hath no Authority to make any Orders in business of that nature And therefore the publishing of that Order and Declaration of the ninth of September must be confessed by all men to be such a breach and violation of the Privilege of the Peers House besides the Affront offered to Us and injury to Our good Subjects and to the Law by it that before this Parliament was never heard of and was an apparent evidence that they meant the whole Managery of the Kingdom and the Legislative power should be undertaken by the House of Commons without the Consent either of Us or Our Nobility Yet the Execution of this Order was with great Diligence and Animosity pressed upon Our good Subjects and many troubled and imprisoned for not submitting thereunto When they had made this breach upon the Ecclesiastical State they took care under pretence of encouragement of Preaching to erect Lectures in several Parishes and to commend such Lecturers as best suited with their Designs men of no learning no Conscience but furious Promoters of the most dangerous Innovations which were ever induced into any State many of them having taken no Orders yet recommended by Members of either House to Parishes as at Leusham in Kent and many other places And when Mechanick persons have been brought before them for Preaching in Churches and confessed the same the power of these Grand Reformers hath been so great that they have been dismissed without Punishment hardly with Reprehension All persons of Learning and eminency in Preaching of sober and vertuous Conversations and great Examples in their Lives even such as amongst these Men had been of greatest estimation and suffered somewhat for them were discountenanced and such Men principally cherished who boldly and seditiously preached against the Government of the Church against the Book of Common-Prayer against Our Kingly lawful Power and against Our Person many of which were commended to if not imposed upon
Fight which being varied with different successes in the several divisions each party drew off by degrees and neither found cause to boast of a Victory The King being returned to Oxford the Parliament wearied with the Complaints of the oppressed Nation who now grew impatient under the Distractions take into Consideration His Majesty's two Messages for Peace and sent Propositions for it in the name of the two Parliaments of England and Scotland united by Solemn League and Covenant Which though they seemed the desires of minds that intended nothing less than the common Tranquillity yet the King neglects them not but hoping that in a Treaty Commissioners might argue them into Reason offers it which with much difficulty the Houses are drawn to accept but yet would have it at Vxbridge a place but about fifteen miles distant from London and above twice that distance from Oxford And accordingly Commissioners from both Parties met on Jan. 30. While the King was providing for the Treaty and forming Instructions for His Ministers the Faction found the Parliament other work by new designs and to habituate the People to an abhorrency of Peace fed them with blood The two Hothams first were to be the Sport of the Multitude and that the Father might have more than a single death he was drawn back in his journey to the Scaffold Decemb. 31. that his Son might be executed before him as he was Jan. 10. when after he had expressed his fury to those Masters whom they had served to their ruines his Head was chopt off And on Jan. 20. the Father is brought to the place that was defiled with his Son's blood and had his own added to it These were not much lamented by any for the memory that they first kindled the Flame of the Nation kept every eye dry The People thus fed with courser blood a cleaner Sacrifice was afterwards presented William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury and Primate of all England He had indured Imprisonment four years and passed through a Trial of many months in which he had acquitted himself with such a confidence as became the Innocency and Constancy of a Christian Bishop and Confessor but yet must fall to please the Scots and those merciless men who imputed God's anger in the difficulties of Success against their Prince to the continuance of this Prelate's life therefore he was voted guilty of High Treason by the House of Commons and was condemned in the House of Peers though they have no power over the life of the meanest Subject without the concurrence of the King when there were but seven Lords present and all those not consenting to the Murder to be drawn hanged and quartered And this was the first Example of murdering men by Votes of killing by an Order of Parliament when there is no Law It was moved they say by some that he might be shipp'd over to New-England to die by the Contempt and Malice of those People But this seemed too great an Honour because it would make his end as his life was much like that of the Primitive Bishops who for their Piety were banished to Barbarous Coasts or condemned to the Mines Or else it would be like an Athenian Ostracism and confess him too great and good to live among us Therefore this motion was rejected yet the Lords upon his Petition to the distaste of some Commons changed the manner of that vile Execution to that more generous of being beheaded To the Scaffold he was brought Jan. 10. after he had endured some affronts in his Antichamber in the Tower by some sons of Schism and Sedition who unseasonably that morning he was preparing himself to appear before the great Bishop of our Souls would have him give some satisfaction to the Godly for so they called themselves for his Persecutions which he called Discipline To whom he answered That he was now shortly to give account of all his Actions at an higher and more equal Tribunal and desired he might not be disturbed in his Preparations for it When he came to the Scene of his death he appeared with that chearfulness and serenity in his face as a good Conscience doth beautifie the owners with and it was so conspicuous that his Enemies who were ashamed to see his Innocency pourtraited in his Countenance did report he had drunk some Spirits to force his nature from a paleness He preached his own Funeral Sermon on that Text Heb. 12. 2. and concluding his life with Prayer submitted himself to the stroke of the Ax. He was a Person of so great Abilities which are the Designations of Nature to Dignity and Command that they raised him from low beginnings to the highest Office the Protestant Profession acknowledges in the Church And he was equal to it His Learning appear'd eminent in his Book against Fisher and his Piety illustrious in his Diary although published by One that was thirsty of his blood and polluted with many malicious comments and false Surmises to make him odious He was of so Publick a Spirit that both the Church and State have lasting Monuments of the Vertuous use of his Prince's favour at his Admittance into which he dedicated all the future Emoluments of it to the Glory of God and the Good of Men by a Projection of many noble Works most of which he accomplished and had finished the rest had not the Fate of the Nation checked the current of his Designs and cut off the Course of his Life He was not contented by himself only to serve his Generation for so he might have appeared more greedy of Fame than desirous of the Universal Benefit but he endeavoured to render all others as Heroick if they aimed at a Capacity for his Friendship for I have heard it from his Enemies no great man was admitted to a confidence and respect with him unless he made his Address by some Act that was for the Common Good or for the Ornament and Glory of the Protestant Faith Learned men had not a better Friend nor Learning it self a greater Advancer he searched all the Libraries of Asia and from several parts of the World purchased all the Ornaments and Helps of Literature he could that the English Church might have if possible by his Care as many Advantages for Knowledge as almost all Europe did contribute to the Grandeur of that of Rome The Outward Splendour of the Clergy was not more his Care than their Honour by a grave and pious Conversation he would put them into a power of doing more good but was severe against their Vices and Vanities He scorned a private Treasure and his Kindred were rather relieved than raised to any greatness by him In his Election of Friends he was determinated to the Good and Wise and such as had both Parts and Desires to profit the Church had his closest Embraces if otherwise it happened their frauds not his choice deserved the blame Both Papists and Sectaries were equally his Enemies one Party feared
among the Conspirators and both heated and directed their Fury against Him They were as importunate in their Calumnies of Him even after His Death as were the vilest of the Sectaries which they had never done could they have imagined Him to be theirs for His Blood would in their Calendar have out-shamed the Multitude of their fictitious Saints For His sake they continued their hatred to His Family abetted the Usurpations of the following Tyrant by imposing upon the World new Rules of Obedience and Government invented fresh Calumnies for the Son and obstructed by various Methods His return to the Principality because He was Heir as well of the Faith as of the Throne of His Father Although this Honour is not to be denied to many Gallant Persons of that perswasion that their Loyalty was not so corrupted by their Faith to Rome but that they laboured to prevent the Father's Overthrow and to hasten the Son's Restitution He was not satisfied in being Religious as a particular Christian but would be so as a King and endeavoured that Piety might be as Universal as His Empire This He assayed by giving Ornaments and Assistances to the External Exercise and Parts of it which is the proper Province of a Magistrate whose Power reaches but to the Outward man that so carnal minds if they were not brought to an Obedience might yet to a Reverence and if men would not honour yet they should not despise Religion This He did in taking Care for the Place of Worship that Comeliness and Decency should be there conspicuous where the God of Order was to be adored And it was a Royal Undertaking to restore Saint Paul's Church to its primitive strength and give it a beauty as magnificent as its Structure He taught men not to contemn the Dispensers of the Gospel because He had so great an esteem for them admitting some to His nearest Confidence and most Private Counsels as the Archbishop of Canterbury and the greatest Place of Trust as the Bishop of London to the Treasury consulting at once the Emolument of Religion whose Dictates are more powerfully impressed when the Minister is honoured by the Magistrate and the Benefit of the State which wise Princes had before found none to seek more faithfully if any did more prudently than Church-men Though a Voluntary Poverty did much contribute to the lustre and increase of the Church in the Purer times yet a necessitated would have destroyed it in a Corrupt age therefore the King to obstruct all access of Ruine that way secured her Patrimony and recovered as much as He could out of the Jaws of Sacrilege which together with time had devoured a great part of it His endeavours this way were so strong that the Faction in Scotland found no Artifice able to divert them but by kindling the flame of a Civil War the Criminals there seeking to adjust their Sacrilegious Acquisitions by Rebellious practices and to destroy that Church by force which His Majesty would not suffer them to torture with famine In Ireland the Lord Lieutenant Wentworth by His Command and Instructions retrived very great Possessions which the tumults of that Nation had advantaged many greedy Persons to seise upon and would not suffer Sedition to be incouraged with the hopes of Impiety In England He countenanced those just Pleas which Oppressed Incumbents entred against Rapacious Patrons and this way many Curates were put into a Condition of giving Hospitality who before were contemptible in their Ministry because they were so in their Fortune His Enemies knew how Inviolable was the Faith of His Majesty in this and therefore pressed Him with nothing more to obstruct Peace than the Alienation of Church-Lands rather than which He did abandon His Life and parted sooner with His Blood than them He used to say Though I am sensible enough of the Dangers that attend My Care of the Church yet I am resolved to defend it or make it My Tomb-stone alluding to a Story which He would tell of a Generous Captain that said so of a Castle that was committed to his trust He had so perfect a Detestation of that Crime that it is said He scarce ever mentioned Henry VIII without an Abhorrency of His Sacriledge He neglected the Advices of His own Party if they were negligent of the Welfare of the Church Those Concessions He had made in Scotland to the prejudice of the Church there were the subject of His grief and penitential Confessions both before God as appears in His Prayers and men For when the Reverend Dr Morley now Lord Bishop of Winchester whom He had sent for to the Treaty in the Isle of Wight where he employed his diligence and prudence to search into the Intrigues and Reserves of the Commissioners had acquainted Him how the Commissioners were the more pertinacious for the abolishing of Episcopacy here because His Majesty had consented to it in Scotland and withal told Him what Answer he himself had made to them That perchance the King was abused to those Grants by a misinformation that that Act which was made in King James ' s Minority against Bishops was yet unrepealed and that His Concession would but leave them where the Law had The King answered It is true I was told so but whenever you hear that urged again give them this Answer and say that you had it from the King Himself That when I did that in Scotland I sinned against My Conscience and that I have often repented of it and hope that God hath forgiven Me that great Sin and by God's grace for no Consideration in the World will I ever do so again He was careful of Uniformity both because He knew the Power of Just and Lawful Princes consisted in the Union of their Subjects who never are cemented stronger than by a Unity in Religion but Tyrants who measure their greatness by the weakness of their Vassals work that most effectually by caressing Schisms and giving a Licence to different Perswasions as the Usurpers afterwards did Besides He saw there was no greater Impediment to a sincere Piety because that Time and those Parts which might improve Godliness to a growth were all Wasted and Corrupted in Malice and Slanders betwixt the Dissenters about forms He was more tender in preserving the Truths of Christianity than the Rights of His Throne For when the Commissioners of the Two Houses in the Isle of Wight importunately pressed him for a Confirmation of the Lesser Catechism which the Assembly at Westminster had composed and used this motive because it was a small matter He answered Though it seem to you a small thing it is not so to Me I had rather give you one of the Flowers of My Crown than permit your Children to be corrupted in the least point of their Religion Thus though He could not infuse Spiritual Graces into the minds of His Subjects yet He would manage their Reason by Pious Arts and what the Example of a King which through
as well as say it else you say little But that the conforming of the Church Discipline to the Civil Policy should be a depraving of it I absolutely deny for I aver that without it the Church can neither flourish nor be happy And for your last instance you shall do well to shew the prohibition of our Saviour against addition of more Officers in the Church than he named and yet in one sense I do not conceive that the Church of England hath added any for an Archbishop is only a distinction for Order of Government not a new Officer and so of the rest and of this kind I believe there are divers now in Scotland which you will not condemn as the Moderators of Assemblies and others 4. Where you find a Bishop and Presbyter in Scripture to be one and the same which I deny to be alwaies so it is in the Apostles time now I think to prove the Order of Bishops succeeded that of the Apostles and that the name was chiefly altered in reverence to those who were immediately chosen by our Saviour albeit in their time they caused divers to be called so as Barnabas and others so that I believe this Argument makes little for you As for your proof of the antiquity of Presbyterian Government it is well that the Assembly of Divines at Westminster can do more than Eusebius could and I shall believe when I see it for your former Paper affirms that those times were very dark for matter of fact and will be so still for Me if there be no clearer Arguments to prove it than those you mention for because there were divers Congregations in Jerusalem Ergo what are there not divers Parishes in one Diocess your two first I answer but as one Argument and because the Apostles met with those of the inferiour Orders for Acts of Government what then even so in these times do the Deans and Chapters and many times those of the inferiour Clergy assist the Bishops But I hope you will not pretend to say that there was an equality between the Apostles and other Presbyters which not being doth in My judgment quite invalidate these Arguments And if you can say no more for the Churches of Corinth Ephesus Thessalonica c. than you have for Jerusalem it will gain no ground on Me. As for Saint Jerome it is well known that he was no great Friend to Bishops as being none himself yet take him altogether and you will find that he makes a clear distinction between a Bishop and a Presbyter as your self confesses but the truth is he was angry with those who maintained Deacons to be equal to Presbyters 5. I am well satisfied with the explanation of your meaning concerning the word Fallacy though I think to have had reason for saying what I did but by your favour I do not conceive that you have answered the strength of my Argument for when you and I differ upon the interpretation of Scripture and I appeal to the practice of the Primitive Church and the universal consent of the Fathers to be Judge between us Methinks you should either find a fitter or submit to what I offer neither of which to My understanding you have yet done nor have you shewn how waving those Judges I appeal unto the mischief of the interpretation by private Spirits can be prevented Indeed if I cannot prove by Antiquity that Ordination and Jurisdiction belong to Bishops thereby clearly distinguishing them from other Presbyters I shall then begin to misdoubt many of my former Foundations as for Bishop Davenant he is none of those to whom I have appealed or will submit unto But for the exception you take to Fathers I take it to be a begging of the Question as likewise those great discoveries of secrets not known to former Ages I shall call new-invented fancies until particularly you shall prove the contrary and for your Roman Authors it is no great wonder for them to seek shifts whereby to maintain Novelties as well as the Puritans As for Church-ambition it doth not at all terminate in seeking to be Pope for I take it to be no point of humility to indeavour to be independent of Kings it being possible that Papacy in a multitude may be as dangerous as in one 6. As I am no Judge over the Reformed Churches so neither do I censure them for many things may be avowable upon necessity which otherwayes are unlawful but know once for all that I esteem nothing the better because it is done by such a particular Church though it were by the Church of England which I avow most to reverence but I esteem that Church most which comes nearest to the purity of the Primitive Doctrine and Discipline as I believe this doth Now concerning Ordination I bad you prove that Presbyters without a Bishop might lawfully ordain which yet I conceive you have not done for 2 Tim. 1. 6. it is evident that Saint Paul was at Timothie's ordination and albeit that all the Seventy had their power immediately from Christ yet it is as evident that our Saviour made a clear distinction between the twelve Apostles and the rest of the Disciples which is set down by three of the Evangelists whereof Saint Mark calls it an Ordination Mark 3. 15. and Saint Luke sayes And of them he chose Twelve c. Luk. 6. 13. only Saint Matthew doth but barely enumerate them by their name of distinction Mat. 10. 1. I suppose out of modesty himself being one and the other two being none are more particular For the Administration of Baptism giving but not granting what you say it makes more for Me than you but I will not engage upon new Questions not necessary for My purpose 7. For my Oath you do well not to enter upon those Questions you mention and you had done as well to have omitted your instance but out of discretion I desire you to collect your Answer out of the last Section and for your Argument though the intention of my Oath be for the good of the Church collective therefore can I be dispensed withal by others than the representative Body certainly no more than the People can dispense with Me for any Oaths I took in their favours without the two Houses of Parliament As for future Reformations I will only tell you that incommodum non solvit Argumentum 8. For the King my Father's opinion if it were not to spend time as I believe needlesly I could prove by living and written testimonies all and more than I have said of Him for His perswasion in these points which I now maintain and for your defensive War as I do acknowledge it a great sin for any King to oppress the Church so I hold it absolutely unlawful for Subjects upon any pretence whatsoever to make War though defensive against their lawful Sovereign against which no less proofs will make Me yield but God's Word and let Me tell you that upon such points
the eleventh of this month by which they will have understood the reasons which enforced Him to go from thence as likewise His constant endeavours for the setling of a safe and well-grounded Peace wheresoever He should be And being now in a place where He conceives Himself to be at much more Freedom and Security than formerly He thinks it necessary not only for making good of His Own professions but also for the speedy procuring of a Peace in these languishing and distressed Kingdoms at this time to offer such grounds to His two Houses for that effect which upon due examination of all Interests may best conduce thereunto And because Religion is the best and chiefest foundation of Peace His Majesty will begin with that particular That for the abolishing Archbishops Bishops c. His Majesty clearly professeth that He cannot give His Consent thereunto both in relation as He is a Christian and a King For the first He avows that He is satisfied in His Judgment that this Order was placed in the Church by the Apostles themselves and ever since their time hath continued in all Christian Churches throughout the world until this last Century of years and in this Church in all times of Change and Reformation it hath been upheld by the wisdom of His Ancestors as the great preserver of Doctrine Discipline and Order in the service of God As a King at His Coronation He hath not only taken a solemn Oath to maintain this Order but His Majesty and His Predecessours in their confirmations of the Great Charter have inseparably woven the Right of the Church into the Liberties of the rest of the Subjects And yet He is willing it be provided that the particular Bishops perform the several duties of their Callings both by their personal Residence and frequent Preachings in their Dioceses as also that they exercise no Act of Jurisdiction or Ordination without the consent of their Presbyters and will consent that their powers in all things be so limited that they be not grievous to tender Consciences Wherefore since His Majesty is willing to give ease to the Consciences of others He sees no reason why He alone and those of His Judgment should be pressed to a violation of theirs Nor can His Majesty consent to the alienation of Church-Lands because it cannot be denied to be a sin of the highest Sacrilege as also that it subverts the intentions of so many pious Donors who have laid a heavy Curse upon all such profane violations which His Majesty is very unwilling to undergo And besides the matter of Conscience His Majesty believes it to be a prejudice to the publick good many of His Subjects having the benefit of renewing Leases at much easier Rates than if those possessions were in the hands of private men not omitting the discouragement which it will be to all Learning and industry when such eminent rewards shall be taken away which now lye open to the Children of meanest persons Yet His Majesty considering the great present distempers concerning Church-discipline and that the Presbyterian Government is now in practice His Majesty to eschew Confusion as much as may be and for the satisfaction of His two Houses is content that the said Government be legally permitted to stand in the same condition it now is for three years provided that His Majesty and those of His Judgment or any other who cannot in Conscience submit thereunto be not obliged to comply with the Presbyterian Government but have free practice of their own profession without receiving any prejudice thereby and that a free Consultation and Debate be had with the Divines at Westminster twenty of His Majesties nomination being added unto them whereby it may be determined by His Majesty and the two Houses how the Church-government after the said time shall be setled or sooner if differences may be agreed as is most agreeable to the Word of God with full liberty to all those who shall differ upon Conscientious grounds from that settlement Always provided that nothing aforesaid be understood to tolerate those of the Romish profession nor exempting of any Popish Recusant from the penalties of the Laws or to tolerate the publick profession of Atheism or Blasphemy contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostles Nicene and Athanasian Creeds they having been received by and had in reverence of all the Christian Churches and more particularly by this of England ever since the Reformation Next the Militia being that Right which is inseparably and undoubtedly inherent in the Crown by the Laws of this Nation and that which former Parliaments as likewise this have acknowledged so to be His Majesty cannot so much wrong that trust which the Laws of God and this Land have annexed to the Crown for the protection and security of His People as to devest Himself and Successors of the power of the Sword Yet to give an infallible evidence of His desire to secure the performance of such agreements as shall be made in order to a Peace His Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament that the whole power of the Militia both by Sea and Land for and during His whole Reign shall be ordered and disposed by His two Houses of Parliament or by such persons as they shall appoint with powers limited for suppressing of Forces within this Kingdom to the disturbance of the publick Peace and against foreign invasions and that they shall have power during His said Reign to raise Monies for the purposes aforesaid and that neither His Majesty that now is or any other by any Authority derived only from Him shall execute any of the said powers during His Majesties said Reign but such as shall act by the consent and Approbation of the two Houses of Parliament Nevertheless His Majesty intends that all Patents Commissions and other Acts concerning the Militia be made and acted as formerly and that after His Majesties Reign all the power of the Militia shall return entirely to the Crown as it was in the times of Queen Elizabeth and King James of blessed memory After this head of the Militia the consideration of the Arrears due to the Army is not improper to follow for the payment whereof and the ease of His People His Majesty is willing to concur in any thing that can be done without the violation of His Conscience and Honour Wherefore if His two Houses shall consent to remit unto Him such benefit out of Sequestrations from Michaelmas last and out of Compositions that shall be made before the concluding of the Peace and the Arrears of such as have been already made the assistance of the Clergy and the Arrears of such Rents of His own Revenue as His two Houses shall not have received before the concluding of the Peace His Majesty will undertake within the space of eighteen months the payment of four hundred thousand pounds for the satisfaction of the Army and if those means shall not be sufficient His Majesty intends to
for all this you are to make Me the best bargain you can and not discover your inlargement of power till you needs must And though I leave the managing of this great and necessary work entirely to you yet I cannot but tell you that if the suspension of Poining's Act for such Bills as shall be agreed upon between you there and the present taking away of the Penal Laws against Papists by a Law will do it I shall not think it a hard bargain so that freely and vigorously they engage themselves in My assistance against My Rebels of England and Scotland for which no conditions can be too hard not being against Conscience or Honour Copie to Ormond 27. February 1644. 5. XXVIII To the QUEEN OXFORD Mar. 5. MDCXLIV V. Dear Heart NOW is come to pass what I foresaw the fruitless end as to a present Peace of this Treaty but I am still confident that I shall find very good effects of it For besides that My Commissioners have offered to say no more full-measured reason and the Rebels have stucken rigidly their demands which I dare say had been too much though they had taken Me Prisoner so that assuredly the breach will light foully upon them We have likewise at this time discovered and shall make it evidently appear to the world that the English Rebels whether basely or ignorantly will be no very great difference have as much as in them lies transmitted the Command of Ireland from the Crown of England to the Scots which besides the reflection it will have upon these Rebels will clearly shew that Reformation of the Church is not the chief much less the only end of the Scotch Rebellion But it being presumption and no piety so to trust to a good Cause as not to use all lawful means to maintain it I have thought of one means more to furnish Thee with for My assistance than hitherto Thou hast had It is that I give Thee power to promise in My Name to whom thou thinkest most fit that I will take away all the Penal Laws against the Roman Catholicks in England as soon as God shall make Me able to do it so as by their means or in their favours I may have so powerful assistance as may deserve so great a favour and enable Me to do it But if Thou ask what I call that assistance I answer that when Thou knowest what may be done for it it will be easily seen if it deserve to be so esteemed I need not tell Thee what secrecy this business requires yet this I will say that this is the greatest point of confidence I can express to Thee for it is no thanks to Me to trust Thee in any thing else but in this which is the only thing of difference in opinion betwixt Us. And yet I know Thou wilt make as good a bargain for Me even in this I trusting thee though it concern Religion as if Thou wert a Protestant the visible good of My Affairs so much depending on it I have so fully instructed this Bearer Pooly that I will not say more to Thee now but that herewith I send Thee a new Cypher assuring Thee that none hath or shall have any Copy of it but My self to the end Thou mayest use it when Thou shalt find fit to write any thing which Thou wilt judge worthy of Thy pains to put in Cypher and to be decyphered by none but Me and so likewise from Him to Thee who is eternally Thine 20. 23. To My Wife the 5. March 1644. 5. by Pooly XXIX To the QUEEN OXFORD 13 March Old style Dear Heart WHAT I told thee last Week concerning a good parting with our Lords and Commons here was on Monday last handsomly performed and now if I do any thing unhandsom or disadvantageous to My self or Friends in order to a Treaty it will be meerly My own Fault For I confess when I wrote last I was in fear to have been pressed to make some mean overtures to renew the Treaty knowing that there were great labourings to that purpose but now I promise Thee if it be renewed which I believe will not without some eminent good success on My side it shall be to My honour and advantage I being now as well freed from the place of base and mutinous motions that is to say our Mungrel Parliament here as of the chief causers for whom I may justly expect to be chidden by Thee for having suffered Thee to be vexed by them Wilmot being already there Percy on his way and Sussex within few daies taking his journey to Thee but that I know thou carest not for a little trouble to free Me from great inconveniences Yet I must tell Thee that if I knew not the perfect stediness of Thy love to Me I might reasonably apprehend that their repair to Thee would rather prove a change than an end of their Villanies and I cannot deny but My confidence in Thee was some cause of this permissive trouble to Thee I have received Thine of the third of March by which Thou puttest Me in hope of assistance of men and money and it is no little expression of Thy love to Me that because of My business Festivals are troublesome to Thee but I see that Assemblies in no Countries are very agreeable to Thee and it may be done a purpose to make Thee weary of their companies and excuse Me to tell Thee in earnest that it is no wonder that mere Statesmen should desire to be rid of Thee Therefore I desire Thee to think whether it would not advantage Thee much to make a personal Friendship with the Queen Regent without shewing any distrust of Her Ministers though not wholly trusting to them and to shew Her that when Her Regency comes out and possibly before She may have need of Her Friends so that She shall but serve Her self by helping of Thee and to say no more but certainly if this Rebellion had not begun to oppress Me when it did a late great Queen had ended more glorious than She did In the last place I desire Thee to give Me a weekly account of Thy health for I fear lest in that alone Thou takest not care enough to express Thy kindness to Him who is eternally Thine The Northern news is rather better than what we first heard for what by Sir Langdale's and Montross's Victories Carlisle and the rest of our Northern Garrisons are relieved and we hope for this year secured and besides all this the Northern Horse are already returned and joyned with My Nephew Rupert To My Wife 13. March 1644. 5. by P. A. XXX To the QUEEN OXFORD Thursday 20. March Dear Heart UPON Saturday last I wrote to Thee by Sabran but this I believe may come as soon to Thee and I have received Thine of the seventh upon Monday last which gave Me great contentment both in present and expectation the quick passage being likewise a welcome circumstance and yet I
place I must let you know that I desire nothing more than to be rightly understood of My People and to that end I have of My self resolved to call a Parliament having already given order to My Lord Keeper to issue out the Writs instantly so that the Parliament may be assembled by the third of November next Whither if My Subjects bring the like good affections as I do it shall not fail on My part to make it a happy Meeting In the mean time there are two points to be considered wherein I shall desire your Advice which indeed is the chief cause of your Meeting First What Answer to give to the Petition of the Rebels and in what manner to treat with them Of which that you may give a sure judgement I have ordered that your Lordships shall be clearly and truly informed of the state of the whole business and upon what reasons the Advices that My Privy Counsel unanimously gave Me were grounded Secondly How My Army shall be kept on foot and maintained till the supplies of a Parliament may be had For so long as the Scots Army remains in England I think no man will counsel Me to disband Mine for that would be an unspeakable loss to all this part of the Kingdom by subjecting them to the greedy appetite of the Rebels beside the unspeakable dishonour that would thereby fall upon this Nation XXII To the Lords and Commons at the Opening of His Fifth Parliament at WESTMINSTER November 3. MDCXL MY Lords The knowledge that I had of the Designs of My Scotish Subjects was the cause of My calling the last Assembly of Parliament wherein had I been believed I sincerely think that things had not fallen out as now we see But it is no wonder that men are so slow to believe that so great a Sedition should be raised on so little ground But now My Lords and Gentlemen the Honour and Safety of this Kingdom lying so nearly at stake I am resolved to put My self freely and clearly on the love and affections of My English Subjects as those of My Lords that did wait on Me at York very well remember I there declared Therefore My Lords I shall not mention Mine own Interest or that Support I might justly expect from you till the Common Safety be secured Though I must tell you I am not ashamed to say those charges I have been at have been meerly for the securing and good of this Kingdom though the success hath not been answerable to My desires Therefore I shall only desire you to consider the best way both for the safety and security of this Kingdom wherein are two things chiefly considerable First the chasing out of the Rebels and secondly that other in satisfying your just Grievances wherein I shall promise you to concur so heartily and clearly with you that all the world may see My intentions have ever been and shall be to make this a glorious and flourishing Kingdom There are only Two things more that I shall mention to you The one is to tell you that the lone of Money which I lately had from the City of London wherein the Lords that waited on Me at York assisted Me will only maintain My Army for two months from the beginning of that time it was granted Now My Lords and Gentlemen I leave it to your considerations what dishonour and mischief it might be in case for want of Money My Army be disbanded before the Rebels be put out of this Kingdom Secondly the securing the Calamities the Northern People endure at this time and so long as the Treaty is on foot And in this I may say not only they but all this Kingdom will suffer the harm Therefore I leave this also to your Consideration For the ordering of these Great Affairs whereof you are to treat at this time I am so confident of your love to Me and that your care is such for the Honour and Safety of the Kingdom that I shall freely and willingly leave to you where to begin Only this that you may the better know the state of all the Affairs I have commanded My Lord Keeper to give you a short and free account of those things that have happened in this interim with this Protestation that if his account be not satisfactory as it ought to be I shall whensoever you desire it give you a full and perfect account of every particular One thing more I desire of you as one of the greatest means to make this an happy Parliament That you on your parts as I on Mine lay aside all suspicion one of another As I promised My Lords at York it shall not be My fault if this be not a happy and good Parliament XXIII To the House of Lords at WESTMINSTER Nov. 5. MDCXL MY Lords I do expect that you will hastily make Relation to the House of Commons of those Great Affairs for which I have called you hither at this time and of the trust I have reposed in them and how freely I put My self on their love and affections at this time And that you may know the better how to do so I shall explain My self concerning one thing I spake the last day I told you the Rebels must be put out of this Kingdom 'T is true I must needs call them so so long as they have an Army that does invade us although I am under Treaty with them and under My Great Seal do call them Subjects and so they are too But the state of My Affairs in short is this It 's true I did expect when I did will My Lords and Great ones to be at York to have given a gracious Answer to all their Grievances for I was in good hope by their Wisdoms and Assistances to have made an end of that business but I must tell you that My Subjects of Scotland did so delay them that it was not possible to end there Therefore I can no ways blame My Lords that were at Rippon that the Treaty was not ended but must thank them for their pains and industry And certainly had they as much power as affections I should by this time have brought these distempers to a happy period So that now the Treaty is transported from Rippon to London where I shall conclude nothing without your knowledge and I doubt not but by your approbation for I do not desire to have this great Work done in a corner for I shall lay open all the steps of this Misunderstanding and the causes of the great Differences between Me and My Subjects of Scotland And I doubt not but by your assistance to make them know their Duty and also by your assistance to make them return whether they will or no. XXIV To the Lords and Commons at the Banquetting-House in WHITE-HALL Jan. 25. MDCXL XLI MY Lords and you the Knights Citizens and Burgesses The principal cause of My coming here at this time is by reason of the slow proceedings in Parliament
of War And Justice stands a Prisoner at the Bar. This Scene was like the Passion-Tragedy His Saviour's Person none could Act but He. Behold what Scribes were here what Pharisees What Bands of Souldiers what false Witnesses Here was a Priest and that a Chief one who Durst strike at God and His Vicegerent too Here Bradshaw Pilate there This makes them twain Pilate for Fear Bradshaw condemn'd for Gain Wretch couldst not thou be rich till Charles was dead Thou might'st have took the Crown yet spar'd the Head Th' hast justifi'd that Roman Judge He stood And washt in Water thou hast dipt in Blood And where 's the Slaughter-House White-hall must be Lately His Palace now His Calvary Great CHARLES is this Thy dying-place And where Thou wer 't our KING art Thou our MARTYR there Thence thence Thy Soul took flight and there will we Not cease to Mourn where Thou didst cease to Be. And thus blest Soul He 's gone a Star whose fall As no Eclipse proves Oecumenical That Wretch had skill to sin whose Hand did know How to behead three Kingdoms at one blow England hath lost the Influence of her KING No wonder that so backward was her Spring O dismal Day but yet how quickly gone It must be short Our SUN went down at Noon And now ye Senators is this the Thing So oft declar'd is this your Glorious King Did you by Oaths your God and Country mock Pretend a Crown and yet prepare a Block Did you that swore you 'd Mount CHARLES higher yet Intend the Scaffold for His Olivet Was this Hail Master Did you bow the knee That you might murther Him with Loyalty Alas two Deaths what Cruelty was this The Axe design'd you might have spar'd the Kiss London didst thou Thy Prince's Life betray What could Thy Sables vent no other way Or else didst thou bemoan His Cross then ah Why would'st thou be the cursed Golgotha Thou once hadst Men Plate Arms a Treasury To bind thy KING and hast thou none to free Dull beast thou should'st before thy Head did fall Have had at least thy Spirits Animal Did You Ye Nobles envy CHARLES His Crown Jove being fal'n the Puny-gods must down Your Raies of Honour are eclip'st in Night The Sun is set from whence You drew your Light Religion Veils her self and Mourns that she Is forc'd to own such horrid Villany The Church and State do shake that Building must Expect to fall whose Prop is turn'd to Dust But cease from Tears-CHARLES is most blest of men A God on Earth more than a Saint in Heav'n THE END A COLLECTION OF DECLARATIONS TREATIES AND OTHER Principal Passages concerning the DIFFERENCES BETWIXT King Charles I. AND HIS TWO HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT Clearly Manifesting The Justice of His Cause His Sincerity in Religion His Constant Endeavours for Peace Bona agere mala pati Regium est LONDON Printed MDCLXXXVII THE PREFACE TO THE NOBILITY and GENTRY OF ENGLAND I Might call this Collection A Complete Body of English Politicks as comprehending both the Duty and the Interest of all true English-men and those largely set forth in some of the most excellent Discourses that were ever written in this kind Which for their own sakes might claim some better respect from the present Age than to be cast aside as out-dated Pamphlets or at the best confusedly scattered like the Leaves of Sibylla without any care of conserving and transmitting them to Posterity The sad Experience of so many years hath taught this Nation to their cost how miserable even the greatest Subjects make themselves by incroaching upon that Soveraignty which alone can protect them from the Injuries and the Scorn of their Inferiours Here you will discover the Arts the Means and the Degrees by which those Mischiefs were attempted and atchieved Which whensoever you see repeated you will know the Plot is as well against your Privilege and the Liberty of your Countrey as the Prerogative of your Prince Indeed If it were as easie to root out the remembrance of the ill Examples as it is to remit the punishment of the Crimes by Acts of Grace and Pardon and Oblivion it were perhaps no Imprudence to let those Mischiefs sleep with their Authors and leave their Memories buried in the Ruines they have made But since many that are content to take the utmost advantage of a Pardon are yet too good to acknowledge they ever stood in need of any since most will remember only What hath been done and few trouble themselves to inquire How or Why it cannot be thought impertinent together with the Actions to represent also the true Causes that have produced such Effects and the Circumstances that attended them which may remain as Marks to warn Posterity of those Errors which have cost the present Age so dear This is here done not from the private phancies or observations of any one Person or Party but from the Publick and Authentick Writings of Both digested in such order that the Reader may compare what both sides had to say for themselves and thereby discern whose Designs and what Counsels tended most to the Peace and Welfare of the Nation A study most proper for those Ranks of men whom the Favour of Princes hath raised above the Common Multitude to this one End that they may assist Them in the administration of Their Government and in keeping Peace and good order in their Countries To have Collected all that passed in these great Contests would have been the Work of many Volumes But the most material and most necessary to carry on the Series of Times and Things which in a manner comprehend the Sum or at least shew the Result of all the rest are here disposed according to their most natural order of time under these few heads I. His Majesties Declarations concerning His Proceedings in His Four first Parliaments p. 217. II. Declarations and Papers concerning the Differences betwixt His Majesty and His Fifth Parliament p. 241. III. Declarations and Paper concerning the Treaty of Peace at Oxford MDCXLII III. p. 325. IV. A Declaration concerning the Cessation in Ireland Also Declarations and Passages of the Parliament at Oxford p. 401. V. Papers and Passages concerning the Treaty of Peace at Vxbridge p. 437. VI. Messages Propositions and Treaties for Peace With divers Resolutions and Declarations thereupon MDCXLV VI. VII VIII p. 547. HIS MAJESTIES DECLARATIONS CONCERNING HIS PROCEEDINGS IN HIS FOUR FIRST PARLIAMENTS A Declaration of the true Causes which moved His MAJESTY to Assemble and after inforced Him to Dissolve the First and Second Meetings in Parliament THE King 's most Excellent Majesty since His happy access to the Imperial Crown of this Realm having by His Royal Authority summoned and assembled two several Parliaments the first whereof was in August last by adjournment held at Oxford and there dissolved and the other begun in February last and continued until the fifteenth day of this present month of June and then to the unspeakable grief
KING A Proclamation about the dissolving of the Parliament WHereas We for the general good of Our Kingdom caused Our High Court of Parliament to assemble and meet by Prorogation the twentieth day of January last past sithence which time the same hath been continued and although in this time by the malevolent dispositions of some ill-affected persons of the House of Commons We have had sundry just causes of offence and dislike of their proceedings yet We resolved with patience to try the uttermost which We the rather did for that We found in that House a great number of sober and grave persons well affected to Religion and Government and desirous to preserve Unity and Peace in all parts of Our Kingdom and therefore having on the five and twentieth day of February last by the uniform Advice of Our Privy Council caused both Houses to be adjourned until this present day hoping in the mean time that a better and more right understanding might be begotten between Us and the Members of that House whereby this Parliament might have an happy end and issue and for the same intent We did again this day command the like Adjournment to be made until the tenth day of this month It hath so happened by the disobedient and seditious carriage of those said ill-affected persons of the House of Commons that We and Our Regal authority and Commandment have been so highly contemned as Our Kingly Office cannot bear nor any former Age can parallel And therefore it is Our full and absolute resolution to dissolve the same Parliament whereof We thought good to give notice unto all the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and to the Knights Citizens and Burgesses of this present Parliament and to all others whom it may concern that they may depart about their needful affairs without attending any longer here Nevertheless We will that they and all others should take notice that We do and ever will distinguish between those who have shewed good affection to Religion and Government and those that have given themselves over to Faction and to work disturbance to the Peace and good order of our Kingdom Given at Our Court at White-hall this second day of March in the fourth year of Our Reign of Great Britain France and Ireland God save the KING His MAJESTIE's Speech at the Dissolving of the Parliament My Lords I Never came here upon so unpleasant an occasion it being the Dissolution of a Parliment Therefore men may have some cause to wonder why I should not rather chuse to do this by Commission it being a general Maxim of Kings to leave harsh commands to their Ministers Themselves only executing pleasing things Yet considering that Justice as well consists in reward and praise of Vertue as punishing of Vice I thought it necessary to come here to day to declare to you and all the world that it was meerly the undutiful and seditious carriage in the lower House that hath made the Dissolution of this Parliament And you my Lords are so far from being causes of it that I take as much comfort in your dutiful demeanors as I am justly distasted with their proceedings Yet to avoid mistakings let me tell you that it is so far from me to adjudge all the House alike guilty that I know that there are many there as dutiful Subjects as any in the world it being but some few Vipers amongst them that did cast this mist of undutifulness over most of their eyes yet to say truth there was a good number there that could not be infected with this contagion insomuch that some did express their duties in speaking which was the general fault of the House the last day To conclude as these Vipers must look for their reward of punishment so you my Lords may justly expect from Me that favour and protection that a good King oweth to His loving and dutiful Nobility And now my Lord Keeper do what I have commanded you His MAJESTIE's Declaration to all His loving Subjects of the Causes which moved Him to Dissolve the Parliament HOwsoever Princes are not bound to give account of their Actions but to God alone yet for the satisfaction of the minds and affections of Our loving Subjects We have thought good to set down thus much by way of Declaration that We may appear to the world in the truth and sincerity of Our own Actions and not in those colours in which We know some turbulent and ill-affected Spirits to masque and disguise their own wicked intentions dangerous to the State would represent Us to the publick view We assembled Our Parliament the seventeenth day of March in the third year of Our Reign for the safety of Religion for securing Our Kingdoms and Subjects at home and Our Friends and Allies abroad and therefore at the first sitting down of it We declared the miserable afflicted estate of those of the Reformed Religion in Germany France and other parts of Christendom the distressed extremities of Our dearest Uncle the King of Denmark chased out of a great part of his Dominions the strength of that party which was united against Us that besides the Pope and house of Austria and their ancient Confederates the French King professed the rooting out of the Protestant Religion that of the Princes and States on Our party some were over run others diverted and some disabled to give assistance For which and other important motives We propounded a speedy supply of Treasure answerable to the necessities of the Cause These things in the beginning were well resented by the House of Commons and with much alacrity and readiness they agreed to grant a liberal aid But before it was brought to any perfection they were diverted by a multitude of questions raised amongst them concerning their Liberties and Priviledges and by other long disputes that the Bill did not pass in a long time and by that delay Our affairs were put into far worse case than at the first Our forein actions then in hand being thereby disgraced and ruined for want of timely help In this as We are not willing to derogate from the merit and good intentions of those wise and moderate men of that House to whose forwardness We attribute it that it was propounded and resolved so soon so We must needs say that the delay of passing it when it was resolved occasioned by causless jealousies stirred up by men of another temper did much lessen both the reputation and reality of that supply and their spirit infused into many of the Commissioners and Assessors in the Country hath returned up the Subsidies in such a scanty proportion as is infinitely short not only of Our great Occasions but of the precedents of former Subsidies and of the intentions of all well-affected men in that House In those large disputes as We permitted many of Our high Prerogatives to be debated which in the best times of Our Predecessors had never been questioned without punishment or sharp reproof so We
and informed in the Rights of Our Sovereignty And because the Trials in Our several Courts by the formalities in pleading will require a long protraction We have thought fit by this Letter directed to you all to require your Judgment in the Case as it is set down in the inclosed Paper which will not only gain time but also be of more authority to over-rule any prejudicate opinions of others in the point Given under Our Signet at Our Court of White-hall the second day of February in the twelfth year of Our Reign 1636. C. R. CHARLES R. WHen the good and safety of the Kingdom in general is concerned and the whole Kingdom in danger whether may not the King by Writ under the Great Seal of England command all the Subjects in His Kingdom at their charge to provide and furnish such number of Ships with Men Victuals and Munition and for such time as He shall think fit for the defence and safeguard of the Kingdom from such danger and peril and by Law compel the doing thereof in case of refusal or refractoriness And whether in such case is not the King the sole judge both of the Danger and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided The Answer of the Judges MAY it please Your most Excellent Majesty We have according to Your Majestie 's command severally and every man by himself and all of us together taken into serious consideration the Case and Questions signed by Your Majesty and inclosed in Your Letter And We are of opinion That when the good and safety of the Kingdom in general is concerned and the whole Kingdom in danger Your Majesty may by Writ under Your Great Seal of England command all the Subjects of this Your Kingdom at their charge to provide and furnish such number of Ships with Men Victual Munition and for such time as Your Majesty shall think fit for the defence and safeguard of the Kingdom from such peril and danger And that by Law Your Majesty may compel the doing thereof in case of refusal or refractoriness And we are also of opinion that in such case Your Majesty is the sole judge both of the Danger and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided John Bramston John Finch Humphrey Davenport John Denham Richard Hutton William Jones George Crook Thomas Trevor George Vernon Robert Barkly Francis Crauley Richard Weston His MAJESTIE's Declaration to all His loving Subjects of the Causes which moved Him to dissolve His Fourth Parliament THE King 's most Excellent Majesty well knoweth that the Calling Adjourning Proroguing and Dissolving of Parliaments are undoubted Prerogatives inseparably annexed to His Imperial Crown of which He is not bound to render any account but to God alone no more than of His other Regal actions Nevertheless His Majesty whose Piety and Goodness have made Him ever so order and govern all things that the clearness and Candor of His Royal heart may appear to all His Subjects especially in those great and publick matters of State that have relation to the weal and safety of His People and the Honour of His Royal Person and Government hath thought fit for avoiding and preventing all sinister constructions and misinter pretations which the Malice of some persons ill-affected to His Crown and Soveraignty hath or may practise to infuse into the minds an ears of His good and faithful Subjects to set down by way of Declaration the true Causes as well of His Assembling as of His Dissolving the late Parliament IT is not unknown to most of His Majestie 's loving Subjects what discouragements He hath formerly had by the undutiful and seditious carriage of divers of the lower House in preceding Assemblies of Parliament enough to have made Him averse to those ancient and accustomed ways of calling His People together when in stead of dutiful expressions towards His Person and Government they vented their own Malice and disaffections to the State and by their subtle and malignant courses endeavoured nothing more than to bring into contempt and disorder all Government and Magistracy Yet His Majesty well considering that but few were guilty of that seditious and undutiful behaviour and hoping that time and experience had made His loving Subjects sensible of the distemper the whole Kingdom was in danger to be put into by the ill-govern'd actions of those men and His Majesty being ever desirous to tread in the steps of His most noble Progenitors was pleased to issue forth His Writs under the great Seal of England for a Parliament to be holden on the thirteenth day of April last At which day His Majesty by the Lord Keeper of His great Seal was graciously pleased to let both Houses of Parliament know how desirous He was that all His people would unite their hearts and affections in the execution of those Counsels that might tend to the Honour of His Majesty the Safety of His Kingdoms and the good and preservation of all His people and withal how confident He was that they would not be failing in their duties and affections to Him and to the publick He laid open to them the manifest and apparent mischiefs threatned to this and all His other Kingdoms by the mutinous and rebellious behaviour of divers of the Scotish nation who had by their examples drawn many of His Subjects there into a course of disloyalty and disobedience not fit for His Majesty in Honour Safety or Wisdom to endure How to strengthen themselves in their disloyal courses they had addrest themselves to forein States and treated with them to deliver themselves up to their protection and defence as was made apparent under the proper hands of the prime Ring-leaders of that Rebellious Faction These courses of theirs tending so much to the ruine and overthrow of this famous Monarchy united by the descent of the Crown of England upon His Majesty and his Father of blessed Memory His Majesty in His great Wisdom and in discharge of the trust reposed in Him by God and by the Fundamental Laws of both Kingdoms for the protection and government of them resolved to suppress and thereby to vindicate that Sovereign power entrusted to Him He had by the last Summers trial found that his Grace and Goodness was abused and that contrary to his expectation and their faithful promises they had since his being at Berwick and the Pacification there made pursued their former rebellious designs and therefore it was necessary now for his Majesty by power to reduce them to the just and modest condition of their Obedience and subjection which whenever they should be brought unto or seeing their own Errors should put themselves into a way of Humility and Obedience becoming them his Majesty should need no other Mediatours for Clemency and Mercy to them than his own Piety and Goodness and the tender affection he hath ever born to that his native Countrey This being of so great weight and consequence to the whole Kingdo
If the time spent in this Parliament be considered in relation backward to the long growth and deep root of those Grievances which we have removed to the powerful supports of those Delinquents which we have pursued to the great necessities and other charges of the Commonwealth for which we have provided or if it be considered in relation forward to many advantages which not only the present but future ages are like to reap by the good Laws and other proceedings in this Parliament we doubt not but it will be thought by all indifferent judgments that our time hath been much better imployed then in a far greater proportion of time in many former Parliaments put together and the charges which have been laid upon the Subjects and the other inconveniences which they have born will seem very light in respect of the benefit they have and may receive And for the matter of Protections the Parliament is so sensible of it that therein they intend to give them whatsoever ease may stand with Honour and Justice and are in a way of passing a Bill to give them satisfaction They have sought by many subtle practices to cause jealousies and divisions betwixt us and our brethren of Scotland by slandering their proceedings and intentions towards us and by secret endeavours to instigate and incense them and us one against another They have had such a party of Bishops and Popish Lords in the House of Peers as hath caused much opposition and delay in the prosecution of Delinquents hindered the proceedings of divers good Bills passed in the Commons House concerning the reformation of sundry great abuses and corruptions both in Church and State They have laboured to seduce and corrupt some of the Commons House to draw them into Conspiracies and Combinations against the Liberty of the Parliament and by their Instruments and agents they have attempted to disaffect and discontent His Majesties Army and to engage it for the maintenance of their wicked and traiterous designs the keeping up of Bishops in their Votes and Functions and by force to compel the Parliament to order limit and dispose their proceedings in such manner as might best concur with the intentions of this dangerous and potent faction And when one mischievous design and attempt of theirs to bring on the Army against the Parliament and the City of London had been discovered and prevented they presently undertook another of the same damnable nature with this addition to it to endeavour to make the Scotish Army neutral whilst the English Army which they had laboured to corrupt and invenome against us by their false and slanderous suggestions should execute their malice to the subversion of our Religion and the dissolution of our Government Thus they have been continually practising to disturb the Peace and plotting the destruction even of all the Kings dominions and have employed their Emissaries and Agents in them all for the promoting of their devilish designs which the vigilancy of those who were well-affected hath still discovered and defeated before they were ripe for execution in England and Scotland only in Ireland which was farther off they have had time and opportunity to mould and prepare their work and had brought it to that perfection that they had possessed themselves of that whole Kingdom totally subverted the Government of it rooted out Religion and destroyed all the Protestants whom the conscience of their duty to God their King and Countrey would not have permitted to joyn with them if by God's wonderful providence their main enterprise upon the City and Castle of Dublin had not been detected and prevented upon the very Eve before it should have been executed Notwithstanding they have in other parts of that Kingdom broken out into open Rebellion surprized Towns and Castles committed murders rapes and other villanies and shaken off all bonds of Obedience to His Majesty and the Laws of the Realm and in general have kindled such a fire as nothing but God's infinite blessing upon the wisdom and endeavours of this State will be able to quench it And certainly had not God in his great mercy unto this Land discovered and confounded their former designs we had been the Prologue to this Tragedy in Ireland and had by this time been made the lamentable spectacle of misery and confusion And now what hope have we but in God when as the only means of our subsistence and power of Reformation is under Him in the Parliament But what can we the Commons without the conjunction of the House of Lords and what conjunction can we expect there when the Bishops and Recusant Lords are so numerous and prevalent that they are able to cross and interrupt our best endeavours for Reformation and by that means give advantage to this malignant party to traduce our proceedings They infuse into the People that we mean to abolish all Church-government and leave every man to his own fancy for the Service and Worship of God absolving him of that Obedience which he owes under God unto His Majesty whom we know to be entrusted with the Ecclesiastical Law as well as with the Temporal to regulate all the members of the Church of England by such rules of order and discipline as are established by Parliament which is his great Council in all affairs both of Church and State We confess our intention is and our endeavours have been to reduce within bounds that exorbitant power which the Prelates have assumed unto themselves so contrary both to the Word of God and to the Laws of the Land to which end we past the Bill for the removing them from their Temporal power and employments that so the better they might with meekness apply themselves to the discharge of their functions Which Bill themselves opposed and were the principal instruments of crossing it And we do here declare that it is far from our purpose or desire to let loose the golden reins of Discipline and Government in the Church to leave private persons or particular Congregations to take up what form of Divine Service they please for we hold it requisite that there should be throughout the whole Realm a Conformity to that Order which the Laws enjoyn according to the Word of God and we desire to unburthen the Consciences of men of needless and superstitious Ceremonies suppress innovations and take away the monuments of Idolatry And the better to effect the intended Reformation we desire there may be a general Synod of the most grave pious learned and judicious Divines of this Island assisted with some from foreign parts professing the same Religion with us who may consider of all things necessary for the peace and good Government of the Church and represent the results of their consultations unto the Parliament to be there allowed of and confirmed and receive the stamp of Authority thereby to find passage and obedience throughout the Kingdom They have malitiously charged us that we intend to destroy and discourage
they please to call it of the tenth of June will surely believe the Peace of this Kingdom to be extreamly shaken and at least the King himself to be consulted with and privy to these Propositions But We hope that when Our good Subjects shall find that this goodly pretence of the Defence of the King is but a specious bait to seduce weak and inconsiderate men into the highest Acts of Disobedience and Disloyalty against Us and of Violence and Destruction upon the Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom they will no longer be captivated by an implicite Reverence to the name of both Houses of Parliament but will carefully examine and consider what number of persons are present and what persons are prevalent in those Consultations and how the Debates are probably managed from whence such horrid and monstrous Conclusions do result and will at least weigh the Reputation Wisdom and Affection of those who are notoriously known out of the very horrour of their Proceedings to have withdrawn themselves or by their skill and violence to be driven from them and their Counsels Whilst their Fears and Jealousies did arise or were infused into the people from Discourses of the Rebels in Ireland of Skippers at Roterdam of Forces from Denmark France or Spain how improbable and ridiculous soever that bundle of Informations appeared to all wise and knowing men it is no wonder if the easiness to deceive and the willingness to be deceived did prevail over many of Our weak Subjects to believe that the Dangers which they did not see might proceed from Causes which they did not understand But for them to declare to all the world That We intend to make War against Our Parliament whilest We sit still complaining to God Almighty of the Injury offered to Us and to the very Being of Parliaments and that We have already begun actually to levy Forces both of Horse and Foot whilest We have only in a Legal way provided a smaller Guard for the security of Our own Person so near a Rebellion at Hull than they have had without lawful Authority above these eight Months upon imaginary and impossible Dangers to impose upon Our peoples Sense as well as Understanding by telling them We are doing that which they see We are not doing and intending that they all know as much as Intentions can be known We are not intending is a boldness agreeable to no power but the Omnipotence of those Votes whose absolute Supremacy hath almost brought Confusion upon King and People and against which no Knowledge in matter of Fact or Consent and Authority in matter of Law they will endure shall be opposed We have upon all occasions with all possible Expressions professed Our fast and unshaken Resolutions for Peace And We do again in the presence of Almighty God Our Maker and Redeemer assure the World that We have no more thought of making a War against Our Parliament than against Our own Children that We will maintain and observe the Acts assented to by Us this Parliament without Violation of which that for the frequent assembling of Parliaments is one and that We have not or shall not have any thought of using any force unless We shall be driven to it for the security of Our Person and for the defence of the Religion Laws and Liberty of the Kingdom and the just Rights and Privileges of Parliament And therefore We hope the Malignant Party who have so much despised Our Person and usurped Our Office shall not by their specious fraudulent insinuations prevail with Our good Subjects to give credit to their wicked Assertions and so to contribute their Power and Assistance for the ruine and destruction of Us and themselves For Our Guard about Our Person which not so much their Example as their Provocation inforced Us to take 't is known it consists of the prime Gentry in Fortune and Reputation of this County and of one Regiment of Our Trained Bands who have been so far from offering any Affronts Injuries or Disturbance to any of Our good Subjects that their principal end is to prevent such and so may be Security can be no Grievance to our People That some ill affected persons or any persons have been employed in other parts to raise Troops under colour of Our Service or have made large or any offers of Reward and Preferment to such as will come in is for ought We know and as We believe an Untruth devised by the Contrivers of this false Rumour We disavow it and are confident there will be no need of such Art or Industry to induce Our loving Subjects when they shall see Us oppressed and their Liberties and Laws confounded and till then We shall not call on them to come in to Us and to assist Us. For the Delinquents whom We are said with a high and forcible hand to protect let them be named and their Delinquency and if We give not satisfaction to Justice when We shall have received satisfaction concerning Sir John Hotham by his legal Trial then let Us be blamed But if the Design be as it is well known to be after We have been driven by force from Our City of London and kept by force from Our Town of Hull to protect all those who are Delinquents against Us and to make all those Delinquents who attend on Us or execute Our lawful Commands We have great reason to be satisfied in the Truth and Justice of such Accusation lest to be Our Servant and to be a Delinquent grow to be terms so convertible that in a short time We be left as naked in Attendance as they would have Us in Power and so compel Us to be waited on only by such whom they shall appoint and allow and in whose presence We should be more miserably alone than in Desolation it self And if the seditious Contrivers and Fomenters of this Scandal upon Us shall have as they have had the power to mis-lead the major part present of either or both Houses to make such Orders and send such Messages and Messengers as they have lately done for the apprehension of the great Earls and Barons of England as if they were Rogues or Felons and whereby Persons of Honour and Quality are made Delinquents merely for attending upon Us and upon Our Summons whilst other men are forbid to come near Us though obliged by the Duty of their Places and Oaths upon Our lawful Commands 't is no wonder if such Messengers are not very well intreated and such Orders not obeyed Neither can there be a surer and a cunninger way found out to render the Authority of both Houses scorned and vilified than to assume to themselves merely upon the Authority of the Name of Parliament a power monstrous to all Understandings and to do Actions and to make Orders evidently and demonstrably contrary to all known Law and Reason as to take up Arms against Us under colour of defending Us to cause Money to be brought in to
them and to forbid Our own Money to be paid to Us or to Our use under colour that We will imploy it ill to beat Us and starve Us for Our own good and by Our own Power and Authority which must in short time make the greatest Court and the greatest Person cheap and of no estimation Who those sensible men are of the publick Calamities of the Violations of the Privileges of Parliament and the Common Liberty of the Subject who have been baffled and injured by Malignant men and Cavaliers about Us We cannot imagine And if those Cavaliers are so much without the fear of God and Man and so ready to commit all manner of Outrage and Violence as is pretended Our Government ought to be the more esteemed which hath kept them from doing so insomuch as We believe no Person hath cause to complain of any injury or of any damage in the least degree by any man about or who hath offered his service to Us. All which being duly considered if the Contrivers of these Propositions and Orders had been truly sensible of the Obligation which lies upon them in Honour Conscience and Duty according to the high Trust reposed in them by Us and Our People they would not have published such a sense and apprehension of imminent Danger when themselves in their Consciences know that the greatest and indeed only Danger which threatens this Church and State the blessed Religion and Liberty of Our People is in their own desperate and seditious Designs and would not endeavour upon such weak and groundless Reasons to seduce Our good Subjects from their Affection and Loyalty to Us to run themselves into Actions unwarrantable and destructive to the Peace and Foundation of the Commonwealth And that all Our loving Subjects may see how causless and groundless this scandalous Rumour and Imputation of Our raising War upon Our Parliament is We have with this Our Declaration caused to be printed the Testimony of those Lords and other Persons of Our Counsel who are here with Us who being upon the place could not but discover such Our Intentions and Preparations and cannot be suspected for their Honours and their Interests to combine in such mischievous and horrid Resolutions And therefore We streightly charge and command all Our loving Subjects upon their Allegiance and as they will answer the contrary at their peril That they yield no Obedience or Consent to the said Propositions and Orders and that they presume not under any such Pretences or by colour of any such Orders to Raise or Levy any Horse or Men or to bring in any Money or Plate to such purpose But if notwithstanding this clear Declaration and Evidence of Our Intentions these men whose Design is to compell Us to raise War upon Our Parliament which all their Skill and Malice shall never be able to effect shall think fit by these Alarms to awaken Us to a more necessary care of the defence of Our Self and Our People and shall themselves under colour of Defence in so unheard-of a manner provide and seduce others to do so too to offend Us having given Us so lively testimony of their Affections what they are willing to do when they have once made themselves able all Our good Subjects will think it necessary to look to Our Self and We do then excite all Our well-Affected people according to their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy and according to their solemn Vow and Protestation whereby they are obliged to defend Our Person Honour and Estate to contribute their best Assistance to the Preparations necessary for the opposing and suppressing of the Traitorous Attempts of such wicked and Malignant persons who would destroy Our Person Honour and Estate and ingage the whole Kingdom in a Civil War to satisfie their own lawless Fury and Ambition and so rob Our good Subjects of the blessed fruit of this present Parliament which they already in some degree have and might still reap to the abundant satisfaction and joy of the whole Kingdom if such wicked hands were not ready to ruine all their possession and frustrate all their hopes We do therefore declare That whosoever of what degree or quality soever shall then upon so urgent and visible necessity of Ours and such an apparent Distraction of the Kingdom caused and begotten by the Malice and Contrivance of this Malignant Party bring in to Us and to Our use ready Money or Plate or shall underwrite to furnish any number of Horse Horsemen and Arms for the preservation of the publick Peace the defence of Our Person and the vindication of the Privilege and Freedom of Parliament We shall receive it as a most acceptable Service and as a testimony of his singular Affection to the Protestant Religion the Laws Liberties and Peace of the Kingdom and shall no longer desire the continuance of that Affection than We shall be ready to justifie and maintain those with the hazard of Our Life And We do farther declare That whosoever shall then bring in any sums of Money or Plate to assist Us in this great Extremity shall receive consideration after the rate of eight pounds per cent for all such Moneys as he shall furnish Us withall and shall upon the payment of such Money to such persons whom We shall appoint to receive the same receive Security for the same by good lawful Assurance of such of Our Lands Forests Parks and Houses as shall be sufficient for the same and more real Security than the name of Publick Faith given without Us and against Us as if We were no part of the Publick and besides We shall always look upon it as a service most affectionately and seasonably performed for the preservation of Us and the Kingdom But We shall be much gladder that their submission to those Our Commands and their desisting from any such attempts of raising Horse or Men may ease all Our good subjects of that trouble charge and vexation His MAJESTY's Declaration and Profession disavowing any Preparations or Intentions in Him to Levy War against His Houses of Parliament By the KING THere having been many Rumours spread and Informations given which may have induced many to believe that We intend to make War against Our Parliament We profess before God and declare to all the World that We always have and do abhorr all such Designs and desire all Our Nobility and Council who are here upon the place to declare whether they have not been witnesses of Our frequent and earnest Declarations and Professions to this purpose whether they see any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget a belief of any such Design and whether they be not fully perswaded that We have no such Intention but that all Our Endeavours according to Our many Professions tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true Protestant Religion the just Privileges of Parliament the Liberty of the Subject the Law Peace and Prosperity of this Kingdom Given at
endeavouring to make any excuse for the Actions of Our Ministers That the measure of Our Justice and Favour by way of Reparation should far exceed the proportion of the Sufferings Our good Subjects had undergone by Us which We were confident would beget so mutual an Affection and confidence between Us that such a foundation of firm and stable Happiness would immediately have been laid for the whole Kingdom that all memory of former Grievances would have been easily buried and that this Parliament should receive a glorious celebration both by King and People to the end of the world And therefore upon the first Convention on the third of November We declared Our resolution in that point and then or soon after desired that whatever mistaking had grown in the Government either of Church or State might be removed and all things reduced to the Order of the time the memory whereof is justly precious to this Nation of Queen Elizabeth and for any expression of their Affection to Us in supply of Our known Necessities We were so far from pressing We resolved not to think of it till all Our good People should be abundantly satisfied in all necessary provision for their Liberty and Property and whatsoever else might disturb them in their Estates or Consciences How firmly We have kept Our Self to this Resolution is evident to all the world At the beginning of the Parliament We quickly discerned by some Circumstances of their proceedings that they meant not to confine or contain themselves within the Paths of their Predecessors which We imputed to the disorder and impatience the former Sufferings of the Kingdom had begot in them and therefore We resolved to take no exceptions to any particular but to do Our part in any point of Reformation as soon and as often as any opportunity should be offered unto Us believing that as soon as they should find themselves restored to their old security and the matter and substance of their Doubts and Fears to be removed they would easily and willingly reduce themselves into their good old way and apply themselves to the usual form of their Predecessors in the course of their proceedings And though We well knew the Combination entred into by several persons for an alteration in the Government of the Church which could not but have an Influence upon the Civil Government of the State too and observed that those men had greatest Interest and power of perswading in both Houses who had entred into such Combination yet Our Resolution was so full for the publick satisfaction of Our People that We believed even those men would either have been converted in their Consciences by the clearness and justice of Our Actions or would have appeared so unreasonable or been discovered so seditious that their Malice and Fury would not have been able to have done mischief And therefore We took no notice of the great labour and skill the prime Leaders amongst them had used to get men of their Faction nominated and elected to serve as Members of the House of Commons and did use to remove others whom they knew to be of different Opinions though they were fairly and legally elected wherein there was no other measure or Rule of Justice observed than singly with reference to the Opinions or Affections of the Persons witness besides their putting out or keeping in men upon questionable Elections without the least colour or shadow of Justice their Order whereby they at one clap expelled a very great number of Persons fairly elected by their Country upon pretence that they had some hand or their names used in some Project Monopoly or Patent without charging them with any Crime or to this day proceeding against them and yet they continue amongst them Sir Henry Mildmay Master Laurence Whitakers and others whose Affections and Opinions they are well pleased with though the first of them is notoriously known to be the chief Promoter of the business of the Gold and Silver Thred a Commission complained of viewed and examined and therefore his name might have been easily taken notice of and the other as conversant and as much imployed as a Commissioner in matters of that nature as any Man We speak not this to excuse Monopolies the Inconveniences of which We are sensible of and shall for the future prevent but to shew the partiality of that Faction and the use they make of them to their own advantage The first Remedy after the impeaching several Persons of High Treason whom they looked upon as the chief causes of the publick Sufferings they proposed was The Bill for the Triennial Parliament to the which though We might justly have paused upon several Expressions and Clauses in it and might very well have insisted upon Our old Priviledge and Custom not to pass any Bill till the end of the Session yet since We really did believe most of the Mischiefs then complained of proceeded from the too-long intermission of Parliaments and were resolved for the future to communicate freely and frequently that way with Our Subjects We passed over those Exceptions and consented to it especially upon this Confidence That when such other Acts should be agreed upon for the ease and security of Our People as We desired and expected should be preferred to Us this Act would be a sufficient earnest and assurance that all those Acts should be faithfully observed by Us and so there should be no room left for any Fears and Jealousies which might prevent that mutual Confidence between Us and Our People We earnestly desired to raise and for some time after the passing this Act We found such an acknowledgment from both Houses of Our singular Grace and Favour in consenting to it and so great expressions of their Affections and purposes towards Us that We believed the sense of it would never have been forgotten and were as much pleased that We had taken that way of obliging Our People as they were with the Benefit it self But We were very well able to discover that whatsoever seemed to be asked of Us or to be complained of to Us there was still a Faction of a few Ambitious Discontented and Seditious persons who under pretence of being enemies to Arbitrary Power and of compassion towards those who out of Tenderness of Conscience could not submit to some things enjoyned or commended in the Government of the Church had in truth a desire and had entred into a Combination to that purpose to alter the Government both of Church and State which they were yet to disguise till by their Art or Industry they had infected some with their Opinions and by their cunning Demeanour and Managery of the publick Interests they had seduced others to an implicite confidence in their Power Wisdom and Integrity And against this Design We only opposed a resolution to contribute all Our assistance for the Peace Happiness and Security of Our People and so to convince their Understandings if their Error proceeded from Weakness
direction of the House of Commons till this Parliament it being the first appeal to the People and of a dangerous consequence to Parliaments themselves But as in other things neither Our Desires or Commands have been considered without giving Us leisure to answer either the one or the other special direction is given for the printing that Remonstrance and equal care taken for the publishing it in all places and parts of the Kingdom Having taken this care for the shaking and perplexing the minds of all men the next work was to get such a Power into their hands as might govern and dispose of those Affections To this purpose they had from the beginning of the Parliament by reason of some complaints against the immoderate exercise of the authority of the Lieutenants and their Deputies in raising Coat and Conduct-money and some excesses in them had several debates in the diminution of the Office it self but still grounded upon the illegal Pressures used by them and upon some words in the Commission it self which though of long usage in very happy days were conceived not agreeable to the Law but they were so far from supposing the Office it self or Commission to be illegal that both Houses of Parliament had recommended two Lords to Us and desired Our Commission to make them Lords Lieutenants of Yorkshire and Dorsetshire the only end seeming then to be that good and approved men should be in those imployments and trusts But at last they resolved against the Office it self and would think of some other way to provide for the safety of the Kingdom in that point and in this they had a double end First to fright all persons Members of both Houses who had been Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants to comply with them in their Votes lest they should be called in question for the execution of those Offices a Stratagem they had found to engage many persons to their Opinions as Sheriffs for the collecting Ship-money and all other persons who in truth were or might be made obnoxious to their Power then that by unsettling that whole business of the Militia throughout the Kingdom they might the more easily bring in their own power of governing it as they have since endeavoured to do And thereupon they presumed to bring in such a Bill into the House of Commons to place a General at Land and an Admiral at Sea by Act of Parliament with such Power and Authority over the Lives and Fortunes of all Our Subjects as should be liable to no control nor to be questioned by any Superintendent hand with a pre-pardon for whatsoever they should do under colour of those Offices either of which Officers should have been a much greater Man than Our Self and commanded in Our Kingdom above Us the matter of which Bill to shew their Design is since digested into their new Generals Commission and the pretended Ordinance to the Earl of Warwick And all this was then pretended to be a matter of absolute Necessity for the Preservation of Us and Our Kingdom but at that time it could procure no other credit than to be suffered to rest in the House as an evidence of the liberty might be used in the preferring of Bills They had by this time taken all the licence at their private Cabals to undervalue and vilifie Our Person and Our Power and in publick to give way and countenance to any Scandals upon Us. Letters from the Mayor of Plymouth that the Rebels in Ireland call themselves The Queen's Army and pretend the King's Authority for what they do and store of such Discourses upon such Evidence is every week printed in the Journals of the House which without doubt must be of great authority with Our People who must conceive such Informations to be not only fully and clearly proved but to be accepted and published upon very weighty reasons above the consideration of Our Honour and Safety And now they were to examine what notable credit their Remonstrance and their other general Infusions had got with the People and how ready they would be upon any occasions to venture themselves at their direction They had made themselves so terrible in the House of Commons that by their Threats and their Promises of Places and Preferments to several Men and by the absence of many they had gotten the major part But in the House of Lords their power was not the same that must be wrought another way yet there they had used all means to prevail upon the hopes and fears of such who they thought might that way be dealt with witness among many other things of the same nature that insolent Speech of Mr. Pym to the Earl of Dover That if he looked for any Preferment he must comply with them in their ways and not hope to have it by serving Vs. Shortly after their coming together upon the Recess a new Bill was preferred in the House of Commons for the taking away of the Votes of Bishops out of the House of Peers which being once rejected before ought not by the Course and Order of Parliament to have been admitted again the same Session but that was easily over-ruled and in the House of Commons it did pass many good Man the more willingly concurring therein upon hope that that Bill being once consented to the Fury of that Faction which with so great Violence pursued an absolute Destruction of the Ecclesiastical Government would be abated or that Rage being discerned they would lose that strength which supported them But the Lords quickly found that the Ring-leaders of that Faction had not Ingenuity enough to be compounded with and therefore with them it was not like to find so easie a passage Now their resort was to the People whom upon several occasions they had trained down to Westminster in great multitudes with Swords and Clubs and had often sent for them when any debate was like to be carried against them in either House the particulars whereof We are ready to prove Every Man will conceive We were in a great streight to find Our Self so much disappointed of that return the consciousness of Our own Merit and the many glorious Professions made by both Houses bade Us to expect We saw the Laws absolutely trampled under feet and a Design laid to ruin the Government of the Kingdom and to destroy Us and Our Posterity We saw this Design carried by a few Men whose Hatred and Malice to Our Person We found implacable and their Contempt of Us and Our Authority so visible and notorious that they forbore not to express it in their mention of Us in all companies We saw their Power and Interest to be so great that they were able to mis-lead very many honest Men and to countenance their actions under the name of both Houses of Parliament We were resolved that nothing they should do within those walls should provoke Us till time and the experience good Men should have of them should discover their purposes
Your Crown and Dignity with our Lives and Fortunes Your Presence in this Your great Council being the only means of any Treaty betwixt Your Majesty and them with hope of Success And in none of our Desires to Your Majesty shall we be swaied by any particular man's advantage but shall give a clear Testimony to Your Majesty and the whole World that in all things done by us we faithfully intend the good of Your Majesty and of Your Kingdoms and that we will not be diverted from this End by any private or self-respects whatsoever Jo. Brown Cler. Parliament They will not believe We have done all that in Us lies to prevent and remove the present Distractions because of the Oppressions Rapines and the like committed upon Our good Subjects by Our Soldiers Let them remember who have compelled Us and against Our Souls desire forced Us to raise those Soldiers and then if the Oppressions and Rapines were indeed such as are falsly pretended Our poor Subjects who suffer under them will look on them and only on them as the Authors of all the Miseries they do or can undergo We confess with grief of heart some Disorders have and many more may befal Our good People by Our Soldiers but We appeal to all those Counties through which We have passed what care We have taken to prevent and what Justice We daily inflict upon such Offendors neither hath the least complaint been ever made to Us of Violences and Outrages which We have not to Our utmost Power repaired or punished however those false and treasonable Pamphlets are suffered which accuse Us of giving Warrant for plundring of Houses Our Mercy and Lenity is so well known to the contrary that it is usually made an excuse by those who against their Consciences assist this Rebellion against Us that they chuse rather to offend Us upon the confidence of Pardon than provoke those Malignant Persons who without Charity or Compassion destroy all who concur not with them in Faction and Opinion How far We are from Rapine and Oppression may appear by Our Lenity to the Persons and Estates of those who have not only exercised the Militia the seed from whence this Rebellion against Us hath grown but contributed Mony and Plate to the maintenance of that Army which now endeavours to destroy Us as of Nottingham Leicester and many other places through which We have passed many of whom then were and now are in that Army to let pass Our passing by Chartly the House of the Earl of Essex without other pressures than as if he were the General of Our own Army and Our express Orders to restrain the liberty Our Soldiers would otherwise have used upon that Place and his Estate about it How contrary the proceedings are of these great Assertors of the publick Liberties appears fully by the sad instances they every day give in the plundring by publick Warrant the Houses of all such whose Duty Conscience and Loyalty hath engaged them in Our Quarrel which every good Man ought to make his own by their declaring all Persons to be out of the Protection of Parliament and so exposing them to the Fury of their Soldiers who will not assist this Rebellion against Us their anointed King by the daily Outrages committed in Yorkshire when contrary to the desire and agreement of that County signed under the hands of both Parties they will not suffer the Peace to be kept but that the Distractions and Confusion may be universal over the whole Kingdom direct their Governour of Hull to make War upon Our good Subjects in that County and so continue the robbing and plundring the Houses of all such who concur not with them in this Rebellion lastly by the barbarous Sacrilegious Inhumanity exercised by their Soldiers in Churches as in Canterbury Worcester Oxford and other Places where they committed such unheard-of Outrages as Jews and Atheists never practised before God in his good time will make them examples of his Vengeance We never did nor ever shall desire to secure the Authors and Instruments of any mischiefs to the Kingdom from the Justice of Parliament We desire all such Persons may be speedily brought to condign Punishment by that Rule which is on ought to be the Rule of all punishment the known Law of the Land If there have seemed to be any interruption in proceedings of this nature it must be remembred how long Persons have been kept under general Accusations without Trial though earnestly desired that the Members who were properly to judge such Accusations have by Violence been driven thence or could not with Honour and Safety be present at such Debates that notorious Delinquents by the known Laws were protected against Us from the Justice of the Kingdom and such called Delinquents who committing no Offence against any known Law were so voted only for doing their Duties to Us and then there will be no cause of complaint found against Us. And for the Priviledges of Parliament We have said so much and upon such reasons which have never been answered but by bare positive Assertions in Our several Declarations that We may well and do still use the same expression That We desire God may so deal with Us and Our Posterity as We desire the preservation of the just Rights of Parliament the violation whereof in truth by these desperate Persons is so clearly known to all Men who understand the Priviledges of Parliament that their Rage and Malice hath not been greater to Our Person and Government than to the Liberty Priviledge and very Being of Parliaments witness their putting in putting out and suspending what Persons they please as they like or dislike their Opinions their bringing down the Tumults to assault the Members and awe the Parliament their posting and prosecuting such Members of either House as concurred not with them in their Designs and so driving them from thence for the safety of their Lives their denying Us against the known established Law and the Constitution of the Kingdom to have a Negative Voice without which no Parliament can consist their making close Committees from whence the Members of the Houses are exempted against the Liberty of Parliament and lastly resolving both Houses into a close Committee of Seventeen persons who undertake and direct all the present Outrages and the managery of this Rebellion against Us in the absence of four parts of five of both Houses and without the privity of those who stay there which is not only contrary but destructive to Parliaments themselves By these gross unheard-of Invasions and Breaches of the Priviledges of Parliament and without them they could not have done the other they made way for their attempts upon the Law of the Land and the introduction of that unlimited Arbitrary Power which they have since exercised to the intolerable Damage and Confusion of the whole Kingdom And We assure Our good Subjects the vindication of these just Liberties and Priviledges of Parliament thus violated
hath great reason to press that mutual and universal Freedom to all His good Subjects may be granted Otherwise He must either permit that Licence to His Army to seize the goods of His People in their passage to London and to interrupt and break the Trade and Correspondence of the Kingdom which both out of publick consideration and private compassion His Majesty is most averse from or else must grant that evident Benefit and Advantage to those who deny the same to Him and to His People for His sake And it cannot be denyed but this Freedom is so very beneficial to His Subjects and so wholly considerable to His Majesty under that Notion that their very subsistence depends upon it and by this means Trade may be continued which if a little more suppressed by these Distractions will not be easily recovered even by a settled Peace His Majesty believes that some Carriers have been robbed by His Majesty's Souldiers But 't is as true that no Complaint hath been made to Him of that kind which He hath not received to the relief and reparation of the Petitioners And 't is therefore His desire that both Houses would joyn with Him at least during the Cessation that there might be no more such Violences and interruptions offered to His good Subjects by either side For the embarquing the Merchants Goods in Forein parts His Majesty denys that any endeavour hath yet been made by His Ministers of State to that purpose But 't is true His Majesty hath declared His Resolution which He shall pursue that such persons who absolve themselves from their Obedience to Him and assist or consent to actions of Disloyalty to Him here shall be deprived of those advantages and must not expect that Protection from Him abroad which is due and which He always hath and will allow to His good Subjects And this is not to make other Princes Arbiters of the Differences betwixt His Majesty and His People but to use the mutual Amity and Correspondence with other Princes for the maintenance and support of that Dignity for which it is made and entred into II. His Majesty did not demand the approving of the Commanders of Ships only witli reference to His present Right for then He would have demanded not the approbation of the Commanders but the Ships themselves but this Demand was and is a thing most necessary for His Majesty for the setting out the present Fleet is pretended to be for the defence of His Majesties Dominions and which cannot conveniently suffer any alteration in Commanders if the Cessation and Peace should be fully and speedily agreed upon and therefore 't is most necessary for His Majesty both to know the Designs and to approve of the Commanders who will not be so fit to be altered when once they are sent out His Majesty cannot see how a Cessation at Sea between His Majesty and His Subjects should leave the Kingdom naked to Forein Forces a continuance of War may well do it And His Majesty is willing to concurr in the resistance of all such of what kind soever and expects that during the Cessation the conveying of all Forces from one part to another by Sea for the assistance of the Earl of Essex be restrained which both Houses seem now to consent to which was not at all expressed in their former Articles III. His Majesty's opinion how unfit it was to Treat in blood sufficiently appears this debate concerning a Cessation arising first from His Majesty's motion it being left out in the Answer to His Message for a Treaty In order to which He had and hath great reason to desire that the Committee may have Liberty to debate and conclude any differences and expressions in the Articles of the Cessation that the same may be reconciled and removed without remitting all questions to London For as those now consented to might in much less time have been agreed here if there had been that liberty so there can hardly be a right and clear understanding of intentions without expounding of words and knowing the meaning from each other as in the Consent which His Majesty now understands to be given by both Houses that no Forces shall during the Cessation be sent by Sea for the relief of any place now held by them the expression is not so clear but referreth to Articles in which if it was not comprised before as His Majesty doth not conceive it was no alteration is made by what now seems to be consented to and the liberty which to all understandings may seem to be given by removing out of one Quarter to another within the Precincts proposed is not yet so demonstrable the Committee having no power to answer what they understand in that point which is most necessary to be known that the Peace be not broken during that Cessation And His Majesty wonders that it should be thought unsafe or unfit to give such a conclusive power of such Differences and Doubts to the Committee here when 't is notoriously known that the very Liberty and Property of the Subject is committed not only to other Committees of the Houses without reporting to the Houses but to persons who are employed by them uninterested in and unacquainted with the Directions of either or both Houses IV. It was no part of His Majesty's intention that His Article against Imprisonment of his Subjects otherwise than according to the known Laws of the Land should extend to the destruction of the Military Discipline of either Army But this is a very sufficient instance of the necessity of enabling some persons to conclude upon these Articles without which through inanimadvertence or doubtfulness in the expressions they who are nearest of a mind will hardly ever come to conclude if every Punctilio must be forced to be sent forwards and backwards a hundred miles and if this authority had been given to the Committee here as for such causes was desired a limitation of half a dozen words which would have been as soon agreed to as proposed would have saved most of this fourth Reason And he that desires any thing necessary to the speed of this Cessation gives a good argument of desiring the Cessation it self and whoever is averse to the one can hardly be thought inclinable to the other But such of His Subjects as are not concerned in the discipline of the Army are not concerned in this Objection and His Majesty hath reason to insist that the same liberty may be restored to them in which they were born and the care and defence of which is so much and so meerly pretended by those who deny it to them V. Though it grieves His Majesty to the Soul to see the present miserable condition of His Subjects groaning under so many visible Pressures because of an invisible Necessity and plundered and imprisoned to maintain such a defensive War as was begun to be raised against Him before His Majesty had granted one Commission to raise a man
might have been suddenly and speedily resolved and that long before this time And if the expressions of both Houses in their Reasons had not necessitated His Majesty in His own defence to give such Answers as could not upon those points deliver Truth without some shew of Sharpness no Expression of that kind in His Majesty's Answer had given any pretence for the rejection of or refusing so much as to treat upon this Cessation which though it were at present for no long time yet was from the day named by themselves the 25 of March whereas His Majesty first moved for a Cessation and Treaty without any limitation at all in the time of either and His Majesty was most ready to have enlarged the time so that in the mean while the point of Quarters might be so settled as that His Armies might subsist and which might have been if they had pleased a very good and promising earnest and fore-runner of that great blessing of Peace for the obtaining of which the wishes and endeavours of all good men being earnestly bent a farther debate in order to so great a Benefit did not deserve to be styled a consumption of time And His Majesty cannot but conceive Himself to be in a strange condition if the doubtfulness of Expressions which must always be whilst the Treaty is at such a distance and power is denied to those upon the place to help to clear and explain or His necessary Replying to charges laid upon Him that He might not seem to acknowledge what was so charged or the limitation of the time of seven days for the Treaty which was not limited by His Majesty who ever desired to have avoided that and other limitations which have given great interruptions to it should be as well believed to be the grounds as they are made the arguments of the rejection of that which next to Peace it self His Majesty above all things most desires to see agreed and settled and which His Majesty hopes if it may be yet agreed on will give His People such a taste of such a Blessing that after a short time of consideration and comparing of their several conditions in War and Peace and what should move them to suffer so much by a Change they will not think those their friends that shall force them to it or be themselves ready to contribute to the renewing of their former Miseries without some greater evidence of Necessity than can appear to them when they shall have seen as they shall see if this Treaty be suffered to proceed that His Majesty neither asks nor denies any thing but what not only according to Law He may but what in Honour and care of His People he is obliged to ask or deny And this alone which a very short Cessation would produce His Majesty esteems a very considerable advantage to the Kingdom and therefore cannot but press again and again that whatever is thought doubtful in the expressions of the Articles may as in an hour it may well be done be expounded and whatsoever is excepted at may be debated and concluded and that Power and Instructions may be given to the Committee to that end that the miserable effects of War the effusion of English blood and desolation of England until they can be totally taken away may by this means be stayed and interrupted His Majesty supposes that when the Committee was last required to desire His Majesty to give a speedy and positive Answer to the first proposition concerning Disbanding His Answers in that point to which no Reply hath been made and which He hopes by this time have given satisfaction were not transmitted and received but wonders the Houses should press His Majesty for a speedy and positive Answer to the first part of their first Proposition concerning Disbanding when to the second part of the very same Proposition concerning His Return to both Houses of Parliament they had not given any Power or Instructions to the Committee so much as to treat with His Majesty and when His Majesty if His desire of Peace and of speeding the Treaty in order to that had not been prevalent with Him might with all manner of Justice have delayed to begin to treat upon one part until they had been enabled to treat upon the other In which point and for want of which power from them the only stop now remains His Majesty's Answers to both parts of their first Proposition being given in transmitted and yet remaining unanswered To which until the Houses shall be at leisure to make Answer that as little delay in this Treaty as is possible may be caused by it His Majesty desires likewise that the Committee may be enabled to treat upon the following Propositions in their several orders A Letter from both Houses April 8. WE have sent unto you by this Gentleman Sir Peter Killegrew some additional Instructions by which your Lordship and the rest of the Committee will perceive the Resolutions which the Houses have taken upon the Papers which they received this day from you This is all we have in command and remain Your Lordship 's humble Servants Manchester Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore Will. Lenthall Speaker of the Commons House in Parliament Westminster this 8 of April 1643. Instructions concerning the Insisting received April 9. 1643. Additional Instructions for Algernon Earl of Northumberland William Lord Viscount Say and Seal William Pierrepont Esquire Sir William Armyne and Sir John Holland Baronets Bulstrode Whitelocke Esquire Committees from both Houses attending His Majesty at Oxford Magazines and enlarging the time THE two Houses of Parliament are unsatisfied with His Majesty's Answer to that Clause of the first Proposition which concerns the Magazines Wherefore you are to desire His Majesty to make a further Answer in such manner as is exprest in the Instructions formerly given you and you shall let His Majesty know That the Lords and Commons do not think fit to enlarge the time of the Treaty beyond the twenty days formerly limited Cinque-Ports Towns Forts and Castles They likewise remain unsatisfied with His Majesty's Answer concerning the Cinque-Ports Towns Forts and Castles being in the most material points an express Denial Wherefore you are to insist upon their desire for another Answer according to your Instructions Ships They observe in His Majesty's Answer concerning the Ships not only a Denial to all the desires of both Houses but likewise a Censure upon their proceedings However you are to insist upon their desires expressed in your Instructions Disbanding They further conceive that His Majesty's Answer to their first Proposition concerning the Disbanding is in effect a Denial unless they desert all those cautions and limitations which they have desired in their Answer to His Majesty's first Proposition Wherefore you are to proceed insisting upon that part of their first Proposition concerning the Disbanding according to your Instructions KING's Return to the Parliament You shall declare to His Majesty
Subjects of a future Peace and no ground left for the continuance or growth of these bloody Dissentions Northumberland W. Pierrepont W. Armyne J. Holland B. Whitelocke April 6. 1643. HIS Majesty desires to know from the Committee of both Houses whether they acquiesce with His Majesty's Replies to their Answers concerning His first Proposition which yesterday they received from Him and to which they have yet made no return His Majesty likewise desires to know whether they have yet received power and Instructions to treat with His Majesty concerning His Return to His two Houses of Parliament which is a part of the first Proposition of both Houses Falkland April 6. 1643. WE shall transmit Your Majesty's Replies to our Answers concerning Your first Proposition to both Houses of Parliament without farther Reply We likewise humbly answer that we have not received any power or Instructions to treat with Your Majesty concerning Your Return to Your two Houses of Parliament but we assure our selves they will give Your Majesty satisfaction therein Northumberland Joh. Holland Will. Pierrepont Will. Armyne B. Whitelocke April 7. 1643. HIS Majesty conceives His Answers already given for He hath given two to be very clear and significant And if the Conclusion of the present Treaty on His Majesty's first Proposition and the Proposition of both Houses shall be so full and perfectly made that the Law of the Land may have a full free and uninterrupted Course for the defence and preservation of the Rights of His Majesty both Houses and His good Subjects there will be thence a clear evidence to His Majesty and His good Subjects of a future Peace and no ground lest for the continuance and growth of these bloody Dissentions and it will be such a Conclusion as His Majesty intended His Majesty never intending that both Armies should remain undisbanded until all the Propositions of both sides were fully concluded But His Majesty is very sorry that in that point of the first Proposition of both Houses which hath seemed to be so much wished and which may be so concluded as alone much to conduce to the evidence desired viz. His Return to both Houses to which His Majesty in His Answer hath expressed Himself to be most ready whensoever He may do it with Honour and Safety they have yet no manner of power nor Instructions so much as to treat with His Majesty Falkland April 7. 1643. WE have not transmitted Your Majesty's Answer to the Proposition of Disbanding wherein Your Majesty mentions Your Self to be most ready to return to both Houses of Parliament whensoever you may do it with Honour and Safety for that we humbly conceive we were to expect Your Majesty's Answer to that Proposition this day received before we could give a due account thereof to both Houses of Parliament the which we will presently send away without farther Reply Northumberland J. Holland W. Pierrepont W. Armyne B. Whitelocke April 8. 1643. BY Instructions this day received from both Houses of Parliament we humbly conceive that we are to acquaint Your Majesty That they have taken into consideration Your Majesty's Answer to their Reasons concerning the Cessation wherein there are divers expressions which will occasion particular Replies which at this time they desire to decline their wishes and endeavours being earnestly bent upon the obtaining a speedy Peace for which cause they do not think good to consume any more of the time allowed for the Treaty in any farther debates upon the Cessation concerning which they find Your Majesty's expressions so doubtful that it cannot be suddenly or easily resolved and the remainder of the time for the whole Treaty being but seven days if the Cessation were not presently agreed it would not yield any considerable advantage to the Kingdom Wherefore we are required to desire Your Majesty to give a speedy and positive Answer to the first Proposition concerning the Disbanding that so Your Subjects may not only have a shadow of Peace in a short time of Cessation but the substance of it in such manner as may be a perpetual blessing to them by freeing the Kingdom from these miserable effects of War the effusion of English blood and defolation of many parts of the Land Northumberland Joh. Holland Will. Pierrepont Will. Armyne B. Whitelocke April 10. 1643. BY Instructions yesterday received from both Houses of Parliament we are commanded humbly to insist upon that part of the first Proposition of both Houses of Parliament concerning the Disbanding according to the Papers we have formerly presented to Your Majesty thereupon and we are humbly to acquaint Your Majesty That both Houses of Parliament do conceive Your Majesty's Answer concerning the Disbanding to be in effect a Denial unless they desert all those Cautions and Limitations which they have desired in their Answer to Your Majesty's first Proposition Northumberland Will. Pierrepont Joh. Holland Will. Armyne B. Whitelocke April 10. 1643. BY Instructions from both Houses of Parliament yesterday received we are commanded to declare unto Your Majesty the desire of both Houses for Your Majesty's coming to Your Parliament which they have often expressed with full offers of Security to Your Royal Person agreeable to their Duty and Allegiance and they know no cause why Your Majesty may not return thither with Honour and Safety but they did not insert it into our Instructions because they conceived the Disbanding of the Armies would have facilitated Your Majesty's Resolution therein which they likewise conceived was agreeable to Your Majesty's sense who in declaring Your consent to the order of the Treaty did only mention that part of the first Proposition which concerned the Disbanding and did omit that which concerned Your Majesty's coming to both Houses of Parliament Northumberland Will. Pierrepont Joh. Holland Will. Armyne B. Whitelocke April 14. 1643. HIS Majesty had great reason to expect that as He answered to every part of the first Proposition of both Houses so the Committee should likewise have had power and Instructions to Treat with His Majesty concerning both parts of the same nor had the Houses any reason to suppose their course agreeable to His Majesty's sense for His Majesty in declaring His consent to the order of the Treaty indeed mentioned their first Proposition by the style of the first Proposition which concerned Disbanding but did not style it that part of the first Proposition which concerned Disbanding as if He had meant to have excluded any part of that Proposition from being treated on He would and ought to have done But though His Majesty's Answers in the point of Disbanding and Return to His Parliament were as particular and as satisfactory as His Majesty had cause to make or could well give till this latter part were consented to be treated upon yet out of His great desire of Peace and of complying with both Houses His Majesty hath made a full and particular Answer and Offer to both Houses concerning as well the first part
heartily to wish that the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom may be the Rule of what is or what is not to be done but how little fruit hath been gathered from this Tree they say let the Experience of the last Eighteen years judge To this His Majesty replies That it is true in some sense they are willing these Laws should be His Rule that is that He go no farther though they will by no means allow Him to go near so far but almost all their Actions and most of their Demands and particularly these do sufficiently shew that they will not admit of these Laws and Statutes to be any Rule to them And how much better fruit they have graffed than they found growing and whether they have not made use of the Cure and Remedy of Grievances a Parliament to impose more of all kind of Grievances upon the People in eighteen Months than can be objected to his Majesty or Ministers upon the breach and in the Intermission of Parliaments during those eighteen years let Experience be Judge And it cannot but appear strange to His Majesty if any thing could still appear strange to Him that the Illegalities under which His Subjects suffered by some of His Ministers in some part of His Reign should be now and by them laid as a Charge upon Him when not only the People have suffered far greater Illegalities and Pressures upon the same if not less pretences by those who charge Him with them but when He hath by His Acknowledgments by His ample Satisfactions by the submitting the Offenders to Punishment how great or near so ever to Him and by His many and solemn Protestations given security to His People that they shall never suffer the like under Him and when they on the other side as good as profess to the People that they think themselves obliged to maintain and consequently are likely to continue what they have done because they have done it and that their Actions shall not be retracted lest some reflection or dishonour fall upon both Houses and lest they may seem to pronounce a sentence of injustice and rashness against themselves This being one of the Reasons given by them why they cannot re-admit the Members they have expelled And His Majesty is confident that His People when they shall consider both His Ministers Actions and theirs and after compare His Ingenuity with their Principles will easily conceive under whose Government they are most likely to return to the known Rule of the Law and to find that ease and to be continued in those Rights in and to which they were born and of the Exorbitance of whose Power they have most reason to have any Fears and Jealousies and against whom they have most reason to desire to be secured that they shall enjoy their Rights Nor do they with more colour oppose His Majesty's Limitations and Conditions than they defend their own They object against His Majesty's Demand or Limitation of being satisfied in His first Proposition That if His Ships Forts c. were to be delivered before disbanding it must after be left to the pleasure of the Papists and other evil Councellors about His Majesty whether thay would disband or not But His Majesty replies That He made not His Limitation in these terms As soon as His first Proposition should be wholly granted to Him but As soon as He should be satisfied in His first Proposition which left room enough upon debate to have agreed either upon the time of delivery or upon sufficient caution that after the delivery the disbanding should unavoidably follow Nor can His Majesty look upon this Objection otherwise than as a jest since if after the performance of part of the Conditions He had refused to perform the rest He is perswaded that so open a breach of Faith would have given them a far greater strength than they had parted with in the Ships and Forts and have raised against Him a far greater Army than He should have refused to disband They object against His Demand of the restitution of Members that in His Demand no distinction is made of Persons or Offences when the reason thereof is that really no distinction can be made they being all equally innocent and all equally injuriously expelled not only for committing no Crime but for that Duty and Loyalty which deserves both approbation and reward And if they could make any distinction in this point or any Objection in any other which might possibly have satisfied His Majesty why did they not continue the Treaty and there offer it to and debate it with His Majesty rather than break off the Treaty without giving any Answer to any part of His Majesty's Message and to turn themselves wholly to the People from whom no return could possibly be made that might be in order to Peace They object against the Reason of this Demand That these Members have been expelled only for adhering to His Majesty That the same Reason may be used for the Judges who adhered to Him by furnishing Him with great Sums by Illegal Judgments about Ship-Money and Monopolies and that He may as well require the Houses to repeal the Impeachments and Proceedings against them To which His Majesty replies That by never having appeared at all in the favour excuse or extenuation of the fault of those Judges who are to answer for any unjust Judgment in all which His Majesty left them wholly to their Consciences and whensoever they offended against that they wronged His Majesty no less than His People and by His being yet so careful of these Lords and Gentlemen it may appear that His Majesty conceives that those only adhere to Him who adhere to Him according to Law And whether the remaining part of the Houses be not more apt to repeal their own Impeachments and Proceedings against those Judges if they conceive they may be made of use and brought to adhere to them then His Majesty is to require they should may appear by their requiring in their Fourteen Propositions that Sir John Brampston impeacht by themselves of so gret Misdemeanors may be made Chief Justice and by their freeing and returning Justice Barkley accused by themselves of High Treason to sit upon the Bench rather than free and imploy Justice Mallet who was not legally committed at first but fetcht from the Bench to Prison by a Troop of Horse and who after so many Months Imprisonment remains not only unimpeacht but wholly without any knowledge of what Crime he is suspected They next object against the Persons in whose behalf the Demand is made And to this His Majesty replies That to shew how far He was from having raised this Army or from intending to imploy it to destroy this Parliament or the Act for the continuance thereof as is falsely and maliciously charged upon him to avoid the Objection made against him as if He only pretended to desire to rule by Law but would really be the only Judge of
and lastly whether the Doubt lest in any place out of London His Majesty should again come to the House of Commons with armed men upon what appearance of Right after what orders against his known Right and with how little either intention offer or colour of Violence He came thither having been shewed before can appear a sufficient Reason for their Resolution against such an Adjournment in order to the publick Peace and whether although there were no necessity of it but His Majesty's Desire Who out of compliance with them hath put the absolute Power out of His own hands not only of Adjourning the Parliament whither but of Dissolving it when He pleased it might not seem no unreasonable Request after so large a Grant Their third part is to prove His Majesty's aversion to Peace by several Circumstances The first is His having denied to receive their Petitions which His Majesty never did For if they mean which was all He ever did towards any refusal His refusing to receive any from or by any Person accused of High Treason by Him when they had other and more direct ways of sending to Him as they did then by the Earl of Essex if they had not gone out of their way out of desire to have it refused they may as well say He hath refused all that have ever since come to Him from them for He continued always to make that Exception and if their hope of present and total Victory had not made them insist upon that before Edge-hill which they quitted after the Petition offered to have been sent from my Lord of Essex from the head of his Army had been then received too by any other kind of hand though if His Majesty were rightly informed of the Contents of that Petition neither their offer of such a Petition could shew any inclination to Peace in them nor could His absolute resusal have shewed any aversion to it in His Majesty The second is That their Committee must not without a special safe Conduct and Protection from Him have Access to Him a Liberty incident to them not only as Members of the Parliament and employed by both Houses but as they were free-born Subjects To this His Majesty replies That He never denied their Committee to have access to Him without a safe Conduct nor did He ever so much as mention any to them The first motion concerning a safe Conduct was in a Letter from the Lord Grey of Wark Speaker pro tempore of the Lords House to either of His Majesty's Secretaries dated the third of Novemb. 1642. desiring one for that Committee which after attended His Majesty at Colebrook and the same was again desired for the Committee appointed to treat at Oxford by a Letter from the Earl of Manchester Speaker of the same House to the Lord Falkland dated the 28. of February And must it not seem strange to all the World that His Majesty's granting of that which both Houses in order to the Treaty ask'd of Him should be after charged upon Him as a provocation laid in the way to interrupt or break off the Treaty And since undoubtedly and that reasonably it would have been interpreted aversion in His Majesty from Peace if He had denied this when it was as'd His condition was very hard when it seems He could not either way have avoided this imputation whether he had denied or granted it But His Majesty desires His Subjects to consider the great difference between what His Majesty hath cause to complain of and what they do Master Alexander Hampden imployed by His Majesty with an Olive-branch a Message for Peace directed to both Houses inclosed in a Letter to the Speaker of the Lords House having His Majesty's pass testifying that He was so employed having delivered this Message to the Lords House and that House having received it as a gracious Message is committed by the House of Commons notwithstanding the liberty of access said to be incident to all free-born Subjects for not having a safe Conduct from their General upon pretence of an Order of that House but lately made and never past the Lords nor publish'd by themselves and notwithstanding that the Lords at a Conference desired the Messengers release upon the aforesaid reasons and that he was sent to them and that their own Messengers had divers times of late gone to Oxford in the same manner and none of His Majesty's had come otherwise yet the only Answer returned was That they would stand to their own Order Upon which His Majesty cannot but observe First that how great Authority soever both Houses expect to have with His Majesty yet one House hath but a little with the other Secondly That the Privilege of that House is as little considered as their Intercession since undoubtedly if the Lords who in many cases have power to commit which the House of Commons hath not over more than their own Members in any case but of breach of Privilege had committed a Messenger sent to the House of Commons especially from any to whose Messengers they paid half that respect which they owe to His Majesty's upon an Order only of their own House and having committed him without their consents should not release him at their desire it would have been look'd upon by them as no less a breach of Privilege than His Majesty's coming to their House Thirdly That by this His Majesty hopes that the Violent party doth now see better times are not far off since He is told by this very Declaration That evil Spirits do then rage most when they think they must be cast out The grounds of their third and fourth for such as have been taken notice of by the bye and replied to before need not to be repeated are these During the Treaty two Proclamations issued at Oxford against Associations and raising of Forces and Taxes by virtue of Ordinances in which His Majesty charges a Traitorous and Rebellious Army of Brownists Anabaptists and Atheists but not both Houses as for want of being charged they charge themselves to endeavour to take away His Life and the Religion and Laws of the Kingdom And some Letters were intercepted by which they say it probably appears to them that His Majesty had then designs upon Killingworth Scarborough and Bristol But His Majesty thinks it strange that it should be expected that this Treaty should have so much influence on one side and so little on the other that during the Treaty Taxes may be illegally laid and levied and His Majesty may not legally forbid them that Souldiers of the Earl of Essex his Army daily rail against Episcopacy break into Churches pull down Organs and Monuments tear Surplices and Common-Prayer-Books and His Majesty may not call them Brownists that that Army may go on daily during the Treaty in overt acts of Rebellion and Treason and it must be an Interruption of the Treaty in His Majesty to call them Rebels and Traytors that He may not
by His Majesty or us in order to Peace here being so great a Condescending from a King to Subjects all indifferent Advantages left to them both for time and place of Treaty and choice of Persons to Treat But what their Intentions to Peace are will appear by their Letter enclosed in one from their General to the Earl of Forth both which are as followeth My Lord I Am commanded by both Houses of Parliament to send a Trumpeter with the inclosed Letter to His Majesty which I desire your Lordship may be most humbly presented to His Majesty I rest Essex-House March 9. 1643. Your Lordships humble Servant Essex May it please Your MAJESTY WE the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England taking into our Consideration a Letter sent from Your Majesty dated the third of March instant and directed to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster which by the Contents of a Letter from the Earl of Forth unto the Lord General the Earl of Essex we conceive was intended to our selves have resolved with the concurrent advice and consent of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland to represent to Your Majesty in all humility and plainness as followeth That as we have used all means for a just and safe Peace so will we never be wanting to do our utmost for the procuring thereof But when we consider the Expressions in that Letter of Your Majesty's we have more sad and dispairing thoughts of attaining the same than ever because thereby those Persons now assembled at Oxford who contrary to their Duty have deserted Your Parliament are put into an equal Condition with it and this present Parliament convened according to the known and Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom the continuance whereof is established by a Law consented unto by Your Majesty is in effect denied to be a Parliament The Scope and Intention of that Letter being to make provision how all the Members as is pretended of both Houses may securely meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament Whereof no other conclusion can be made but that this present Parliament is not a full nor free Convention and that to make it a full and free Convention of Parliament the presence of those is necessary who notwithstanding that they have deserted that great Trust and do levy War against the Parliament are pretended to be Members of the two Houses of Parliament And hereupon we think our selves bound to let Your Majesty know That seeing the Continuance of this Parliament is settled by a Law which as all other Laws of Your Kingdoms Your Majesty hath sworn to maintain as we are sworn to our Allegiance to Your Majesty these obligations being reciprocal we must in duty and accordingly are resolved with our Lives and Fortunes to defend and preserve the Just Rights and full Power of this Parliament And do beseech Your Majesty to be assured that Your Majesty's Royal and hearty Concurrence with us herein will be the most effectual and ready means of procuring a firm and lasting Peace in all Your Majesty's Dominions and of begetting a perfect understanding between Your Majesty and Your People without which Your Majesty's most earnest Professions and our most real Intentions concerning the same must necessarily be frustrated And in case Your Majesty's three Kingdoms should by reason thereof remain in this sad and bleeding Condition tending by the continuance of this unnatural War to their Ruine Your Majesty cannot be the least nor the last Sufferer God in his goodness incline Your Royal Breast out of pity and compassion to those deep Sufferings of Your Innocent People to put a speedy and happy issue to these desperate Evils by the joynt Advice of both Your Kingdoms now happily united in this Cause by their late solemn League and Covenant Which as it will prove the surest Remedy so is it the earnest prayer of Your Majesty's Loyal Subjects the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England Westminster the 9 of March 1643. Gray of Wark Speaker of the House of Peers in Parliament pro tempore William Lenthall Speaker of the Commons House in Parliament Whosoever considers that this should be a Letter from Subjects might well think it very unbeseeming Language in them to call His Majesty's earnest endeavours for Peace but Professions and their own feigned pretence most real Intentions but much more menacing Language that is Majesty cannot be the least or last Sufferer which expressions from Subjects in Arms to their Soveraign what dangerous Construction they may admit we are unwilling to mention But we need not wonder at the manner of their expressions when we see in this Letter the Parliament it self as far as in them lies destroyed and those who here style themselves the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England not to resolve upon their Answer to their King without the concurrent advice and consent of the Commissioners as they call them of the Kingdom of Scotland If they had only taken the Advice of the Scotish Commissioners they had broken the Fundamental Constitution of Parliament the very Writs of Summons the Foundation of all Power in Parliament being in express terms for the Lords to treat and advise with the King and the Peers of the Kingdom of England and for the Commons to do and consent to those things which by that Common-Council of England should be ordained thereby excluding all others But their League it seems is gone further the Scots must consent as well as advise so that they have gotten a negative voice and they who in the former Letter would be the Kings only Council are now become no Council without the Scotish Commissioners The truth is they have besides the solemn League and Covenant with the Scots which their Letter mentions a strange and traitourous presumption for Subjects to make a Covenant and League with Subjects of another Kingdom without their Prince made private bargains with the Scots touching our Estates and a private agreement not to treat without their consent as some of themselves being afraid of a Treaty openly declared to the Common-Council of London And therefore 't is no wonder that being touched to the quick with the apprehension that they are not nor can be in this condition a full and free Convention of Parliament they charge us with deserting our Trust and would have us to be no Members of the Parliament They may remember it was our want of freedom within and the seditious Tumults without their many multiplied Treasons there and imposing traitourous Oaths which inforced our absence But concerning that and the want of freedom in Parliament we shall say no more here that being the Subject of another Declaration only we wish them to consider by what Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom which they have lately wrested to serve all turns they can exclude us from our Votes in Parliament who were duely summoned chosen and returned Members of Parliament and
well-affected to rise as one man and to come to the House of Commons next Morning for that 20000 Irish Rebels were landed which direction and information was likewise that day given in Pulpits by their Seditious Preachers and in some of those Papers were subscribed That the Malignant Party had over-voted the good and if not prevented there would be Peace the Propositions for Peace being the day before carried by nine and twenty Voices A Common-council was called late at night though Sunday and a Petition there framed against Peace which was the next morning brought to the House countenanc'd by Alderman Pennington a known Promoter and Governour of those Tumults and attended with a multitude of mean Persons who used Threats Menaces and Reproaches to the Members of both Houses Their Petition took notice of Propositions passed by the Lords for Peace which if allowed would be destructive to Religion Laws and Liberties and therefore desired an Ordinance according to the Tenor of an Act of their Common-council the night before Thanks was given them by the Commons whilst the Lords complained of the Tumults and desired a concurrence to suppress them and to prevent the like many of the People telling the Members of both Houses That if they had not a good Answer they would be there the next day with double the number By these Threats and Violence the Propositions formerly received were rejected and all thoughts of Peace laid aside Shortly after great numbers of Women resort to the House where the Commons sate with a Petition for Peace Troops of Horse were hereupon sent for who wound and kill several of the Women and disperse the rest Then special notice was taken of those Members who seemed most importunate and desirous of Peace and thereupon the late Covenant eagerly and severely pressed upon them By reason whereof and the other miscarriages whereby their freedom was absolutely taken from them divers of both Houses withdrew themselves And we must now appeal to all our fellow-Subjects of this Kingdom who have taken the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy who have any knowledge of the Rights Customs and Privileges of Parliament or of the Frame and Constitution of this Realm whether we or they have failed in our Duty to our King or Country and whether we have not in discharge of a good Conscience undergone the evils we have born And then we doubt not we shall not be thought less Members of Parliament though we are not at Westminster than if that City were in the possession of a Foreign Enemy Yet we confess the Place to be so material that if there were that Liberty and Freedom which is due to the Members and indeed is the life of Parliament the Act of those in the House being a lawful Act is the Act of the House though there were a greater number absent all who were of another opinion but in our case when we are by force driven away and by force kept away and when nothing can be said to justifie the Actions which are done but the Reputation and Number of the Actors we rely so much upon the understanding and honesty of our Country-men that they will believe when they see our concurrence and unanimity in Resolutions and Counsel for their Peace welfare and security as we are confident the number of those who concur in this Declaration is greater than hath concurred in most if not in any of those things of which we complain that it will be better for them to be advised by us at Oxford than by those at Westminster from whence we are absent only by reason of those Outrages and Violence offered to our Persons or our Consciences which takes away all Freedom and consequently all Authority from those Councils and where indeed these men ought not to undertake to act any thing till that Freedom and Liberty be restored to us who as long as this Parliament shall continue notwithstanding all the Votes of those who are guilty of Treason and Rebellion mustaccount our selves and shall be accounted by our Country the true and lawful Members of Parliament Having said thus much to undeceive our Brethren and that our fellow-Subjects may be no longer seduced to unlawful actions by colour and pretence of Parliament we shall briefly present to their view and consideration the danger and condition of His Majesty's Person His Honour and Rights the Religion and Liberty of the Kingdom the defence and maintenance of which those Persons with whom we cannot agree seem and pretend to undertake For their Care of the Honour and Safety of His Majesty's Person to the which we are so absolutely obliged and so solemnly sworn we shall need only to mention which we mention with great sadness of Heart and Horrour the taking by force His Majesty's Forts Towns Navy the assuming a power over the Militia of the Kingdom the denying his Majesty's Negative Voice the uncomely insolent and disloyal mentioning of His Majesty's Person the neglect contempt and violation of Leagues made by His Majesty with Foreign Princes in the Injuries and Affronts done to their publick Ministers and otherwise the transcendent presumption of sending Agents to Foreign Princes and in the Name of the States of England the traytourcus distinction between the Person of the King and His Office and declaring that an attempt upon His Life is not High-Treason which Doctrine is so much countenanced that Persons who have threatned to Kill the King having been complained of have been left unpunished and the Witnesses and Prosecutors threatned or discountenanced the raising an Army against Him and therewith giving Battle to His Person All which are known to be very unagreeable with the Affection Duty and Loyalty of Subjects and English-men Concerning Religion we cannot but with bleeding Hearts and trembling Souls consider the unheard-of Impieties and Prophanations exercised in Churches and Consecrated places the Countenance and licence given to scandalous debosh ignorant Lay-persons to Preach and exercise the Office of the Ministry the suppressing and cruel using and imprisoning in Gaols and on Ship-board Godly Learned Orthodox Divines famous and exemplary in their Lives and Doctrine the most eminent Assertors of the Protestant Religion against Popery and Innovations the scurrilous and scandalous reviling scoffing and suppressing the Book of Common-Prayer compiled by glorious Martyrs for the Protestant Religion established by Law and so long and so publickly used and acknowledged as an excellent and unparallel'd form of Devotion and Divine Service the suspending the execution of the Act of Parliament made in the first year of Queen Elizabeth of famous memory for Uniformity of Common-Prayer by an Order under the hand of a private Member of the House of Commons and that during the recess of both Houses the stirring up and inciting the People to Rebellion in Pulpits and which is the greatest Scandal and Reproach to the Protestant Religion that can be imagined the making Religion it self the ground and cause of Rebellion
the Trust reposed in them they having a Rule prescribed which they were not to transgress and being removable by both Houses of the Parliament of England and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively and being lyable for any miscarriage to severe punishment And as for their security who have been with His Majesty in this War an Act of Oblivion is desired to be passed whereby all His Majesty's Subjects in both Kingdoms would have been put in one and the same condition and under the same protection with some exceptions mentioned in those Propositions And if the Commissioners had been severally chosen the memory of these unnatural Divisions must needs have been continued and probably being severally named would have acted dividedly according to several Interests and the War thereby might be more easily revived Whereas the scope of the Propositions we have tendred was to take away occasions of future Differences to prevent the raising of Arms and to settle a firm and durable Peace And to your Lordships Objections that the Commissioners were to continue without any limitation of Time although the reasonableness thereof hath been sufficiently manifested to your Lordships yet out of most earnest desires of Peace we have proposed to your Lordships a time of seven years as is expressed in our Paper delivered to your Lordships the 21 st of this instant And for the peculiar Royal Power which your Lordships mention to reside in His Majesty concerning the Militia and to make Peace and War we cannot admit thereof or that it is otherwise exercised than by Authority from His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament of England and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively neither are the Commissioners to have power to make Peace or War but that is referred to the 23 d. Proposition to be Treated upon in due time And for the Navy and Fleet at Sea the principal means to maintain them is to be raised by the free gift of the Subjects out of Tonnage and Poundage and other payments upon Merchandice and the Navy and Fleet being a principal means of our security the reasons are the same for them as for the Militia by Land And for what your Lordships alledge concerning Sheriffs and Justices of Peace and other legal Ministers not to raise the Posse Comitatus or Forces to suppress Riots without being lyable to the interpretation of the Commissioners we say this is no part of the Militia to be exercised by the Commissioners but in executing of Justice and legal Process nor can be intended to be any disturbance but for the preservation of the Peace nor can their power of hearing and determining Civil Actions and differences be extended further than preservation of the Articles of the Peace to be made and as is clearly and plainly exprest in the 27 th Proposition And whereas we seek the Militia to be setled in the 15 th Proposition and the other parts of our Propositions in order to and for procuring of a Peace and which are necessary to a present Union your Lordships defer them until the Peace shall be established Which delay we hope upon second thoughts your Lordships will not judge to be reasonable And when your Lordships do take into serious consideration the great Calamities and how occasioned to say no more you cannot think but that we ought to be most careful of preventing the like for the future And seeing all we desire for these so important ends is limited to a few years we ought to insist upon such a remedy as may be a fitting cure and in so doing we hope we shall be justified before God and Man Wherefore we again most earnestly desire your Lordships as you tender the deplorable Estates of these bleeding Kingdoms the setling of Religion the Honour of His Majesty and the composing these miserable Distractions that your Lordships will give your full and clear Answer to our Demands concerning the Militia This last Paper was delivered about two of the clock when the Treaty was at that instant breaking up and at the same time the King's Commissioners had upon the like occasion of two Papers of theirs given in a little before concerning Ireland hereafter mentioned delivered in a Paper No. 179. that they might give Answer thereto the next day dated as of that day as had been formerly used which was not granted so that in Answer to this Paper so earnestly requiring an Answer in the Close thereof it was impossible to give in any Paper at the present neither would any be received but at present The Papers touching Ireland After the first six days of the Treaty spent upon Religion and the Militia according to the same order formerly proposed the Propositions concerning Ireland were next Treated upon the three days following beginning the 7th of February and the same was also taken up again the 18th of February for other three days Their Propositions touching Ireland 7. Feb. WE desire that an Act of Parliament be passed to make void the Cessation of Ireland and all Treaties with the Rebels without consent of both Houses of Parliament and to settle the Prosecution of the War of Ireland in both Houses of the Parliament of England to be managed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms and His Majesty to assist and to do no act to discountenance or molest them therein The King's Commissioners Paper 7. February VVE desire to know whether the Paper we have received from your Lordships contain in it all the Demands your Lordships are required by your Instructions to insist upon concerning Ireland which if it doth we are ready to enter upon that Debate but if it do not we then desire to receive all the Propositions your Lordships intend to make concerning Ireland together being confident that upon a whole view of the business we shall give you full satisfaction in that Argument Their Paper 7. February WE are to insist upon other things concerning Ireland which being part of other Propositions we conceive not so proper to give your Lordships till we have received your Answer to our Paper formerly delivered and are ready by present Conference to satisfie any Doubts that remain with your Lordships concerning that Paper Notwithstand they delivered in these further Papers and Propositions following Their Paper 7. Feb. WE desire that an Act be passed in the Parliament of both Kingdoms respectively to confirm the Treaty concerning Ireland of the 6 th of August 1642. which Treaty we herewith deliver and that all Persons who have had any hand in plotting designing or assisting the Rebellion of Ireland may expect no Pardon and their Estates to pay publick Debts and Damages and that the Commissioners to be nominated as is appointed in the 17 th Proposition may order the War of Ireland according to the Ordinance of the 11 th of April 1644. which we herewith deliver and to order the Militia and to conserve the Peace of the Kingdom of Ireland And that by
Forces raised for that Kingdom under the Command of the Lord Wharton against Us at Edge-hill which they deny not they fall to recriminate Us. They say They have mentioned particulars of Provisions for Ireland besides those few Cloaths taken near Coventry which being formerly answered by Our Commissioners they do not again urge asserted to be seised not without Our own knowledge and directions as they were informed This they had formerly alledged and Our Commissioners had answered as We do now that they have instanced no particulars at all of any such Provisions seised And whereas they say that Our forbearance to seise some Provisions which Our Commissioners alledged in Our greatest Wants We forbore to take though they lay in Magazines within Our own Quarters but took order to send away into Ireland was no excuse for seising others they misapply that to be an excuse which was alledged as an evidence that We seised none since We might in Our great Want have seised those if We had been minded to have seised any They say again the Service of that Kingdom was much prejudiced by denying the Lord Wharton ' s Commission of which they have not received satisfaction To this it hath been already answered that those Forces were raised for him before any Commission demanded from Us and that the Commission for him proposed to Us was to have been independent of the Lieutenant of that Kingdom Causes though not satisfactory to them yet sufficient in themselves to justifie Our refusal But besides these it is apparent the Army which was brought down against Us was then raising that the Lord Wharton was one of the most active in it and We had cause to be confident nor did he fail Us therein that what Forces he should raise for Ireland he would imploy against Us in England neither did that Service depend upon the Lord Wharton other able Officers were appointed over those Forces whom if they had as much affected that Service as the Person of the Lord Wharton they might have trusted with the Transport of them to Ireland where others of more Experience and fitter for Conduct than the Lord Wharton might have taken the charge of them They say further That it was one end for which the Cessatian was made that the Forces might be brought hither to Vs out of Ireland and imployed against the two Houses The bleeding Necessities of the poor English there which have been mentioned and whereof they cannot but be convinced will best speak the cause of that Cessation and the sight of those Soldiers half starved when they came over having neither Cloaths to their Backs nor so much as Shoes to their Feet nor any Pay to provide either will witness the Necessity of bringing them over when there was no subsistance for them in Ireland nor use for them there during the Cessation And for making use of them here how can they quarrel at Our imploying Our own English Soldiers who should otherwise have disbanded when they make use of an Army of Scots against Us They have been told that they brought over out of Ireland the Earl of Leven their General and divers Scotish Officers which they deny not and that before the English Forces brought over they attempted the bringing once the Scotish Forces in Ireland as likewise divers English Officers there into this Kingdom to which all the Answer given is that the Scotish Forces which came over were not sent for Which as it denies not what is objected so neither can it excuse their not sending them back to the Service of Ireland and imploying them here in an unnatural Rebellion against Us. But whatsoever their own acts or failings have been in this business of Ireland and though apparently the Necessities which caused the Cessation were occasioned by the two Houses yet rather than they shall be guilty of the blame and neglect therein Our People must be made to believe that either there were no such Necessities or when that is so apparent then that those Necessities were designed and contrived by a Popish and Prelatical Party prevalent with Us and the Supplies denied and stopped by Our self and so that it is reasonable for them to press and insist as they do with much fervour in their last Paper concerning Ireland upon their Demands for the settling of the prosecution of the War in themselves or the Scots excluding Us and that there shall be no further Cessation or Peace made there though the War should continue here to have the nomination of the Lieutenant and all the great Officers there and to have Us bound up to assent to whatsoever Acts they shall propose for Moneys or other necessaries for the prosecution of that War and if We agree not to these Propositions We are like to be charged with countenancing of that bloody Rebellion And therefore though the unreasonableness of those Propositions hath been fully lay'd open by Our Commissioners in their Paper yet because this of theirs is framed in Answer to those and the fervency and fluency of their expressions may make impressions on those who do not warily weigh the matter We shall examine what new inforcements they bring to make good those Demands The prosecution of the War there though it be demanded generally in the 13. Proposition to be settled in both the Houses of the Parliament of England to be managed by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms yet according to their seventeenth Proposition it is to be ordered according to the Ordinance of the 11. of April 1644. which is also proposed to be enacted By that Ordinance the Scotish General Leven is to command all the Forces in Ireland both English and Scotish and that War is to be managed by a joynt Committee to be named by the two Houses of England and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland and the Committees of each Kingdom is to have a Negative Voice They insisting to have the prosecution of the War thus settled Our Commissioners answered That this was in effect to deliver the Kingdom of Ireland into the hands of Our Subjects of Scotland and neither agreeable to the Rules of Honour or Prudence That it was unreasonable if the War continued here that We by Our consent to Act of Parliament for the managing of that War and raising Moneys for that purpose should put so great Power into their hands who during these Troubles may turn that Power against Us. And lastly that if the Distractions continued here the Forces and Wealth of this Kingdom would be so imployed at home that the prosecution of that War to the subduing of the Rebels was impossible but probably might be destruction of the remainder of Our good Subjects For the Power given to Our Scotish Subjects in that Kingdom Our Commissioners urged That General Leven being to Command all the Forces in Ireland and the Committee of Scotland having a Negative Voice upon difference of Opinion that War must either stand still to the Ruine
Table at Hampton-Court Nov. 11. 1647. CHALLES R. LIberty being that which in all Times hath been but especially now is the common Theme and Desire of all men common Reason shews That Kings less then any should endure Captivity And yet I call God and the World to Witness with what Patience I have endured a tedious Restraint which so long as I had any hopes that this sort of My Suffering might conduce to the Peace of My Kingdoms or the hindring of more effusion of Blood I did willingly undergoe But now finding by two certain proofs that this My continued Patience would not only turn to My Personal Ruine but likewise be of much more prejudice then furtherance to the Publick Good I thought I was bound as well by Natural as Political Obligations to seek my Safety by Retiring My self for some time from the publick View both of My Friends and Enemies And I appeal to all indifferent men to judge if I have not just cause to free My self from the hands of those who change their Principles with their Condition and who are not ashamed openly to intend the Destruction of the Nobility by taking away their Negative Voice and with whom the Levellers Doctrine is rather countenanced then punished and as for their intentions to My Person their changing and putting more strict Guards upon Me with the discharging most of all those Servants of Mine who formerly they willingly admitetd to wait upon Me does sufficiently declare Nor would I have this My Retirement misinterpreted for I shall earnestly and uncessantly endeavour the setling of a safe and well-grounded Peace where-ever I am or shall be and that as much as may be without the effusion of more Christian Blood for which how many times have I desired prest to be heard and yet no ear given to Me and can any Reasonable man think that according to the ordinary course of affairs there can be a setled Peace without it or that God will bless those who refuse to hear their own King Surely no. Nay I must further add that besides what concerns My self unless all other chief Interests have not only a hearing but likewise just satisfaction given unto them to wit the Presbyterians Independants Army those who have adhered to Me and even the Scots I say there cannot I speak not of Miracles it being in My Opinion a sinful presumption in such cases to expect or trust to them be a safe or lasting Peace Now as I cannot deny but My Personal Security is the urgent cause of this My Retirement so I take God to witness that the Publick Peace is no less before My Eyes and I can find no better way to express this My Profession I know not what a wiser man may do then by desiring and urging that all chief Interests may be heard to the end each may have just Satisfaction As for example the Army for the rest though necessary yet I suppose are not difficult to content ought in My Judgment to enjoy the Liberty of their Consciences have an Act of Oblivion or Indemnity which should extend to all the rest of My Subjects and that all their Arrears should be speedily and duly paid which I will undertake to do so I may be heard and that I be not hindred from using such Lawful and honest means as I shall chuse To conclude let Me be heard with Freedom Honour and Safety and I shall instantly break through this Cloud of Retirement and shew My self really to be Pater Patriae Hampton-Court 11. Novemb. 1647. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses with Propositions Novemb. 17. 1647. For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland CHARLES R. HIS Majesty is confident that before this time his two Houses of Parliament have received the Message which he left behind him at Hampton-Court the eleventh of this Month by which they will have understood the Reasons which enforced him to go from thence as likewise his constant endeavours for the setling of a safe and well-grounded Peace wheresoever he should be And being now in a place where he conceives himself to be at much more Freedom and Security then formerly he thinks it necessary not only for making good of his own Professions but also for the speedy procuring of a Peace in these languishing and distressed Kingdoms at this time to offer such grounds to his two Houses for that effect which upon due examination of all Interests may best conduce thereunto And because Religion is the best and chiefest foundation of Peace His Majesty will begin with that particular That for the abolishing Arch-bishops Bishops c. His Majesty cleary professeth that he cannot give his consent thereunto both in relation as he is a Christian and a King For the first he avows that he is satisfied in his Judgment that this Order was placed in the Church by the Apostles themselves and ever since their time hath continued in all Christian Churches throughout the World until this last Century of years and in this Church in all times of Change and Reformation it hath been upheld by the Wisdom of his Ancestors as the great preserver of Doctrine Discipline and Order in the Service of God As a King at his Coronation he hath not only taken a solemn Oath to maintain this Order but his Majesty and his Predecessors in their confirmations of the Great Charter have inseparably woven the Right of the Church into the Liberties of the rest of their Subjects And yet he is willing it be provided that the particular Bishops perform the several Duties of their Callings both by their personal Residence and frequent Preachings in their Dioceses as also that they exercise no Act of Jurisdiction or Ordination without the consent of their Presbyters and will consent that their Powers in all things be so limited that they be not grievous to tender Consciences Wherefore since his Majesty is willing to give ease to the Consciences of others he sees no reason why he alone and those of his Judgment should be pressed to a violation of theirs Nor can his Majesty consent to the Alienation of Church-Lands because it cannot be denied to be a sin of the highest Sacriledge as also that it subverts the intentions of so many pious Donors who have laid a heavy Curse upon all such profane violations which his Majesty is very unwilling to undergoe and besides the matter of Conscience His Majesty believes it to be a prejudice to the Publick good many of his Subjects having the benefit of renewing Leases at much easier Rates then if those Possessions were in the hands of private men not omitting the discouragement which it will be to all Learning and Industry when such eminent rewards shall be taken away which now lye open to the Children of meanest Persons Yet his Majesty considering the great present
That when his Majesty desires a Personal Treaty with them for the settling of a Peace they in Answer propose the very subject matter of the most essential part thereof to be first granted a thing which will be hardly credible to Posterity Wherefore his Majesty declares That neither the desire of being freed from this tedious and irksome condition of life his Majesty hath so long suffered nor the apprehension of what may befall him in case his two Houses shall not afford him a Personal Treaty shall make him change his Resolution of not consenting to any Act till the whole Peace be concluded Yet then he intends not only to give just and reasonable satisfaction in the particulars presented to him but also to make good all other Concessions mentioned in his Message of the 16. of Novemb. last which he thought would have produced better effects than what he finds in the Bills and Propositions now presented unto him And yet his Majesty cannot give over but now again earnestly presseth for a Personal Treaty so passionately is he affected with the advantages which Peace will bring to his Majesty and all his Subjects of which he will not at all despair there being no other visible way to obtain a well-grounded Peace However his Majesty is very much at ease within himself for having fulfilled the Offices both of a Christian and of a King and will patiently wait the good pleasure of Almighty God to incline the hearts of his two Houses to consider their King and to compassionate their fellow-Subjects miseries Given at Carisbrook-Castle in the Isle of Wight Decemb. 28. 1647. A Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament with the Resolutions of both Houses concerning the King Together with an Order for Imprisoning the Persons and Sequestring the Estates of any that shall act contrary to this Declaration and Resolutions Die Sabbathi 15. Januarii 1647. THE Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament after many Addresses to his Majesty for the preventing and ending this Unnatural War raised by him against his Parliament and Kingdom having lately sent Four Bills to his Majesty which did contain only matter of Safety and Security to the Parliament and Kingdom referring the composure of all other Differences to a Personal Treaty with his Majesty and having received an absolute Negative do hold themselves obliged to use their uttermost Endeavours speedily to settle the present Government in such a way as may bring the greatest Security to this Kingdom in the enjoyment of the Laws and Liberties thereof and in order thereunto and that the Houses may receive no Delays nor Interruptions in so great and necessary a Work they have taken these Resolutions and passed these Votes following viz. Resolved upon the Question THat the Lords and Commons do Declare That they will make no further Addresses or Applications to the King Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament That no Application or Address be made to the King by any person whatsoever without the leave of both Houses Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament That the person or persons that shall make breach of this Order shall incur the Penalties of High Treason Resolved upon the Question That the Lords and Commons do Declare That they will receive no more any Message from the King and do enjoyn that no person whatsoever do presume to receive or bring any Message from the King to both or either of the Houses of Parliament or to any other person Joh. Browne Cleric Parliamentorum H. Elsynge Cler. Parl. D. Com. Die Lunae 17. Januarii 1647. Ordered by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament That this Declaration and these Resolutions be forthwith printed and published and that the several Knights of the Shires and Burgesses that serve for the several Towns and places do send Copies of the same to the several Counties and places It is further Ordered That whatsoever person shall act contrary to this Declaration and Resolutions of Parliament or shall incite or encourage others so to do shall upon due proof thereof be Imprisoned and his Estate Sequestred and the Offenders in the premisses after publication hereof shall be within the several Ordinances of Sequestration And all Committees and Commissioners of Sequestrations are hereby authorized and required to take notice hereof and to proceed to Sequestration accordingly Joh. Browne Cleric Parliamentorum H. Elsynge Cler. Parl. D. Com. His MAJESTIES Declaration in Answer to the Votes of No further Address Carisbrook-Castle 18. Jan. 1647. To all My People of whatsoever Nation Quality or Condition AM I thus laid aside and must I not speak for my self No I will speak and that to all my People which I would have rather done by the way of my two Houses of Parliament but that there is a publick Order neither to make Addresses to or receive Message from me And who but you can be judge of the Differences betwixt me and my two Houses I know none else for I am sure you it is who will enjoy the happiness or feel the misery of good or ill Government and we all pretend who shall run fastest to serve you without having a regard at least in the first place to particular Interests And therefore I desire you to consider the state I am and have been in this long time and whether my actions have more tended to the Publick or my own Particular good For whosoever will look upon upon me barely as I am a Man without that Liberty which the meanest of my Subjects enjoys of going whither and conversing with whom I will as a Husband and Father without the comfort of my Wife and Children or lastly as a King without the least shew of Authority or Power to protect my distressed Subjects must conclude me not onely void of all Natural Affection but also to want common Understanding if I should not most chearfully embrace the readiest way to the settlement of these distracted Kingdoms As also on the other side do but consider the Form and draught of the Bills lately presented unto Me and as they are the Conditions of a Treaty ye will conclude that the same spirit which hath still been able to frustrate all My sincere and constant endeavours for Peace hath had a powerful influence on this Message for though I was ready to grant the Substance and comply with what they seem to desire yet as they had framed it I could not agree thereunto without deeply wounding my Conscience and Honour and betraying the Trust reposed in me by abandoning my People to the Arbitrary and unlimited power of the two Houses for ever for the levying and maintaining of Land or Sea-Forces without distinction of Quality or limitation for Money-Taxes And if I could have passed them in terms how unheard of a Condition were it for a Treaty to grant beforehand the most considerable part of the subject matter How ineffectual were that
we hold only to that which is the question in order to the Bill of Abolition For we humbly profess our readiness to serve Your Majesty in Answering these or any other questions within our proper cognisance according to the proportion of our mean abilities For Your Majesties Condescension in vouchsafing us the liberty and honour of examining Your learned Reply cloathed in such Excellency of Style and for Your exceeding Candour shewed to such men as we are and for the acceptation of our humble duty we render to Your Majesty most humble Thanks and shall pray That such a Pen in the hand of such Abilities may ever be employed in a Subject worthy of it That your Majesty would please to consider that in this point under debate Succession is not the best Clue and most certain and ready way to find out the Original for to go that way is to go the furthest way about yea to go backward and when You are at the Spring viz. the Scripture it self You go to the Rivers end that You may seek the Spring And that the Lord would guide Your Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament by the right hand of his Counsel and shew You a happy way of healing our unhappy Differences and of settling the Commonwealth of Jesus Christ which is the Church so as all the members thereof may live under You in all Godliness Peace and Honesty V. His MAJESTIES Final Answer concerning Episcopacy Nov. 1. MDCXLVIII WHat you have offered by way of Reply to His Majesties Second Paper of October 6. in yours of October 17. in order to the further satisfaction of His Conscience in the point of Episcopacy His Majesty heard when it was publickly read by you with diligent attention and hath since so far as His leisure would permit taken the same into his private and serious Consideration Wherein His Majesty not only acknowledgeth your great Pains and Endeavours to inform His Judgment acording to such perswasions as your selves have in the matter in debate but also taketh special notice of the Civility of your applications to Him both in the Body and Conclusion of your Reply yet He cannot but observe withall that in very many things you either mistake His meaning and purpose in that Paper or at least come not up fully enough thereunto in this Reply Which to have shown will sufficiently remonstrate your present Reply to be unsatisfactory in that behalf without making a particular Answer to every passage in it which to a Paper of that length would require more time than His Majesty can think fit amidst the present weighty affairs to allow unto a debate of this nature Especially since His Majesty hath often found mutual returns of long Answers and Replies to have rather multiplied disputes by starting new Questions than informed the Conscience by removing former Scruples As to the Scriptures cited in the Margin of His Majesties first Paper It being granted by you that those Scriptures did prove the Apostles and others being single Persons to have exercised respectively the several powers in the Paper specified which powers by your own confession in this Reply Sect. 7. a single Person who is but a mere Presbyter hath no right to exercise and it being withall evident that a Bishop in the Ecclesiastical sense and as distinct from a Presbyter layeth claim to no more than to a peculiar right in the exercise of some or all of the said Powers which a mere Presbyter hath not the Conclusion seemeth natural and evident that such a Power of Church-Government as we usually call Episcopal is sufficiently proved by those Scriptures As to the Bishops Challenge First when you speak of a Writ of partition you seem to take His Majesties words as if He had shared and cantoned out the Episcopal Office one part to the Bishops alone another to the Presbyters alone and you fall upon the same again afterwards Sect. 6. Whereas His Majesties meaning was and by His words appeareth so to have been that one part of the Office that of Teaching c. was to be common to both alike but the other part that of Governing Churches peculiar to the Bishop alone Secondly you infer from His Majesties words That the Bishops Challenge appeareth to be grown to more than was formerly pretended to Which inference His Majesties words by you truly cited if rightly understood will not bear For having proved from Scripture the power of Church-Government in all the three mentioned Particulars to have been exercised by the Apostles and others His Majesty said but this only That the Bishops challenge no more or other power to belong unto them in respect of their Episcopal Office than what properly falleth under one of these three The Words are true for he that believeth they challenge not so much might safely say they challenge no more But the Inference is not good For he that saith they challenge no more doth not necessarily imply they challenge all that In the power of Ordination which is purely spiritual His Majesty conceiveth the Bishops challenge to have been much-what the same in all times of the Church and therefore it is that the matter of Ordination is most insisted on as the most constant and most evident difference between Bishops and Presbyters especially after the times of Constantine which His Majesty by your relating to Chrysostom and Hierom taketh to be the same you call the times of Grown Episcopacy But His Majesty seeth no necessity that the Bishops challenge to the power of Jurisdiction should be at all times as large as the exercise thereof appeareth at some times to have been the exercise thereof being variable according to the various conditions of the Church in different times And therefore His Majesty doth not believe that the Bishops under Christian Princes do challenge such an amplitude of Jurisdiction to belong unto them in respect of their Episcopal Office precisely as was exercised in the Primitive times by Bishops before the days of Constantine The reason of the difference being evident That in those former times under Pagan Princes the Church was a distinct Body of it self divided from the Commonwealth and so was to be governed by its own Rules and Rulers the Bishops therefore of those times tho they had no outward coercive power over mens Persons or Estates yet inasmuch as every Christian man when he became a Member of the Church did ipso facto and by that his own voluntary act put himself under their Government they exercised a very large power of Jurisdiction in Spiritualibus in making Ecclesiastical Canons receiving Accusations conventing the Accused examining Witnesses judging of Crimes excluding such as they found guilty of scandalous offences from the Lord's Supper enjoyning Penances upon them casting them out of the Church receiving them again upon their Repentance c. And all this they exercised as well over Presbyters as others But after that the Church under Christian Princes began to be
is more than an even lay that they may one day see themselves punished by that way they offended Had this Parliament as it was in its first Election and Constitution sate full and free the Members of both Houses being left to their freedom of Voting as in all Reason Honour and Religion they should have been I doubt not but things would have been so carried as would have given no less content to all good men than they wished or expected For I was resolved to hear Reason in all things and to consent to it so far as I could comprehend it But as Swine are to Gardens and orderly Plantations so are Tumults to Parliaments and Plebeian Concourses to publick Counsels turning all into Disorders and sordid Confusions I am prone sometimes to think that had I called this Parliament to any other place in England as I might opportunely enough have done the sad Consequences in all likelihood with Gods Blessing might have been prevented A Parliament would have been welcom in any place no place afforded such confluence of various and vicious humours as that where it was unhappily convened But we must leave all to God who orders our Disorders and magnifies his Wisdom most when our Follies and miseries are most discovered But thou O Lord art my refuge and defence to Thee I may safely fly who rulest the raging of the Sea and the Madness of the People The floods O Lord the floods are come in upon Me and are ready to overwhelm Me. I look upon My Sins and the Sins of My People which are the tumults of our Souls against Thee O Lord as the just cause of these Popular inundations which Thou permittest to over-bear all the banks of Loyalty Modesty Laws Justice and Religion But Thou that gatheredst the waters into one place and madest the dry land to appear and after didst asswage the Flood which drowned the World by the word of thy power rebuke those Beasts of the People and deliver Me from the Rudeness and strivings of the Multitude Restore we beseech Thee unto us the freedoms of our Councels and Parliaments make us unpassionately to see the light of Reason and Religion and with all order and gravity to follow it as it becomes Men and Christians so shall we praise thy Name who art the God of Order and Counsel What man cannot or will not repress thy Omnipotent Justice can and will O Lord give them that are yet living a timely sense and sorrow for their great sin whom Thou knowest guilty of raising or not suppressing those Disorders Let Shame here and not Suffering hereafter be their Punishment Set bounds to our Passions by Reason to our Errors by Truth to our Seditions by Laws duly executed and to our Schisms by Charity that we may be as thy Jerusalem a City at unity in it self This grant O my God in thy good time for Jesus Christ's sake Amen V. Vpon His MAJESTIES passing the Bill for the Triennial Parliaments and after setling this during the pleasure of the Two Houses THAT the World might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first to contribute what in Justice Reason Honour and Conscience I could to the happy success of this Parliament which had in Me no other design but the general Good of my Kingdoms I willingly passed the BILL for Triennial Parliaments which as gentle and seasonable Physick might if well applied prevent any distempers from getting any head or prevailing especially if the Remedy proved not a Disease beyond all remedy I conceived this Parliament would find work with convenient recesses for the first three years but I did not imagine that some men would thereby have occasioned more work than they found to do by undoing so much as they found well done to their hands Such is some mens activity that they will needs make work rather than want it and chuse to be doing amiss rather than do nothing When that first Act seemed too scanty to satisfie some mens Fears and compass publick Affairs I was perswaded to grant that BILL of Sitting during the pleasure of the Houses which amounted in some mens sense to as much as the perpetuating this Parliament By this Act of highest Confidence I hoped for ever to shut out and lock the door upon all present Jealousies and future Mistakes I confess I did not thereby intend to shut My self out of doors as some men have now requited Me. True it was an Act unparallel'd by any of my Predecessors yet cannot in reason admit of any worse interpretation than this of an extreme Confidence I had that My Subjects would not make ill use of an Act by which I declared so much to trust them as to deny My self in so high a point of my Prerogative For good Subjects will never think it just or fit that My condition should be worse by my bettering theirs Nor indeed would it have been so in the events if some men had known as well with moderation to use as with earnestness to desire advantages of doing good or evil A continual Parliament I thought would but keep the Common-weal in tune by preserving Laws in their due execution and vigor wherein My interest lies more than any mans since by those Laws My Rights as a KING would be preserved no less than My Subjects which is all I desired More than the Law gives Me I would not have and less the meanest Subject should not Some as I have heard gave it out that I soon repented Me of that setling Act and many would needs perswade Me I had cause so to do but I could not easily nor suddenly suspect such ingratitude in men of Honour that the more I granted them the less I should have and enjoy with them I still counted My self undiminished by My largest Concessions if by them I might gain and confirm the love of my People Of which I do not yet despair but that God will still bless Me with increase of it when Men shall have more leisure and less prejudice that so with unpassionate representations they may reflect upon those as I think not more Princely than friendly contributions which I granted towards the perpetuating of their Happiness who are now only miserable in this That some mens ambition will not give them leave to enjoy what I intended for their good Nor do I doubt but that in Gods due time the Loyal and cleared affections of My People will strive to return such retributions of Honour and Love to Me or My Posterity as may fully compensate both the acts of My Confidence and My Sufferings for them which God knows have been neither few nor small nor short occasioned chiefly by a perswasion I had that I could not grant too much or distrust too little to men that being professedly My Subjects pretended singular Piety and Religious strictness The Injury of all Injuries is that which some men will needs load Me withal as if were a wilful and resolved Occasioner of
think in my Conscience to be against thy Glory the good of my Subjects and the discharge of my own duty to Reason and Justice Make Me willing to suffer the greatest Indignities and Injuries they press upon Me rather than commit the least sin against my Conscience Let the just Liberties of my People be as well they may preserved in fair and equal ways without the slavery of my Soul Thou that hast invested Me by thy Favours in the power of a Christian King suffer Me not to subject my Reason to other mens Passions and Designs which to Me seem unreasonable unjust and irreligious So shall I serve Thee in the truth and uprightness of my Heart tho I cannot satisfie these men Though I be driven from among them yet give Me grace to walk always uprightly before Thee Lead Me in the way of Truth and Justice for these I know will bring Me at last to Peace and Happiness with Thee though for these I have much trouble among men This I beg of Thee for my Saviours sake VII Vpon the QUEENS Departure and Absence out of ENGLAND ALthough I have much cause to be troubled at my Wifes departure from Me and out of my Dominions yet not her absence so much as the scandal of that Necessity which drives Her away doth afflict Me That She should be compelled by My own Subjects and those pretending to be Protestants to withdraw for her Safety This being the first example of any Protestant Subjects that have taken up Arms against their King a Protestant For I look upon this now done in England as another Act of the same Tragedy which was lately begun in Scotland the brands of that fire being ill quenched have kindled the like flames here I fear such motions so little to the adorning of the Protestant profession may occasion a further alienation of Mind and divorce of Affections in Her from that Religion which is the only thing wherein We differ Which yet God can and I pray he would in time take away and not suffer these practices to be any obstruction to her Judgment since it is the motion of those men for the most part who are yet to seek and settle their Religion for Doctrine Government and good Manners and so not to be imputed to the true English Protestants who continue firm to their former setled Principles and Laws I am sorry my relation to so deserving a Lady should be any occasion of her Danger and Affliction whose Merits would have served her for a protection among the savage Indians while their Rudeness and Barbarity knows not so perfectly to hate all Virtues as some mens Subtilty doth among whom I yet think few are so malicious as to hate Her for Her self The fault is That She is my Wife All Justice then as well as Affection commands Me to study Her Security who is only in danger for My sake I am content to be tossed weather-beaten and shipwrackt so as She may be in safe Harbor This comfort I shall enjoy by Her Safety in the midst of My Personal Dangers that I can perish but half if She be preserved In whose Memory and hopeful Posterity I may yet survive the Malice of My Enemies altho they should be satiated with my Blood I must leave her and Them to the Love and Loyalty of my good Subjects and to his Protection who is able to punish the Faults of Princes and no less severely to revenge the Injuries done to Them by those who in all duty and Allegiance ought to have made good that Safety which the Laws chiefly provide for Princes But common Civility is in vain expected from those that dispute their Loyalty Nor can it be safe for any relation to a King to tarry among them who are shaking hands with their Allegiance under pretence of laying faster hold on their Religion 'T is pity so noble and peaceful a Soul should see much more suffer the Rudeness of those who must make up their want of Justice with Inhumanity and Impudence Her sympathy with Me in my Afflictions will make her Virtues shine with greater lustre as Stars in the darkest nights and assure the envious world that She loves Me not my Fortunes Neither of Us but can easily forgive since We do not much blame the unkindness of the Generality and Vulgar for we see God is pleased to try both our Patience by the most self-punishing sin the Ingratitude of those who having eaten of our Bread and being enriched with our Bounty have scornfully lift up themselves against Us and those of our own Houshold are become our Enemies I pray God lay not their sin to their charge who think to fatisfie all obligations to duty by their Corban of Religion and can less endure to see than to sin against their Benefactors as well as their Soveraigns But even that Policy of my Enemies is so far venial as it was necessary to their designs by scandalous Articles and all irreverent demeanor to seek to drive Her out of my Kingdoms lest by the influence of her Example eminent for Love as a Wife and Loyalty as a Subject She should have converted to or retained in their Love and Loyalty all those whom they had a purpose to pervert The less I may be blest with her company the more I will retire to God and my own Heart whence no Malice can banish Her My Enemies may envy but they can never deprive Me of the enjoyment of her Virtues while I enjoy My self Thou O Lord whose Justice at present sees fit to scatter Vs let thy Mercy in the due time re-unite Vs on Earth if it be thy Will however bring Vs both at last to thy Heavenly Kingdom Preserve Vs from the hands of our despiteful and deadly Enemies and prepare Vs by our Sufferings for thy presence Tho We differ in some things as to Religion which is my greatest temporal Infelicity yet Lord give and accept the sincerity of our Affections which desire to seek to find to embrace every Truth of thine Let both our hearts agree in the Love of thy self and Christ crucified for us Teach Vs both what Thou wouldst have Vs to know in order to thy Glory our publick relations and our Souls eternal good and make Vs careful to do what good We know Let neither Ignorance of what is necessary to be known nor Vnbelief or Disobedience to what We know be our misery or our wilful default Let not this great Scandal of those my Subjects which profess the same Religion with Me be any hindrance to her love of any Truth thou wouldst have Her to learn nor any hardning of Her in any Error Thou wouldst have cleared to Her Let mine and other mens Constancy be an Antidote against the poyson of their Example Let the truth of that Religion I profess be represented to Her Judgment with all the beauties of Humility Loyalty Charity and Peaceableness which are the proper fruits and ornaments of it not
this That they would not suffer themselves to be over-aw'd with the Tumults and their Patrons nor compelled to abet by their suffrages or presence the designs of those men who agitated Innovations and Ruin both in Church and State In this point I could not but approve their generous Constancy and Cautiousness further than this I did never allow any mans refractoriness against the Priviledges and Orders of the Houses to whom I wished nothing more than Safety Fulness and Freedom But the truth is some men and those not many despairing in fair and Parliamentary ways by free deliberations and Votes to gain the concurrence of the major part of Lords and Commons betook themselves by the desperate activity of factious Tumults to sift and terrifie away all those Members whom they saw to be of contrary minds to their purposes How oft was the business of the Bishops enjoying their Ancient places and undoubted Priviledges in the House of Peers carried for them by far the major part of Lords Yet after five repulses contrary to all Order and Custom it was by tumultuary instigations obtruded again and by a few carried when most of the Peers were forced to absent themselves In like manner was the Bill against Root and Branch brought on by tumultuary Clamours and schismatical Terrors which could never pass till both Houses were sufficiently thinned and over-awed To which Partiality while in all Reason Justice and Religion my Conscience forbids Me by consenting to make up their Votes to Acts of Parliament I must now be urged with an Army and constrained either to hazard My own and My Kingdoms ruine by My Defence or prostrate My Conscience to the blind obedience of those men whose zealous Superstition thinks or pretends they cannot do God and the Church a greater service than utterly to destroy that Primitive Apostolical and anciently-Universal Government of the Church by Bishops Which if other mens Judgments bind them to maintain or forbid them to consent to the abolishing of it Mine much more who besides the grounds I have in My Judgment have also a most strict and indispensable Oath upon my Conscience to preserve that Order and the Rights of the Church to which most Sacrilegious and abhorred Perjury most unbeseeming a Christian King should I ever by giving My Consent be betrayed I should account it infinitely greater Misery than any hath or can befal Me inasmuch as the least Sin hath more evil in it than the greatest Affliction Had I gratified their Anti-episcopal Faction at first in this point with My Consent and sacrificed the Ecclesiastical Government and Revenues to the fury of their Covetousness Ambition and Revenge I believe they would then have found no colourable necessity of raising an Army to fetch in and punish Delinquents That I consented to the Bill of putting the Bishops out of the House of Peers was done with a firm perswasion of their contentedness to suffer a present diminution in their Rights and Honour for My sake and the Common-weals which I was confident they would readily yield unto rather than occasion by the least obstruction on their part any danger to Me or to My Kingdom That I cannot add my consent for the total Extirpation of that Government which I have often offered to all fit Regulations hath so much further tie upon My Conscience as what I think Religious and Apostolical and so very Sacred and Divine is not to be dispensed with or destroyed when what is only of civil Favour and priviledg of Honour granted to men of that Order may with their Consent who are concerned in it be annulled This is the true state of those Obstructions pretended to be in point of Justice and Authority of Parliament when I call God to witness I knew none of such consequence as was worth speaking of to make a War being only such as Justice Reason and Religion had made in My own and other mens Consciences Afterwards indeed a great shew of Delinquents was made which were but consequences necessarily following upon Mine or others withdrawing from or defence against Violence but those could not be the first occasion of raising an Army against Me. Wherein I was so far from preventing them as they have declared often that they might seem to have the advantage and Justice of the defensive part and load Me with all the Envy and Injuries of first assaulting them that God knows I had not so much as any hopes of an Army in my thoughts Had the Tumults been honourably and effectually repressed by exemplary Justice and the Liberty of the Houses so vindicated that all Members of either House might with Honour and Freedom becoming such a Senate have come and discharged their Consciences I had obtained all that I designed by my withdrawing and had much more willingly and speedily returned than I retired this being my Necessity driving the other my Choice desiring But some men knew I was like to bring the same Judgment and Constancy which I carried with Me which would never fit their Designs and so while they invited Me to come and grievously complained of my Absence yet they could not but be pleased with it especially when they had found out that plausible and popular pretext of raising an Army to fetch in Delinquents when all that while they never punished the greatest and most intolerable Delinquency of the Tumults and their Exciters which drave My self and so many of both Houses from their places by most barbarous indignities which yet in all Reason and Honour they were as loath to have deserted as those others were willing they should that so they might have occasion to persecute them with the Injuries of an Army for not suffering more tamely the Injuries of the Tumults That this is the true state and first drift and design in raising an Army against Me is by the sequel so evident that all other pretences vanish For when they declared by Propositions or Treaties what they would have to appease them there was nothing of consequence offered to Me or demanded of Me as any original difference in any point of Law or order of Justice But among other lesser Innovations this chiefly was urged The Abolition of Episcopal and the Establishment of Presbyterian Government All other things at any time propounded were either impertinent as to any ground of a War or easily granted by Me and only to make up a number or else they were merely consequential and accessary after the War was by them unjustly begun I cannot hinder other mens thoughts whom the noise and shew of Piety and heat for Reformation and Religion might easily so fill with Prejudice that all equality and clearness of Judgment might be obstructed But this was and is as to my best observation the true state of affairs between us when they first raised an Army with this design either to stop my mouth or to force my Consent And in this truth as to my Conscience who was God knows
I am afflicted by those whose Prosperity I earnestly desire and whose Seduction I heartily deplore If they had been my open and forein Enemies I could have born it bur they must be my own Subjects who are next to my Children dear to Me and for the restoring of whose Tranquility I could willingly be the Jonah if I did not evidently foresee that by the divided Interests of their and Mine Enemies as by contrary winds the storm of their Miseries would be rather encreased than allayed I had rather prevent my Peoples Ruine than rule over them nor am I so ambitious of that Dominion which is but my Right as of their Happiness if it could expiate or countervail such a way of obtaining it by the highest Injuries of Subjects committed against their Soveraign Yet I had rather suffer all the miseries of Life and die many Deaths than shamefully to desert or dishonourably to betray my own just Rights and Soveraignty thereby to gratify the Ambition or justifie the Malice of my Enemies between whose Malice and other mens Mistakes I put as great a difference as between an ordinary Ague and the Plague or the Itch of Novelty and the Leprosie of Disloyalty As Liars need have good memories so Malicious persons need good inventions that their Calumnies may fit every mans fancy and what their Reproaches want of truth they may make up with number and shew My Patience I thank God will better serve Me to bear and my Charity to forgive than my Leisure to answer the many false aspersions which some men have cast upon Me. Did I not more consider my Subjects Satisfaction than My own Vindication I should never have given the Malice of some men that pleasure as to see Me take notice of or remember what they say or object I would leave the Authors to be punished by their own evil Manners and seared Consciences which will I believe in a shorter time than they be aware of both confute and revenge all those black and false Scandals which they have cast on Me and make the world see there is as little truth in them as there was little worth in the broaching of them or Civility I need not say Loyalty in the not-suppressing of them whose credit and reputation even with the People shall ere long be quite blasted by the breath of that same fornace of Popular obloquy and detraction which they have studied to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamy and wherein they have sought to cast and consume my Name and Honour First nothing gave Me more cause to suspect and search My own Innocency than when I observed so many forward to engage against Me who had made great professions of singular Piety For this gave to vulgar minds so bad a reflection upon Me and My Cause as if it had been impossible to adhere to Me and not withal depart from God to think or speak well of Me and not to blaspheme him so many were perswaded that these two were utterly inconsistent to be at once Loyal to Me and truly Religious toward God Not but that I had I thank God many with Me which were both Learned and Religious much above that ordinary size and that vulgar proportion wherein some men glory so much who were so well satisfied in the cause of my Sufferings that they chose rather to suffer with Me than forsake Me. Nor is it strange that so religious Pretensions as were used against Me should be to many well-minded men a great temptation to oppose Me especially being urged by such popular Preachers as think it no sin to lye for God and what they please to call Gods Cause cursing all that will not curse with them looking so much at and crying up the goodness of the End propounded that they consider not the lawfulness of the Means used nor the depth of the Mischief chiefly plotted and intended The weakness of these mens Judgments must be made up by their Clamors and activity It was a great part of some mens Religion to scandalize Me and Mine they thought theirs could not be true if they cryed not down Mine as false I thank God I have had more tryal of his Grace as to the constancy of My Religion in the Protestant profession of the Church of England both abroad and at home than ever they are like to have Nor do I know any Exception I am so lyable to in their opinion as too great a Fixedness in that Religion whose judicious and solid grounds both from Scripture and Antiquity will not give My Conscience leave to approve or consent to those many dangerous and divided Innovations which the bold ignorance of some men would needs obtrude upon Me and My People Contrary to those well-tryed foundations both of Truth and Order which men of far greater Learning and clearer Zeal have setled in the Confession and Constitution of this Church in England which many former Parliaments in the most calm and unpassionate times have oft confirmed in which I should ever by Gods help persevere as believing it hath most of Primitive Truth and Order Nor did My using the assistance of some Papists which were my Subjects any way fight against My Religion as some men would needs interpret it especially those who least of all men cared whom they imployed or what they said or did so they might prevail 'T is strange that so wise men as they would be esteemed should not conceive that differences of perswasion in matters of Religion may easily fall out where there is the sameness of Duty Allegiance and Subjection The first they owe as Men and Christians to God the second they owe to Me in common as their KING Different professions in point of Religion cannot any more than in civil Trades take away the community of Relations either to Parents or to Princes And where is there such an Oglio or medly of various Religions in the World again as those men entertain in their service who find most fault with Me without any scruple as to the diversity of their Sects and Opinions It was indeed a foul and indeleble shame for such as would be counted Protestants to enforce Me a declared Protestant their Lord and King to a necessary use of Papists or any other who did but their duty to help Me to defend My self Nor did I more than is lawful for any King in such exigents to use the aid of any his Subjects I am sorry the Papists should have a greater sense of their Allegiance than many Protestant Professors who seem to have learned and to practise the worst Principles of the worst Papists Indeed it had been a very impertinent and unseasonable scruple in Me and very pleasing no doubt to My Enemies to have been then disputing the points of different Beliefs in My Subjects when I was disputed with by Swords points and when I needed the help of My Subjects as Men no less than their Prayers as Christians The
Images they should form and set up If there had been as much of Christs Spirit for Meekness Wisdom and Charity in mens hearts as there was of his Name used in the pretensions to reform all to Christs Rule it would certainly have obtained more of God's Blessing and produced more of Christs Glory the Churches good the Honour of Religion and the Unity of Christians Publick Reformers had need first act in private and practise that on their own hearts which they purpose to try on others for Deformities within will soon betray the Pretenders of publick Reformation to such private Designs as must needs hinder the publick good I am sure the right methods of Reforming the Church cannot consist with that of perturbing the Civil State nor can Religion be justly advanced by depressing Loyalty which is one of the chiefest Ingredients and Ornaments of true Religion for next to Fear God is Honour the King I doubt not but Christs Kingdom may be set up without pulling down Mine nor will any men in impartial times appear good Christians that approve not themselves good Subjects Christ's Government will confirm Mine not overthrow it since as I own Mine from Him so I desire to Rule for his Glory and his Churches good Had some men truly intended Christ's Government or knew what it meant in their hearts they could never have been so ill governed in their words and actions both against Me and one another As good Ends cannot justifie evil Means so nor will evil Beginnings ever bring forth good Conclusions unless God by a miracle of Mercy create Light out of Darkness Order out of our Confusions and Peace out of our Passions Thou O Lord who only canst give us beauty for ashes and Truth for Hypocrisie suffer us not to be miserably deluded with Pharisaical washings in stead of Christian Reformings Our greatest Deformities are within make us the severest Censurers and first Reformers of our own Souls That we may in clearness of Judgment and Vprightness of heart be a means to reform what is indeed amiss in Church and State Create in us clean hearts O Lord and renew right spirits within-us that we may do all by thy directions to thy Glory and with thy Blessing Pity the Deformities which some rash and cruel Reformers have brought upon this Church and State quench the fires which Factions have kindled under the pretence of Reforming As thou hast shewed the world by their Divisions and Confusions what is the pravity of some mens Intentions and weakness of their Judgments so bring us at last more refined out of these fires by the methods of Christian and charitable Reformations wherein nothing of Ambition Revenge Covetousness or Sacrilege may have any influence upon their counsels whom thy Providence in just and lawful ways shall entrnst with so great good and now most necessary a work That I and My People may be so blest with inward Piety as may best teach us how to use the Blessing of outward Peace XXI Vpon His MAJESTIES Letters taken and divulged THE taking of My Letters was an opportunity which as the malice of Mine Enemies could hardly have expected so they knew not how with honour and civility to use it Nor do I think with sober and worthy minds any thing in them could tend so much to My Reproach as the odious divulging of them did to the infamy of the Divulgers The greatest experiments of Virtue and Nobleness being discovered in the greatest advantages against an Enemy and the greatest Obligations being those which are put upon us by them from whom we could least have expected them And such I should have esteemed the concealing of My Papers The freedom and secrecy of which commands a Civility from all men not wholly barbarous nor is there any thing more inhumane than to expose them to publick view Yet since Providence will have it so I am content so much of My Heart which I study to approve to Gods Omniscience should be discovered to the world without any of those dresses or popular captations which some men use in their Speeches and Expresses I wish my Subjects had yet a clearer sight into My most retired Thoughts Where they might discover how they are divided between the Love and Care I have not more to preserve My own Rights than to procure their Peace and Happiness and that extreme Grief to see them both deceived and destroyed Nor can any mens Malice be gratified further by My Letters than to see My Constancy to my Wife the Laws and Religion Bees will gather Honey where the Spider sucks Poyson That I endeavour to avoid the pressures of my Enemies by all fair and just Correspondencies no man can blame who loves Me or the Commonwealth since My Subjects can hardly be happy if I be miserable or enjoy their Peace and Liberty while I am oppressed The World may see how some Mens design like Absolom's is by enormous Actions to widen differences and exasperate all Sides to such distances as may make all Reconciliation desperate Yet I thank God I can not only with Patience bear this as other Indignities but with Charity forgive them The Integrity of My Intentions is not jealous of any injury My Expressions can do them for although the confidence of Privacy may admit greater freedom in Writing such Letters which may be liable to envious exceptions yet the Innocency of My chief Purposes cannot be so stained or mis-interpreted by them as not to let all men see that I wish nothing more than an happy composure of Differences with Justice and Honour not more to My own than My Peoples content who have any sparks of Love or Loyalty left in them who by those My Letters may be convinced that I can both mind and act My own and My Kingdoms Affairs so as becomes a Prince which Mine Enemies have always been very loth should be believed of Me as if I were wholly confined to the Dictates and Directions of others whom they please to brand with the name of Evil Counsellors It 's probable some men will now look upon Me as My own Counsellor and having none else to quarrel with under that notion they will hereafter confine their anger to My self Altho I know they are very unwilling I should enjoy the liberty of My own Thoughts or follow the light of My own Conscience which they labour to bring into an absolute captivity to themselves not allowing Me to think their Counsels to be other than good for Me which have so long maintained a War against Me. The Victory they obtained that day when My Letters became their prize had been enough to have satiated the most ambitious thirst of Popular glory among the Vulgar with whom Prosperity gains the greatest esteem and applause as Adversity exposeth to their greatest slighting and disrespect As if good fortune were always the shadow of Virtue and Justice and did not oftner attend Vicious and Injurious actions as to this world But
by the unparallel'd prosperity of Solomon's Court and so corrupted to the great diminution both for Peace Honour and Kingdom by those Flatteries which are as unseparable from prosperous Princes as Flies are from Fruit in Summer whom Adversity like cold weather drives away I had rather You should be Charles le Bon than le Grand Good than Great I hope God hath designed You to be both having so early put You into that exercise of his Graces and Gifts bestowed upon You which may best weed out all vicious inclinations and dispose You to those Princely Endowments and Employments which will most gain the love and intend the welfare of those over whom God shall place You. With God I would have You begin and end who is King of Kings the Soveraign Disposer of the Kingdoms of the world who pulleth down one and setteth up another The best Government and highest Soveraignty You can attain to is to be subject to Him that the Scepter of his Word and Spirit may rule in your Heart The true Glory of Princes consists in advancing God's Glory in the maintenance of true Religion and the Churches good also in the dispensation of Civil Power with Justice and Honour to the publick Peace Piety will make You prosperous at least it will keep You from being miserable nor is he much a loser that loseth all yet saveth his own Soul at last To which center of true Happiness God I trust hath and will graciously direct all these black lines of Affliction which he hath been pleased to draw on Me and by which he hath I hope drawn Me nearer to Himself You have already tasted of that Cup whereof I have liberally drank which I look upon as God's Physick having that in Healthfulness which it wants in Pleasure Above all I would have You as I hope You are already well grounded and setled in your Religion the best Profession of which I have ever esteemed that of the Church of England in which You have been educated Yet I would have your own Judgment and Reason now seal to that sacred Bond which Education hath written that it may be judiciously your own Religion and not other mens Custom or Tradition which You profess In this I charge You to persevere as coming nearest to God's Word for Doctrine and to the Primitive examples for Government with some little Amendment which I have other-where expressed and often offered tho in vain Your fixation in matters of Religion will not be more necessary for your Souls than your Kingdoms Peace when God shall bring You to them For I have observed that the Devil of Rebellion doth commonly turn himself into an Angel of Reformation and the old Serpent can pretend new Lights When some mens Consciences accuse them for Sedition and Faction they stop its mouth with the name and noise of Religion when Piety pleads for Peace and Patience they cry out Zeal So that unless in this point You be well setled You shall never want temptations to destroy You and Yours under pretensions of Reforming matters of Religion for that seems even to worst men as the best and most auspicious beginning of their worst Designs Where besides the Novelty which is taking enough with the Vulgar every one hath an affectation by seeming forward to an outward Reformation of Religion to be thought Zealous hoping to cover those Irreligious deformities whereto they are conscious by a severity of censuring other mens opinions or actions Take heed of abetting any Factions or applying to any publick Discriminations in matters of Religion contrary to what is in your Judgment and the Church well setled Your partial adhering as Head to any one side gains You not so great advantages in some men hearts who are prone to be of their King's Religion as it loseth You in others who think themselves and their profession first despised then persecuted by You. Take such a course as may either with Calmness and Charity quite remove the seeming differences and offences by impartiality or so order affairs in point of Power that You shall not need to fear or flatter any Faction For if ever You stand in need of them or must stand to their courtesie You are undone The Serpent will devour the Dove You may never expect less of Loyalty Justice or Humanity than from those who engage into Religious Rebellion Their Interest is always made God's under the colours of Piety ambitious Policies march not only with greatest security but applause as to the populacy You may hear from them Jacob's voice but You shall feel they have Esau's hands Nothing seemed less considerable than the Presbyterian Faction in England for many years so compliant they were to publick Order nor indeed was their Party great either in Church or State as to mens Judgments But as soon as Discontents drave men into Sidings as ill Humors fall to the disaffected part which causes Inflammations so did all at first who affected any Novelties adhere to that Side as the most remarkable and specious note of difference then in point of Religion All the lesser Factions at first were officious Servants to Presbytery their great Master till Time and Military success discovering to each their peculiar Advantages invited them to part stakes and leaving the joynt stock of Uniform Religion pretended each to drive for their Party the trade of Profits and Preferments to the breaking and undoing not only of the Church and State but even of Presbytery it self which seemed and hoped at first to have ingrossed all Let nothing seem little or despicable to You in matters which concern Religion and the Churches Peace so as to neglect a speedy reforming and effectual suppressing Errors and Schisms which seem at first but as a hand-breadth yet by Seditious Spirits as by strong winds are soon made to cover and darken the whole Heaven When You have done Justice to God Your own Soul and his Church in the profession and preservation both of Truth and Unity in Religion the next main hinge on which Your Prosperity will depend and move is that of Civil Justice wherein the setled Laws of these Kingdoms to which You are rightly Heir are the most excellent Rules You can Govern by which by an admirable temperament give very much to Subjects Industry Liberty and Happiness and yet reserve enough to the Majesty and Prerogative of any King who owns his People as Subjects not as Slaves whose Subjection as it preserves their Property Peace and Safety so it will never diminish Your Rights nor their ingenuous Liberties which consist in the enjoyment of the fruits of their Industry and the benefit of those Laws to which themselves have consented Never charge Your head with such a Crown as shall by its heaviness oppress the whole Body the weakness of whose parts cannot return any thing of strength honour or safety to the Head but a necessary debilitation and Ruin Your Prerogative is best shewed and exercised in remitting
intended do You perform when God shall give you Power Much Good I have offered more I purposed to Church and State if Times had been capable of it The deception will soon vanish and the Vizards will fall off apace This mask of Religion on the face of Rebellion for so it now plainly appears since My Restraint and cruel Usage that they fought not for Me as was pretended will not long serve to hide some mens Deformities Happy times I hope attend You wherein Your Subjects by their Miseries will have learned That Religion to their God and Loyalty to their King cannot be parted without both their Sin and their Infelicity I pray God bless You and establish Your Kingdoms in Righteousness Your Soul in true Religion and Your Honour in the Love of God and Your People And if God will have Disloyalty perfected by My Destruction let My Memory ever with My Name live in You as of Your Father that loves You and once a KING of Three flourishing Kingdoms whom God thought fit to honour not only with the Scepter and Government of them but also with the suffering many indignities and an untimely Death for them while I studied to preserve the rights of the Church the power of the Laws the Honour of My Crown the Priviledg of Parliaments the Liberties of My People and My own Conscience which I thank God is dearer to Me than a thousand Kingdoms I know God can I hope he yet will restore Me to My Rights I cannot despair either of his Mercy or of My Peoples Love and Pity At worst I trust I shall but go before You to a better Kingdom which God hath prepared for Me and Me for it through My Saviour Jesus Christ to whose Mercies I commend You and all Mine Farewell till We meet if not on Earth yet in Heaven XXVIII Meditations upon Death after the Votes of Non-addresses and His MAJESTIES closer Imprisonment in Carisbrook-Castle AS I have leisure enough so I have cause more than enough to meditate upon and prepare for my Death for I know there are but few steps between the Prisons and Graves of Princes It is God's Indulgence which gives Me the space but Man's Cruelty that gives Me the sad occasions for these thoughts For besides the common burthen of Mortality which lies upon Me as a Man I now bear the heavy load of other mens Ambitions Fears Jealousies and cruel Passions whose Envy or Enmity against Me makes their own lives seem deadly to them while I enjoy any part of Mine I thank God My Prosperity made Me not wholly a stranger to the contemplations of Mortality Those are never unseasonable since this is always uncertain Death being an Eclipse which oft happeneth as well in clear as cloudy days But My now long and sharp Adversity hath so reconciled in Me those natural Antipathies between Life and Death which are in all men that I thank God the common terrors of it are dispelled and the special horror of it as to My particular much allayed for altho My Death at present may justly be represented to Me with all those terrible aggravations which the policy of Cruel and Implacable enemies can put upon it affairs being drawn to the very dregs of Malice yet I bless God I can look upon all those stings as unpoisonous tho sharp since My Redeemer hath either pulled them out or given Me the Antidote of his Death against them which as to the Immaturity Unjustice Shame Scorn and Cruelty of it exceeded whatever I can fear Indeed I never did find so much the Life of Religion the Feast of a good Conscience and the brazen wall of a judicious Integrity and Constancy as since I came to these closer conflicts with the thoughts of Death I am not so old as to be weary of Life nor I hope so bad as to be either afraid to dye or ashamed to live true I am so afflicted as might make Me sometime even desire to dye if I did not consider that it is the greatest glory of a Christians life to die daily in conquering by a lively Faith and patient Hopes of a better life those partial and quotidian deaths which kill us as it were by piece-meals and make us overlive our own fates while we are deprived of Health Honour Liberty Power Credit Safety or Estate and those other Comforts of dearest relations which are as the Life of our lives Tho as a KING I think My self to live in nothing temporal so much as in the Love and good will of My People for which as I have suffered many deaths so I hope I am not in that point as yet wholly dead notwithstanding My Enemies have used all the poison of Falsity and violence of Hostility to destroy first the Love and Loyalty which is in my Subjects and then all that content of Life in Me which from these I chiefly enjoyed Indeed they have left Me but little of Life and only the husk and shell as it were which their further Malice and Cruelty can take from Me having bereaved Me of all those worldly Comforts for which Life it self seems desirable to men But O my Soul think not that life too long or tedious wherein God gives Thee any opportunities if not to do yet to suffer with such Christian Patience and Magnanimity in a good Cause as are the greatest Honour of our lives and the best improvement of our Deaths I knows that in point of true Christian Valour it argues Pusillanimity to desire to dye out of weariness of life and a want of that heroick greatness of spirit which becomes a Christian in the patient and generous sustaining those Afflictions which as shadows necessarily attend us while we are in this Body and which are lessened or enlarged as the Sun of our Prosperity moves higher or lower whose total absence is best recompenced with the dew of Heaven The assaults of Affliction may be terrible like Sampsom's Lion but they yield much sweetness to those that dare to encounter and overcome them who know how to overlive the witherings of their Gourds without discontent or peevishness while they may yet converse with God That I must dye as a man is certain that I may dye a King by the hands of my own Subjects a violent sudden and barbarous death in the strength of my years in the midst of my Kingdoms my Friends and loving Subjects being helpless Spectators my Enemies insolent Revilers and Triumphers over me living dying and dead is so probable in humane reason that God hath taught Me not to hope otherwise as to mans Cruelty however I despair not of God's infinite Mercy I know my Life is the object of the Devils and Wicked mens Malice but yet under God's sole custody and disposal whom I do not think to flatter for longer Life by seeming prepared to die but I humbly desire to depend upon him and to submit to his will both in life and death in what order soever he
is pleased to lay them out to Me. I confess it is not easie for Me to contend with those many horrors of Death wherewith God suffers Me to be tempted which are equally horrid either in the suddenness of a Barbarous Assassination or in those greater Formalities whereby my Enemies being more solemnly cruel will it may be seek to add as those did who crucified Christ the Mockery of Justice to the Cruelty of Malice That I may be destroyed as with greater Pomp and artifice so with less Pity it will be but a necessary policy to make my Death appear as an act of Justice done by Subjects upon their Soveraign who know that no Law of God or Man invests them with any power of Judicature without Me much less against Me and who being sworn and bound by all that is Sacred before God and Man to endeavour my preservation must pretend Justice to cover their Perjury It is indeed a sad fate for any man to have his Enemies to be his Accusers Parties and Judges but most desperate when this is acted by the insolence of Subjects against their Soveraign wherein those who have had the chiefest hand and are most guilty of contriving the publick Troubles must by shedding My Blood seem to wash their own hands of that innocent blood whereof they are now most evidently guilty before God and man and I believe in their own Consciences too while they carried on unreasonable demands first by tumults after by Armies Nothing makes mean spirits more cowardly-cruel in managing their usurped power against their lawful Superiors than this the Guilt of their unjust Vsurpation notwithstanding those specious and popular pretensions of Justice against Delinquents applied only to disguise at first the monstrousness of their designs who despaired indeed of possessing the power and profits of the Vineyard till the Heir whose right it is be cast out and slain With them my greatest Fault must be that I would not either destroy My self with the Church and State by my word or not suffer them to do it unresisted by the Sword whose covetous Ambition no Concessions of Mine could ever yet either satisfie or abate Nor is it likely they will ever think that Kingdom of Brambles which some men seek to erect at once weak sharp and fruitless either to God or man is like to thrive till watered with the Royal Blood of those whose right the Kingdom is Well God's will be done I doubt not but my innocency will find him both my Protector and my Advocate who is my onely Judge whom I own as King of Kings not onely for the eminency of his Power and Majesty above them but also for that singular Care and Protection which he hath over them who knows them to be exposed to as many Dangers being the greatest Patrons of Law Justice Order and Religion on Earth as there be either Men or Devils which love Confusion Nor will he suffer those men long to prosper in their Babel who build it with the Bones and cement it with the Blood of their KINGS I am confident they will find Avengers of my Death among themselves the Injuries I have sustained from them shall be first punished by them who agreed in nothing so much as in opposing Me. Their impatience to bear the loud cry of my Blood shall make them think no way better to expiate it then by Shedding theirs who with them most thirsted after Mine The sad Confusions following my Destruction are already presaged and confirmed to Me by those I have lived to see since my Troubles in which God alone who onely could hath many ways pleaded my Cause not suffering them to go unpunished whose confedaracy in Sin was their only Security who have cause to fear that God will both further divide and by mutual Vengeance afterward destroy them My greatest conquest of Death is from the Power and Love of Christ who hath swallow'd up Death in the Victory of his Resurrection and the glory of his Ascension My next Comfort is That he gives Me not only the Honour to imitate his Example in suffering for Righteousness sake though obscured by the foulest charges of Tyranny and Injustice but also that Charity which is the noblest Revenge upon and Victory over my Destroyers by which I thank God I can both forgive them and pray for them that God would not impute my Blood to them further than to convince them what need they have of Christs Blood to wash their Souls from the guilt of shedding Mine At present the Will of my Enemies seems to be their only rule their Power the measure and their Success the exactor of what they please to call Justice while they flatter themselves with the fancy of their own Safety by My Danger and the security of their Lives and Designs by My Death forgetting that as the greatest temptations to Sin are wrapped up in seeming Prosperities so the severest Vengeances of God are then most accomplished when men are suffered to compleat their wicked purposes I bless God I pray not so much that this bitter cup of a Violent Death may pass from Me as that of his Wrath may pass from all those whose hands by deserting Me are sprinkled or by acting and consenting to my Death are embrued with my Blood The will of God hath confined and concluded Mine I shall have the pleasure of dying without any pleasure of desired Vengeance This I think becomes a Christian toward his Enemies and a King toward his Subjects They cannot deprive Me of more than I am content to lose when God sees fit by their hands to take it from Me whose Mercy I believe will more than infinitely recompence whatever by mans Injustice he is pleased to deprive me of The glory attending my Death will far surpass all I could enjoy or conceive in Life I shall not want the heavy and envied Crowns of this world when my God hath mercifully crowned and consummated his Graces with Glory and exchanged the shadows of my Earthly Kingdoms among men for the substance of that Heavenly Kingdom with Himself For the censures of the world I know the sharp and necessary Tyranny of my Destroyers will sufficienly confute the Calumnies of Tyranny against Me I am perswaded I am happy in the judicious Love of the ablest and best of my Subjects who do not only pity and pray for Me but would be content even to die with Me or for Me. These know how to excuse my Failings as a man and yet to retain and pay their Duty to Me as their KING there being no Religious necessity binding any Subjects by pretending to punish infinitely to exceed the faults and errors of their Princes especially there where more than sufficient Satisfaction hath been made to the publick the enjoyment of which private Ambitions have hitherto frustrated Others I believe of softer tempers and less advantaged by My Ruin do already feel sharp Convictions and some remorse in their Consciences where they