to the places of daunger as might bee answerable to the importance thereof for my meaning is not to lodge them close together but to stretch them out along the coast by regiments and companies as the country might affoord best oportunity to entertaine them Now concerning the latter part of this obiection which vrgeth the vncertainty of time when the enemy shall make his approches I holde it most requisite that our defensiue forces should be drawne into a heade before the enemy should be discouered neere our coast ready to put himselfe on shoare for it were a grosse absurdity to imagine that companies coulde vppon such a sodaine be assembled without confusion and make so long a march with such expedition as the necessity of the occasion would require Nowe for that husbanding respect of her Maiesties coffers which is vrged to such extremity as it would be vnsupportable for this state to beare as I doubt not but good intelligence would much qualifie that supposed immoderate expence so I assure my selfe that men of sound iudgement will deeme it much out of season to dispute about vnnecessary thrift when the whole kingdome is brought in question of being made subiect to a stranger Vt iugulent homines surgunt de nocte latrones Non expergesceris vt te ipsum serues the enemy peraduenture hath kept 30000. men in paie 2. months before to make hauocke of our countrey and to bring vs into perpetuall thraldome shal we thinke it much to maintaine sufficient forces vppon our coast to assure our selues that no such enemy shall enter into our countrey the extremity of this charge woulde bee qualified by our good espiall which would proportion our attendance with the necessity which is imposed vpon vs to bee carefull in businesses of this nature Let this suffice therefore to proue that our forces are sufficient to keepe the sea cost and that the vncertainty of time when the enemy will make his attempts ought not to hinder vs from performing that dutie which the care and respect of our Prince and countrey imposeth vpon euerie good subiect which is the substance of the first reason which I set downe in the beginning of this discourse Now concerning the second reason which vrgeth the disaduantage of the place in regarde of the fury of the enemies artillery True it is that such places as yeelde the enemy commodity of landing are for the most parte plaine and open and affoord naturally no couert at all What then shall a soldiour take euery place as hee findeth it and vse no arte to qualifie the disaduantages thereof or shall a man forgo the benefit of a place of aduantage rather then hee will relieue with industry the discommoditie of some particular circumstance I make no question but an ingenious commander being in seasonable time lodged with conuenient forces vpon any of those places yea vppon the beach it selfe which is vnapt to make defensible as anie place whatsoeuer woulde vse such industrie as might giue sufficient securitie to his forces and ouerwaie the enemie with aduantage of place especially considering that this age hath affoorded such plentifull examples of admirable inuentions in that behalfe but this cannot be done if our forces doe not make head before the instant of the enemies attempt that our commanders may haue some time to make readie store of Gabions handbaskets with such moueable matter as shal be thought fit for that seruice Neither let this trouble anie man for I dare auouch it that if our forces are not drawne into a heade before the enemie bee discouered vppon the coast although wee neuer meane to oppose their landing but attende them in some inlande place to giue them battaile our Commanders will bee farre to seeke of manie important circumstances which are requisite in a matter of that consequence And therefore let vs haue but a reasonable time to bethinke our selues of these necessaries and we will easilie ouercome all these difficulties and vse the benefit of the firme lande to repell an enemie weakened with the sea tossed with the billow troubled with his weapons with manie other hinderances and discouragementes which are presented vnto him both from the land and the sea He that saw the landing of our forces in the Iland of Fiall in the yeere 97. can somewhat iudge of the difficulty of that matter for what with the working of the sea the steepnesse of the cliffes the troublesomnes of their armes the soldiors were so incombred that had not the enemie beene more then a coward he might wel with 200. men haue kept vs from entering any part of that Iland Concerning the thirde obiection this briefelie shall bee sufficient that wee are not so much to regarde that our forces doe equall them in number as to see that they bee sufficient for the nature of the place to make it good against the enemies landing for wee knowe that in places of aduantage and difficult accesse a small number is able to oppose a great and wee doubt not but all circumstances duelie considered wee shall proportionablie equall the enemie both in number and qualitie of their forces alwaies presupposed that our state shall neuer bee destitute of sufficient forces trained and exercised in a competent maner to defende their Countrey from forraine enemies For the neglect thereof were to drawe on such as of themselues are but too forwarde to make a praie of vs and to make vs vnapt not onelie to oppose an enemies landing but to defende our selues from beeing ouerrunne as other nations liuing in security without due regarde thereof haue beene And this much concerning the answere to those three reasons which seeme to prooue that an enemie is not to bee resisted at his landing Nowe if we do but looke a little into the discommodities which follow vpon the landing of an enemy we shall easilie discouer the dangerousnesse of this opinion as first we giue him leaue to liue vpon the spoile of our countrey which cannot be preuented by any wasting spoiling or retiring of our prouisions in so plentiful a countrey as this is especially considering that wee haue no strong townes at all to repose our selues vpon Whereof wee neede no further testimonie then is deliuered vnto vs out of the seuenth booke of these Commentaries in that war which Caesar had with Vercingetorix Secondly obedience which at other times is willingly giuen to Princes is greatly weakened at such times whereby all necessary meanes to maintaine a war is hardly drawn from the subiect Thirdly oportunity is giuen to malecontents and ill disposed persons either to make head themselues or to flie to the enemy Fourthly the madnes to aduenture a kingdom vpon one stroke hauing it in our disposition to do otherwise with many other disaduantages which the oportunity of any such occasion would discouer THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe worde imperator which the Eagle-bearer attributeth to Caesar was the greatest title that could be giuen to a Romaine leader
OBSERVATIONS VPON THE FIVE FIRST BOOKES OF CAESARS COMMENTARIES SETTING FOVRTH THE PRACTISE OF THE ART MILITARY IN THE TIME OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE WHEREIN ARE HANDLED ALL THE CHIEfest points of their discipline with the true reasons of euery part together with such instructions as may be drawn from their proceedings for the better direction of our moderne warres BY CLEMENT EDMVNDS P S AT LONDON Printed by Peter Short dwelling on Bredstreet hill at the signe of the Starre 1600. TO HIS HONORABLE FRIEND AND MOST WORthie knight Sir Francis Vere chiefe commander of her Maiesties forces in the seruice of the states in the vnited Prouinces and Gouernour of the Cautionarie towne of Briele in Holland SIR hauing at length ended this taske of obseruations it falleth necessarily vnder your patronage as well in regard of the continual incouragement which I receiued from the fauor you beare to such imploiments as also for that this worke of Caesar hath alwaies beene held in your particular recommendation as the Breuiarie of soldiers and thought worthie of as great regard as euer M. Brutus attributed to Polybius or Charles the fift to Philip de Commines I must acknowledge the beginning of this work to haue proceeded from Sir Iohn Scot a knight deseruing great honour for his iudgement and skill in matter of war whose desire to vnderstand the true sense of this history and the mysterie of that discipline first mooued me to vndertake this labour The obseruations which I haue taken are such as offer themselues to vulgar wits vpon the consideration of such points as are handled in this discourse for as an old Gouernesse well experienced in error directeth her young charge to vertue by such documents as rise from her owne mistakings so the fruit of this worke riseth chiefely from thence where the benefit of good direction is manifest or where ill atchieuement beareth witnesse of an error The specialities of greater consequence which are either skilfully shadowed or necessarily implied in the historie I leaue to the wisedome of iudicious commanders as an obiect fit for such iudgments and impertinent to conceits of an inferiour condition That which is alreadie handled shall serue to witnesse that Caesars works containe matter sufficient to entertaine the greatest wits and that my desire is to gratifie our souldiers with my best labour which I recommend chiefely to your Lordship and rest Readie to doe you seruice C. EDMVNDS TO THE READER I Haue aduentured to entertaine our souldiers with a relation of part of Caesars actions vpon that incouragement which hee himselfe gaue to a fisherman not to despaire of a good passage because he carried Caesar and his fortunes wherein I haue not tied my selfe to a litter all translation of the history but followed the sense not daring to make any resemblance of the sweetnesse of that stile but desirous to gratifie our better sort of souldiers with the pourtraiture of that discipline If my labour be accepted with that affection as I offer it I shall thinke it well spent and imploy more time to doe them seruice Howsoeuer I holde it reasonable to leaue to euery man the free censure of his iudgement as best fitting him that readeth with profit and not to be taken from any reader whatsoeuer and as I looke not to be approoued of all so I make no question but I shall finde some fauourers which is as much as any writer can boast of Farewell READING AND DISCOVRSE ARE REQVISITE TO MAKE A SOVLdier perfect in the Arte militarie how great soeuer his knowledge may be which long experience and much practise of Armes hath gayned WHEN I consider the weaknesse of mans iudgment in censuring things best knowne vnto it selfe and the disability of his discourse in discouering the nature of vnacquanted obiectes choosing rather to hold any sensible impression which custome hath by long practise inured then to hearken to some other more reasonable perswasion I do not maruell that such soldiers whose knowledge groweth only from experience and consisteth in the rules of their owne practise are hardly perswaded that history and speculatiue learning are of any vse in perfecting of their Arte being so different in nature from the principles of their cunning and of so small affinity with the life of action wherein the vse of Armes and atchieuments of war seeme to haue their chiefest being But those purer spirits embilished with learning and enriched with the knowledge of other mens fortunes wherein variety of accidents affordeth variety of instructions and the mutuall conference of thinges happened begetteth both similitudes and differences contrary natures but yet iointly concurring to season our iudgment with discretion and to enstall wisedome in the gouernment of the minde These men I say mounting aloft with the winges of contemplation doe easily discouer the ignorance of such Martialistes as are only trained vp in the schoole of practise and taught their rudiments vnder a fewe yeares experience which serueth to interpret no other author but it selfe nor can approue his maximes but by his own authority and are rather moued to pittie their hard fortune hauing learned onely to be ignorant then to enuie their skill in matter of war when they oppose themselues against so manifest a truth as this that a meere practicall knowledge cannot make a perfect soldier Which proposition that I may the better confirme giue me leaue to reason a little of the groundes of learning and dispute from the habitude of Arts and sciences which are then said to be perfectly attained when their particular parts are in such sort apprehended that from the variety of that indiuiduality the intellectuall power frameth generall notions and maximes of rule vniting tearms of the same nature in one head and distinguishing diuersities by differences of properties aptely diuiding the whole body into his greatest and smallest branches and fitting each part with his descriptions duties cautions and exceptions for vnlesse the vnderstanding be in this sort qualified and able by logisticall discourse to ascend by way of composition from singularitie to catholike conceptions and returne againe the same waie to the lowest order of his partitions the minde cannot be saide to haue the perfection of that Arte nor instructed in the true vse of that knowledge but guiding her selfe by some broken preceptes feeleth more want by that shee hath not then benefite by that shee hath Whereby it followeth that a science deuided into manie braunches and consisting in the multiplicitie of diuers members being all so interessed in the Bulke that 's Mayme of the smallest part causeth either debilitie or deformitie in the bodie cannot be saide to bee throughlie attayned nor conceiued with such a profiting apprehension as steeleth the minde with true iudgement and maketh the scholler maister in his Arte vnlesse the nature of these particularities bee first had and obtained And for as much as no one science or faculty whatsoeuer in multitude and pluralitie of partes may anie waie be comparable to
the Arte militarie wherein euery small and vnrespected circumstance quite altereth the nature of the Action and breedeth such disparitie and difference that the resemblance of their equall participating properties is blemished with the dissimilitude of their disagreeing partes it cannot be denied but he that is acquainted with most of these particular occurrences and best knoweth the varietie of chances in the course of warre must needes be thought a more perfect souldier and deserueth a title of greater dignity in the profession of Armes then such as content themselues with a fewe common precepts and ouer-worne rules without which as they cannot be said at all to be souldiers so with them and no more they no way deserue the name of skilfull and perfect men of war Now whether meere experience or experience ioyned with reading and discourse doe feast the minde with more variety and choise of matter or entertaine knowledge with greater plentie of nouelties incident to expeditions and vse of Armes I will vse no other reason to determine of this question then that which Franciscus Patricius alleadgeth in his parallely where he handleth this argument which I intreat of He that followeth a warre saith he doth see either the course of the whole or but a part onely If his knowledge extend no farther then a part he hath learned lesse then he that sawe the whole but admit he hath seene and learned the instructions of one whole warre he hath notwithstanding learned lesse then he that hath seene the proceeding of two such warres And hee againe hath not seene so much as another that hath serued in three seuerall warres and so by degrees a souldier that hath serued ten yeares must needes knowe more then one that hath not serued so long And to conclude he that hath receiued 22 yeares stipend which was the iust time of seruice amongst the Romans before a souldier could be dismist hath greater meanes of experience than another that hath not so long a time followed the campe and cannot challenge a discharge by order and custome And hence it consequently followeth that if in one or more or all these warres there haue happened few or no actions of seruice which might teach a souldier the practise of Armes that then his learning doth not counteruaile his labour And if the warre through the negligence or ignorance of the chiefe commanders haue beene ill caried he can boast of no knowledge but that which acquainted him with the corruptions of militarie discipline if the part which he followed were defeated and ouerthrowne he knoweth by experience howe to loose but not how to gaine And therefore it is not onely experience and practice which maketh a souldier worthie of his name but the knowledge of the manifold accidents which rise from the variety of humane actions wherein reason and error like merchants in trafficke enterchange contrarie euentes of fortune giuing sometime copper for siluer and balme for poyson and repaying againe the like commoditie as time and circumstances doe answere their directions And this knowledge is onely to be learned in the registers of antiquitie and in histories recording the motions of former ages Caius Iulius Caesar whose actions are the subiect of these discourses after his famous victories in France and that he had gotten the prouinces of Spaine broken the strength of the Romaine Empire at Pharsalia was held a souldier surmounting enuie and all her exceptions and yet notwithstanding all this the battell he had with Pharnaces king of Pontus was like to haue buried the glorie of his former conquestes in the dishonourable memorie of a wilfull ouerthrow for hauing possest himselfe of a hill of great aduantage he began to encampe himselfe in the toppe thereof Which Pharnaces perceiuing being lodged likewise with his campe vpon a mountaine confronting the Romaines imbattelled his men marched down from his campe into the valley and mounted his forces vp the hill where the Romaines were busied about their intrenchments to giue them battel All which Caesar tooke but for a brauado and measuring the enemie by himselfe could not be perswaded that any such foole-hardines could carrie men headlong into so dangerous an aduenture vntill they were come so neere that he had scarce any time to call the legions from their worke and to giue order for the battell which so amazed the Romaines that vnlesse as Caesar himselfe saith the aduantage of the place and the benignitie of the gods had greatly fauoured them Pharnaces had at that time reuenged the ouerthrow of Pompei and the Senat and restored the Romaine Empire to libertie Which maie learne vs how necessary it is besides experience which in Caesar was infinit to perfect our knowledge with variety of chances and to meditate vpon the effectes of other mens aduentures that their harmes maie be our warnings and their happie proceedings our fortunate directions And albeit amongst so manie decades of Historie which pregnant wits haue presented to these latter ages we seldome or neuer meete with any one accident which iumpeth in all pointes with an other of the like nature that shall happen to fall out in managing a warre or setting forth of an armie and so doe seeme to reape little benefit by that we reade and make small vse of our great trauell Yet we must vnderstand that in the Audit of Reason there are many offices which through the soueraigne power of the discoursiue faculty receiue great commodities by whatsoeuer falleth vnder their iurisdiction and suffer no action to passe without due triall of his nature and examination of his state that so the iudgment maie not be defrauded of her reuenues nor the minde of her learning for notwithstanding disagreeing circumstances and differences of formes which seeme to cut off the priuiledge of imitation and frustrate the knowledge we haue obtained by reading the intellectuall facultie hath authoritie to examine the vse and looke into the inconueniences of these wants and diuersities and by the helpe of reason to turne it to her aduantage or so to counterpoise the defect that in triall and execution it shall not appeare anie disaduantage For as in all other sciences and namely in geometrie of certaine bare elements and common sentences which sense admitteth to the apprehension the powers of the soule frame admirable Theoremes and Problemes of infinit vse proceeding with certaintie of demonstration from proposition to proposition and from conclusion to conclusion and still make new wonders as they go besides the strangenesse of their Architecture that vpon such plaine and easie foundations they should erect such curious and beautifull buildings so in the Arte Military these examples which are taken from histories are but plaine kinde of principles on which the minde worketh to her best aduantage and vseth reason with such dexterity that of inequalities she concludeth an equality and of dissimilitudes most sweete resemblances and so she worketh out her owne perfection by discourse and in time groweth so absolute in knowledge
Graecorum militaria praecepta legere caeperint homines praeposteri nam legere quam fieri tempore posterius re vsu prius est Whereas saith he reading ought to go before practise although it follow it in course of time for there is no reading but of some thing practised before these preposterous men after they are made Consuls and placed at the helme of gouernment begin to reade when they should practise that which they had read and so bewray their insufficiencie of knowledge by vsing out of time that which in time is most necessarie This testimonie gaue Marius of reading booke learning being himselfe an enemy to the same for as much as all his knowledge came by meere experience But howsoeuer his iudgment was good in this point for since that all motion and action proceedeth from the soule and cannot well be produced vntill the Idea thereof be first imprinted in the minde according to which patterne the outward being and sensible resemblance is duely fashioned how is it possible that any action can be well expressed when the minde is not directed by knowledge to dispose it in that sort as shall best agree with the occurrentes of such natures as are necessarily interessed both in the meanes and in the end thereof And therfore speculatiue knowledge as the Tramontane to direct the course of all practise is first to bee respected But that I may not seeme partiall in this controuersie but carrie an equall hand betweene two so necessarie yoakefellowes giue me leaue to conclude in a word the benefite of practise and define the good which commeth from experience that so nothing that hath beene spoken may seeme to come from affection or proceede from the forge of vniust partiality And first it cannot bee denied but that practise giueth boldnesse and assurance in action and maketh men expert in such things they take in hand for no man can rest vpon such certainty through the theorike of knowledge as he that hath seene his learning verified by practise and acknowledged by the testimony of assured proofe Besides there are many other accōplements gotten only by practise which grace the presence of knowledge giue credit to that which we haue read as first to learne the vse and aduantage of the armes which we beare secondly by frequent aspect and familiarity of dangers and accidents of terrour to learne to feare nothing but dishonour to make no difference betweene heate and cold sommer and winter to sleepe in all places as on a bed and at the same time to take paines and suffer penury with many other difficulties which custome maketh easie and cannot be gotten but by vse and practise And thus at length I haue brought a shallow discourse to an abrupt end wishing with greater zeale of affection then I am able with manifest proofe of reason to demonstrate the necessity that both these partes were by our souldiers so regarded that neither practise might march in obstinate blindnesse without learned knowledge nor this againe be entertained with an idle apprehension without practise but that both of them may be respected as necessarie partes to make a compleat nature wherein knowledge as the intellectuall part giueth life and spirit to the action and practise as the materiall substance maketh it of a sensible being and like a skilfull workman expresseth the excellency which knowledge hath fore conceiued wishing no man to despaire of effecting that by practise which the Theorike of knowledge commendeth For Cur desperes nunc posse fieri quod iam toties factum est THE SVMME OF THE FIRST BOOKE OF CAESARS COMMENTARIES WITH OBSERuations vpon the same discouering the excellencie of Caesars militia THE ARGVMENT IN this first booke are contained the specialities of two great wars begun and ended both in a summer the first between Caesar the Heluetij the second between him and Ariouistus king of the Germans The historie of the Heluetians may be reduced to three principall heads vnder the first are the reasons that moued the Heluetians to entertaine so desperate an expedition and the preparation which they made for the same The second containeth their defeate by Cesar and the third their returne into their countrey That of Ariouistus deuideth it selfe into two parts the first giueth the causes that induced Caesar to vndertake that war the second intreateth of the warre it selfe and particularly describeth Ariouistus ouerthrow CHAP. I. Gallia described the Heluetians dislike their natiue seate and propound to themselues larger territories in the continent of Gallia Orgetorix feedeth this humor for his owne aduantage GALLIA is diuided into three partes differing one from an other in manners in language and in lawes The first part is inhabited by the Belgae the second by the Celtae whom we call Galli and the third by the Aquitani Belgia is the northeast part of Gallia bounded on the East with the riuer Rhene and deuided from the Celtae with the riuers Marne and Sene. The inhabitants of this Belgia are without comparison the stowtest and best men at armes amongst all the Galles for besides that they are far remote from the ciuility of the Roman Prouince and vnacquainted with traffike or entercourse of strangers they are in continuall warres with the Germans which maketh them hardy expert and valorous The Celtae possest the greatest part of Gallia and haue the Ocean Sene Garum and the vpper part of Rhene for their confines Aquitania is limited with the riuer Garume and the Perinaean hils In each of these partes are diuers states and common weales gouerned for the most part by the Annuall magistracie of their nobility but all diuided into factions and partes whereof the Hedui and Sequani are contrarie chiefe and opposite ring-leaders The chiefest reason that moued the Heluetians to forsake their countrey was the good opinion they had of their owne vertue and magnanimity and the smal capacity and circuit of their territories For Heluetia being bounded with the famous riuers Rhene and Rhone and with the lake Lemanus and the high hanging rockes of the hill Iura extending it selfe within these boundes but 240 miles in length and 180 in breadth seemed too narrow a roome to containe so warlike a people that long before had ouerflowne the marches of their countrey with the conceit they had of their owne valour and that it heard that nature should oppose it selfe by riuers and mountaines against the Prowesse which no enemy could euer resist and therefore they resolued to for sake their countrey which first gaue them breath and being rather then it should hinder a correspondent proceeding to their warlike nature These coles of ambition were first kindled and daily blowne by the earnest perswasions and impulsions of Orgetorix the chiefest man of authority amongst the Heluetians both for his wealth and nobility who not contented to be greatest in that manner he was but affecting the greatnesse of princely dignity thought no meanes fitter to
shadowe the alteration of their state then the change of their soile and in their new seate and place of rest to laie the foundation of a new gouernment THE FIRST OBSERVATION HE that will examine this expedition of the Heluetians by the transmigrations and flittings of other nations shall finde some vnexampled particularities in the course of their proceeding for first it hath neuer beene heard that any people vtterly abandoned that countrey which nature or prouidence had allotted them vnlesse they were driuen thereunto by a generall calamity as the infection of the aire the cruelty oppression of a neighbour nation as were the Sueuians who thought it great honor to suffer no man to border vpon their confines or some other vniuersal which made the place inhabitable and the people willing to vndertake a voluntarie exile But oftentimes we read that when the inhabitants of a country were so multiplied that the place was ouer charged with multitudes of ofspring and like a poore father had more children then it was able to sustaine the aboūding surplus was sent out to seeke new fortunes in forraine countries and to possesse themselues of a resting seat which might recompence the wants of their natiue country with a plenteous reuenue of necessary supplementes And in this sort we read that Rome sent out manie Colonies into diuers parts of her Empire And in this maner the ancient Galles disburdened themselues of their superfluity and sent them into Asia The Gothes came from the Ilandes of the Balticke sea and in Sulla his time swarmed ouer Germany besides many other nations whose transmigrations are particularly described by Lazius But amongst all these we find none that so forsooke their country but there remained some behind to inhabit the same from whence as frō a fountaine succeeding ages might deriue the streame of that ouerflowing multitude and by them take notice of the causes which moued them vnto it for their maner was in all such expeditions and sending out of Colonies to deuide themselues into two or three parts equall both in equality and number For after they had parted their common people into euen companies they deuided their nobility with as great equality as they could among the former partitions and then casting lots that part which went out to seeke new aduentures left their landes and possessions to the rest that remained at home and so by industrie they supplied that defect which continuance of time had drawen vpon them And this was the means which the first inhabitants of the earth found out after the floud to people the vnhabited places and to keepe off the inconueniences of scarcity and famine THE SECOND OBSERVATION HE that would prognosticate by the course of these seuerall proceedings whether of the two betokened better successe hath greater reason to foretell happines to these which I last spake of then to the Heluetians vnlesse their valour were the greater quitted al difficulties which hatred and enuie would cast vpon them for an action which sauoureth of necessitie which was alwaies vnderstood in sending out a colonie hath a more plauisible pasport amongst men then that which proceedeth from a proud voluntarie motion for as men can be content to tollerate the one if it concerne not their particular so on the other side they count it gaine to punish pride with shame and to oppose themselues against the other THE THIRD OBSERVATION ORgetorix thirsting after princely dignity discouereth the humor of vaine glory For not contented with the substance of honor being already of greatest power amongst the Heluetians and ordering the affaires of the state by his owne direction thought it nothing without the markes and title of dignitie vnto which the inconueniences of maiestie are annexed not considering that the best honour sitteth not alwaies in imperial thrones nor weareth the diadems of Princes but oftentimes resteth it selfe in meaner places and shineth better with obscurer titles For proofe wherof to omit antiquity take the familie of the Medices in Florence and particularly Cosimo and Lorenzo whose vertue raised them to that height of honour that they were nothing inferiour to the greatest potentates of their time being themselues but priuate gentlemen in that state and bearing their proper names as their greatest titles But howsoeuer the oportunity of changing their soile was well obserued by Orgetorix as the fittest meanes to attempt an innouation but the successe depended much vpon the fortunate proceeding of their expedition for as a multitude of that nature can be content to attribute a great part of their happines wherein euery man thinketh himselfe particularly interessed to an eminent leader and in that vniuersall extasie of ioie will easily admit an alteration of their state so if the issue be in any respect vnfortunate no man will acknowledge himselfe faultie but euery one desiring to discharge his passion vpon some obiect A chiefe director is likeliest to be the marke at which the dartes of their discontent will be throwen and then he will finde it hard to effect what he intendeth CHAP. II. Orgetorix practises are discouered his death the Heluetians continue the resolution of their expedition and prepare themselues accordingly BVT Orgetorix failed in the first entrance into his proiectes for seeking to colour his attempt by the example of Casticus a man of the like authority amongst the Sequani and Dumnorix among the Hedui whom he persuaded in their seuerall states to clime the same steps of ambition he reuealed his intent and ended it also for being called by the Heluetians to answere that treason before he came to triall his body was found dead not without suspition of murthering himselfe The Heluetians notwithstanding continued their determined voyage making preparations correspondent for the same and for their better prouision of victuals they thought two yeares little enough to study tillage to furnish themselues with conuenient store of corne and in the meane time to prouide themselues of cartes and cariages that nothing might be wanting to make the iourney easie and the end fortunate And that no neare borderer might interrupt with newe troubles a dessigne of such hope they made peace with all their neighbour nations and resolued for their owne aduantage to part friendes with those whom they had euer liued with in continuall iars And lastly considering the mutability of mans nature which scarce continueth constant the space of one houre but altereth his determinations according as he diuersly apprehendeth the same subiect least any of them should change their minde and suffer the difficulties of the action to ouersway the honour that might ensue thereof in the heate of their forwardnes they made a law which at the ende of two yeares commanded their departure THE OBSERVATION AS these prouisoes were all requisite so one thing was omitted which might haue furthered their good fortune more then any thing thought of which was to haue concealed by all meanes the time of their departure for all the
mountaine could not be perswaded but they were the Heluetians returned that aduertisement to Caesar wherupon he desisted for that time from following his purpose and retired to the next hill where he imbattailed his souldiers with aduantage of the place This oportunitie being thus lost because the day of measuring corne vnto the souldiers was within two daies he would in no wise omit that care although peraduenture he might haue had the like oportunity within a daie or two but turned towardes Bibracte a great and opulent citie of the Hedui 18 miles distant from his campe and there purposed to prouide corne to paie his souldiers THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe getting of this hill as a place of aduantage was maruellous important to the happy successe of the battel for the aduantage of the place is not only noted as an especial cause of easy victory throughout this historie but in al their warres from the very cradle of their Empire it cleared their Armies from all difficulties to what extremitie soeuer they were put The first reason may be in regard of their dartes and slinges and especially their piles which being a heauie deadly weapon could not any waie be so auailable being cast countremont or in a plaine leuell as when the decliuitie and downfall of a swelling banke did naturally second their violent impression Neither can the shocke at handy-blowes bee anie thing so furious which was a point of great respect in their battels when the souldiers spent their strength in franchising the iniurie of a rising mountaine as when the place by a naturall inclination did further their course And to conclude if the battell succeeded not according to their desire the fauour of the place afforded them meanes of a strong retrait in the highest part wherof they had commonly their campes well fenced and fortified against all chances If it be demaunded whether the vpper ground be of like vse in regard of our weapons I answere that in a skirmish of shot I take the aduantage to lie in the lower ground rather then on the hill for the pieces being hastily charged as commonly they are after the first volley if the bullet chance to lie loose when the nose of the peece is lower then the breech it must needes flie at randome and be altogether vneffectuall but when the nose shall be raised vpward to the side of a hill the bullet being rammed in with his owne waight shall flie with greater certaintie and furie considering the nature of the pouder to be such that the more it is stopt and shut in the more it seeketh to enlarge his roome and breaketh forth with greater violence and fury Concerning other weapons I take the vpper ground in the shocke and incounter to be aduantagious as well for the sword as the pike and would deserue as great respect if the controuersie were decided by these weapons as seldome times it is THE SECOND OBSERVATION BY Causidius his demeanour we see that verified which phisitions affirme that nothing will sooner carrie our iudgment out of her proper seate then the passion of feare and that amongst souldiers themselues whom custome hath made familiarly acquainted with horror and death it is able to turne a flocke of sheepe into a squadron of corselets and a few canes or osiers into pikes and lanciers which may serue to aduise a discreet Generall not easily to credit a relation of that nature when a man of reputation in so perfect a discipline and so experienced in the seruice of three famous Chiefes was so surprised with feare that he could not discern his friends frō his enimies but I wil speake more of this passion in the war with Ariouistus THE THIRD OBSERVATION IN euery relation throughout the whole course of this historie the first wordes are commonly these Re frumentaria comparata as the foundation strength of euery expedition without which no man can manage a warre according to the true maximes and rules of the Art military but must be forced to relieue that inconuenience with the losse of many other aduantages of great cōsequence Which gaue occasion to Gaspard de Coligni that famous Admiral of France amongst other oracles of truth wherewith his minde was maruellously enriched often to vse this saying That he that will shape that beast meaning warre must begin with the belly And this rule was diligently obserued by Caesar who best knewe how to expresse the true portraiture of that beast in due proportion and liuely resemblance The order of the Romans was at the daie of measuring to giue corne to euery particular souldier for a certain time which was commonly defined by circumstances And by the measure which was giuen them they knew the daie of the next paiment for euerie footman receiued after the rate of a bushell a weeke which was thought sufficient for him and his seruant for if they had paied them their whole stipend in money it might haue beene wasted in vnnecessarie expences but by this meanes they were sure of prouision for the time determined and the sequell of the warre was prouidently cared for by the Generall The corne being deliuered out was husbanded ground with hand-milles which they carried alwaies with them made into hastie cakes daintie enough for a souldiers mouth by no other but themselues and their seruants Neither could they sell it or exchange it for bread for Salust reckoneth this vp amongst other dishonours of the discipline corrupted that the souldiers sold away their corne which was giuen them by the treasurer bought their bread by the day And this manner of prouision had many speciall commodities which are not incident to our custome of victualing for it is impossible that victualers should followe an Armie vpon a seruice in the enemies countrey twentie or thirtie daies together with sufficient prouision for an Armie And by that meanes the Generall cannot attend aduantages and fittest oportunities which in tract of time are often offered but is forced either to hazard the whole vpon vnequall tearmes or to sound an vnwilling retrait And whereas the victualers are for the most part voluntarie respecting nothing but their gaine and the souldiers on the other side carelesse of the morrow and prodigall of the present in that turbulent marmarket where the seller hath an eie onely to his particular and the buyer respecteth neither the publike good nor his priuate commoditie there is nothing to be looked for but famine and confusion Where as the Romans by their manner of prouision imposed the generall care of the publike good vpon the chiefe commander whose dutie it was to prouide store of corne for his Armie and the particular care vpon euerie priuate souldier whome it especially concerned to see that the allowance which the common weale had in plentifull manner giuen him for his maintenance might not be wasted through negligence or prodigalitie which excellent order the nature of our victuals will no way admit
their ouerthrow It is recorded that Columbus being Generall of some forces which Ferdinando king of Castile sent to discouer the west Indies suffering great penury for want of victuals in the I le of Iamaica after that he had obserued how the Ilanders worshipped the moone and hauing knowledge of an Eclipse that was shortly after to happen he tolde the inhabitants that vnlesse they would furnish him with such necessaries as he wanted for the time the wrath of their God should quickly appeare towardes them by changing his bright shining face into obscuritie and darkenesse which was no sooner happened but the poore Indians stroken with a superstitious feare of that which the course of nature required kept nothing backe that might assist their enemies to depopulate and ouer runne their owne countrie CHAP. XIX Caesar seeketh meanes to giue them battell and the Germans dispose themselues thereunto CAESAR foreslowed not that aduantage but the next daie in the morning leauing a sufficient garrison in each of his campes for as much as the number of his legionarie souldiers was small in respect of the multitude of the Germans he placed al the auxiliarie troupes for a shew before the lesser campe and putting his legions into a triple battell he marched towardes the campe of Ariouistus And then at length were the Germans constrained to bring out their power setting euery tribe people by it selfe in a like distance and order of battell and inuironing their whole Armie with their cartes and cariage that there might be no hope at all left to saue any man by flight that durst not abide the fortune of the battell In these chariots they placed their women that they by their outstretched handes and teares mouing pitty might implore the souldiers as they descended by course into the battell not to deliuer them the authors of their life and being into the bondage and thraldome of the Romans Caesar assigned to euerie legion a Legate and a Questor that euerie man might haue an eie witnesse of his valour and he himselfe began the battell with the right cornet for as much as he perceiued that part of Ariouistus Armie to be the weakest THE FIRST OBSERVATION THE Romaines euen from the infancie of their state were euer zealous admirers of true honour and alwaies desired to beholde with the eye to what measure of vertue euerie man had attained that the toung with greater feruency of spirit might sounde out the celebration of Macte virtute which imported more honour then any wealth that could be heaped vpon them Neither was this the least part of their wisedom considering that the most pretious things that are loose much of their worth if they be not suted with other correspondent natures whose sympathie addeth much more excellencie then is discerned when they appeare by themselues without such assistance For how small is the beauty which nature hath giuen to the eie-pleasing diamond when it is not adorned with an artificiall forme or what perfection can the forme giue without a foile to strengthten it or what good is in either of them if the light doe not illuminate it or what auaile all these where there wanteth an eye to admire it a iudgement to value it and an heart to imbrace it such a vnion hath nature imprinted in the diuersitie of creatures concurring to perfection and especially in morall actions in whose cariage there is a far greater exactnes of correspondency required to approue them honorable then was requisite to make the iewell beautiful And this did Caesar in all his battels amongst the rest that at Alesia is particularly noted in this manner Quod in conspectu imperatoris res gerebatur neque recte aut turpiter factum celari poterat vtrosque laudis cupiditas timor ignominiae ad virtutem excitabat And when Liuie would expresse how valiantly an action was caried he saith no more but in conspectu imperatoris res gerebatur which is as much to saie that forasmuch as the Romaines were diligent obseruers of euerie mans worth rewarding vertue with honor and cowardice vvith reproch euerie man bent his vvhole indeuour to deserue the good opinion of his Generall by discharging that duty which he owed to the common wealth with all loyalty and faithfulnes of spirit THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Romaines had foure formes of the front of their battell the first was called Acies recta when neither the cornets nor the battell was aduanced one before another but were all caried in a right line and made a straight front and this was their most vsuall manner of imbattailing The second forme of the front was called obliqua when as one of the cornets was aduanced neerer vnto the enemy then the rest to beginne the battell and this was commonly as Vegetius noteth the right cornet for the right cornet of an army had great aduantage against the left of the enemies in regarde of their weapons and furniture But Caesar did it in this place because hee perceiued that the enemy was weakest in that part following a maxime of great authoritie that the weakest part of an enemie is in the beginning to be charged with the strength of an army for so fauorable are mens iudgementes to that which is already happened that the sequell of euery action dependeth for the most part vpon the beginning Dimidium facti qui bene caepit habet saith a Poet and not without great reason so forcible continually is the beginning and so connexed to the sequel by the nature of a precedent cause that the ende must needes erre from the common course when it doth not participate of that qualitie which was in the beginning Neither can there be any good ende without a good beginning for although the beginning bee oftentimes disastrous and vnlucky and the end fortunate and happie yet before it came to that end there was a fortunate beginning for the bad beginning was not the beginning of a good but of an euill end And therefore that his men might foresee a happy ende in a good beginning it behooued him with the best of his armie to assault the weakest part of the enemy The third forme of the front is called Sinuata when both the cornets are aduanced forward and the battell standeth backwarde off from the enemy after the fashion of a halfe moone Scipio vsed it in Spaine hauing obserued some daies before that the enemy continually so disposed of the battell that his best soldiours were alwaies in the midst and therefore Scipio put all his old soldiours in the cornets and brought them out first to charge vpon the weakest part of the enemy that those might decide the controuersie before the other that were in the midst could come to fight The last forme is called gibbosa or gibbera Acies when the battel is aduanced and the two cornets lag behinde This forme did Haniball vse in the battell of Cannas but with this Art that he strengthened his
two cornets with the best of his soldiours and placed his weakest in the middest that the Romaines following the retreit of the battell which was easily repeld might be inclosed on each side with the two cornets CHAP. XX. The battell betweene Caesar and Ariouistus THE signe of battel was no sooner giuen but the Romaines charged vpō the enemy so fiercely as though they ment to giue themselues the lye for seeming to acknowledge that they once conceiued any feare of the Germaines and the enemie on the other side returned so speedie a counterbuffe that the legions had no time to cast their Piles and therefore they speedilie betooke them to their swordes But the Germaines putting themselues according to their manner into a Phalanx receiued the force of their swords without any daunger or losse at all In the battell there were many legionarie souldiers that were seene to keepe vpon the phalanx to pull vp with their hands the targets that couered it and so to wound kil those that were vnderneath and by that means they brake dispersed it and so the left cornet of the enemy was ouerthrowne put to flight Now while the right cornet was thus busied the left cornet was ouercharged with an vnequall multitude of the Germans which young Crassus the Prefect of the horsemen no sooner perceiued hauing more scope and libertie then any of the commanders that were in the battell he sent tertiam Aciem the third battell to rescue and aide their fellowes that were in danger by meanes whereof the fight was renewed and all the enemie was put to flight and neuer looked backe vntill they came to the Rhene which was about fiue miles from the place where they fought where some few of them saued themselues by swimming others found a fewe boates and so escaped Ariouistus lighting vpon a little barke tied to the shore with much a doe recouered the other side of the Rhene and so saued himselfe the rest were all slaine by the horsemen As Caesar pursued the German horsemen it was his chance to light vpon Valerius Procillus as he was drawne vp and downe by his keepers bound with three chaines which accident was as gratefull to him as the victorie it selfe being so fortunate to recouer his familiar friend whom the barbarous enemie contrarie to the law of nations had cast into prison in his own presence had three seuerall times cast lots vpon his life whether he should be then burned or repriued vnto another time and still he was saued by the fortune of the lots and Marcus Titius was found in like manner and brought vnto him The fame of this battell being caried beyond the Rhene the Sueui that were come to the bankes of Rhene returned home againe whom the inhabitants belonging to the saide riuer pursued and slew a great number of them Caesar hauing thus ended two great warres in one sommer he brought his Armie into their wintering campes somewhat sooner then the time of the yeare required THE FIRST OBSERVATION THis phalanx here mentioned can hardly be proued to be the right Macedonian Phalanx but we are rather to vnderstand it to be so tearmed by reason of the close and compact imbattailing rather then in any other respect and it resembled much a testudo as I said of the Heluetian phalanx Secondly I obserue that Caesar kept the olde rule concerning their discipline in fight for although the name of Triaries be not mentioned in his historie yet he omitted not the substance which was to haue primam secundam tertiam Aciem and that prima Acies should begin the battell and the second should come fresh and assist them or peraduenture if the enemie were many and strong the first and second battell were ioyned together and so charged vpon the enemie with greater furie and violence but at all aduentures the third battell was euer in subsidio as they tearmed it to succour any part that should be ouercharged which was a thing of much consequence and of great wisedome For if we either respect the incouragement of the souldiers or the casualtie of fortune what could be more added to their discipline in this behalfe then to haue a second a third succour to giue strength to the fainting weaknes of their men and to repaire the disaduantage which any accident should cast vpon them or if their valour were equally balanced and victorie stood doubtfull which of the two parties shee should honour these alwaies stept in being fresh against wearie and ouer laboured spirits and so drew victorie in despite of casualtie vnto themselues THE SECOND OBSERVATION COncerning vse of lots it shall not be amisse to looke into the nature of them being in former times so generall that there was no nation ciuill or barbarous but were directed in their greatest affaires by the sentence of lots As we may not refuse for an vndoubted truth that which Salomon saith the 16 of Prouerbs The lots are cast into the lap but the direction thereof belongeth to the Lord Through the knowledge whereof Iosua was directed to take Achan the Mariners Ionas and the Apostles to consecrate Matthias So whether the heathen and barbarous people whose blindnes in the way of truth could direct them no further then to sencelesse superstition and put them in minde of a dutie which they owed but could not tell them what it was nor how to be performed whether these I say were perswaded that there was any supernaturall power in their lotteries which directed the action to the decree of destenie and as the Gods would haue it it remaineth doubtfull Aristotle the wisest of the heathen concerning things naturall nameth that euent casuall or proceeding from fortune of which the reason of man could assigne no cause or as he saith which hath no cause So that whatsoeuer happened in any action besides the intent of the agent and workeman was tearmed an effect of fortune or chance of habnab For all other effects which depended vpon a certaine and definite cause were necessarily produced and therefore could not be casuall or subiect to the inconstancie of chance And because manie and sundrie such chances daily happened which like terrae filij had no father and could not be warranted as lawfull children either to nature or to reason by the appearance of an efficient cause they reduced them all to the power of fortune as the principall efficient and soueraigne Motor of all such vnexpected euents that is they made nothing else the gouernesse and directresse of many things which afterward grew to such credit amongst men that it surpassed in dignity all naturall causes and was deified with celestiall honour as the Poet saith Nos te facimus fortuna deam caeloque locamus By the prouidence of this blinde goddesse which held her deity by the tenure of mens ignorance were all casuall actions directed and especially lots the euent whereof depended onely vpon her pleasure and decree neither could
their direction be assigned to any other power for then their nature had been altered from chance to certainty the euent could not haue been called Sors but must haue been reputed in the order of necessary effects whereof discourse of reason acknowledgeth a certaine foregoing cause Whereby we see vpon how weake an axletree the greatest motions of the godlesse world were turned hauing irregularitie and vncertaintie for the intelligentiae that gouerned their reuolutions All herein all sortes of men although in diuers respectes rested as well contented as if an Oracle had spoken vnto them and reuealed the mysteries of fatall destinie Rome directed the maine course of her gouernment by the fortune of this mocke destiny For although their Consuls and Tribunes were elected by the people who pleased their own fancie with the free choice of their commanders and suted their obedience with a well liking authority yet the publike affaires which each Consull was seuerally to manage was shared out by lots For if an enemie were entered into their confines to depopulate and wast their territories the lots assigned this Consull for the gouernment of the cittie and the other to command the legions and to manage the war If forces were to be sent into diuers prouinces and against seuerall enemies neither the Senate nor the people could giue to either Consull his taske but their peculiar charges were authorised by lots If any extraordinarie action were to be done in the citie as the dedication of a temple the sanctifying of the Capitoll after a pollution Sors omnia versat did all in all And yet notwithstanding the weake foundation of this practise in their Theologie deepest diuinitie we may not thinke but these skilfull Architectors of that absolute gouernment wherein vertue ioyned with true wisdome to make an vnexampled patterne we may not thinke I say but they foresaw the manifold danger which in the course of common actions could no otherway be preuented but by the vse of lots For when things are equally leueled betweene diuers obiects and run with indifferencie to equall stations there must be some controlling power to draw the current towardes one coast and to appropriate it vnto one chanell that the order of nature be not inuersed nor a well established gouernmēt disturbed So the state of Rome casting many things with equall charge vpon her two soueraigne magistrates which could not be performed but by one of them what better meanes could there be inuented to interesse the one in that office and to discharge the other then to appoint an arbiter whose decree exceeded humane reason Of which it could not be saide why it was so but that it was so for if the wisdome of the Senat had been called to counsell or the voices of the people calculated to determine of the matter it might easily haue burst out into ciuill discord considering the often contentions between the Senat and the people the factions of Clients the constant mutabilitie of euery mans priuate affections necessarily inclining vnto one althogh their worth were equal by true reason indiscernable which might haue made the one proud of that which peraduenture he had not and cast the other lower then would haue well beseemed his vertues And therfore to cut off these with many other inconueniences they inuented lots which without either reason or will might decide such controuersies By this it appeareth how little the ancient law-makers respected the ground reason of an ordinance so the commoditie were great and the vse important to the good of the state for as they saw the thing it selfe to be casuall so they saw that casuall thinges are sometimes more necessarie then demonstratiue conclusions neither ought the nature and speculatiue consideration of lawes and statutes belong to the common people but the execution and obedience thereof maketh the common weale flourish And thus endeth the first Commentarie of Caesar his warre in Gallia THE SECOND COMMENTARIE OF THE WARS IN GALLIA THE ARGVMENT LIke as when a heauy bodie lyeth vpon the skirt of a larger continued quantity although it couer but a small parcell of the whole surface yet the other quarters are burthened kept vnder with a proportionable measure of that waight and through the vnion and continuation which bindeth all the parts into one totality feele the same suppression which hath really seased but vpon their fellow part In like maner the Belgae inhabiting the furthest skirt of that triple continent seemed to repine at that heauy burthen which the Romaine Empire had laide vpon the Prouince the Hedui and other states of that kingdome And least it might in time be further remoued and laide directly vpon their shoulders they thought it expedient whilest they felte it but by participation to gather their seuerall forces into one head and trie whether they coulde free their neighbour nations from so greeuous a yoak or at the least keepe it frō comming any neerer vnto themselues And this is the Argument of this second booke which deuideth it selfe into two partes the first containing the warres betweene Caesar and all the states of Belgia vnited togither the secōd recording the battailes which he made with some of the states thereof in particular as time and occasion gaue him meanes to effect it CHAP. I. Caesar hasteth to his army marcheth towardes the confines of the Belgae taketh in the men of Rheims THE report of this confederacie being brought vnto Caesar whilest he wintred beyond the Alpes as wel by letters from Labienus as by the common hearesay of the worlde hee leuied two new legions in Lumbardie and sent them by Q. Pedius into Gallia and assoone as there was any forrage in the fieldes he himselfe came to the armie At his arriual vnderstanding by the Senones the rest of the Galles that bordered vpon the Belgae to whom he gaue in charge to learne what was done amongst them that there was nothing in Belgia but mustering of soldiours and gathering their forces into one heade he thought it not safe to make anie further delaie but hauing made prouision of corne he drewe out his army from their wintering campes and within fifteene daies he came to the borders of the Belgae Assoone as he was come thither which was much sooner then was looked for the men of Rheimes being the vttermost of the Belgae next adioining to the Celtae thought it best to entertaine a peaceable resolution and sent Iccius and Antebrogius two of the cheefe men of their state vnto Caesar to submit themselues and all that they had to the mercy of the Romaine Empire affirming that they were innocent both of the counsel of the Belgae and of their conspiracie against the Romaines For proofe wherof they were ready to giue hostages to receiue them into their towns and to furnish them with corne or what other thing they stood in neede of That the rest of the Belgae were al in armes and the Germains on the other
ancient times yet in this point of discipline they cannot haue a more perfect direction then that which the Romaines obserued as the two poles of their motions safety and conueniency whereof the first dependeth chiefely vpon the prouident disposition of the leaders and the other wil easily follow on as the commodity of euerie particular shal giue occasion Concerning safety in place of danger what better course can bee taken then that maner of imbattailing which shall be thought most conuenient if an enemy were present to confront them for a well ordered march must either carie the perfect forme of a battell or containe the distinct principles and elements thereof that with little alteration it may receiue that perfection of strength which the fittest disposition can affoord it First therefore a prudent and circumspect leader that desireth to frame a strong and orderly march is diligentlie to obserue the nature and vse of each weapon in his army howe they may be placed for greatest vse and aduantage both in respect of their different and concurring qualities as also in regard of the place wherein they are managed and this knowledge will consequentlie inferre the best and exactest disposition of imbattailing as the said forces are capable of which if it may be obserued in a march is no way to be altered But if this exactnes of imbattailing wil not admit conuenient cariage of such necessarie adiuncts as pertaine to an armie the inconuenience is to bee relieued with as little alteration from that rule as in a warie iudgment shall be found expedient that albeit the forme be somewhat changed yet the principles and ground wherein their strength and safetie consisteth maie still be retained Neither can any man well descend to more particular precepts in this point he may exemplifie the practises of manie great and experienced commanders what sort of weapon marched in front and what in the rereward in what part of the Armie the Munition marched and where the rest of the cariage was bestowed according as their seuerall iudgments thought most expedient in the particular nature of their occurrences But the issue of all will fall out thus that he that obserued this rule before prescribed did seldome miscarrie through an vnsafe march Let a good Martialist well know their proper vse in that diuersity of weapons in his Armie how they are seruiceable or disaduantageous in this or that place against such or such an enemie and he will speedily order his battell dispose of his march and bestow his cariages as shall best fall out both for his safetie and conueniencie Caesars custome was to send his Caualrie and light armed footmen before the body of his Armie both to discouer and impeach an enemie for these troupes were nimble in motion and fit for such seruices but if the danger were greater in the rereward then in the front the horsemen marched in the tayle of the Armie and gaue securitie where there was most cause of feare But if it happened that they were found vnfit to make good the seruice in that place as oftentimes it fell out and especially in Africa against the Numidians he then remoued them as he best found it conuenient and brought his legionarie souldiers which were the sinewes and strength of his forces and marched continually in the bulke of the Armie to make good that which his horsemen could not performe And thus he altered the antique prescription and vniformitie of custome according as he found himselfe best able to disaduantage an enemie or make waie to victorie CHAP. IX The Romans begin to fortifie their campe but are interrupted by the Neruij Caesar maketh haste to prepare his forces to battell THE Roman horsemen with the slingers and archers passed ouer the riuer and incountered the Caualrie of the enemie who at first retired backe to their companies in the wood and from thence sallied out againe vpon them but the Romans durst not pursue them further then the plaine and open ground in the meane time the sixe legions that were in front hauing their worke measured out vnto them began to fortifie their campe But assoone as the Neruij perceiued their former cariages to be come in sight which was the time appointed amongst them to giue the charge as they stood imbattailed within the thicket so they rushed out with all their forces and assaulted the Roman horsemen which being easily beaten backe the Neruij ranne downe to the riuer with such an incredible swiftnesse that they seemed at the same instant of time to bee in the woods at the riuer and charging the legions on the other side For with the same violence hauing passed the riuer they ranne vp the hill to the Roman campe where the souldiers were busied in their intrenchment Caesar had all partes to plaie at one instant the flagge to be hung out by which they gaue the souldiers warning to take armes the battell to be proclaimed by sound of trumpet the souldiers to be recalled from their worke and such as were gone farre off to get turfe and matter for the rampier to bee sent for the battell to be ordered his men to be incouraged and the signe of battell to be giuen the most of which were cut off by shortnesse of time and the sudden assault of the enemie THE FIRST OBSERVATION AS the Romans excelled all other nations in many good customes so especially in their campe-discipline they stroue to be singular for it seemed rather an Academie or a citie of ciuill gouernment then a campe of souldiers so carefull were they both for the safetie and skilfull experience of their men at armes For touching the first they neuer suffered their souldiers to lodge one night without a campe wherein they were inclosed with ditch and a rampier as in a walled towne neither was it any newe inuention or late found out custome in their state but in vse amongst the auncient Romans and in the time of their kinges their manner of incamping was included within these circumstances The Centurions that went before to choose out a conuenient place hauing found a fit situation for their campe first assigned the standing for the Emperours pauillion which was commonly in the most eminent place of the campe from whence he might easily ouerview all the other partes or any alarum or signum pugnae might from thence be discouered to all quarters This pauillion was knowne by the name of Praetorium for as much as amongst the auncient Romans the Generall of their Armie was called Praetor in this place where the Praetorium was to be erected they stucke vp a white ensigne and from it they measured euerie waie 100 foote and so they made a square containing 200 foot in euerie side the Area or content whereof was almost an acre of ground the forme of the Praetorium was round and high being as eminent among the other tentes as a temple is amongst the priuate buildings of a cittie and therefore
breake out vpon the enemie and to trie the last refuge in that extremitie Whereupon they called the Centurions and by them admonished the soldiers to surcease a while from fighting and onely to receiue such weapons as were cast into the campe and so to rest themselues a little and recouer their strength and then at a watchword to sallie out of their campe and laie their safety vpon their vertue which the souldiers executed with such alacritie and courage of spirite that breaking out at all the gates of the campe they gaue no leasure to the enemie to consider what was done nor to satisfie his iudgement touching so vnexpected a noueltie And thus fortune being suddenly changed they slewe more then the third part of 30000 and put the rest to flight not suffering them to staie vpon the hils neere about them OBSERVATIONS WHich strange alteration liuely describeth the force of noueltie and the effectuall power of vnexpected aduētures for in the first course of their proceeding wherein the Romans defended the campe and the Galles charged it by assault the victorie held constant with the Galles and threatned death and mortality to the Romans Neither had they any meanes to recouer hope of better successe but by trying another waie which so much the more amazed the Galles in that they had vehemently apprehended an opinion of victorie by a set fight continuing the space of sixe houres without any likelihood of contrarietie or alteration Which practise of frustrating a dessigne intended by an indirect and contrary answere serued the Romans oftentimes to great aduantage as besides this present example in this Commentarie we shall afterward read how Titurius Sabinus defeated the Vnellos with the same stratagem and ouerthrew them by eruption and sallying out when they expected nothing but a defensiue resistance from the rampier From whence a commander may learne to auoide two contrarie inconueniences according as the qualitie of the warre shall offer occasion first if other thinges be answerable which a iudicious eie will easily discouer that a sallie made out at diuers portes of a holde will much mitigate the heate of a charge and controll the furie of an enemie And on the other side he that besiegeth any place what aduantage soeuer he hath of the defendant may much better assure himselfe of good fortune if he appoint certaine troupes in readines to receiue the charge of any eruption that the rest that are busily imploied in the assault may prouide to answere it without disorder or confusion Which order if the Galles had taken they had not in likelihood so often been deceiued CHAP. III. Galba returneth into the Prouince the Vnelli giue occasion of a new warre THE enemie being thus defeated Galba was vnwilling to trie fortune any further and the rather for that he wanted both corne and forrage and therefore hauing burned the towne the next daie he returned towardes the Prouince and without let or resistance brought the legion safe into the Nantuates and from thence to the Allobrogae and there he wintered After these thinges were dispatched Caesar supposing for manie reasons that all Gallia was now in peace and that there was no further feare of anie new warre the Belgae being ouerthrowen the Germans thrust out and the Seduni amongst the Alpes subdued and vanquished in the beginning of the winter as he went into Illyricum hauing a great desire to see those nations there grewe a sudden tumult and dissention in Gallia vpon this occasion Pub. Crassus wintering with the seuenth legion in Aniou neare vnto the Ocean and finding scarcitie of corne in those partes he sent out the Prefects of the horsemen and Tribunes into the next cities to demaund corne and other prouisions for his legion of whom Titus Terrasidius was sent vnto the Venelli Marcus Trebius to the Curiosolitae Q. Velanius and Titus Silius to the Veneti These Veneti were of greatest authoritie amongst all the maritimate nations in that coast by reason of their great store of shipping with which they did trafficke into Britanie and exceeded all their neighbour states in skill and experience of sea-faring matters hauing the most part of such as vsed those seas tributaries to their state These Veneti first aduentured to retaine Silius and Velanius hoping thereby to recouer their hostages which they had giuen to Crassus The finitimate cities induced by their authoritie and example for the same reason laide hold vpon Trebius and Terrasidius and sending speedie ambassages one vnto another coniured by their Princes and chiefest magistrates to approue their fact by common consent and to attend all the same euent of fortune solliciting also other cities and states rather to maintaine that libertie which they had receiued of their Ancestors then to indure the seruile bondage of a stranger THE FIRST OBSERVATION THe circumstance in this historie which noteth the sudden breaking out of warres when the course of thinges made promise of peace sheweth first what small assurance our reason hath of her discourse in calculating the natiuitie of After-chances which so seldome answere the iudgment we giue vpon their beginnings that when we speake of happinesse we finde nothing but miserie and contrariwise it goeth often well with that part which our Art hath condemned to ill fortune And therefore I do not maruel if when almost all nations are at oddes and in our best conceites threaten destruction one to another there happen a sudden motion of peace or if peace be in speech soothing the world with pleasing tranquilitie and through the vncertainty of our weake probabilities promise much rest after many troubles there follow greater wars in the ende then the former time can truely speake of Which being well vnderstood may humble the spirits of our hautie polititians that thinke to comprehend the conclusions of future times vnder the premisses of their weake proiectes and predestinate succeeding ages accorto the course of the present motion when an accident so little thought of shall breake the maine streame of our iudgment and falsifie the Oracles which our vnderstanding hath vttered And it may learne them withall how much it importeth a wise commander to preuent an euill that may crosse his dessigne how vnlikely soeuer it be to happen by handling it in such manner as though it were necessarily to confront the same For then a thing is well done when it hath in it selfe both the causes of his being and the direct meanes to resist the repugnancie of a contrarie nature and so hap what will it hath great possibility to continue the same THE SECOND OBSERVATION THis practise of the Veneti may instruct a circumspect Prince in cases of this nature to haue a more watchfull eie ouer that Prouince or city which shall be found most potent and mightie amongst the rest then of any other inferiour state of the same nature and condition for as example of it selfe is of great Authoritie making improbabilities seeme full
moone or the sunne begin to appeare aboue the right horizon and enter into that part of the heauen which I tearmed the first flowing quarter that then the sea beginneth to swell and as they mount vp to their meridian altitude so it increaseth vntill it come to a high floud And againe as those lightes passing the meridian decline to the west and runne the circuit of the ebbing quarter so the water decreaseth and returneth againe from whence it came Againe as they set vnder the west horizon and enter into the second flowing quarter so the sea beginneth againe to flow and still increaseth vntill they come to the point of the night meridian and then againe it refloweth according as the sunne and moone are carried in the other ebbing quarter from the night meridian to the east horizon And hence it happeneth that in coniunction or new of the moone when the sunne and the moone are caried both together in the same flowing and ebbing quarters that then the tides and ebbes are very great and likewise in opposition or full of the moone when these lightes are caried in opposite quarters which we haue described to be of the same nature either ebbing or flowing that then in like manner the tides are great forasmuch as both these Planets through the symbolising quarters wherein they are carried doe ioyne their forces to make perfect this worke of nature in the ebbing and flowing of the sea And contrariwise in a quadrate aspect as the Astronomers call it or quarter age of the moone when as the moone is caried in a flowing quarter and at the same instant the sunne doth happen to be in an ebbing or decreasing quarter as the course of nature doth necessarily require then are the tides lessoned as dailie experience doth witnesse And for as much as both the right horizon and the meridian also deuide euerie diurnall circle which either the sun or the moone maketh in their reuolutions into equall parts it followeth that euery tide is continually measured with the quantitie of 6 houres and therfore that which Caesar here saith must needs be true that in the space of 12 houres there are alwaies 2 high tides And least any man should imagine that euery inland citie standing vpon an ebbing and flowing riuer may take the computation of the tide according to this rule let him vnderstand that this which I haue deliuered is to be conceiued principally of the sea it selfe and secondarily of such portes and hauens as stand either neare or vpon the sea but where a riuer shall run many miles from the sea and make many winding meanders before it come to the place of calculation it must needs lose much of this time before mentioned And thus much I thought conuenient to insert in these discourses touching the ebbing and flowing of the sea as not impertinent to martiall knowledge Concerning the shipping of the Romans whereof posteritie hath onely receiued the bare names and some fewe circumstances touching the manner of their Equipage the Critickes of these times haue laboured to set foorth a fleet answerable to that which the tearmes and title mentioned in historie seeme to report but yet the gaine of their voyage doth not answere their charge For manie men rest vnsatisfied first touching the names themselues whereof wee finde these kindes Names Longas Onerarias Actuarias Triremes Quadriremes Quinqueremes The first we may vnderstand to be Gallies or ships of seruice the second ships of burthen the third ships that were driuen forward with force of oares and the rest sounding according to their Names for I dare not intitle them with a more particular description Nowe whether these Names Longas and Actuarias were a seuerall sorte of shipping by themselues or the generall Names of the Quadriremes Triremes and Quinqueremes for as much as euerie kinde of these might be called both Longas and Actuarias as it yet remaineth in controuersie so it is not much materiall to that which wee seeke after But that which most troubleth our sea-Critickes is in what sense they maie vnderstand these vocabularies Triremes Quadriremes and Quinqueremes whether they were so tearmed in regard of the number of rowers or watermen that haled continually at an oare as the custome of the Gallies is at this daie or otherwise because a Trireme had three orders of oares on either side a Quadrireme foure and a Quinquereme fiue whereof they tooke their distinction of Names Such as holde that a Trireme had on each side three rankes of oares and so consequently of a Quadrireme and Quinquereme alleadge this place of Liuie to make good their opinion In the warres betweene Rome and Carthage Laelius meeting with Adherball in the straightes of Gibraltar each of them had a Quinquereme and seauen or eight Triremes a piece the current in that place was so great that it gaue no place to Arte but carried the vessailes according to the fall of the Billow in which vncertaintie the Triremes of the Carthaginean closed with the Quinquereme of Laelius which either because she was pondere tenacior as Liuie saith or otherwise for that pluribus remorum ordinibus scindentibus vertices facilius regeretur in regarde of the pluralitie of bankes of oares which resisted the billowe and steamed the current she sunke two of the Triremes and so got the victorie From hence they proue that a Quinquereme had plures remorum ordines then a Trireme had and therefore it tooke the name from the pluralitie of bankes of oares and not from the number of men that rowed at an oare But the contrarie opinion doth interpret Ordo Remorum to be a couple of oares one answering another on each side of the vessaile which we call a paire of oares So that a Quinquereme being far greater and longer then a Trireme had more paires of oares then a Trireme had and those oares were handled with fiue men at one oare according to the vse of our Gallies at this daie But to leaue this and come to their manner of sea-fights wee must vnderstand that the Romans wanting the vse of Artillerie and managing their ships of warre with force of oares failed not to make vse of their Arte in their conflictes and incounters by sea for all their shippes of seruice which we tearme men of warre carried a strong beake-head of yron which they called rostrum with which they ranne one against another with as great violence and furie as their oares could carrie them And herein Arte gaue great aduantage for he that could best skill to turne his ship with greatest celeritie and so frustrate an offer or with speedie and strong agitation follow an aduantage commonly got the victorie In the battell which D. Brutus had with the Massilians we reade that two Triremes charging the Admirall wherein Brutus was one at the one side and the other at the other Brutus and his Marriners so cunningly handled the matter that when they should
their charges they suddenly sallied out of the woods and assaulted the Romans but being speedely driuen in againe with the losse of manie of them as the Romans followed them farre into the woods had some few of their men slaine The time that remained Caesar resolued to spend in cutting downe the woods and least the souldiers might bee taken vnawares while they were busied in that worke he caused them to place all the trees which they cut downe on either side of the Armie that they might serue for a defence against sudden assaultes A great quantitie of ground was thus rid within a few daies so that their goods and cattell was taken by the Romans but they themselues were fled into thicker woods At which time there happened such a continuall raine as forced them to leaue of the worke and the souldiers could no longer indure to lie in tentes of skins and therefore Caesar after he had wasted and spoiled their country burned their townes and their houses he carried backe his Armie and placed them in such citties to winter in as were subdued by the late warres OBSERVATIONS THe Irish rebels hauing the like commoditie of woods and bogs doe entertaine the like course of warre as the Morini did with Caesar the meanes which he vsed to disappoint them of that practise was to cutte downe the woods which if it be thought monstrous in this age or ridiculous to our men of warre let them consider that the Roman discipline wrought greater effectes of valour then can bee made credible by the vse of these times For besides their exquisite discipline which of it selfe was able to frame patterns of vnexampled magnanimitie their industrie was admirable in the execution thereof and carried it with such vncessant trauell that the souldiers thought it great happines when they came to wage battell with the enemie and could haue meanes to quit their continuall trauell with the hazard of their liues Neither let it seeme strange that the Romans vndertooke to cut down the woods but rather let vs admire their facilitie in so difficult a taske for as the historie witnesseth magno spacio paucis diebus confecto incredibili celeritate a great quantitie of ground was rid in a few daies with incredible speede And after the woods were cut downe they tooke more paines in placing it on each side of the legions to hinder anie sudden assault then they did in cutting it downe which deserueth as great admiration as the former part There is another place in the sixt booke of these Commentaries which expresseth more particularly the nature of such warres and may serue to acquaint vs with that which Caesar did in these difficulties The Eburones or the men of Liege had the like commoditie of woods and bogges and made vse of them in the warre they had with Caesar The matter saith hee required great diligence not so much in regard of the perill of the whole Armie for there could no danger come from an enemie that was frighted and dispersed as the safetie of euerie particular souldier which in part did pertaine to the welfare of the whole Armie For the desire of bootie caried manie of the souldiers farre from the bodie of the Armie and the woods being full of vnknowne and secret passages would not suffer them to go either thicke together or close imbattailed If he desired to haue the warre ended and the race of those wicked men to bee rooted out hee must of force make manie small companies and deuide his men into many bodies but if hee would haue the maniples to keepe at their ensignes as the discipline and custome of the Roman Army required then the place was a shelter and defence to the enemie neither did they want courage to laie ambushments and to circumuent such as they found alone stragling from their companies In these difficulties there was as much done as diligence could doe prouiding rather to be wanting in the offensiue part although all mens mindes were set on fire with reuenge then to hurt the enemie with the losse of the Roman souldier Caesar sent messengers to the bordering states to come out and sacke the Eburones and they should haue all the praie for their labour that the life of the Galles rather then his legionarie souldiers might be hazarded in those woods as also that with so great a multitude both the race and name of that people might bee quite extinguished There are many particularities in this relation which concerne the true motion of the Irish warres which may be better obserued by such as know those warres by experience then by my selfe that vnderstand them onely by relation and therefore to preuent such exceptions as my rule shall make of the parallell in these two cases I will leaue it to be done by themselues And thus endeth the third Commentarie THE FOVRTH COMMENTARIE THE ARGVMENT THe Vsipetes and Tenchtheri are driuen to seeke newe seates in Gallia they driue the Menapij out of their territories but in the end are ouerthrowen by Caesar That warre being ended he made a bridge vpon the Rhene and carried his Armie ouer into Germanie He taketh reuenge vpon the Sicambri and giueth libertie to the Vbij returneth into Gallia and carrieth his Armie ouer into Britanie with the occurrences of that warre CHAP. I. The Vsipetes and Tenchtheri bring great multitudes of peoples ouer the Rhene into Gallia the nature of the Sueui THE winter following Pompeie and Crassus being Consuls the Vsipetes and Tenchtheri two Germaine nations passed ouer the Rhene with great multitudes of people not far from the place where it falleth into the sea The reason of their flitting was the ill intreatie which for manie yeares together they had receiued of the Sueui the greatest warlikest nation amongst the Germains For these Sueui had one hundred Cantons or shires which yearely furnished their warres with 1000 men a piece and kept as manie at home to maintaine both themselues and their Armies abroad and these the yeare following were in Armes and the other staied at home and performed the like dutie and so by this meanes they all continued their experience both of tillage and matter of warre They liued chiefly vpon cattell and milke and vsed much hunting which was the cause what through the qualitie of their diet their continuall exercise and libertie of life being neuer tied to any discipline nor vrged to any thing against their disposition that they were strong and of a large stature vsing skins and hides for their cloathing which couered but part of their body the rest being naked Their horsmen oftentimes in time of battell forsooke their horse and fought on foot being taught to stand still in one place that when they would they might returne vnto them Neither was there any thing more base or dishonest in the course of their life then to vse furniture for horses would aduenture to charge vpon great troups of horse that vsed
knowledge of a Generall to enter into the consideration of this learning Wherein first I must laie for a maxime that which long experience hath made authenticall that the motions of the minde are either quicke or slow according as the complexion is tempered either with heat or cold for as the flegmaticall humor is of a moist cold and heauy nature begetting weake and grosse spirits and benumming the instruments with a liueles disability so is the motion of the internall faculties proceeding likewise after a slow maner according to the qualitie of the instruments whereby it moueth and therefore men of this watrish constitution are no way apt to receiue an impression nor to entertaine any sensible apprehension vnles it be beaten into them with often and strong repetitions and then also they proceede as slowlie in discoursing of the consequence and linger in the choise of their resolutions On the contrary part this flaua bilis being of a hote piercing nature and resembling the actiue vertue of the fire doth so purifie the instruments of sense and quicken the spirits with the viuacity of motion that they take the first impression as perfectly as if it had beene oftentimes presented vnto them with many strong circumstances And thence it happeneth that inasmuch as the Species is so readily receiued and possesseth the apprehending facultie with such facility of entrance that it moueth the other powers of the soule with as great efficacie at the first conception as if it had beene brought in with troupes of probabilities and strengthened with manifest arguments of vndoubted truth It followeth therefore by reason of the subtile and fit disposition of the instrumentes which proceedeth from heate the chiefest qualitie in choler that the obiect is at the first moment so strongly setteled in the first receiuing facultie that the other powers of the minde with as great speede manifest their offices concerning the apprehension and deliuer a sentence answerable to the strength of the first conception which maketh them so impatient of delaie and so sodainly to alter their former resolutions not suffering the discoursiue power to examine the substance thereof by conference of circumstances nor to giue iudgment according to the course of our intellectual court It behooueth therefore euery man in that vnsteady disposition especially in matter of moment to be suspicious of his owne credulity and not to giue place to resolution before his iudgement be informed by discourse of the strength or weakenes of the conceiued opinion But to leaue these speculatiue meditations to Philosophers of learned conceit for as much as the right vse of passions is either true wisdome or commeth neerest to the same I will onely touch in a worde what degree of choler best befitteth a soldier or howe it auaileth or disaduantageth in matter of warre And first it cannot bee denied that there is almost no passion that doth more eclips the light of reason or sooner corrupteth the sinceritie of a good iudgement then this of anger which we now speake of Neither is there any motion that more pleaseth it selfe in his owne actions or followeth them with greater heate in the execution And if the trueth chance to shewe it selfe and conuince a false pretended cause as the authour of that passion it oftentimes redoubleth the rage euen against truth and innocency Piso condemned a soldier for returning from forraging without his companion being persuaded that he had slaine him but at the instant of the execution the other that was missing returned and with great ioy of the whole army they were caried to the generall thinking to haue much gratified him with the manifestation of the truth but hee through shame and despight being yet in the torture of his wrath redoubled his anger and by a subtilty which his passion furnished him withall he made three culpable for that he found one innocent the first because the sentence of death was past against him and was not to bee recalled without the breach of law the second for that hee was the cause of the death of his companion and thirdly the executioner for not obeying his commandement Concerning matter of warre as it consisteth of differenced partes so hath choler diuers effectes In case of discourse and consultation when as the powers of the minde ought to bee cleere of all violent affections it greatly darkeneth the vnderstanding and troubleth the sincerity of a good iudgement as Caesar noted in his speech to the senate concerning Cateline and therefore a commander must by al meanes indeuor to auoid euen the least motions of so hurtfull a passion and season his affections with that grauity and constancy of spirit that no turbulent disposition may either hinder his vnderstanding or with-hold his will from following that course which reason appointeth as the best means to a fortunate successe alwaies remembring that al his actions are presented vpon a stage and passe the censure of many curious beholders which applaud graue and patient motions as the greatest proofe of true wisdom and disallow of passionate and headstrong affection as derogating from the sincere cariage of an action how iust soeuer otherwise it seemeth Concerning execution and furie of battaile I take anger to be a necessarie instrument to set valour on foote and to ouerwage the difficulties of terrour with a furious resolution for considering that the noblest actions of the minde stande in neede of the impulsions of passions I take anger to bee the fittest meanes to aduance the valiant carriage of a battaile for as feare is trecherous and vnsafe so anger is confident and of an vnquenchable heate and therefore a Commaunder ought by all meanes to suggest matter of anger against an enemie that his men may behold them with a wrathfull regard and thirst after the daie of battell to satisfie their furie with the bloud of their aduersaries If any vrge that it hath beene heretofore obserued of the Galles that in the beginning of a battel they were more then men and in the latter end they were lesse then women and therfore a cholerick disposition is not so fit for seruice as we seem to make it I answere that there is a difference between a disposition to choler such as was obserued in the Galles and the passion of anger wel kindled in the minde for the first is subiect to alteration and contrarietie of actions but the other is furious inuincible neuer satisfied but with reuenge And so that of Aristotle is proued true that anger serueth oftentimes as a weapon to vertue whereunto some answere very pleasantly saying it is a weapon of a strange nature for wee doe manage other weapons and this doeth manage vs our hande guideth not it but it guideth our hande it possesseth vs and not wee it as it happened in the raigne of Tyberius amongst the mutinous legions at Vetera and therefore a Commaunder ought to take greate heede whome he maketh the obiect of that anger which kindleth in
ioyned together after the same fashion being 40 foote distant from the former by the dimension betweene their lower parts in the bottome of the water and reclining against the course of the riuer these two paire of couples thus placed he ioyned together with a beame of two foote square equall to the distance betweene the said couples and fastened them at each ende on either side of the couples with braces and pins whereby the strength of the worke and nature of the frame was such that the greater the violence of the streame was and the faster it fell vpon the timber worke the stronger the bridge was vnited in the couplings and iointes In like manner he proceeded with couples and beames vntill the worke was brought vnto the other side of the riuer and then he laide straight planks from beame to beame and couered them with hurdles and so he made a floore to the bridge Moreouer on the lower side of the bridge he droue downe supporters which being fastened to the timber worke did strengthen the bridge against the force of the water and on the vpper side of the bridge at a reasonable distance he placed piles to hinder the force of trees or boates or what els the enemie might cast downe to trouble the worke within ten daies that the timber began to be cut downe and carried the worke was ended and the Armie transported Caesar leauing a strong garrison at either end of the bridge went into the confines of the Sicambri OBSERVATIONS IT shall not be amisse to enter a little into the consideration of this bridge as wel in regard of the ingenious Architecture therof as also that we may somwhat imitate Caesar whom we may obserue to insist with as great plenty of wit eloquēce in presenting vnto vs the subtilty of his inuentiō in such maner of handy works as vpon any other part of his actiōs as this particular description of the bridge may sufficiētly witnes besides the fortifications at Alesia and the intrenchments in Britanie for the safetie of his shipping with many other workes which he might well record as the greatest dessignes of an heroick spirit and the wonderfull effectes of magnanimous industrie that succeeding ages might not boast either of Arte or prowes which his vertue had not expressed or otherwise might wonder at that worth which they themselues coulde not attaine vnto And to that purpose hee entertained Virtuuius the father of architecture and as worthilie to bee imitated in that facultie as his maister Caesar is in feates of armes By whose example a great commander may learne howe much it importeth the eternitie of his fame to beautifie his greatest dessignes with arte and to esteeme of such as are able to intreat the Mathematicall muses to shew themselues vnder the shape of a sensible forme which albeit through the rudenesse of the matter fall farre short of the truth of their intellectuall nature yet their beautie expresseth such a maiestie of Arte that no time will suffer the memorie thereof to perish The workmanship of this bridge consisted chiefely in the oblique situation of the double postes whereof the first order bending with the streame and the lower ranke against the streame when they came to be coupled together with ouerthwart beames which were fastened in the couplings with braces which he nameth Fibulas the more violent the streame fell vpon the worke the faster the iointes of the building were vnited as may better appeare by a modell of that making then can be expressed by any circumstance of wordes I might hence take occasion to speake of the diuersitie of bridges and of the practises which antiquitie hath deuised to transport Armies ouer riuers but inasmuch as it is a common subiect for all that vndertake this militarie taske and hath beene handled by Lipsius vpon the occasion of this bridge I will refer the reader to that place and only note the singular disposition of this action in as much as Caesar made the meanes correspondent to that end which he intended For considering that the chiefest end of his passage was to let the Germans vnderstand that the power of the Roman Empire was not boūded with the Rhene and that a riuer could not so separate their Territories but that they were able to ioine both the continents together and make a common roade waie where it seemed most vnpassable he thought it best to passe ouer his Army by a bridge that so the Germans might know the power of his forces and also conceit their Territories as vnited vnto Gallia or to be vnited at the pleasure of the Romans with a firme Isthmus plaine passage by foot which in times past had alwaies been separated by a mightie riuer Neither would a transportation by boat haue wrought that effect for as much as the daily vse thereof was so familiar to the Germans that it nothing altered their imagination of an vnaccessible passage but when they saw so strange a thing attempted and so suddenly performed they would easily vnderstand that they were not so farre off but that they might be ouertaken and so direct their demeanour accordingly Let this suffice therfore to proue that a passage ouer a riuer by a bridge is more honourable safe and of greater terror to the enemy then any other way that can be deuised especially if the riuer carrie any depth such as the Rhene is otherwise if it haue either shallowes or foordes whereby men may wade ouer without any great incombrance it were but lost labour to stand about a bridge but rather to thinke of it as of a place incombred with such hindrances as men often meete with in a march CHAP. VII Caesar taketh reuenge vpon the Sicambri giueth libertie to the Vbij and returneth againe into Gallia THE Sicambri vnderstanding that Caesar was making a bridge ouer the Rhene prepared themselues to flie and at the perswasion of the Vsipetes forsooke their country and conuaied selues and their possessions into woods and solitarie desartes Caesar continuing a few daies in their quarters hauing set on fire their villages and houses and burned vp their corne and prouision he came to the Vbij promising them aide against the Sueui by whom he vnderstood that assoone as the Sueui had intelligence that he went about to make a bridge calling a councell according to their maner they sent vnto all quarters of their state that they should forsake their townes and carie their wiues and children and all that they had into the woods and that all that were able to beare Armes should make head in one place which they appointed to bee the midst of their countrey and there they attended the comming of the Romaines and were resolued in that place to giue them battell Which when Caesar vnderstood hauing ended all those thinges in regard whereof he came into Germanie which was chiefely to terrifie the Germans to be reuenged vpon the Sicambri to set the Vbij at libertie hauing
wherby it may be obtained had directed the course of their proceedinges they might with reason haue drawne backe from such imploiments and valewed their safetie aboue the issue of such an enterprise And hence ariseth that confident opinion which the soldiers haue of a good Generall which is a matter of great importance in the course of a warre CHAP. XIII The Britaines make head with their forces and are beaten by Caesar his returne into Gallia AFTER this for manie daies together there followed such tempests and foule weather that both the Romans were constrained to keepe their campe and the Britaine 's were kept from attempting any thing against them But in the meane time they sent messengers into all quarters publishing the small number of the Roman forces and amplifying the greatnesse of the bootie and the easie means offered vnto them of perpetuall libertie if they could take the Roman campe Shortly vpon this hauing gathered a great companie both of horse and foote they came to the place where the Romans were incamped Caesar although he foresaw the euent by that which before had happened that if the enemie were beaten backe he would auoide the danger by flight yet hauing some 30 horse which Comius of Arras had carried with him at his comming into Britanie he imbattailed his legions before his campe and so gaue them battell The enemie not being able to beare the assault of the Roman souldiers turned their backes and fled the Romans followed them as farre as they could by running on foote and after a great slaughter with the burning of their townes farre and neare they returned to their campe The same daie the Britaines sent messengers to Caesar to intreat for peace whom he commanded to double their number of hostages which he commanded to be carried into Gallia And forasmuch as the Aequinoctium was at hand he thought it not safe to put himselfe to the winter sea with such weake shipping and therefore hauing got a conuenient time he hoised saile a little after midnight and brought all his ships safe vnto the continent Two of these ships of burthen not being able to reach the same hauen put in somewhat lower into the land the soldiers that were in them being about 300 being set on shore and marching towardes their campe the Morini with whom Caesar at his going into Britany had made peace in hope of a bootie first with a few of their men stood about them commanding them vpon paine of death to laie downe their weapons and as the Romans by casting themselues into an Orbe began to make defence at the noise and clamour amongst them there were suddenly gathered together about 6000 of the enemy Which thing being knowen Caesar sent out all the horsemen to relieue them in the meane time the Romans sustained the force of the enemie and fought valiantly the space of foure houres and receiuing themselues some few woundes they slew many of the enemie After the Roman horsemen came in sight the enemie cast awaie their weapons and fled and a great number of them fell by the horsemen OBSERVATIONS OF al the figures which the Tactici haue chosen to make vse of in militarie affaires the circle hath euer beene taken for the fittest to be applied in the defensiue part as inclosing with an equall circuit on all partes whatsoeuer is contained within the circumference of that Area and therefore Geometrie tearmeth a circumference a simple line for as much as if you alter the site of the parts and transport one arch into the place of another the figure notwithstanding will remaine the same because of the equall bending of the line throughout the whole circumference Which propertie as it proueth an vniformitie of strength in the whole circuit so that it cannot be said that this is the beginning or this is the end this is front or this is flanke So doth that which Euclide doth demonstrate in the 3 of his Elements concerning the small affinitie betweene a right line and a circle which being drawen to touch the circumference doth touch it but in a point only shew the greatnes of this strength in regard of any other line by which it may be broken Which howsoeuer they seeme as speculatiue qualities conceiued rather by intellectuall discourse then manifested to sensible apprehension yet forasmuch as experience hath proued the strength of this figure in a defensiue part aboue any other maner of imbattailing let vs not neglect the knowledge of these naturall properties which discouer the causes of this effect neither let vs neglect this part of militarie knowledge being so strong a meanes to maintaine valour and the sinew of all our abilitie for order correspondent to circumstances is the whole strength and power of an Armie Neither ought there any action in a well ordered discipline to be irregular or voide of order and therefore the Romans did neither eate nor sleepe without the direction of the Consull or chiefe commander otherwise their valour might rather haue beene tearmed furie then vertue but when their courage was ranged with order and disposed according to the occurrences of the time it neuer failed as long as the said order continued perfect It appeareth therfore how important it is for a commander to looke into the diuersitie of orders for imbattailing and to waigh the nature thereof that hee may with knowledge apply them to the quality of any occasion The Romans tearmed this figure Orbis which signifieth a round body both with a concaue and a conuex surface in resemblance whereof I vnderstand this Orbe of men imbattailed to be so named which might peraduenture consist of fiue or more or fewer rankes inclosing one another after the nature of so manie circles described about one Center so that either the middest thereof remained voide or otherwise contained such cariages and impediments as they had with them in their march This forme of imbattailing was neuer vsed but in great extremitie for as it was the safest of all other so it gaue suspition to the souldiers of exceeding danger which abated much of their heat in battell as wil herafter appeare by the testimonie of Caesar himselfe in the fift Commentarie vpon the occasion which happened vnto Sabinus and Cotta CHAP. XIIII THE next daie Caesar sent Titus Labienus a Legate with those legions which he had brought out of Britanie against the reuolted Morini who hauing no place of refuge because their bogs fens were dried vp where they had sheltered themselues the yeare before they all fell vnder the power of his mercie Q. Titurîus and A. Cotta the Legats who had led the legions against the Menapij after they had wasted their fieldes cut vp their corne burned their houses for the Menapij were all hid in thicke woods they returned to Caesar these thinges being thus ended Caesar placed the wintering campes of all his legions amongst the Belgae to which place two only of all the cities in Britanie sent hostages
the third watch of the night he marched towards them leauing ten cohortes and 300 horse for a garizon to his shipping which he the lesse feared because it lay at anchor in a soft and open shore he marched that night about 12 mile before he found the enemie The Britaines sending out their horse and chariots to a riuer that ran betweene them and the Romans and hauing the aduantage of the vpper ground began to hinder the Romans and to giue them battell but being beaten backe with our horsemen they conuaied themselues into a wood The place was strongly fortified both by art and nature and made for a defence as it seemeth in their ciuill wars for all the entrances were shut vp with great trees laid ouerthwart the passages And the Britaine 's shewed themselues out of the wood but here and there not suffering the Romans to enter the fortification but the soldiors of the seauenth legion with a Testudo which they made and a mount which they raised tooke the place and droue them all out of the woods without any losse at all sauing some fewe wounds which they receiued But Caesar forbad his men to follow after them with any long pursuit because hee was both ignorant of the place and a great part of that daie being spent he would imploy the rest thereof in the fortification of his campe OBSERVATIONS CAesar hauing taken what assurance of peace he could with the Galles both by carrying the chiefest of their Princes with him and by leauing three legions in the continent to keepe the vulgar people in obedience he imbarked al his men at one place that they might be all partakers of the same casualties and take the benefit of the same aduentures which being neglected the yeare before drew him into many inconueniences for want of horse which being imbarked at an other hauen met with other chāces and saw other fortunes and neuer came to him into Britanie The place of landing in this second voiage was the same where he landed the yeere before and by the circumstances of this history may agree with that which tradition hath deliuered of Deale in Kent where it is said that Caesar landed In the first yeere we finde that he neuer remoued his campe from the sea shore where he first seated himselfe although his men went out to bring in corne as far as they might wel returne againe at night but now hee entered further into the Iland and within twelue miles march came vnto a riuer which must needs be that of Canturbury which falleth into the sea at Sandwich In that he saith that the garizon of his shipping consisted of ten cohortes which I haue said to be a legion we must vnderstande that Caesar left not an entire legion in that garizon but he tooke ten cohorts out of his whole forces peraduenture two out of euerie legion and appointed them to take the charge of his shipping CHAP. III. Caesar returneth to his nauies to take order for such losses as had happened by tempest the night before THE next daie earlie in the morning hee deuided his forces into 3. companies and sent them out to pursue the enemy but before they had marched any farre distance and came to haue the rereward of the enemy in vewe there came newes from Q. Atrius with whom he left the ten cohorts and the charge of the shipping that the night before there was such a tempest at sea that the whole nauy was either sore beaten or cast on shore and that neither anchor nor Gable coulde holde them nor yet the Sailers indure the force of the weather and that there was great losse in the shipping by running against one another in the violence of the tempest Vpon these newes Caesar caused the legions to be called backe againe and to cease for that time from following the enemy any further he himselfe returned to the nauy where he found 40. ships lost and the rest not to be repaired but with great industry and paines first therefore he chose shipwrites and Carpenters out of the legions and caused others to bee sent for out of Gallia and writ to Labienus to make ready what shipping he could And although it seemed a matter of great difficulty and much labour yet he thought it best to hale vp all the ships on shore and to inclose them within the fortification of his campe in this businesse he spent ten daies without intermission either of night or day vntill hee had drawn vp the ships and strongly fortified the camp leauing the same garrison which was there before to defend it THE OBSERVATION WHerein we may behold the true image of vndanted valour and the horrible industry as Tully tearmeth it which hee vsed to preuent fortune of her stroke in his busines and comprehende casualties and future contingents within the compas of order and the bounds of his owne power being able in tenne daies space to set almost eight hundred ships from the hazarde of winde and weather and to make his campe the Roade for his nauie that so he might rest secure of a meanes to returne at his pleasure CHAP. IIII. The Britains make Cassiuellaunus generall in this warre the Iland and the maners of the people described CAESAR returning to the place from whence hee came founde far greater forces of the Britans there assembled then he left whē he went to the nauie And that by publike consent of the Britaines the whole gouernment of that war was giuen to Cassiuellaunus whose kingdom lay deuided from the maritimate states with the riuer Thames beginning at the sea extending it selfe 80. mile into the Iland This Cassiuellaunus made continuall war with his neighbor states but vpon the comming of the Romans they all forgot their home-bred quarrels and cast the whole gouernment vpon his sholders as the fittest to direct that war The inner part of Britanie is inhabited by such as memory recordeth to be borne in the Iland and the maritimate coast by such as came out of Belgia either to make incursions or inuasions and after the war was ended they continued in the possessions they had gained and were called by the name of the cities from whence they came the countrey is very populous and well inhabited with houses much like vnto them in Gallia They haue great store of cattell and vse brasse for money or yron ringes waighed at a certaine rate In the mediterranean partes there is found great quantity of Tyn and in the maritimate parts yron their brasse was brought in by other nations They haue all sorts of trees that they haue in Gallia excepting the figge and the Beech. Their religion will not suffer them to eate either Haire Hen or Goose notwithstanding they haue of all sorts as well for nouelty as variety The country is more temperate and not so colde as Gallia The Ilande lieth triangle wise whereof one side confronteth Gallia of which side that angle wherein Kent is pointed
either desperate or slowe of performance and what defect soeuer riseth from the horse must bee answered out of the honour of the rider And surely it seemeth reasonable that what thing soeuer draweth vs into the societie of so great a hazard should as much as is possible be contained in the compasse of our owne power The sword which we manage with our owne hand affoordeth greater assurance then the harquebuse wherein there are many partes belonging to the action as the pouder the stone the spring and such like whereof if the least faile of his part we likewise faile of our fortune but howe probable soeuer this seemeth this is certaine that in the course of the Roman wars the horse were euer defeated by the foot as is manifestly proued in the first of these bookes CHAP. VII Caesar giueth the Britains two seuerall ouerthrowes THE next daie the enemie made a stand vpon the hils a far off from the campe and shewed themselues not so often neither were they so busie with our horsemen as they were the day before but about noone when Caesar sent out three legions and al his Caualry to get forrage vnder the conduction of the Caius Trebonius a legate they made a sodaine assault vpon the forragers and fell in close with the Ensignes and the legions The Romans charged very fiercely vpon them and beate them backe neither did they make an end of following them vntill the horsemen trusting to the succour of the legions which were behinde them put them all to flight with the slaughter of a great number of them neither did they giue them respite either to make head to make a stand or to forsake their chariots After this ouerthrow all their Auxiliarie forces departed from them neither did they afterward contend with the Romans with any great power Caesar vnderstanding their determination caried his armie to the riuer Thames and so to the confines of Cassiuellaunus which riuer was passable by foot but in one place only and that very hardly at his comming hee found a great power of the enemy to be imbattailed on the other side and the banck fortified with many sharpe stakes and many other also were planted couertly vnder the water These things being discouered to the Romans by the Captiues and fugitiues Caesar putting his horse before caused the legions to followe sodainlie after who notwithstanding they had but their heades cleere aboue the water went with that violence that the enemy was not able to endure the charge but left the bancke and betooke themselues to flight THE OBSERVATION THis attempt of Caesar seemeth so strange to Brancatio that hee runneth into as strange conclusions concerning this matter as first that he that imitateth Caesar may doubt of his good fortunes for his proceeding in this point was not directed by any order of war and that a great commander hath nothing common with other leaders but especially he crieth out at the basenesse of the Britains that woulde suffer themselues so cowardly to be beaten But if wee looke into the circumstances of the action we shal find both Art good direction therein for being assured by the fugitiues that the riuer was passable in that place in that place onlie he knew that he must either aduēture ouer there or leaue Cassiuellaunus for an other sūmer which was a very strong inducement to vrge him to that enterprise The difficultie wherof was much relieued by good direction which consisted of two pointes first by sending ouer the horsemen in the front of the legions who might better indure the charge of the enemie then the footmen coulde that were vppe to the necke in water and withall to shelter the footmen from the furie of the enemie Secondly he sent them ouer with that speede that they were on the other side of the water before the enemie coulde tell what they attempted for if he had lingered in the seruice and giuen the enemie leaue to find the aduantage which he had by experience his men had neuer bin able to haue indured the hazard of so dangerous a seruice It is hard to coniecture at the place where this seruice was performed for since the building of London bridge manie foordes haue beene scoured with the current and fall of the water which before that time carried not such a depth as now they doe CHAP. VII The conclusion of the Brittish warre Caesar returneth into Gallia CAssiuellaunus hauing no courage to contend anie longer dismissed his greatest forces and retaining onely foure thousand chariots obserued their iourneies keeping the wood countries and driuing men and cattell out of the fields into the woods for feare of the Romans and as their horsemen straied out either for forrage or bootie hee sent his chariots out of the woods by vnknowne waies and put their horsemen to great perill in regard whereof the horsemen durst neuer aduenture further then the legions neither was there anie more spoile done in the countrey then that which the legionarie souldiers did of themselues In the meane time the Trinobantes being almost the greatest state of all those countries from whom Mandubratius had fled to Caesar into Gallia for that his father Imanuentius holding the kingdome was slaine by Cassiuellaunus sent Ambassadours to Caesar to offer their submission and to intreat that Mandubratius might be defended from the oppression of Cassiuellaunus and sent vnto them to take the kingdome Caesar hauing receiued from them fortie pledges and corne for his Armie sent Mandubratius vnto them The Trinobantes being thus kept from the violence of the souldiers the Cenimagni Seguntiaci Anacalites Bibrocassi yeelded themselues to Caesar By these he vnderstood that Cassiuellaunus his towne was not farre off fortified with woods and bogges and well stored with men and cattell The Britaines call a towne a thicke wood inclosed about with a ditch and a rampier made for a place of retrait when they stood in feare of incursions from the borderers Thither marched Caesar with his Armie and found it well fortified both by arte and nature And as he assaulted it in two seuerall places the enemie vnable to keepe it cast himselfe out of the towne by a backe waie and so he tooke it Where he found great store of cattell and slew manie of the Britaines While these thinges were a doing Cassiuellaunus sent messengers into Kent wherin there were foure seurall kinges Cingetorix Caruilius Taximagulus and Segonax them he commanded with all the power they could make to set vpon the campe where the nauie was kept These kinges comming to the place were ouerthrowne by a sallie which the Romans made out vpon them manie of them being slaine and Cingetorix taken prisoner This battell concurring with the former losses and especially moued thereunto with the reuolt of the forenamed cities Cassiuellaunus intreated peace of Caesar by Comius of Arras Caesar being determined to winter in the continent for feare of sudden commotions in Gallia and that the summer was now
desired so to bee and that after I had obtained his friendship I was glad of it I had seene him ioint officer with my father in the gouernment of the pretorian cohort and not long after in managing the cittie affaires and matters of warre his kinsemen and allies were aduanced to honour as euerie man was inward with Seianus so he was graced by Caesar and contrariwise such as were not in his fauour liued in feare and distressed with pouertie Neither doe I alleadge any man for an example of this all of vs who were not priuie to his last attempts with the danger of my onely estate I will defend not Seianus the Vulsiniensis but a part of the Claudian and Iulian familie which by alliance hee had entered into thy sonne in law Caesar thy companion in the Consulship and him who tooke vpon him thy charge of administring the common-wealth wee did reuerence and honor It is not our part to iudge of him whom thou doest exalt aboue the rest nor for what considerations to thee the highest iudgement of thinges the gods haue giuen and to vs the glory of obedience is left We looke into those thinges which we see before our eies whom thou doest inrich whome thou doest aduance to honours who haue greatest power of hurting or helping which Seianus to haue had no man will denie The Princes hidden thoughts or if he go about any secret drift it is not lawful to sound and dangerous neither shalt thou in the ende reach vnto them Thinke not onely Lordes of the senate of Seianus last daie but of sixteene yeeres in which wee did likewise fawne vppon and court Satrius and Pomponius and to be knowne vnto his freed men and partners was reckoned for a high fauour What then shall this defence bee generall and not distinguished but a confusion made of times past and his latter actions no but let it by iust boundes and tearmes be deuided let the treasons against the common wealth the intentions of murdering the Emperour bee punished but as for the friendships dueties pleasures and good turnes the same ende shall discharge and quit thee O Caesar and vs The constancie of this Oration preualled so much that his Accusers were punished with exile And thus wee see howe particularities decide the controuersie and make the waie plaine to good direction CHAP. XI The Romaines take their iourney towardes the next legion and are set vpon by the Galles AS soone as the daye lyght appeared they set foorth of their Campe like men persuaded that the counsell had beene giuen them not by an enemie but by Ambiorix an especiall friende with a long tailed march and as much baggage as they were able to carrie The Galles vnderstanding of their iourney by their noise and watching in the night secretlie in the woodes some two miles off layed an Ambuscado in two seuerall places of aduantage and there attended the comming of the Romaines and when the greatest part of the troupes were entered into a valley sodainlie they shewed themselues on both sides the vale pressing harde vppon the rerewarde and hindering the formost from going vppe the hill and so beganne to charge vppon the Romaines in a place of as great disaduantage for them as coulde bee Then at length Titurius as one that had prouided for nothing before hande began to tremble ran vp and down and disposed his cohorts but so fearefully and after such a fashion as if all things had gone against him as it happeneth for the most part to such as are forced to consult in the instance of execution THE OBSERVATION IT nowe plainelie appeareth by this negligent and ill ordered march and the vnlooked for incounter which the Galles gaue thē that feare had ratified in the iudgment of Sabinus the smooth suggestion of Ambiorix with an approbation of a certaine truth and laied that for a principle which a discourse free from passion would haue discerned to be but weake and of no probabilitie which so much the more amazed Titurius by howe much his apprehension had erred from the truth and betraied good counsell to a course full of danger which as Caesar noteth must needes fall vpon such as are then to seeke for direction when the businesse requireth execution I haue handled alreadie the inconueniences of disappointment and therfore at this time wil but bring it only into remembrance that wee may take the greater care to preuent an accident of that nature wherein as the best remedie for an euill is to foresee it according to the saying praeuisa pereunt mala so the greatest mischiefe in an euill is when it commeth vnthought of and besides our expectation for then it falleth vpon vs with a supernaturall waight and affrighteth the minde with a superstitious astonishment as though the diuine powers had preuented our dessignements with an irremediable calamitie and cut off our appointment with a contrarie decree although peraduenture the thing it selfe carie no such importance but might be remedied if wee were but prepared with an opinion that such a thing might happen It were no ill counsell therefore what resolution soeuer bee taken to make as full account of that which may fall out to crosse our intentions as that which is likelie to happen from the direction of our chiefest proiects and so we shall be sure to haue a present mind in the middest of our occasions and feele no further danger then that which the nature of the thing inforceth CHAP. XII The Romans cast themselues into an Orbe and are much discouraged BVT Cotta who had before thought that these things might happen by the waie and for that cause would not bee the author of the iourney was not wanting in anie thing that concerned their common safetie for both in calling vppon the soldiours and incouraging them hee executed the place of a Commaunder and in fighting the dutie of a soldiour And when they found that by reason of the length of their troupe they were not able in their owne persons to see all thinges doone and to giue direction in euerie place they caused it to bee proclaimed that they should all forsake their baggage and cast themselues into an Orbe which direction although in such a case bee not to be reprooued yet it fell out ill fauoredlie for it both abated the courage of the Romans and gaue the enemie greater incouragement inasmuch as it seemed that that course was not taken but vppon a great feare and in extremitie of perill Moreouer it happened as it coulde not otherwise chose that the soldiours went from their Ensignes to take from the cariages such thinges as were most deere vnto them and there was nothing heard amongst them but clamours and weepings But the Barbarous Galles were not to learne howe to carrie themselues for their Commaunders caused it to bee proclaimed that no man shoulde sturre out of his place for the praie was theirs and all that the Romaines had laide aparte was reserued for them
vndertooke priuate combate made the soldiours wiser in their cariage and put an end to their sedition and ciuill discordes But that which is yet worst of all is that custome hath now made it so familiar that euery trifle seemeth sufficient to call the matter to a priuate combate a crosse looke calleth an others mans honour in question but the word lye is of as great consequence as any stabbe or villanie whatsoeuer Whereat we may well wonder howe it happeneth that wee feele our selues so much exasperated at the reproch of that vice which we so ordinarilie commit for in the custome of these times to cast vpon vs the lie is the greatest iniurie that wordes can doe vnto vs and yet there is nothing more frequent in our mouth It may be a propertie in our nature to stand chiefely in the defence of that corruption vnto which wee are most subiect I speake not this to qualifie the foulenesse of this vice for I holde a lier to bee a monster in nature one that contemneth God and feareth man as an ancient father saith but to shew the crookednesse of our disposition in disdaining to acknowledge that fault which wee so commonlie commit But I would faine learne when honor first came to be measured with words for from the beginning it was not so Caesar was often called to his face theefe and dronkard without any further matter and the liberty of inuectiues which great personages vsed one against an other as it began so it ended with words And so I thinke our lie might too for I take him that returneth the lie and so letteth it rest vntill further proofe to haue as great aduantage in the reputation of honor as the former that first gaue the disgrace CHAP. XX. Cicero sendeth to Caesar at whose comming the siege was raised and the Galles ouerthrowne AT length Cicero found meanes by a Gall to aduertise Caesar of the danger wherein he was who speedily hasted with two legions to giue him succour the Neruij vnderstanding of Caesars approach forsooke the siege and went to meet him Caesar finding the enemy to be 60000. strong and himselfe not to haue aboue 7000. men incamped himselfe in a place of aduantage and sought by counterfeiting feare to draw the enemy to come and assault his campe which he handled with that dexteritie that the Galles came vp vnto him with a full assurance of victory but Caesar sending out two sallies at two seueral gates of the campe ouerthrew the greatest part of them and dispossest the rest of their armes and so ended that war FINIS Lib. 3. Salust de bello Iugur Suitchers Caesar Matrona Sequena Two states in the duchie of Burgundie The lake of Geneua Mont ioux Caesar The omission in the Heluetian expedition Caesar Caesar Zuricke The maner of their watch Caesar Caesar Bray in the county of Retell Places of aduantage in the Roman warres Their maner of victualing Caesar The manner of their imbattailing By triplex Acies Lib. 1. de bello Ciuili Lib 3. de bello Ciuili Lib. 5. de militia Romana A phalanx described Caesar Speeches of incouragement before they gaue battell Lib. 7. de bello gallico The Roman Pile described Lib. 3. de militia Romana Lib. 5. Salust Caesar Them of Borbon and Loraine The ensignes of the Romans The diuision of their day Caesar * Langiers Periculum semper ab hostibus grauissimum sustinet diuisus inordinatus exercitus Caesar * Langres * Sauoyens Caesar The people of Auuergne Caesar The authoritie of the Roman Generals Liuie lib. 8. Lib. 3. de bello Ciuili Caesar Caesar * Triers * The country about Cōstāce in Germanie * Le doux The nature of feare Caesar * Cimbri a nation came out of Germanie and droue out the Aduatici and are now the Zelanders Teutoni Germans Whether men haue greater courage in their owne or in a strangers country Caesar Foote men intermingled amongst horsemen Lib. 6. Lib. 3. de excid Lib. 3. De bello Africano Caesar Caesar Caesar The vse of lots Caesar Caesar a The country about Beauuois b The country about Soissons c The people about Turnai d Arras e Amyens f Vermandois g Terwene h Leige 296000 in al. * La disne Caesar A legion what it was Lib. 4. De vita Romuli Liu. lib. 22. Tacitus 3. hist Velites Hastati Principes Lib. 6. Lib. 1. de mil. Rom. The vse of this diuision The distinction of their companies Manipuli Ordo Cohors Lib. 3. de re rust Alegion ranged in battell The first order 3. De bello ciuili Prima cohors The benefit of this discipline The benefit of small battailions and the disaduantage of great squadrons * Bray in the county of Retell To take a towne by surprise A Testudo described Lib. 44. Lib. 49. The necessitie of good discouerie * Now England The order which is to be obserued in discouery Slingers with their arte and vse Lib. 2. Lib. 2. natu questions Caesar Caesar * Noyon Caesar * Soyssons * Lib. 4. A vinea or vine described Agger or mount Towers or Turrets described Caesar The Bellouaci taken to mercie The Ambiani yeeld vp themselues The Neruij * Sābre neere Namours The maner of the Romaine march The two respects which Caesar had in ordering a march 1 Safety 2 Conueniēcy Agmen quadratum * Lib. 8. de bel Gall. * 60. Epistle Lib. 6. Agmenlongū Lib. 5. de bel Gallico The vse that may be made of this in our moderne wars Caesar The description of the Roman campe with all the parts belonging vnto it The Centurions made choise of the place The Praetorium Principia The tentes of the Tribunes The space betweene the tents and the rampier Contuberniū The ditch and the rampier Agger Vallum Praetoria porta Porta Decumana Portae principales Laeua Dextra The commodity of this incamping The ceremonies which they vsed in their preparation to battel Caesar And therefore I rather take it to bee something els then a word The place and office of a primipile The Target described Lib. 16. c. 40. Caesar Li. de militia Iu. Cae. Caesar either Doway or Bosleduke in Brabant Circūuallatio In the seuenth commentarie Aries or the Ram. Cales Aries simplex Aries composita To giue notice of an Alarum by fire Lib. 25. The punishments which the Romans laied vpon a conquerednation Caesar Of this supplication I wil speake in the latter ende of the 4 booke Caesar Caesar The force of nouelty turning the for tune of a battell Caesar * Sauoiens * Le Perche * Cornoaille in Bretaine * Vannes The weakenes of our iudgement in regard of the knowledge of future times The Authority of exāple Caesar * Ligeris The groundes of that reuerent opinion which is held of ambassadors Caesar Lendriguer Lysieux Nantes Aurenche Leondoul Cities in little Britaine * Triers Caesar The causes of the ebbing and flowing of the sea Spring tides The manner of their shipping Lib. 27. Their maner of sea-fights Lib. 2. de bello ciuili Caesar The force of industrie * La Perche Caesar * Rhone * Eureux The vse which the Romans made of a counterfeit feare Lib. 5. Caesar * Euocati Euocati Lib. 7. de bello Gall. Caesar Sertorius Two meanes to atchieue victorie and to ouermaster their enemies Tubalcaine by war and Naamah by the floud Not to forgo an aduantage The place where suspected forces are best bestowed in battell Caesar Lib. 3. Auertimento secundo Lib. de bello Gallico Caesar * Terouine * Cleue and Gueldres * Those of Zutpnen * Of Hassia Caesar Caesar * Geldres and Cleeue Salust Tacit. 1. Anal. Caesar * Liege * Colonia Agripina Vincitur haud gratis iugulo qui prouocat hostem Liu. lib. 9. Liu. lib. 7. Caesar Caesar Caesar Lib. de Machi Caesar Caesar Caesar Teroanne or Monstrell Caesar Answere to the first obiection The answere to the second reason The answere to the third reason Of the name Imperator 3. Annal. Phil. 14. Lib. 2. epist. 9. Caesar Caesar Caesar Li. 15. fami Cicero Caesar Caesar Caesar Caesar Caesar Lib. 4. Pli. lib. 10. Caesar Caesar * Either Cambraz Amiens or S. Quintin Caesar Caesar Lib. 9. Anal. 6. Caesar Lib. 20 Caesar