that is present and certain Who is there amongst us that does not know the many conveniences we reap by peace and the as many inconveniences which arise from war It may suffice to say that in time of our so long troubles we were able to maintain war in Terra ferma for the space of almost twenty years because we had the sea open which supplyed this city both with publick and private wealth but that being now shut up our traffick is hindered our taxes lessened every one of whatsoever condition suffers and there is want of all things And what is there to be said of the Turks power a great Empire numerous Armies store of gold abundance of all things requisite for war and that which I am sorry I can so truly say such obedience and military discipline as is rather desired then observed amongst Christians What have we therefore to do in the condition we are in but to temporise and wait for better fortune against so powerfull an enemy Great is the vicissitude of human affairs which hardly keep in the same posture any while at all And it is the part of a wise man to know his advantages and his disadvantages and to wait the friendship of time If we call to minde past things we shall finde that war with the Turks hath alwaies been a businesse of too great weight for us to bear We would not have peace with Mahomet after the losse of Nigroponte hoping to regain it yet at last we were forced to agree with him upon the yielding up of Scutari and Brazzo di Maina to the Turks After the Common-wealth was almost wasted by long war with Bajazet we came at last to peace with him upon his own conditions and upon harder terms than those we had refused by which to boot with the places which he had taken we yielded up the Fort St. Maura unto him which we had recovered but a little before I could produce many more such unfortunate examples and yet the Turks were not then so strong especially at sea as now they are Let us not then be so far born away by appearances as to foregoe better counsells To make war with the Turks appears to be a pious and generous thing yet he who shall weigh things aright will finde that in the conâ—ition that Christendom is in at the present it is impious and unwise the nature thereof being changed by many various accidents What greater impiety can be used then by continuing war to expose the people commended to our care to so many sufferings and such certain raine We have the spectacle of Corfu before our eyes from whence fifteen thousand persons were carried into bondage by the Turks To make gallant and generous attempts becomes a magnanimous and generous Prince when reason and hope perswade him thereunto but otherwise it is rashnesse and imprudency To expose our selves to certain dangers when they may be avoided what is it but to tempt divine Providence And the Parable which we read in the Gospell that he who is to go against a potent Enemy ought first to consider well whether he can withstand him with ten thousand men who comes to assault him with twenty thousand Doth it not teach us to be wary and mature in all our actions and not to leave any place for repentance to our selves nor for blame to others Foscari's wisdom and eloquence was much commended yet could it not convince a certain fatall inclination which was already grounded in the mindes of many to continue the war So as the number of votes falling short to make this proposall passe the businesse remained undecided as before and yet the not resolving to write to Constantinople was in effect to resolve to prosecute the war and to be bound to stipulate the League as soon as might be Soon after therefore larger Commissions were sent to the Embassadour at Rome touching the concluding it wherein they yielded to such Articles as had suffered a long debate each of which was first distinctly readd and approved of by the Senate The Articles were these That a League and confederacy Offensive and Defensive was made by Pope Paul the 3d. the Emperour Charles the 5th and the Common-wealth and Senate of Venice against Soliman grand Signior of the Turks whereby the Confederates obliged themselves to make war against the Turks with two hundred Gallies one hundred Frigats fifty thousand Foot whereof twenty thousand were to be Italians ten thousand Spaniards and twenty thousand Germans and four thousand five hundred Burgonian Horse Which forces were to be accompanied with a sufficient train of Artillery Ammunition and other necessaries And all these forces were every year to be ready by the midst of March. Of these Gallies the Pope was to arm thirty six the Emperour eighty two and the State of Venice eighty two that the Emperour should be particularly obliged to finde all the ships and the Venetians to give the Gallies to the Pope furnisht but upon condition that every part of the other expences were to be proportionably made good in what they should exceed the rest and particularly that the Venetians should be paid for as many armed gallies as they should lend above their just proportion of eighty two that of all the expence which should go to the maintaining of these forces the Pope should contribute the sixth part the Emperour three and the Common-wealth two Moreover that the taking of Corn from every place should be open for the common benefit which was to be sold to such of the Colleagues as had need thereof at reasonable rates That Ferdinand King of the Romanes should be understood to be included in this confederacy for whom Cesar obliged himselfe that he should raise an Army apart by himselfe to assault the Turks on the side of Hungaria and that the King of France should be likewise understood to be therein concluded when he should declare that he would accept of that primary and most honourable place which was reserved for him which if he should doe the Pope should determine what forces he should bring to joyn in the common enterprises which were understood were to be for the increase of those which were already agreed upon and divided amongst the Colleagues and if any other Italian Princes should joyn in the League the expences of the three chiefe confederates should be lessened as much as their contribution should come unto That the Pope should likewise indeavour to draw the King of Poland and the other Christian Princes into the League and that if any difference touching the League should arise amongst the Christian confederates it should be determined by the Pope that Andrea Doria should be Generall of all the forces at Sea and the Duke of Urbin of those at Laxd Concerning the acquisitions which should be made by the common Arms it was thus ordered by a writing apart That every one of the confederates should have whatsoever should be recovered and which had
Venetians 296 marries Giulia daughter to the Duke of Camerino Succeeds his Father in the Dutchy of Vrbine and confirm'd by the Venetians in their service falls into the Popes displeasure for the Dutchy of Camerino 361. Yeilds up that Dutchy to the Church 557. Is made General of the Venetian Militia 611. Marries Virginia Neece to Pope Paul the third 621 H HEnry the 8. King of England undertakes to reconcile the Venetians with the Emperour 76. enters into a League with Charls the 5th 193. Offers to engage for the safety of Italy 223. Treats about relieving Pope Clement besieged by the Imperialists 255. Angry with the Venetians and why 349. Is displeased that he was not included by the Christian Princes in their League against the Turk 414. Makes a League with the Emperour against the King of France 591 Henry the 2. Son to King Francis marries Catarina Neece to Pope Clement the 7. Succeeds his Father in the Kingdom of France 354 355. Intends to make war in Italy 620. Negotiates a League with the German Princes against the Emperour 638. Favourâ— the Senesi in their insurrection 649 Henry the 3. King of France in his passage through Venice made a Noble Venetian 616 I IAnusbei sent from Soliman to the Venetians 363. Being sent to the Venetian General is taken by those of Cimera and restored gratis 379 Islands of the Archiepelagus taken from the Venetians by Barbarossa 392 Julius the 2. Pope his Death and Character 12 Julius the 3. Pope elected with great hopes from all men of future goodness 630. He answers not those expectations 632. Discovers himself to be an enemy to the French 639 L THe Landgrave of Hessen and other Protestant Princes raise up a vast Army in Germany 355 A League negotiated between the Venetians the French 8 9 10 11 Concluded 12. A League between the Pope the Emperour the King of Spain Sforza Duke of Milan and the Switzers 101. Between Pope Leo and Charls the 5. and the conditions thereof 174. Between Charls the 5. and Henry King of England 193. Between Charls the 5. and the Venetians 199. Between the Pope the King of France and the Venetians 227 A League between the Pope the Venetians and the Florentines 223 Between the Venetians and Francesco Sforza Duke of Milan 318. Between the Pope the Emperour and many Princes of Italy 348. Of the Christian Princes against Soliman 387. A League between the Pope the Emperour the Venetians and other Princes against the Tuâ—k 413 414. Of the Princes â—f Germany against the Emperour 641 Leo the tenth chosen Pope 13. His Designs in the beginning â—f his Popedom ibid. His ill Will to the Venetians 31. Negotiates a Peace between the Emperour and the Venetians 72 73. His Designs in that Negotiation 75. Enters into a League with the Emperour 174. Restores Parma and Piacenza to the King of France 125. Gives the King of France a meeting in Bologna 126. Negotiates an accord between the Emperour and the Venetians 125. Sends his Legate to the Emperour 133. Suspects the French 138. Puts for an universal Truce among Christian Princes 160. Sideth with the King of France in the Election of the Emperour 162. Unresolved to confirm the League with France 165. Ioyns in League with Charls the 5. against Milan 174 Dies 179. Lodi taken by the Switzers and retaken by Alviano 107. Sacked by the Switzers 137. Yeilded to the French Taken by the Imperialists 178. Taken by the French 202. Taken by the Venetians 228 Lodowick the 12. King of France gets the Dutchy of Milan and the Kingdom of Naples 4. Hath new practises on foot for the recovery of Milan 7. Makes a League with the Venetians 12. Makes a Truce with Ferdinand King of Spain 15. Raises an Army for Italy 16. Annulleth the Council of Lions and adhereth to that of Lateran 31. Dies whiles he prepares for invading Milan 92 Lodowick King of Hungary prepares for his own defence against Soliman 163. Sends an Embassadour to Venice 168. 170. Is relieved with monies by the Venetians ibid. Lewis Lord of Tramogly General for the King of France in the Enterprize of Milan 16. Passeth into Italy and takes Milan and other Cities 19. Assaults Novara 22. Draws off from before it 23. His Camp is routed by the Switzers 26. Returns into France ibid. Luigi Badoara Embassadour for the Venetians in France 395. And in Spain 398. Commissary General in Dalmatia 425. Embassadour to Constantinople and his Commission 571. Concludes a peace with the Turks and yeilds up to them Napoli and Malvasia 573 M MAffeo Leone and others punished for revealing the secrets of the Commonwealth of Venice to forraign Princes 574 Malta bestowed upon the Knights of Rhodes by Charls the 5. Marano seiz'd upon by Frangipane â—8 Assaulted by the Venetians 58 59. Taken by Baltrame Sacchia and yeilded up to the French 589. Given by the King of France to Pietro Strozzi who selleth it to the Venetians 598. The Marquess of Saluzzo with the French Army in Lombardy 228. Succeeds Lautrech before Naples whence he suddenly rises 287. His Army is defeated by the Imperialists and himself taken prisoner ibid. Maximilian the Emperour intends to drive the French out of Italy 5. His qualities 10. He stirs up the Great Turk against the Venetians 55. Makes great preparations for the War of Italy 102. Agrees with the Switzers and some Princes against the king of France 127. Affirms that the State of the Church belongs to the Empire 130. Passeth with an Army into Italy 133. Takes in many places of the Dutchy of Milan and besiegeth Milan 135 136. Returns into Germany 137. Makes peace with France 151 152. Makes a Truce with the Venetians ibid. Dies 161 Maurice Duke of Saxony helps the Emperor in his Wars against the Protestants 615 Milan yeilded up to Francis King of France 115. Besieged by the Emperour Maximilian 136 Taken by the Army of Charles the 5.178 In what condition it was by Pope Leo's death 180. Assaulted by the Popes and Venetians Forces 229. Besieged by the French and the Venetians 309. Returns into the hands of Duke Francesco Sforza 324. Falls into the Emperours 363 Monsieur de S Paul sent by King Francis with an Army into Italy 288. Ioyning with the Venetians he takes Pavia 190. Makes new progresses in Lombardy 308. Goes against Genoa 309. His Army is routed and he taken prisoner by Leva 310 N NAples assaulted by the Leagues Army 240. Besieged by Lautrech 279. Much streightned both by Land and Sea 282. The Siege is raised 287 The Nature and Customs of Charls the Fifth 167. Of Francis King of France 168. Of the French 296. Noble Venetians go to the defence of Padua and Trevigi 51. Employed in great Gallies into the Levant upon diverse sorts of merchandise 159. Sent by the Senate to the defence of their Cities in Terra Ferma 280. What they are that are so called 615. The Number of the vessels that were into the
endeavour that this Friendship and Peace might be confirm'd by the King as soon as might be Lewis seemed to be content with what was done and promised to make good all that had been agreed upon by Ferrario except that Article of yeâ—lding up Cremona and Giaradada to the Venetians which places he absolutely denyed to surrender up to any The Venetians would very gladly have had Cremona restored for when they called to memory what expence and labour they had been at in the getting of it the more desirous they were to re-possess it To which purpose they used these reasons to the King that either of their States ought to be bounded by remarkable Confines to take away all future occasions which might arise of breaking their Amity which could be none else but the two Rivers of Poe and Ada that the Cities of Brescia and Cremona were so scituated as unless they were Masters of Cremona their Dominion must be continually divided and weak and subject to many Inconveniences That the better to strengthen the new League it was best to renew it upon the same conditions which were formerly accepted of by the King that the King could not retract without injury to them from any thing which was treated upon and concluded by Feâ—rerio not without his knowledg Thus whilst both the parties were firm to their opinions Affairs grew every day more difficult and there appeared less hope of bringing them to their desired end The Pope was very much moved when he heard of this Treaty though it came to him but by an uncertain Rumor and was occasioned rather by Jealousie than by apparent Evidence he therefore being desirous to keep the French and the Venetians divided began to lay aside much of that severity wherewith he had wont to treat with them and endeavoured to sweeten them with many Courtesies and Humanities He excused himself for having entred into a new League with Caesar whereunto he was inforced for the avoiding of many mischiefes He promised that when he should have secured his own Affairs he would declare himself a Friend to the Common-wealth that the mean while he would not take up any Temporal Army against them but would annull the Ecclesiastical Censures which he had laid upon them Moreover the Switzers exhorted thereunto by Cardinal Sedunensa a great Friend to the French and being also stirr'd up by the Pope sent their Embassadours to Venice to use their Authority in this business which at this time was very great with all Princes out of the high esteem which was had of their Military Valour These exhorted the Senate to Peace and making great boasts of themselves and of their Power strove to make all other Friendships less safe and less desirable than theirs Likewise by Advice of the same Pope the Vice-roy of Naples sent Pietro di Castro to Venice to let the Senate understand that the Vice-roy had Power to prolong as long as they should please the Peace which but a little before they had concluded with Caesar by Ferdinand's procurement and to use all means to confirm such as were jealous in their ancient Friendship and Affection with his King The Senators being assaulted by these several Adresses as if it had been by so many Engines whereas they were joyntly minded before to make Peace with France and renew the War some of them began now to think upon Peace which they did the sooner because News came every day from several parts of great Preparations for War which Henry King of England was making to assault France Whence it was to be feared that King Lewis being busied in defending his own Kingdomes could not that year bethink himself of the Affairs of Italy nor imploy his Forces therein Therefore as soon as any Proposition was made tending to the new League the others by spinning out time endeavoured to abstruct the business They put them in mind of the great miseries of those times affirming that after so much labour and danger it was now time to endeavour Peace to themselves and their Subjects That all humane things were governed with a certain variety and change and by a perpetual turning about were seen sometimes to increase sometimes to diminish that their Common-wealth had enjoy'd Prosperity for a long time it now became them to bear with some Adversity that when the times should alter she might recover her ancient Reputation Empire and Glory That therefore they were to use such Wisdom and Temper as not to bring their Common-wealth to ultimate ruine by pressing upon time and by too hastily accelerating the nâ—w growth of their Common-wealth that all Italy might bear witness of the French mens cruel dispositions which being imperiously used by them as well in Peace as in War might prove how this Nation was equally â—roublesome and insupportable both to their Friends and Enemies That to open the way again to this barbarous Nation was to return Italy into much misery and calamity That Maximillian 's nature was such as through his Inconstancy and immense Prodigality which had oft time brought him to greatest Extremities they might assuredly hope shortly and at no great expence to recover all that he possest of theirs But others laboured to perswade the contrary who were of opinion that a high though no assured hope ought to be preferr'd before safer but more humble thoughts They said the Venetians were never so overcome by fear as by so great a desire of quiet to forego all occasions of just and glorious War That it was therefore that the fame of their Common-wealth was so highly extoll'd and lowdly cryed up even in the farthest distant Nations And that she had then purchas'd most praise when she appeared to be almost extinct triumphing over victorious Fortune That they should still keep the same noble resolutions for all things do at last bow to Worth That their greatest dangers were already over that they did not fight now for safety but now for Glory and Empire That since they had so freely undergone the weight of so great War there was no necessity of oppressing the little remainders by Peace and Agreement but to secure their Affairs for a longer time by a famous Victory That they should remember what the common Proverb sayes That every one builds up his own Fortune That the loss at Geradada was accompanied by many other unfortunate successes because dispairing so soon they neither hoped for nor put for any thing But as assoon as they began to rouze up their minds their Fortune began likewise to rouze up and their good hopes were accompanyed by good success That if the Affairs of Italy should be established in a setled Peace and that Venice now accustomed to the Inconveniences of War should be abased with idleness and wantonness it would be too late to hope for the recovery hereafter of her former State and Dignity That the condition of Italy was now such as she needed not to fear any prejudice by the coming in of
another great mischief was added to all their sufferings for the Plague began to grow hot amongst them For which the Senate charged the Magistrates to thank the Citizens in the Name of the Common-wealth promising them that these their good Services should be kept in perpetual Memory and that their Deserts should be acknowledged and rewarded even to posterity That they knew their singular Worth and Loyalty That therefore they might promise unto themselves all things which could be expected from a grateful Common-wealth which did always willingly embrace and very much cherish all such as were faithful and valiant The Senate did likewise commend Renzo da Ceri as they had done many times before striving to confirm him in the loyalty and worth which he had hitherto shewn and herein they used many gracious expressions exalting his deserts so to honour that man with praise which is the reward of Virtue who was so desirous of Glory and to invite him to the undertaking of other worthy Enterprizes They said That the Venetian Souldiers had learnt to overcome under the Conduct of such a Commander who by the greatness of his Courage had overcome even the greatest difficulties and made them appear easie that they expected yet greater things from his Gallantry And having occasion soon after to shew themselves thankful to so well deserving a man he was by general consent chosen to succeed Giovan Paolo Baglione in his Office who having ended his Conduct had taken his leave of the Venetian Army Baglione being taken Prisoner as you have heard in the unfortunate Battle at Vicenza had got leave of the Spanish Commanders to go to Venice upon exchange for Caravagiale a Spanish Commander which if he could effect he was to have his liberty but if otherwise he was to return Prisoner to the Enemy Baglione got leave of the Senate for the exchange and Captain Caravagiale was carried from Venice to Padua but Gurghense without whose knowledg this exchange was made opposed it saying it was not to be observed the quality of the persons not being alike nor the good which might redound to the several Princes by the Exchange Wherefore Baglione thinking he was free from his Parole since the fault proceeded not from him refused to return any more Prisoner to the Enemy and having obtain'd leave of the Venetians went to Rome whither he was sent for by the Pope Baglione held the next place in Dignity after Alviano who was the Venetians General his pay was 30000 Duckets a year and he was bound to have in his Troop 200 Gens d' Armes and 100 light Horse His place was granted to Renzo upon the same conditions but he refused it Rendering notwithstanding many acknowledgments to the Senate who of their own free wills had conferr'd that Honour upon him who was absent and had no ways sought it though it was wont to be much put for by others he told them that his abode in Crema at this time of many eminent dangers was of much concernment to his own Honour and to the service of the Common-wealth that he desired nothing more then to preserve that City to the Common-wealth that he knew very well the Senate had offer'd him that preferment not to invite him to serve them well and faithfully but to witness the love they bore him for nothing could now adde to his ancient affection which he knew he could not more apparently manifest then in defending that City There were some who thought Renzo the more to be commended for having preferr'd Worth it self before the badg of Worth but many suspected what did afterwards appear by many signs more clearly to wit that Renzo would not be obliged to go unto the Army because he bore a secret enmity to Alviano and shunn'd to be under the command of another especially of one who was of so severe a nature and who was no very good friend of his Whilst these things went thus the year of our Lord 1514 began and began unfortunately for on the 10th of Ianuary the first hour after midnight some shops fell on fire in the Rialto which is seated in the midst of the City a place much frequented and held in great esteem for the happy Auspice of the Cities first rise which began first to be built there and wherein all things are usually sold which fire taking hold of the neighbouring houses did soon mightily increase and in a moment burnt many publique Buildings and great store of Merchandise of all sorts and for the greater misforfortune the wind blew very furiously then from the North which carried the fire into the most remote parts of the City and the houses that were nearer hand were soon irreparably consumed there was not any one who either by Council or Action could suppress the violence of the fire in this sad and sudden chance and in this confusion which fill'd the whole City with fear though the Nobles and common people flock'd presently thither from all places The fire dilating it self on all sides got to the Pescaria on the one side and on the other side to the Temple of Santo Apollinare places which stood far asunder miserably consuming and throwing all things down to the ground Many gallant Ornaments of the City and much wealth of private people which was long in gathering perish'd almost in a moment which caused great lamentation and out-cries throughout the whole City The Citizens and Merchants bemoaned themselves that their so long labours should be so soon lost others were more troubled at this misfortune as if it fore-boded greater mischiefs they began now to fear the greatest Some in these common afflictions shew'd some more moderation for being inured to so many afflictions they were not easily sensible of new sorrows It was never clearly known whether this hapned by chance or by the Enemies abominable wickedness yet by many tokens it was thought that the fire was fraudulently and by cunning convey'd into those shops where it first brake forth Thus at this time nothing was free from the treachery of the Enemy The Senate though perplex'd with so many adversities managed the War with their wonted constancy and did not slacken in providing for all things which might either maintain their Honour or obviate the Enemy But the Affairs of Friuli did chiefly trouble them for Frangipane having as you have heard possess'd himself of many places of the Country did still besiege Osofo Many of the Senate were of opinion that they should gather all the Forces they could together and endeavour to relieve Savorgnano Others were of a contrary opinion affirming That they had already sufficiently try'd the fortune of War and that the many damages which they had suffer'd might teach them and others to how many various and uncertain chances Battles are subject and how often it falls out that men come to a day of Battle even against the determinate will of the Commanders That after so many losses the best course would be
opinions concerning this Some affirming That they were first to endeavour the taking of Verona which City was the Seat of the War and which had always been a safe receptacle of the Enemy so as there was no hopes of ending the War till they were driven out of that nest That that City had still been the chiefest cause of contest and had often been the only cause of hindring Agreement that others difficulties would soon be ended if this City were returned into the power of the Venetians Therefore if they could get Verona all the Castles and Territories which were possess'd by the Enemy might easily be reduced under the power of the Venetians either by force or by agreement that the like advantage could not be had by the taking of Brescia the possession whereof would always be uncertain and unsafe whilst the Enemy was powerful in Veronâ— They added that by the business of Brescia little more of consideration then the Town it self would be gotten of much consideration either for War or Peace that also great respect was to be had for the accommodation of the Army that questionless if they should sit down before the Walls of Verona they might be better furnish'd both with Victuals and with all things else by the conveniency of the River Adice whereby they might tarry longer and more commodiously in that Country and make use either of Siege or assault as time and occasion should require The Senate being moved by these reasons were at first of this opinion but not being so long and taking the business again into consideration to the end that they might not spend time to no purpose in the diversity of opinions and that if the condition of Affairs should alter upon any accident as it often happens they should not be forc'd to do what were not fitting they resolved to leave the resolution to Alviano after they had acquainted him with their opinion therein Thus the Venetian Camp not staying for any help from the French came before the Walls of Brescia and Siege was laid to the City and great diligence was made to storm it Alviano thought he might easilier and more honourably do this then take Verona because the one City being near friends and the other near the Enemy if he should carry his Army before Brescia He thought the business might prove the easier by reason of the vicinity of the French and that it might be done with more reputation and readier help whereas on the contrary if the Army should be imployed in battering Verona he feared leâ—t the Spaniards and the Popes men not being far off might though they were gone out of the Country return thither and hope to set upon our men whilst they were in disorder and making of Trenches or other works Whereby he knew he could not tarry in those parts without much danger nor depart from thence and give over the Enterprize without as much shame and loss of honour Moreover Verona was better walled and was excellently well provided of Victuals and men by the Garrison of Dutch Foot which was lately come thither Whereas there were but few Souldiers in Brescia and little provision of things necessary for defence the Citizens very well affectioned towards the Common-wealth and the Enemy driven out But Icardo a Spanish Captain a shrewd and nimbly witted man who had then the command of of Brescia having heard and suspected this resolution of the Venetians had with great speed caused 1000 Foot to come from Verona to that City had brought in much corn and all things requisite for defence so as it was sufficiently munited against an Assault And he had used such speed and industry in all this as that the Souldiers of the Garrison of Verona might safely enter into Brescia and not only not be hindred by Alviano but do it before he should know of it till after it was done Alviano's advice was to assault the City on several parts at one and the same time and to storm it but whilst he was contriving these things and that his thoughts were much troubled fearing leâ—t the number of the Defendants being increased by the new Garrison the business might prove more difficult then he had thought at first and having at the same time undergone much bodily labour he fell sick and his sickness increasing daily upon him he was carried from the Camp to a Town called Ghedi where being seized on by a violent burning Fever he dyed on the seventh of Oâ—tober in the threescore year of his age He dyed just when Fortune began to smile upon him he having in his former days endured many adversities for he had won great reputation by his prosperous successes the year before in Friuli and Polisine di Rovigo and likewise by the confession of all men he shewed singular Valour in the last Battle of the French near Millan Alviano was acknowledged generally by all men for an excellent Commander of great courage and experience in Military Affairs and he proved the more famous because he flourish'd in a time wherein he had field room enough to shew his Worth and Military Skill in managing important Wars But he suffer'd a little by being thought more bold in fighting then good at the counselling for he was so desirous of Military Glory as he was often too hasty in coveting Victory Yet it may be numbred up amongst his praises that in point of execution he used miraculous and at that time unusual speed He was very much beloved and yet very much feared by the Souldiery His great Liberality purchased their love and his severity in making Military Discipline be observed their fear He was more patient in taking pains then is to be believed wherein he would equal any whatsoever private Souldier wherefore he was wont to say that the Commander was not so sensible of labour as was the Souldier the hopes of Glory which sweetens labour not being equal in them He served under the Venetian pay almost 20 years always with great fidelity but most commonly with ill luck for having fought successively in the German Wars near Cadore he was soon after abandoned by Fortune and these good beginnings were not followed by like success 'T is true that he himself by the fierceness of his nature did often times increase dangers and difficulties for even then Alviano was thought to be born for greatest Attempts though through greatest dangers and to be one who might with praise serve any Prince in War who was desirous of Glory and willing to hazard himself upon Fortune upon easie terms But this his forwardness did not suit well with the Common-wealth which being always the same keeping still the same orders though she change Officers cares not for undertaking things though never so glorious if dangerous But that she may deal in them with more security waits for time and occasion and walks on to her greatness with more mature advice Alviano's body was carried to Venice where his Obsequies
to report the Forces of Enemies to be greater then they were because the Authors of such News doe invent â—â—ny things according as feare dictates unto them but grant that all was to be beleeved that was reported none affirmed that the Enemies Forces exceeded 7000 Foot and those with out any Millitary Discipline and without any War-like preperations that a more unworthy resolution nor more prejudicial to their honour could not be taken then to shew unto the Enemy by raising of their Camp wherein there was above 20000 Souldiers many renowned Commanderes gallant Horses both for Number and Worth store of all things necessary that they did so feare so small a number of the Enemy as at the very News of their approach they had retired themselves so as they might with reason be thought to be driven out of their Quarters and to have given over all hopes of Victory And wherefore said they should we not think rather of sending out our light Horse followed by our fleetest Foot to encounter and oppose the Enemy The business would not last long nor would it be difficult since those men who had no experience in War and were unprovided of all things would easily be put in disorder and routed And say they should prove so stout as to stand and make resistance a little delay of succor would make it come too late and doe noe good since if we doe resolve to use our utmost power the City must needs yeeld and fall into our hands at the first or second Assault To these things Lautrech answered That he had not taken this resolution by chance or moved thereunto by any feare but that he thought it fitting to doe so that he might in time provide for the safety of those men who were opposed by two Armies of the Enemy the one within the City the other upon the Mountains That the Dutch Foot were already gotten out of the straightest and most difficult waies and that there was no hopes to keep them off since they were already Masters of the passes that were naturaly strong It was therefore to be considered that if they should send some few men against them t' would be but in vaine and that the nature of the places the straight and Rocky waies would not permit them to send many That he had a care of the safety of that Army which being devided into two Camps was thereby the weaker So as if they should lessen the numbers of their men by sending a great number to this action they should not a little indanger the main business since several accidents might bereave our Camps which were divided by the River into two parts of the means of Interchangeably succouring one another if they should be Assaulted by the Enemy Lautrech standing thus firm to his first opinion he commanded that the Ensigns should be suddenly removed wherein being followed by the other Commanders all the Army was brought to Albaredo Commissary Paolo Gradinige and Giovan Paolo Manfrone being left with 800 Horse and 2000 Foot to guard the Bridg left if it should be broken the Army might not know how to come by victuals but the Army having tarried there but a little while went to Villa Franca where they took up their Quarters and fortified themselves They began then to think upon the main business but the advisers differing in their opinions nothing was concluded on This mean while Rocadolfo who commanded the Dutch Foot our Army being gone and there being none to hinder him entred into Verona and having brought good store of corn wine and cattle into the City he tarried there some few days and leaving many of his sound men in the places of such as were weak and wounded fearing left his longer abode there might prove incommodious to the City by reason of the scarcity of corn he return'd into Germany Our Souldiers though they were removed from before the City and though it were in the depth of Winter did not notwithstanding forbear to over-run all the neighbouring Country to keep victuals from being brought to Verona Whereupon many slight Skirmishes were had and chiefly by the Horse for the Enemy issuing out of the Town endeavour'd to bring in some corn to amend the scarcity thereof and our men on the contrary going out of the camp and falling upon the Enemy as they were scatter'd abroad here and there did seek to keep them from so doing In these Skirmishes Mercurio Bua and Babone Naldo won great praise both for Man-like valour and Military cunning they left nothing quiet nor safe for the Enemy in that Country they were every where kept back victuals and brought many of the Enemy Prisoners to the camp The Castle of Crouaria was at this time held by the Dutch this is a very narrow place seated amidst the hardest passages of the Mountains upon a steep cliff from whence the River Adice is carried with a swift and violent course towards Verona which if our men could recover that passage would easily be stopt and victuals hindred from being carried by the River into the City Mercurio and Babone were imploy'd about this who by their worth and diligence overcame the craggedness of the ways and the Forces of the Enemy for setting upon the Souldiers who had the guard of the Castle unexpectedly by night they slew them all put all the rest to flight forcing them to quit the Castle and to provide for their own safeties This Castle being taken a Garrison was put thereinto which did much incommodiate the Enemy by keeping them from such corn as was wont to be carried by the River But nothing of great moment was done in the camp nor did they think of altering their Quarters which made the Venetian Commissaries complain yet more of Lautrech for that by his means the City of Verona was not yet taken And that at this time when the Enemies inconveniences perswaded them to return agaâ—n unto the Siege the Army kept loytering within the camp as if nothing remain'd to be done And truly as all men wondred at these Proceedings so there was not any one that commended them But Lautrech bade the Commissaries be of good cheer and finding several excuses for his delays told them that all things sufficient should be had whereby to put a good period to the War and bade them believe constantly that Verona should quickly return to the Venetians Dominion Which words made the Commissary suspect that he meant some other thing then what was then in hand for at that very time when the Army rise from before Verona News was spred abroad in the camp that a Messenger was come to Lautrech from France and that having spoken with him in secret Lautrech strove to keep his coming concealed from the rest The Commissaries did very much press him therefore to acquaint them with the reason of his counsel and why so great an Army should be maintain'd without any necessity or hope and which through excessive
Mamalucchi have now fallen if that had stood These two joyn'd together did so counterpoise the Turkish Forces as their safety would have freed now the Kingdom of Hungary and the rest of Christendom from danger He who shall well consider the progress of the ancient Monarchs will find that their chiefest difficulty lay in getting to such a pitch of power and force as no one Potentate could of himself alone give a just counterpoise to their power Other acquisitions have been the sooner and more easily made by reason of the almost insuperable difficulties which have been still met withal in getting many Princes joyn in the destruction of one alone The Romans spent many years in conquering Italy but being by the Conquest thereof made stronger then the rest they in a few years vanquish'd so many Princes as they subjugated the greatest and farthest distant Provinces It is therefore evident that the longer Christians defer to oppose the Turks they make the danger the greater and the remedy more difficult I will not say that to take upon them the defence of Hungary is a glorious thing for Christian Princes to do not that it is a duty which they owe to their Religion to their profession not that it makes for every one of their Interests but I will more truly say it is necessary for the preservation of their States This Kingdom being lost which hath for so many years withstood the violence of the Turkish Forces on this side and retarded the course of their Victories what remains to keep them from over-running Austria from disturbing all Germany and from entring into the Confines of this your State This very Kingdom which hath hitherto been the great Bulwark to hinder their advancing if this be lost which God forbid it will be of great opportunity for them to the subjugating of other Nations and to the ruinating of other Kingdomes But this being defended as it is necessary it should be so is it neither impossible nor yet very hard to withstand their farther progress if Princes do not rather want will then Forces The Hungarian Nation by ancient custom and almost by nature haâ—h always been warlike our Princes and our people have won great and particular praise and honour in War nor hath my now King and Master nor his Subjects degenerated nor are they to degenerate any whit from the Worth of their Ancestors They have minds and for as much as is possible for men to have Forces ready to defend themselves But alas how can one only Kingdom not very great not very rich find men monies munition and so many other requisites for War to withstand the numerous Turkish Armies gather'd together out of so many Provinces Marry if it be assisted and succour'd by other Princes the Kingdom of Hungaries Forces will not only be so increased but even the Honour and Courage thereof as we no ways doubt to frustrate all the Enemies designs made against us nor will we refuse if occasion shall be offer'd to give him Battle in a pitcht field so to secure by our own dangers if God shall please to favour as we are to hope he will our pious and generous boldness not only of our own Country but all the Kingdomes and Provinces of Christendom for many years But I find I have transgress'd my bounds by my too long speaking I speak of things that are well known and to those that understand them better then I do The sum of all is this Our Kingdom is one of the out-walls of Christendom against the fury of the Turkish Forces Common safety and common defence ought to be provided for by common Forces and Counsels Your wisdom and piety makes you foresee and consider dangers and your power and authority endows you with means to give a speedy and opportune remedy thereunto The Embassadour was very attentively listned unto whose speech made the greater impression in all that heard him because they were all very well minded to the business it was therefore resolved that endeavours should be made with all the Princes of Christendom by means of the Commonwealths Embassadors to make them all joyn with common consent and force to assist the Kingdom of Hungary and to provide against such great dangers to the which they readily offered their best assistance and the power of the whole Common-wealth But these Treaties wrought no better effect then they had formerly done so as the danger growing daylie greater and King Lodowick thinking himself necessitated to fight the Turks for the freeing of Belgrado a strong and important City and the Frontire Town of that Kingdom from the fury of the Turks before which the Turkish Army was already incamped he sent Iovan Statilio his Embassador again to Venice to borrow some monies of the Senate by which he might increase his Forces and put himself with better hopes upon the fortune of Battel The Commonwealth had formerly many times furnished the King of Hungary with monies to assist him against the Turks and they thought themselves now more obliged to abbet that Kingdom out of the particular strait conjunction which they held with King Lewis and for that by reason of the greatness of the Ottoman house those respects were grown more considerable for which he had endeavoured the preservation and prosperity of that warlike Kingdom The Senate therefore resolved to send thirty thousand Ducats to King Lodowick together with greater promises and offers and not concealing the friendship which they held with him they ordered Lorenzo Orio who was their Embassadour in Hungary to follow his Camp Bet the King's forces had ill success Belgrado was lost nor were the other Cities of the Kingdom free from fear of the Turkish forces for Soliman left his Artillery and part of his Militia in Hungary intending to return thither as he told the Venetians by one of his Chiaus whom he sent to Venice to acquaint them with this his victory and subdue that Kingdom At this time to the great grief of the whole City Duke Loredano died who had governed the Commonwealth very prudently for the space of twenty years and who incouraging others by his invincible spirit had overcome the malice of Fortune and reduced the City to a peaceable and quiet condition He was of a great wit and natural insight into Affairs and of much experience in the world having spent his youth in continual Navigations and his riper years in managing the most important Affairs of the Common-wealth exercâ—sing the chiefest places of Magistracy both within the Common-wealth and abroad He dyed being almost 90 years old having even till then had vivacity in his Intellectuals though his body was subject to divers infirmities His Encomium was made by Andrea Navaghiero and he was buried with great pomp in St Iohn and St Pauls Church Antonio Grimani was chosen to succeed him a man famous for his wealth and for the honours he had attain'd to in the Common-wealth and one who had often times
Pope and more convenient for Cesars designs Upon this interview the resolution of many important things was to depend Wherefore the eyes of all men were upon the result thereof especially of the Venetians whose Interests were of most importance and involved in greatest difficulty The Pope seemed to consider very much the safety and conveniency of this Commonwealth and that he might purchase the better belief he indeavour'd very much by the means of Cardinal Marco Cornaro to perswade the Senate to lay down Arms and to come to â—ome fair composition and he had formerly sent the Bishop Vacenence his Nuntio to Cesar who as it was thought had help'd very much to bring the Emperour to be of the good mind he was in to make peace with all men especially with the Venetians This was the cause why many of the Senators proceeded with more reservedness in this negotiation expecting what the issue of the meeting at Bolognia would be but others weâ—e for accepting of the proposition made by the Marquis and for the chusing of Embassadours immediately to send to Manâ—ua to treat of an agreement What is it said these men that we can expect more Cesar is very strong in Foâ—ces the Forces of the League are broken weakened scattered or rather dissolved the Florentines the Duke of Milan and we are all that are left to sustain the burâ—hen of so great a War A thing altogether impossible in respect of the weakness whereinto we are all reduced by so many expences and in respect of the great Forces and dependances which Cesar hath in Italy at this time yet in such a dâ—sparity of Affairs whilst his hopes increase every day and ours grow less Cesar is content to treat with us upon equal terms nay I may say to humble himself and to be the first that propounâ—s friendship and peace and shall we refuse or not value these invitations No man can with reason doubt but that the things promised first by Doria and afterwards by the Marquis of Mantua are not only done by the consent of Cesar but by his express Order since no man meddles in things of this nature between so great Princes especially with such asseverations of their good will without good grounds And shall it be thought wisely done to suffer an occasion slip out of our hands of doing that which we have so often desired and which we ought now to desire more then ever in a thousand respects We have been for these many years in a continual War wherein we have spent above five millions of Gold So as this City and our whole State is almost opprest all our means consumed and yet when the way is opened unto us of finding some repose and quiet with safety of our honour and with provision as it may be hoped for of security to the Commonwealth shall we be backward and put our happiness to the Arbitriment of fortune which may as it often times falls out cause some such accident arise as may make Cesar alter his mind And either tarrying armed in Italy increase our present danger or if he shall go from hence and leave things unquiet and confused oblige us to keep in War and trouble for as many years more and with as much expence and God knows what the end will be Those who till now have praised the constancy of this Senate in having without any consideration of expence or fear of danger been so zealous in the defence of the common cause and of the liberty of Italy the very name whereof will cry up the glory of the Commonwealth to posterity seeing how much the face of affairs is now alter'd and that other counsels are to be required then to keep still the same course and trust upon Arms when our affairs may be better provided for by negotiation and that we may thereby arive at the true and allowable end which thrust us upon War may peradventure change their opinion and think us to be too haughty and obstinate since we will not weigh things by reason but by our own will and it may be not over-wise since we cannot accommodate our selves to times and occasions nor temperize in difficulty and expect better fortune Advisedness is assuredly good and laudable but it ought to be kept within its due bounds lest it fall into extreams which are always dangerous for it is often seen that as much harm accrews by too much slowness which makes men perpetually irresolute as by too much haste we have hitherto kept excellently well from the latter having maintain'd wars for so many years and tryed all things possible to bring our selves into a condition of true safety and peace let us now take heed lest we run into the other extream lest whilst we covet too much security and too much advantage we do sufficiently disadvantage our selves and expose our affairs to greater dangers But others were of another opinion these affirm'd it would be more honourable and more advantagious to expect a while and not to seem too desirous of agreement they considered the unsettledness of Cesars Forces they being in great want of money and victuals so as the greater his Army was the sooner it was likely to dissolve that all the strong Holds in their State were excellently well garrison'd nor could Cesar attempt any thing against them with hopes of bringing it soon to an end moreover that Cesar was recalled into other parts out of weighty respects and of very great importance to himself and would be necessitated quickly to quit Italy that Vienna was already assaulted by the Turks and was reduced to great straits That all the rest of his brothers Dominions was overrun and wasted by the Enemies Cavalry That commotions of no small consideration began to be raised by the Hereticks in many parts of Germany if they were not quickly allay'd by Cesars Forces and by his presence that when he should be gone from Italy and his Army either dissolved or very much lessened there was no doubt but that they might easily make good the Dukedom of Milan keep possession of their Towns in Puglia and in fine prove victorious throughout the whole War and reap thereby a glorious name amongst all people and in all ages And whereas now they were to receive such laws and conditions as would be given them by others Cesar would be compell'd to endeavour and accept of the Commonwealths friendship upon terms which would be advantagious for her lest the French who were always ready to take up Arms and to attempt Novelties should go about to molest him by making new Leagues whilst they saw him otherwise busied That no man could with reason believe Cesar would propound any conditions of agreement out of any affection which he bears to this Commonwealth since he thinks himself injured by us for having for these many years adhered to France But that it was to be held for certain it was his own Interest that moved him thereunto knowing upon how
the Duke of Orleans the Kings Son with a Million of Gold for her portion which was to be given to the Emperour in recompence for the State of Millan whereinto the Duke of Orleans was to be invested but many difficulties being found herein the one not being willing to trust the other and the Bride not being of fitting years for marriage the businesse was broken off the convention dissolved to the great displeasure of the Venetians in particular who by reason of this disagreement were likely to bear a greater burthen in this war with the Turks as by many signs did already appear For the Marquiss of Guasto who had formerly been sent for to the Court by the Emperour to make use of his advice and actions touching the enterprise in the Levant was by new orders appointed to stay in Italy and to be diligent in increasing the Garrisons in the State of Millan And Cesar when the hopes of this Agreement failed had oft-times said that his forces being elsewhere diverted by the King of France he could not for the present do any thing for the service of Christendom but stand upon his defence and keep his Dominions from being prejudiced by the Turkish Fleets these respects had made the Venetians more diligent in indeavouring the conclusion of the League believing that the King of France whilst he should see this union suspended whereby the heavier weight would lie upon Cesar being onely of himselfe to resist the Turkish forces would be the hardlier brought to a reconcilement with Cesar building his hope of the recovery of the State of Millan upon the weaknesse of the Emperours forces the Pope was likewise much troubled hereat to whom as being the chiefe head of Christendom the care of making peace between Christian Princes and of opposing the eminent danger of the Turks did principally belong Therefore seeing all his indeavours by Letters and Embassies proved vain he bethought himselfe of bringing these two Princes to speak together face to face in his presence hoping that by his authority intreaties and reasons he might bring them to an Agreement Wherefore though he was very aged yet not being willing to spare any painse after he had thus exhorted and invited these two Princes he offered to give them a meeting himselfe in person at Neice as an opportune place where they might all meet together This meeting proved in one respect pleasing to the Venetians for if the peace should be effected the hopes and forces of the League would be greatly increased which would be but weak and lame without it but in another respect they were troubled at it by reason of the losse of time which it would occasion in making provision for the War and in the uniting of the Fleets For the Emperour being to come by Gallies from Barcellona to Niece Doria must be unseasonably imploy'd in this voyage when he should have put his Fleet in order and have advanced against the Enemy who were already put forth very strong to Sea This their fear was the greater because it was not counterpoysed by equall hopes of advantage since it appeared almost impossible that these two Princes should be reconciled as it was thought by those who vvere best vers'd in such affaires and who could penetrate the furthest into the secret designes of Princes For vvhat hopes vvere there of making true friendship between Cesar and the King of France their natures vvere beyond measure contrary they differ'd in fashions ends and thoughts grievous injuries had past between them on both sides which they kept in memory with desire of revenge On the Kings behalf his Imprisonment and his severe usuage therein his being inforc'd to purchase his liberty by assenting to unjust conditions and by giving his Sons in hostage for the performance of his word and the War lately made by the Emperour in the bowels of his own Country The Emperour held himselfe as much offended by the King not onely for the falsifying of his word and breach of the Articles at Madrid but for his having made the Turks make war against him whereby to keep him and his Dominions perpetually molested What reason was there then to believe that those who bore such bitter hatred to each other were to yeeld to an Agreement whereby the ones power would be greatly augmented to the as great inconveniency of the other to yeeld up the State of Millan to the King of France to boot with the opening the way thereby unto him how to molest the Kingdom of Naples and of disputing Cesars power in Italy bore with it greater consequences For by giving the State of Millan to the Duke of Orleans France would become the more formidable since all the States would be united in the Crown whereinto not onely Britany would fall which belonged to the Kings second Son as in right of his Mothers Dowry but the Dukedom of Orleans and of Angoulesme On the other side the King knew that the releasing of the Cities and Forts which he had taken in Savoy would secure Cesars affairs in Italy and confirm him in the possession of the State of Millan it was therefore thought that nothing had made Cesar and the King of France yeeld to the Pope's proposall but a desire of justifying themselves to the World and to shew that they would not be back-wards in making peace knowing that the maintaining so long and bitter discord at this time would denote their immoderate Ambition Moreover they were thereunto invited by a certain jealousie they had of the Popes favour which made them indeavour to perswade him that they valued all his advices for the one fearing to be exceeded by the other they would not suffer that either of them should become greater by the forces and authority of Apostolick Sea especially in Italy Some did also add that the Pope himselfe did not aim so much at the generall good by this meeting as at his particular conveniency hoping that by his presence and by the concurrency of these Princes he might get far into favour with them and obtain something of much moment from them which might establish the greatnesse of his House which was now discovered to be his chiefest aim as was afterwards more clearly seen at this meeting wherein the marriage between the Lady Margaret Cesars naturall Daughter who had been wife to Alexander Duke of Medecis with Octavio Fernese the Popes Nephew was concluded who was likewise invested in the State of Novara Though the Venetians began quickly to suspect these things yet did not the Senate forbear to do what occasion required but to shew all due respect to these Princes and chiefly to the Pope and not to leave any thing undone whereby they might be ayding and forward to the making of peace as they had alwaies been they chose two Embassadours Nicolo â—iepolo and Mark Antonio Cornaro to assist at that meeting and to declare the Senates desire of friendship between Christian Princes and their readinesse to
comming by the way of Trent into Italy they quickly sent four Embassadours to him Iovan Antonio Veniero Nicolo Tiepolo Mark Antonio Contarini and Vicenzo Grimani who going to meet him upon the confines of Verona received him with much honour and waited upon him whilst he passed through the State which was but onely for two daies for going to Peschiera he entred into the Mantuan Territories from whence he went to Millan from thence to Genua and then to Luca to meet the Pope with whom having tarried a while he pursued his journey towards Algiers But his advice proved bad as was foreseen for having landed his men on the shore of Algiers and meeting with more resolution and worth in the Inhabitants of that City then he expected but chiefly receiving very great losse by the Arabian Horse raised by the Turks of the neighbouring Country who with great speed and with a new and unknown way of fighting to our Souldiers disturbed their works The time was so spun on as way was made to great ruine for a horrible tempest arising at Sea which made the Ships Anchors come home some were driven upon the shore others carried into the high and boisterous seas Insomuch as having lost many of his ships and the rest being much torn the Emperour was forc'd to quit the enterprise having onely purchased this praise That he was never in the least dismai'd amidst so many adversities and dangers Many chief personages who followed the Court perished by the distemper of the aire and sufferings amongst the rest Marino Iustiniano Embassadour from the Common-wealth who by orders from the Senate had alwaies accompanied the Emperour and Nicolo da Ponte who was then Lieutenant at Udine was chosen in his steed This so great losse was interpreted by some to redound much to the advantages of the Italian Princes since thereby Caesar's forces were weakned and his minde began to droop who having alwaies promised unto himself prosperous successe in all things was thought did aspire at the soveraignty of all Italy Notwithstanding others out of serious considerations were of another 〈◊〉 thinking this to be a common losse and inconvenience to Christians in generall and particularly to the Common-wealth of Venice For the Turkish Fleet being counterpoised by his Forces at sea that ceasing these more formidable Enemies grew almost insuperable and all things were exposed to their discretion and fury Whilst these things were done by Caesar the King of France his thoughts were not quiet who being highly incens'd against Caesar studied by all means possible to revenge the injuries he had received therefore he had by his Embassadors whom he had sent before to Luca to meet the Pope press'd hard that his Holinesse would declare that the Truce made formerly at Neece by his procurement and authority the more to honest his cause was broken by Fregoso's and Rincone's death But resolving howsoever to use Force and hoping to out-do Caesar by the friendship and assistance of the Turks and Venetians he resolved to send Paulino Embassadour to Constantinople to treat of the particulars touching the Fleet 's putting forth to prejudice Caesar and tryed again to get the Venetians to joyne with him On which Paulino having discoursed much before he parted from Constantinople he had obtained as hath been said that Ianusby should be commissioned to enterpose Soliman's authority with the Venetians to encline them to listen to his proposalls touching making War with Cesar. Paulino being then come to Venice as he returned to Constantinople he together with the Bishop of Monpelliers who was there Embassadour in ordinary for the King had private audience in the Colledge before the chief of the Councell of Ten where he delivered what they were ordered to do by the King Paulino in a long Oration perswaded the Senators to a new confederacy with the King What the ends were said he of the King my Master and what those of the Emperour may now be so plainly discerned by their actions as their ends and designes are no longer concealed The King of France at the Popes perswasion laid down his Arms in Piemont and stopt the course of his almost assured victories out of a good inclination which he alwaies had to concord so far as his honour might not be thereby prejudiced And the Emperour who first seemed so desirous of peace refusing Articles of a fair Agreement entred himself in person with an Army into France That the King was contented to accept of the Dukedom of Millan not to unite it to the Crown of France that so the Princes of Italy might not by reason of his greatnesse grow jealous of him but to make one of his sons Lord thereof And the Emperour being resolved to keep that Dukedom in himself had often deluded his King and the Princes of Italy with vain hopes especially the Venetians who desired alwaies more then others to haâ—e a new Duke and particular Lord in that State That the King had of late nobly refused the offers of those of Guant who rebelling against Cesar had recourse to him for protection Nay he had readily given way to Cesar 's men and for himself to passe through France for Flanders to appease the tumults of that Province from whence if he had been so minded he might have reaped advantage That he had several other waies witnessed his goodwill to Cesar having received him with incomparable honour throughout his 〈◊〉 â—ingdome in the very City of Paris and in his own Palace treating with him still with singular civility That on the other side as sooâ—â—s his businesse was done the Emperour had not onely not corresponded any waies with him openly denying what he had promised but being full of implacable anger against the King had treacherously and spitefully caused his servants to be slain when by the Truce renued at Paris all his affairs should have been secure That these and many other things which lay open to the eyes of all men might witnesse what the endeavours ends and natures of these two Princes were by which might be well considered whether of these ought to be chosen for a friend and confederate to the Common-wealth in whether she might repose more faith friendship gratitude equity and modesty in all proceedings That it ought also to be particularly considered how great Cesar 's power would be when he should together with the Kingdom of Naples securely possesse the State of Millan the French being excluded Italy and all allayes ceasing which might curb his desires bent undoubtedly to be Lord of all Italy That it was to be had in consideration what good might be got by keeping friendship with Cesar and what they could promise unto themselves from the King of France That Cesar promis'd onely in gratification to the Common-wealth to put a Duke into the State of Millan not intending as might be seen by his actions to do as he said That what his King's gratitude would be and the fruits of this new conjunction
Cesar had not shared the advantages of war with him by giving him part of the monies which were paid by those that compounded nor having communicated the most important advices of peace or war to him nor his representatives as he ought to have done since he shared in the expence and hazard But on the other side Cesar said that the Pope had fail'd him in his promise and devoire since the war not being yet fully ended which he had undertaken chiefly at his entreaty and by his advice he had recalled his men whereby he did not onely deprive him of that aid but did diminish the forces and reputation of his Army whereby there was yet a great strength of men to be overcome in Germany under the conduct of Iohn Frederick and of the Lansgrave the one of which for the antient blood of Saxony and the other by reason of the love the people bore him would be able to raise so great an Army as without due providing for the contrary might yet question the victory These things did Cesar amplifie either to draw the Pope to a new contribution of Monies or Foot or to get leave as he had often desired to make use of the revenues of the Church in Spain for this war or peradventure to make his victories appear the greater by magnifying the forces of the enemie But the Pope being far from favouring Cesar's designes any further prefer'd the apprehension of his greatnesse and his being very ill satisfied with him before all other respects But the occasions of dividing the Pope from the Emperour grew much greater the next year 1547. For Cesar's power and reputation daily encreasing he grew the more ambitious of Government He did so prosper in Germany as bringing the Duke of Saxony to Battle not affording him time to withdraw into the strong holds in his own Country as he designed to do he won such a victory as he thereby put an end to the war the Duke being taken prisoner and his forces so utterly defeated as the Lansgrave dispairing to save himself by force of Arms or by any other means put himself willingly into Cesar's hands who possessing himself of the Forts of Hessen detained him prisoner So as all things being peaceable and quiet in Germany he entred as it were in triumph into Auspurg where he summoned a Dyet from all the parts of Germany wherein he obtained many things for his advantage and satisfaction amongst the rest a great contribution from all the Princes and Haunâ—e-Towns whereby to take 20000 Foot and 4000 Horse into pay for the service of the Empire wherein he comprehended his own patrimoniall estate and the like of his Family Betwixt which and the Princes and Haunâ—e-Towns of Germany a perpetuall League was made for the common defence Yet these his great prosperities did not at all quench his thirsting after new acquisitions and glory his chief aime was at Italy and together with other higher designes to settle himself fast in the State of Millan whither he sent great store of Artillery which were presented him by divers German Lords and afterwards a good number of Spanish Foot making of them an ordinary Garrison in that State esteeming them most faithfull to him He also made the people swear fealty to him and to whomsoever he should name to be Lord over them intending that Government to his son Philip who to that end was to go quickly for Italy And he treated still with the Swissers capitulating with them to defend the State of Millan He moreover had placed a guard of 400 Spanish Foot in Sienna and an Officer of his who exercised much authority in many things and attempted to build a Fort there intending as it was thought to bring them under the yoke of servitude for the which occasions were not wanting by reason of commotions raised in the City the people whereof not being able to see themselves inslaved had driven out the Spanish Foot and done many other things contrary to Cesar's dignity He sought also to possesse himself of the Town of Piombino and to take it from the Lord thereof upon severall pretences promising to recompence him with other territories that he might make use of that scituation which lay upon the Sea-cost of Tuscany and was very commodious in other respects for affairs at Sea But above all other things the taking of Piacenza which was done as shall be said together with the death of Duke Pier Luigi caused fear in all men and particular affliction in the Pope and two of the prime Princes of Christendom Francis the first of France and Henry the eighth of England's death which ensued not long after one another all things seemed to smile upon Cesar For these Princes of great power and mature counsell being taken away he remained in supream authority and sole arbitrator of affairs The King of France his death begot more alteration in thought than in effect for Henry his third son comming by the death of the Dolphin and of the Duke of Orleance to the Crown who was brought up under his father's discipline and did inherit his affections especially his hatred to Cesar appeared soon ready to tread in his fathers foot-stâ—ps and not to yield any waies to Charles his fortune But the King of France his death was severally interpreted by the Italians some thought that the occasion of many troubles to Italy was taken away which by reason of his unquiet nature of the bitter hatred which he bore to Cesar and of his obstinate resolution of getting the Dukedom of Millan was never to have an end but by his death Others were of a contrary opinion who thought the new King would not so soon forego his fathers resolutions and enterprises which though he should do they thought that more prejudice then advantage would redound thereby to the Italians who the counterpoise of the French forces being taken away were with little cure to their libertie to depend the more upon the Spaniards will Some in Venice did with much griefe call to minde the love which the late King bore to the Common-wealth his readinesse to assist her in her lowest ebb of fortune and chiefly his assisting her in the recovery of Verona They likewise alleadged as signes of his good-will his having so often desired a new conjunction with the Common-wealth not being any waies scandalized at his so many repulses which had won no small honour to the Common-wealth and had made her be the better esteemed by Cesar's self Others not without some bitternesse of spirit remembered the ficklenesse used by this King upon many occasions and his great ingratitude towards the Common-wealth which having with much readinesse taken up Arms and exposed her self to so much expence and hazard of war first for his own freedom and then for the like of his sons from Cesar's hands had been so scornfully abandon'd by him as that in his agreement made with Cesar he had made peace not onely without
that State wherein our proceedings have been so cool and so full of circumspection as we may partly blame our selves if we have not met our desires therein And if he had so great a mind to suppress the Common-wealth as is affirmed when could he have better done it then of late years when we have had our hands full of War with Soliman yet he hath rather indeavour'd our maintaining then our suppressing having sent his Fleet to assist us and he hath increased our honour and our Forces to defend our selves against so powerfull an Enemy by the new confederacy he made with us and if his provisions for War may seem to have been short and tardy in respect of our necessities and desires and that his actions have not been answerable to his promises we must be content to have received such usage as all men do receive by the Law of Nature that he minded more his own interest then that of others and if we measure this very thing more by affection then by true reason it is a usuall thing for humanity to doe so Caesar would assist us to such a degree but he did not think it became him to expose his Fleet to the same danger as we would do ours his cause not being the like to ours He would not sâ—e us fall yet he would not see us grow too powerfull lest he might have reason to apprehend our greatnesse as we now fear his These are passions common to all men and very usuall in Princes but if we weigh all things well we are not onely not necessitated but we have no reason to make Warre with Caesar neither for any injury we have received nor for any we are likely to receive These reasons were the more easily credited because they tended to the preservation of Peace to which every one was of himselfe well inclined and Cesar indeavour'd much to keep them in this mind promising faithfully to preserve Peace and Friendship with the Common-wealth The Pope's and King of France his desires were conformable but by several messengers thus answered That the Senate commended the care they took of the common good and for the defence of their own affairs that they would take example by them and watch the more narrowly over their State which they thought would prove a sufficient remedy at this time against such dangers as were to be feared wherefore they saw no reason of comming to a straicter and more particular union by which they might provoke such as went about to disturb the Peace Though the Pope nor King of France were not well satisfied with this answer yet they seemed to be so to keep from alienating the Venetians further from them hoping that they might at last be brought to alter their minds and adhere unto them therefore praysing the mature wisdom of that Senate they said that Cesars intentions which could no longer be concealed being now better discovered and the world believing no longer that they had ambitious ends they would speedily resolve upon assured and good grounds to secure the affairs of the Common-â—ealth and of all Italy But though the hopes of any good successe in their indeavours against the Emperour were lessened by this the Venetians resolution yet the Pope's and the King of France his desire of taking up Arms was not much lessened which they were kept from doing rather by the difficultie of the businesse then for any want of will But though they could not use open force the French and the Ferneses held private intelligence in divers Cities of Italy particularly in Genua Sienna and Millan Cities which were infected with humours of severall factions and therefore the more easie to mutiny for that upon finding a good Inclination to Novelties they might with the lesse forces compasse their designs It is certainly worth consideration to think how great human Imperfection is and into how many excesses they fall who give themselves over in prey to their own affections Pope Paul who was a very wise man so many years vers'd in the waightiest affairs of the World being by the unavoydable laws of nature brought to the extream period of life yet being carried away by vast designs and irregulate thoughts did not value the exposing Himselfe his Family the Church and all Italy to the greatest labours and dangers of eminent ruine by taking up Arms against Cesar so powerfull and so prosperous a Prince at a time when he had whole Germany to joyn with him which was implacably offended against the Pope and Court of Rome for the difference of Religion for the counsell given by the Pope to Cesar to wage War with them and for not being able to obtain that the Councill of Trent which they had so earnestly desired and which was now granted should be perfected and on the other side he being so ill provided of men monies and friends to withstand so great a force of War as he drew upon him and being bereft amongst those Hereticks of that sacerdotall Majesty and respect by which Popes have kept themselves free from injuries more then by forces which things being seen and well known by the Venetians they were much troubled at insomuch as though their Counsels were not listned too and suspected they forbare not notwithanding when they found the Pope after their answer still resolute in his former opinion modestly to represent unto him these things so worthy of consideration to which he had sometimes given ear when his reason prevailed over his sense wishing him therefore to be somewhat more circumspect in these his intentions and in delivering himselfe as it were a prey into the power of the French The next year 1548. was spent in almost the same Negotiations in indeavours of Leagues secret Treaties Princes machinations upon other mens estates preparations for Arms and in a desire of attempting novelties but without any great effect or commotion For though the King of France did very much desire to trouble the affairs of Italy so to keep Cesar's thoughts and forces busied there yet he thought his hopes in the Pope were but small who was already very old in almost a decrepit age having little mony and peradventure no constant resolution to maintain the war if any accommodation should at any time be proposed by the Emperour as might easily happen by his alliance with Octavio Fernese He saw the Venetians resolved though Arms should be taken up not onely to keep their neutrality but so joyned in amity by the friendship of so many years with Cesar as he thought it impossible to divide them He had also a minde and had already turned much of his forces to prosecute war against the English hoping by reason of many divisions risen between the Governours of the young King in point of religion and out of particular contentions not onely to defend Scotland by vertue of the marriage between the young Queen thereof and his eldest son who was destin'd to be her husband but
as God did now lay before him to preserve the faithfull Musselmans to molest their enemies and to make way for noble and glorious atchievments But Piâ—li and Mustafa Bashaw endeavoured the contrary with much fervency and with the same reasons but applyed otherwise who not onely out of envy to Mehemet but as his declared enemies the former having by his means been deprived of the dignity of Bashaw del Mare and the latter's life much endangered by severall imputations whilst he was Governour of Cairo did alwaies oppose Mehemets designes and counsells and they appeared the more zealous herein for that knowing they advised that whereunto their Lord was much enclined they hoped to wind into his favour and to deprive him thereof who advised the contrary by applauding his resolution To this was added That if the businesse of Cyprus should be pitched upon according to their opinions and perswasions Piali hoped to be restored to his former honour and to be Governour of the Fleet and Mustafa hoped to have the chief employment by land so as upon any happy successe they might each of them regain their former reputation and authority These men sometimes considering the advantage sometimes the easinesse of this enterprise and oft-times mixing the consideration of Religion with these concernments of State shewed How that the Venetians forces were of themselves weak and that what assistance they might receive from other Christian Princes was by example known to be uncertain and fallacious That the Island of Cyprus by reason of its far distance from Venice was hard to be garrisoned or succoured very convenient to be assaulted by them by its lying so near their Countries That it was a rich and noble Kingdom commodiously seated for their other Territories and so as it might secure the navigation upon those Seas to the subjects of the Ottaman Empire which so great an Emperour as he ought the rather to take into his care for that not onely in derision of his dignity but to the hainous scandall of Religion and of the name of Musselman the voyage to the Mecca was impeded the Pilgrims being miserably made prisoners by the western Pirats who had safe harbour in that Island And that as this war was of it self holy so it might be made the more meritorious by applying the rich revenues of this new acquisition to the use of the magnificent Temple which Selino caused to be built in Andrenopolis They moreover opposed Mehemet 's opinion very strongly and the Spanish enterprise urging the difficulty of carrying so numerous a Fleet into so far distant Countries to what dangers it would be exposed sailing through places where there were no Havens through the enemies Rivers and then how long it would be before the war could be begun what alterations time might afford how vain those hopes use to prove which are grounded upon popular insurrections without the groundwork of reall forces How craggy and mountainous those parts were and naturally apt to hinder any considerable progresse of any power how great soever Selino listned the more willingly to what these men said for that it was conformable to his own sense and on the other side Mehemet's allegations were of lesse authority for he being known to be very wary nay rather timorous sometimes in his advices he was thought to act according to his own inclinations when he was against making any war without necessity and now when he was for the enterprise of Spain wherein there wanted not much difficulty he seemed to do not onely what was contradictory to reason but contrary to his own nature Selino proceeded therefore herein with great respect and temper and at last meeting with no more opposition he resolved upon the enterprise of Cyprus saying He would be himself in person in it And he was so affectionate and so constant in this resolution as all men believed he would have begun this War the very first year of his Empire had he not been detained by other impediments for he found the Empire much exhausted of many things by reason of the continuall Wars made by Soliman and especially in the last enterprises of Malta and Sighet wherein many men were consumed and the Fleet was also almost unfurnished of all things so as it was necessary to refresh the Forces and to recruit the Navy by time and rest The Bashaw of Caffa being put upon it as it was thought by Mehemet to imploy the Grand Signior in other affairs had put him in minde that by cutting a neck of Land about some eighteen miles over in a place called Asdragan which was possest by the Russians two great and famous Rivers might be joyn'd together the Tanai and the Volga whereby severall Navigations would be much accommodated and the fishing of the Tanai would be bettered to the great and assured advantage of his Highnesse Imposts and with hopes of greater things for thereby an easie Navigation would be opened to Mare Maiore whereinto the Tanai falls and to the Caspian Sea whereinto the Volga doth disgorge her selfe so as Armies might upon any occasion be easily led into Persia. For the which many men being assembled and much indeavour being had the Muscovites through whose Country the Cut was to be made did not onely raise many Horse to disturbe the worke but the King of Persia hearing thereof and considering as it was true that by leaving this way open to his Territories they were bereft of a great security by reason of the difficulties of the deserts and by the length of the march which the Armies meet withall which come to assault them he began to multiply his men who were upon his confines and gave Selino just occasion to suspect that these things being discovered he would not ratifie the peace and confederacy which he had made with his Father Soliman Nor was the rising of the Arabians to be slighted who had possest themselves of much Territories about the River of Giemen tane the City Aden and indeavoured to make themselves Masters of the Mecca and giving out that they held intelligence with the Portuguesse made greater proceedings be apprehended But these rumours of the Arabians being at last appeased and the King of Persia having sent Letters that he would continue his friendship and former confederacy and together with them which made them be the better credited notice being given by the Bashaw of Ersirun that all things were peacefull upon the confines of Persia Selino thought that being free from all impediments and having already made much provision for War he ought not now defer it any longer and the rather for that he seemed to be invited to hasten the enterprise by two sad accidents which hapned this year which did much incommodiate the Venetians but not so much as it was thought The one was that there was so great a scarcity of all sorts of Grain this year throughout almost all Italy as there was great want found thereof in the City of Venice
and in all parts thereabouts so as it was thought that not having wherewithall to feed their own people it would be impossible for the Venetians to maintain an Army and a Fleet. The other accident was not so sad of it selfe but very horrible in appearance For fire taking on the 13th of September in the Ammunition of the Arsenal by night were it by chance or by any other malice which was never discovered it burst out into so great a flame as much mischiefe was done not onely in the buildings which are within the Arsenal but in the parts about it and to the wonder of all beholders it wrought some miraculous effects For those Towers wherein the Gun-powder was placed were blown up even by the foundation in so much as in the plain thereof there was a ditch above fifteen foot deep and the walls which begirt the Arsenal on that side though they were very strong and of a large circuit and certain huge vaults under which Gallies are sheltred were thrown down to the ground It threw down likewise the Church Monastery of the Nuns Della Celestia and some other neighbouring houses and many other Houses that were further off were torn and spoil'd great holes were made in the walls marble broken tops of Houses carryed away all the Houses of the City did so shake as it was generally thought that if such an accident had hapned a little before whilst some little Towers in the neighbouring Islands were not replenisht with Gun-powder whereinto the greatest part of the Ammunition Powder was carried but a little before that noble City full of so many and so stately structures had been utterly ruin'd and truly the noise was so great and terrible as it was heard by those that were above thirty 30 miles off and many in Venice amazed at so unusual a sound thought Dooms day had been come It was noised abroad that very great mischiefe was done in the Arsenal and a great part of the Navall preparations lost by this fire though indeed the prejudice was not great nothing having suffered save onely four Gallies which were crusht by the weight of the Vaults but those who solicited the War at Constantinople exaggerated these things representing to the Grand Signeur the Venetians condition to be very low and mean prognosticating certain ruine to the Common-wealth and an assured victory to the Ottaman Empire These were the reasons why the Turks continued peace for many years with the Venetians and why they broke into war with them at this time The Senators received due information of these Counsells and transactions from Mark Antonio Barbaro their Consull at Constantinople a very wise man who did excellent service all this while to the Common-wealth But at first men could not believe their own fears which they had found to prove false severall times before so as being now accustomed to a long peace they could not easily perswade themselves that their condition could be altered but either not believing these advertisements or interpreting things otherwise then they were they thought that this fury of war would burst forth somewhere else Nay some of the chiefe Senators and best experienced of that Nation advised that they should be very wary in making provisions for the Navy lest they might peradventure raise more jealousies then were needfull in Selino by their so great preparations and make him do that which peradventure he never dreamt of whereby they might rather hasten then avoid their danger The long nourishing of these appearing hopes was the cause why they did not make such provisions at the beginng of these jealousies as the eminent danger did require But at last in the beginning of Ianuary the year 1570 being now commenced Letters came from the Consull to the Senate wherein he gave notice not onely of the generall speech and stirrings but of the certain resolution put on in the Divano to assault Cyprus though the Bashaws constanly affirming the contrary sought to conceal it Mehemet that he might not oblige Selino to do it by divulging it and so deprive himselfe of any occasion which time might produce Mustapha and Piali that to their better advantage they might assault Cyprus at unawares But the Consull cunningly seeming not to believe that which he knew to be very true discoursing with the Turks and chiefly with Ibrahim their interpreter a domestick servant of the first Bashaw and therefore of good esteem he drew him at unawares into severall communications whereby he learnt much of the Bashaw's intentions of their preparations and particularly of a great number of flat bottom'd boats which were making in the Gulph of Aiazzo and in the Mare Majore and of Orders given out by the Captain-Generall of Asia by them called the Belgierbie della Natolia to all the Souldiers of that Province that they might provide to ride into Caramania and of other things of like nature by which he might clearly learn that the next summers action was to be against the Kingdom of Cyprus After which advertisements they all began to be very diligent in providing for so great a need sought by their present diligence to repair the time they had lost and gave themselves with all diligence to provide for all such things as were thought fit to withstand the fury of so certain a war They resolved to send forthwith great Garrisons into Cyprus and wisht all the Governours of the Island to be very vigilant in preparing all such things to sustain the War which was chiefly intended against that Kingdom to exhort the common people to Loyalty and the Gentlemen that were Feudatories to provide Arms and Horses according as they were bound to do and Commanders in chiefe were provided for their Sea-forts Luca Michiele was made Commissary of â—ania Lorenzo da Mula being sent a little before into Candia with title of Commissary Generall of that Island with particular charge to inform himselfe of such as were fit for the Oare wherewith to furnish twenty Gallies which were to that purpose sent into that Kingdom Sebastianâ— Veniero went to Corfu who had the supream Authority of the Militia of that Kingdom given him and Giovanni da Lege a Cavalier and Procurator of St. Mark was sent to Zara and made Generall of all Dalmatia All the Ships which lay in the Havens of the City were forbidden to depart without licence though they were so few at this time as thereby the difficulty of sending such Foot as was requisite into Cyprus was made the greater Souldiers were raised in many parts of Italy divers Commanders were brought thither and with much union and diligence they were continually careful in ordering all their Forces both for their own defence and to offend the Enemy insomuch that there was never any provision for War proposed in the Senate which was not approved of by almost all the Votes But chiefly they gave themselves with all diligence to have work done in the Arsenall and to prepare great
being acquainted with those parts had perswaded them as he said to come thither by their false informations which they must believe if they would effect that enterprise for to send a few to discover the scituation was to hasard them to too manifest danger and by sending many they should give notice to the enemy and make the difficulties the greater But to shun the like errour an other time when it was proposed to attempt the Castle of Prevesa or of Santa Maura Palavesino would go thither himself and took with him Paolo Orsino Harcole de Pii and Commissary Celsi who at their return to the Fleet brought back word That those enterprises would prove difficult and would require time for the enemy fearing an assault had fired their suburbs and were very vigilant so as it would require much forces and length of time to storm them which made them think they were not at that time to be attempted At this time came Marco Quirini Captain of the Gulph to them with the Candie-Gallies who had been long detained in the Haven of Candia as well by occasion of contrary winds as also in expectation that the Turkish Fleet which he heard was to go for the Island of Cyprus might be past those Seas for he had but a few Gallies and those but lately man'd and the refore unfit to contend with the enemy or with the sea which did so moderate his usuall daring as it was overborn by mature advice For his experience in sea-affairs was commended by all men his vigilancy and his being ready to undergo all labour and danger and some did sometimes desire that he would have been more temperate in his actions Being at last got from Candia and being desirous to redeem the time he had lost when he was come to the Quaglie he bethought himself of expugning the Fort of Brazzo di Maina which as hath been said had been lately built by the Turks he considered the Haven della Quaglie might be a commodious receptacle for Christian ships being placed in the utmost angle of la Morea on the outside towards the sea made as it were by nature to receive those which failed from the Levant westward by the Ionick sea which conveniencie was taken away by this Fort which overlooked the whole Haven and commanded it almost on all sides This place was anciently called Leutro famous for a great victory which the Lacedemonians had there of the Thebans who had long had the principality of that Region Quirini's intention was chiefly to assault the enemy at unawares being not desirous to delay his journey upon any occasion Comming therefore within ken of la Maina on the 29th of Iune by break of day he presently landed some Harchebugiers who possess'd themselves of the little hill before the Castle and he the mean while drew near it with his Gallies so as the enemy was at one and the same time assaulted both by sea and land and were soon kept from defending themselves on that side by shot from the Gallies and they were much endammaged on the other side by the Harchebugiers who being upon a higher place played upon those that defended the walls so as despairing to be any longer able to defend themselves the defendants withdrew into a Towre which was within and left the way free and open for Quirini's men to enter the Fort wherein very few men were left So as playing upon the Towre with the enemies own Artillery whereof they found 24 Pieces they forc'd them that were within to yield with safety to their lives But the Fort because it was hard to be kept was in a few hours undermined and thrown down This prosperous successe and the arrivall of these twelve Gallies which came all safe within twelve daies after to Corfu did somewhat encourage the other Commanders who were much disheartned by the former misfortunes and they were the more cheered because Quirini told them That if the whole Fleet would withdraw to the Isle of Candia they might easily furnish themselves with Mariners souldiers and all other necessaries Which made them all desirous to advance and so to order their affairs as that they might hazard the fortune of war But the first thing they thought fit to do was That Quirini should with twenty Gallies over-run the Islands of the Archipelagus that he might give the enemy a feeling of their forces and to get from thence some men for the Ore which he readily did and went to the Island of Andro one of the Cyclades as they were formerly called by the Antients where landing his souldiers he carried away above three hundred men but he was not able to refrain the insolency of the Souldier who being in an Enemies Country though of Christians committed many other out-ragâ—s which made him hasten his return but Generall Zanne was this mean while gone from Corfu having received new orders from the Senate to go with those forces which he had more towards the Levant and to indeavour to raise of the siege of Cyprus either by diversion falling upon some of the Enemies places or else by carrying sufficient recruits making his ways through the midst of the Enemies Fleet and fighting them Wherefore Quirini in his return found the Venetian Fleet upon Modone which joyning with these her other Gallies arrived two days after upon the 4th of August at the Island of Candia and went altogether into the Gulph Anfialeo called now by the Marriners the Haven of Suda which is a great Creek of the Sea lying under the Promontory Drepano called Capo Meleca which thrusting it selfe out makes it the larger and more capacious Here Generall Zanne was very solicitous in providing all things necessary for the Fleet wherein he found much difficulty especially in finding men enough to supply the number of the dead Wherefore sending some Gallies to the Archipelagus again to that purpose he went with forty of the best Gallies to the City of Candia as to the fittest place to make all his provision in The two Commissaries and Palavesine staid at the Haven of Suda the Generall at his departure having left them the same Authority which they were very industrious in making use of to furnish their Gallies with men wherein they made good use of Luca Michiele Commissary of Cania who by the Authority which he held there and much more by the love which he had wonne amongst those people proved an excellent instrument to propagate that businesse But the other difficulties being at last overcome and the Fleet being sufficiently provided of Souldiers and Mariners they were notwithstanding forced to keep within the Havens and lose the best time for action at Sea expecting daily the Churches Gallies and those of Spain which by new advertisements from Venice they understood were to joyn together by directions given to Doria and to Colonna and meet the rest as soon as might be at Candia Wherefore the Senate added this to their former orders given to their