Selected quad for the lemma: money_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
money_n	gold_n	penny_n	shilling_n	1,388	5	10.8599	5	false

Text snippets containing the quad

ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A54625	A treatise of taxes and contributions shewing the nature and measures of [brace] crown-lands, assessments, customs, poll-moneys, lotteries, benevolence, penalties, monopolies, offices, tythes, raising of coins, harth-money, excize, &c. : with several intersperst discourses and digressions concerning [brace] warres, the church, universities, rents and purchases, usury and exchange, banks and lombards, registries for conveyances, beggars, ensurance, exportation of money/wool, free-ports, coins, housing, liberty of conscience, &c. : the same being frequently applied to the present state and affairs of Ireland.	Petty, William, Sir, 1623-1687.	1662 (1662)	Wing P1938; ESTC R33399	59,466	94

Highwayes building Bridges and Causeys and the making of Rivers Navigable in England would make English Horses an exportable Commodity and help to vend the Commodities of Ireland Ibid. The Causes of unquiet bearing of Taxes viz. 14 First That the Sovereign exacts too much 15 Secondly That Assessments are unequally laid Ibid. Thirdly That the Moneys levied are vainly expended Ibid. Fourthly Or given to Favourites Ibid. Fifthly Ignorance of the Number Trade and Wealth of the People 16 Sixthly Obscurity about the right of imposing Ibid. Seventhly Fewness of People Ibid. Eighthly Scarcity of Money and confusion of Coins 17 Ninthly That scarce an hundredth part of the Riches of this Nation is Coined Bullion Ibid. Tenthly The non-acceptance of Some Commodities in specie in discharge of Taxes Ibid. The Consequences of a Tax too heavy if there be too much Money in a Nation which may be or is there be too little and that either in a State well or ill governed 17 18 19 The first way of providing for the Publick Charge is the excinding or setting apart of a proportion of the Territory in the nature of Crown-Lands 20 The second is taking away the same proportion of the Rents of all Lands 21 The Nation is happy where either of the said two wayes is practised ab antiquo and upon original agreement and not exacted as a sudden contingent Surcharge upon the People 21 The Owners of settled Rents bear the burthen of a Land-Tax or Assessment others probably gaining thereby Ibid. A Land-Tax upon free Estates resolves into an Excize upon Consumptions 22 Assessment upon Housing more uncertain then that of Land Housing being of a double nature viz. either an instrument of gain or way of expence Ibid. The heavy taxing of Housing no discouragement to new Buildings nor is the discouragement of new Buildings any means to prevent the populousness of a City Ibid. Prohibition to build upon new Foundations serves onely to fix the Ground-plot of a City 23 The reason why the City of London removes its Ground-plot Westward Ibid. That 't is probable the King of Englands Palace will in process of time be towards Chelsey Ibid. That the present Seat of London will be the greatest Cohabitation of People ever whilst this Island is inhabited 24 The nature and natural Measures of the Rent of Land computed in Commodities of the growth of the said Land Ibid. The Par between food or other proceed of Land and Bullion or Coin 25 The Par between Gold and Silver Ibid. Gold and Silver are not natural Standards of the Values of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 26 The prime Denominations of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are but two viz. Land and Labour as the Denominations of Money in England are Pounds Shillings Pence Ibid. Of the Par between Land and Labour Ibid. The reason of the number of years Purchase that Land is worth in several Countreys 27 Why Land in Ireland is worth fewer years Purchase then in England 27 28. The Description and Ratio formalis of Usury 29 The same of Exchange Ibid. The Measures of both 29 30 Why Usury hath been limited more then Exchange 30 A Parallel between the Changes of the Prince of Money and that of Land Ibid. How to compute and compare the Rents of Lands in order to a just Land-Tax or Assessment 31 The intrinsick value of Land is found by Surveys of the Quantity Figure and Scituation Ibid. And by the Survey of the Quality viz. its aptitude to bear first precious Commodities secondly the best of the kinde thirdly most in quantity Ibid. The extrinsick or accidental value depends upon the plenty of Money luxurious or frugal living the Opinions Civil Natural and Religious of the People Ibid. It is necessary to these Enquiries to know how to tell the Gold and Silver Coins of this present Age and compare the same with that of former times 32 How to compare not onely the Money of this present Age with that of the former but the entire Riches of the present with the former People Ibid. By the numbers of People and the proportion of Money amongst them the accidental values of Lands are to be computed 33 How to proportion the Rates of a Commodity in one place unto the Rates of the same in another place Ibid. That the Day-wages of Labourers and several other of the most vulgar Tradesmen ought to be ascertain'd and well adapted to the changes of time Ibid. That though the difficulty of computing the contingent values of Land be great yet there be greater reasons for undergoing it 34 The nature of Credit as the said word is commonly used among Tradesmen and otherwise Ibid. That the Sovereigns exact knowledge of the Subjects Estates would do them no harm Ibid. A descriptiou of the Duty of Customs 35 A Conjecture that Customs at first were a kinde of praemium for ensurance against Pyrates Ibid. The measures of the said Duty upon exported Goods 36 The inconvenience of too heavy Customs Ibid. What Commodities may be forced to pay Customs 37 The measures of Customs upon imported Goods Ibid. The inconveniences of raising money by the way of Customs Ibid. A Proposal that instead of Tunnage and Poundage upon shipped Goods a Tunnage were paid out of the ships Fraight 38 Or that the Customs were taken as an Ensurance praemium Ibid. Of prohibited Commodities in general Ibid. Of prohibiting the exportation of Money and Bullion 39 The said prohibition of Money serves as a sumptuary Law Ibid. About the exportation of Wool Ibid. The lessening of our Sheep-trade and encrease of Corn-tillage is an expedient in this case for many reasons 40 Other considerations tending to shew that the too vehement prohibitions of Wool may be ineffectual or to do more harm then good 41 Of prohibiting Importations Ibid. It were better to make and raise Commodities though to burn them then not to make them or let the makers lose their Faculty and be idle Ibid. Of Free Ports and in what cases they may do good or harm 42 Of Poll-money and the sorts of it Ibid. The faults of the late Poll-moneys 43 Of the most simple Poll-money where all pay alike its conveniencies and inconveniencies Ibid. Of Poll-money upon Titles Offices and Faculties 44 Harth-money is of the same nature with simple Poll-money but both are rather Accumulative Excizes 45 Grants for publick Lotteries are Taxes upon the people Ibid. Why Lotteries ought not to be allowed but by good authority Ibid. Raising of Money by Benevolence is a real Tax 46 Three cases where the way of a Benevolence may be made good Ibid Several reasons against it 46 47 The several species of Penalties 47 A doubt whether the Penalties set down in Moses Law ought to be inflicted now 47 The proper use and reason of every sort of Penalty 48 Perpetual Imprisonment is a kinde of slow death 49 In what case death mutilation imprisonment disgrace c. ought to be commuted for pecuniary mulcts

purposely getting themselves taxed to gain more trust Others bribing to be taxed low and it being impossible to check or examine or trace these Collections by the print of any footsteps they leave such as the Harths of Chimneys are that I have not patience to speak more against it daring rather conclude without more ado in the words of our Comick to be naught yea exceeding naught very abominable and not good CHAP. XIV Of raising depressing or embasing of Money SOmetimes it hath hapned that States I know not by what raw advice have raised or embased their money hoping thereby as it were to multiply it and make it pass for more then it did before that is to purchase more commodity or labour with it All which indeed and in truth amounts to no more then a Tax upon such People unto whom the State is indebted or a defalkation of what is due as also the like burthen upon all that live upon Pensions established Rents Annuities Fees Gratuities c. 2. To explain this fully one might lanch out into the deep Ocean of all the Mysteries concerning Money which is done for other ends elsewhere nevertheless I shall do it the best I can by expounding the reasons pro contrà for embasing and raising of Money and first of embasing 3. Copper or Tin Money made ad valorem in its matter is no embasing the same being onely cumbersom and baser then silver money onely because less convenient and portable And Copper money ad valorem in workmanship and matter both together such as on which the Effigies and Scutcheon are so curiously graven and impressed as the moneys seem rather a Medal is not embasing unless the numbers of such pieces be excessive the measures whereof I shall not set down until I shall hereafter propound the fittest Sections of the abstracted pound into which I would have money coyned and determine how many pieces of each Section should be in an hundred pound for in case of such excess the workmanship being of no other use but to look upon becomes base by its being too common 4. Nor are such Tokens base as are coyned for Exchange in retailing by particular men if such men be responsible and able to take them back and give Silver for them 5. But that Gold I count to be embased which hath more allay either of Copper or Silver in it then serves to correct its too great natural softness and flexibility whereby it wears too fast in Money And that Silver I reckon also embased wherein is commixed more Copper then will sufficiently toughen it and save it from cracking under the Hammer Press or Mill that must coin it or the like 6. Base Money is therefore such as Dutch Shillings Stivers French Soulz Irish Bon-galls c. and for the most part consisting great pieces though of small value To answer the first reason or pretence of making them which is that the said Pieces might be more bulky handleable and the silver in them less apt to be lost or worn away 7. The other reason besides that of allay which we must allow in the Measures abovementioned is to save it from being melted down by Goldsmiths and Bullioners or exported by strangers neither of which can happen but to their loss for suppose a Stiver of two pence had a penny of pure silver if the Bullioner melts it for the sake of the silver onely in the separation he shall lose the Copper and charge of refining the Silver nor will strangers export it into places where the local value of the Piece perisheth the intrinsick leaving him to loss 7. Now the reasons against this kinde of Money are first the greater danger of falsification because the colour sound and weight by which men without the test guess at the goodness of the material of Money is too much confounded for the vulgar whom it concerns to make use of them for their marks and guides in the business 8. Secondly In case small pieces of this Money viz. pieces of two pence should happen to be raised or depressed twelve fifteen or sixteen per cent then there will be a certain loss by reason of the fractions which the vulgar cannot reckon As for example if such Money were depressed but ten eleven or twelve per cent then the two pence piece would be worth but three half pence which is twenty five per cent and so of other proportions 9. Thirdly In case the Inconvenience of this Money should be so great as to necessitate a new Coinage of it then will happen all the losses we mentioned before in melting it down by Bullioners 10. Fourthly If the two pence piece contained but ⅙ th part of the Silver usually in a shilling then Dealers would have fifteen pence paid in this money for the same Commodity for which they would take a shilling in Standard Silver 11. Raising of Money is either the cutting the pound Troy of Standard Silver into more pieces then formerly as into above sixty whereas heretofore the same was made but into twenty and yet both sorts called shillings or else calling the money already made by higher names The reasons or pretences given for such raising are these viz. That the raising of Money will bring it in and the material thereof more plentifully for trial whereof suppose one shilling were proclaimed to be worth two what other effect could this have then the raising of all Commodities unto a double price Now if it were proclaimed That Labourers Wages c. should not rise at all upon this raising of Money then would this Act be as onely a Tax upon the said Labourers as forcing them to lose half their wages which would not be onely unjust but impossible unless they could live with the said half which is not to be supposed for then the Law that appoints such Wages were ill made which should allow the Labourer but just wherewithall to live for if you allow double then he works but half so much as he could have done and otherwise would which is a loss to the Publick of the fruit of so much labour 12. But suppose the Quart d'Es●● of France commonly esteemed worth eighteen pence were raised to three shillings then 't is true that all the Moneys of England would be indeed Quart d'Esens pieces but as true that all the English Money would be carried away and that our Quart d'Esens would contain but half so much Bullion as our own money did so that raising of Money may indeed change the species but with so much loss as the Forreign Pieces were raised unto above their intrinsick value 13. But for remedy of this suppose we raised the Quart d'Esen double and prohibited the Exportation of our own money in Exchange thereof I answer that such a Prohibition is nugatory and impossible to be executed and if it were not yet the raising of the said species would but make us sell the Commodities bought with raised Quart d'Esens

11. 7. Obscurities and doubts about the right of imposing hath been the cause of great and ugly Reluctancies in the people and of Involuntary Severities in the Prince an eminent Example whereof was the Ship-money no small cause of twenty years calamity to the whole Kingdom 12. 8. Fewness of people is real poverty and a Nation wherein are Eight Millions of people are more then twice as rich as the same scope of Land wherein are but Four For the same Governours which are the great charge may serve near as well for the greater as the lesser number 13. Secondly If the people be so few as that they can live Exsponte Creatis or with little labour such as is Grazing c. they become wholly without Art No man that will not exercise his hands being able to endure the tortures of the mind which much thoughtfulness doth occasion 14. 9. Scarcity of money is another cause of the bad payment of Taxes for if we consider that of all the wealth of this Nation viz. Lands Housing Shipping Commodities Furniture Plate and Money that scarce one part of an hundred is Coin and that perhaps there is scarce six millions of Pounds now in England that is but twenty shillings a head for every head in the Nation We may easily judge how difficult it is for men of competent estates to pay a Summe of money on a sudden which if they cannot compass Severities and Charges ensue and that with reason though unluckie enough it being more tolerable to undoe one particular Member then to endanger the whole notwithstanding indeed it be more tolerable for one particular Member to be undone with the whole then alone 15. 10. It seems somewhat hard that all Taxes should be paid in money that is when the King hath occasion to Victual his Ships at Portsmouth that Fat Oxen and Corn should not be received in kind but that Farmers must first carry their Corn perhaps ten Miles to sell and turn into money which being paid to the King is again reconverted into Corn fetcht many miles further 16. Moreover the Farmer for haste is forced to under-sell his Corn and the King for haste likewise is forced to over-buy his provisions Whereas the paying in kinde Pro Hic Nunc would lessen a considerable grievance to the poor people 17. The next consideration shall be of the consequences and effects of too great a Tax not in respect of particular men of which we have spoken before but to the whole people in general To which I say that there is a certain measure and proportion of money requisite to drive the trade of a Nation more or less then which would prejudice the same Just as there is a certain proportion of Farthings necessary in a small retail Trade to change silver money and to even such reckonings as cannot be adjusted with the smallest silver pieces For money made of Gold and silver is to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to the matter of our Food and Covering but as Farthings and other local extrinsick money is to the Gold and Silver species 18. Now as the proportion of the number of Farthings requisite in comerse is to be taken from the number of people the frequency of their exchanges as also and principally from the value of the smallest silver pieces of money so in like maner the proportion of money requisite to our Trade is to be likewise taken from the frequency of commutations and from the bigness of the payments that are by Law or Custome usually made otherwise From whence it follows that where there are Registers of Lands whereby the just value of each mans interest in them may be well known and where there are Depositories of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as of Metals Cloth Linnen Leather and other Usefuls and where there are Banks of money also there less money is necessary to drive the Trade For if all the greatest payments be made in Lands and the other perhaps down to ten pound or twenty pound be made by credit in Lombars or Money-Banks It follows that there needs onely money to pay sums less then those aforementioned just as fewer Farthings are requisite for change where there be plenty of silver two Pences then where the least silver piece is six Pence 19. To apply all this I say that if there be too much money in a Nation it were good for the Commonalty as well as the King and no harm even to particular men if the King had in his Coffers all that is superflous no more then if men were permitted to pay their Taxes in any thing they could best spare 20. On the other side if the largeness of a publick Exhibition should leave less money then is necessary to drive the Nations Trade then the mischief thereof would be the doing of less work which is the same as lessening the people or their Art and Industry for a hundred pound passing a hundred hands for Wages causes a 10000l worth of Commodities to be produced which hands would have been idle and useless had there not been this continual motive to their employment 21. Taxes if they be presently expended upon our own Domestick Commodities seem to me to do little harm to the whole Body of the people onely they work a change in the Riches and Fortunes of particular men and particularly by transferring the same from the Landed and Lazy to the Crafty and Industrious As for example if a Gentleman have let his Lands to Farm for a hundred pound per annum for several years or lives and he be taxed twenty pound per annum to maintain a Navy then the effect hereof will be that this Gentlemans twenty pound per annum will be distributed amongst Seamen Ship-Carpenters and other Trades relating to Naval matters but if the Gentleman had his Land in his own hands then being taxed a Fifth part he would raise his Rents near the same proportion upon his under Tenants or would sell his Cattle Corn and Wooll a Fifth part dearer the like also would all other subdependents on him do and thereby recover in some measure what he paid Lastly but if all the money levied were thrown into the Sea then the ultimate effect would onely be that every man must work a fifth part the harder or retrench a fifth part of his consumptions viz. the former if forreign Trade be improveable and the latter if it be not 22. This I conceive were the worst of Taxes in a well policyed State but in other States where is not a certain prevention of Beggary and Theevery that is a sure livelihood for men wanting imployment there I confess an excessive Taxe causes excessive and insuperable want even of natural necessities and that on a sudden so as ignorant particular persons cannot finde out what way to subsist by and this by the law of Nature must cause sudden effects to relieve it self that is Rapines Frauds and this again must

then that upon place which the practice of the world doth not unless it be that those who make such Laws were rather Borrowers then Lenders But of the vanity and fruitlessness of making Civil Positive Laws against the Laws of Nature I have spoken elsewhere and instanced in several particulars 4. As for the natural measures of Exchange I say that in times of Peace the greatest Exchange can be but the labour of carrying the money in specie but where are hazards emergent uses for money more in one place then another c. or opinions of these true or false the Exchange will be governed by them 5. Parallel unto this is something which we omit concerning the price of Land for as great need of money heightens Exchange so doth great need of Corn raise the price of that likewise and consequently of the Rent of the Land that bears Corn and lastly of the Land itself as for example if the Corn which feedeth London or an Army be brought forty miles thither then the Corn growing within a mile of London or the quarters of such Army shall have added unto its natural price so much as the charge of bringing it thirty nine miles doth amount unto And unto perishable Commodities as fresh fish fruits c. the ensurance upon the hazard of corrupting c. shall be added also and finally unto him that eats these things there suppose in Taverns shall be added the charge of all the circumstancial appurtenances of House-rent Furniture Attendance and the Cooks skill as well as his labour to accompany the same 6. Hence it comes to pass that Lands intrinsically alike near populous places such as where the perimeter of the Area that feeds them is great will not onely yield more Rent for these Reasons but also more years purchase then in remote places by reason of the pleasure and honour extraordinary of having Lands there for Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci. 7. Having finished our digression upon the measures of the Rents and Values of Lands and Moneys we now return to our second way of leavying Publick Charges which was the taking of a proportion of the Rent commonly called Assessment it follows next to speak of the way of computing the said Rents otherwise then according to the bargains which a few men make one with another through ignorance haste false suggestion or else in their passion or drink Although I acknowledge that the medium or common result of all the bargains made within three years or other such Cycle of time as within which all contingencies of Land revolve may be very sufficient to this purpose being but the summe synthetically computed by casual opinions as I would endeavour to cast up analytically by a distinct particularizing of the Causes 8. 1. Therefore I propound a Survey of the Figures Quantities and Scituations of all the Lands both according to the civil bounds of Parishes Farms c. and the natural distinctions thereof by the Sea Rivers ridges of Rocks or Mountains c. 9. 2. I propound that the quality of each denomination were described by the Commodities it had usually born in some Land some sort of Timber Grain pulse or root growing more happily then in others Also by the encrease of things sown or planted which it hath yielded communibus annis and withall the comparative goodness of the said Commodities not unto the common Standard money but to one another As for example if there be ten acres of Land I would have it judged whether they be better for Hay or Corn if for Hay whether the said ten Acres will bear more or less of Hay then ten other Acres and whether an hundred weight of the said Hay will feed or fatten more or less then the same weight of other Hay and not as yet comparing it to money in which the value of the said Hay will be more or less according to the plenty of money which hath changed strangely since the discovery of the West Indies and according to the multitudes of people living near this Land together with the luxurious or frugal living of them and besides all according to the Civil Natural and Religious Opinions of the said people As for example Eggs in the fore-part of Lent because their goodness and delicacy decayes before Lent be done being worth little in some Popish Countreys nor Swines flesh among the Jews nor Hedgehogs Frogs Snails Mushrooms c. to those that fear to eat them as poisonous or unwholesome nor Currans and Spanish Wines if they were all to be destroyed as the great thieves of this Nation by an Edict of the State 10. This I call a Survey or Inquisition into the intrinsick Values of Land that of extrinsick or accidentall follows We said that the change of the store of money would change the rates of commodities according to our reckoning in names and words pounds shillings and pence being nothing else as for example If a man can bring to London an ounce of Silver out of the Earth in Peru in the same time that he can produce a bushel of Corn then one is the natural price of the other now if by reason of new and more easie Mines a man can get two ounces of Silver as easily as formerly he did one then Corn will be as cheap at ten shillings the bushel as it was before at five shillings caeteris paribus 11. It behoves us therefore to have a way whereby to tell the money of our Countrey which I think I have and that in a short time and without cost and which is more without looking into particular mens pockets of which hereafter Now if we know what Gold and Silver we had in England two hundred years ago and could tell it again now and though we also knew the difference of our denominations then when thirty seven shillings were made out the same quantity of Silver as sixty two are now also that of the alloy labour in Coinage remedies for weight and fineness and duties to the King nay if we also knew the Labourers wages then and now yet all this would not shew the difference of the Riches of our Nation even in money alone 12. Wherefore we must adde to the premises the knowledge of the difference of the numbers of the people and conclude that if all the money in the Nation were equally divided amongst all the people both then and now that that time wherein each Devisee had wherewith to hire most labourers was the richer So that we want the knowledge of the People and Bullion which is now in this Land and which was heretofore all which I think may be found out even for the time past but more probably for the time present and to come 13. But to proceed suppose we had them then we would pitch the accidental values upon our Lands about London as thus viz. We would first at hazzard compute the materials for food and covering which the

in effect but at half the usual rate which unto them that want such commodities will as well yield the full so that abating our prices will as well allure strangers to buy extraordinary proportions of our Commodities as raising their money will do But neither that nor abating the price will make strangers use more of our Commodities then they want for although the first year they should carry away an unuseful and superfluous proportion yet afterwards they would take so much the less 14. If this be true as in substance it is why then have so many wise States in several ancient as well as modern times frequently practised this Artifice as a means to draw in money into their respective Dominions I answer that something is to be attributed to the stupidity and ignorance of the people who cannot of a sudden understand this matter for I finde many men wise enough who though they be well informed that raising of money signifies little yet cannot suddenly digest it As for example an unengaged person who had money in his purse in England and should hear that a shilling was made fourteen pence in Ireland would more readily run thither to buy Land then before not suddenly apprehending that for the same Land which he might have bought before for six years Purchase he shall now pay seven Nor will Sellers in Ireland of a sudden apprehend cause to raise their Land proportionally but will at least be contented to compound the business viz. to sell at six and an half and if the difference be a more ragged fraction men under a long time will not apprehend it nor ever be able exactly to govern their practice according to it 15. Secondly Although I apprehend little real difference between raising Forreign Money to double and abasing half in the price of our own Commodities yet to sell them on on a tacite condition to be paid in Forreign present Money shall increase our money forasmuch as between raising the money and abasing the price is the same difference as between selling for money and in barter which latter is the dearer or between selling for present money and for time barter resolving into the nature of uncertain time 16. I say suppose English Cloth were sold at six shillings a Yard and French Canvas at eighteen pence the Ell the question is whether it were all one in order to increase Money in England to raise the French Money double or to abate half of the price of our Cloth I think the former because that former way or proposition carries with it a condition of having Forreign Money in specie and not Canvas in barter between which two wayes the world generally agrees there is a difference Wherefore if we can afford to abate half our price but will not do it but for our neighbours money then we gain so much as the said difference between Money and Barter amounts unto by such raising of our Neighbours Money 17. But the fundamental solution of this Question depends upon a real and not an imaginary way of computing the prices of Commodities in order to which real way I premise these suppositions First then suppose there be in a Territory a thousand people let these people be supposed sufficient to Till this whole Territory as to the Husbandry of Corn which we will suppose to contain all necessaries for life as in the Lords Prayer we suppose the word Bread doth and let the production of a Bushel of this Corn be supposed of equal labour to that of producing an ounce of Silver Suppose again that a tenth part of this Land and tenth of the people viz. an hundred of them can produce Corn enough for the whole suppose that the Rent of Land found out as above-mentioned be a fourth part of the whole product about which proportion it really is as we may perceive by paying a fourth Sheaf instead of Rent in some places suppose also that whereas but an hundred are necessary for this Husbandry yet that two hundred have taken up the Trade and suppose that where a Bushel of Corn would suffice yet men out of delicacy will use two making use of the Flower onely of both Now the Inferences from hence are First That the goodness or badness or the value of Land depends upon the greater or lesser share of the product given for it in proportion to the simple labour bestowed to raise the said Product Secondly That the proportions between Corn and Silver signific onely an artificial value not a natural because the comparison is between a thing naturally useful and a thing in it self unnecessary which by the way is part of the reason why there are not so great changes and leaps in the pro●●ed of Silver as of other Commodities Thirdly That natural dearness and cheapness depends upon the few or more hands requisite to necessaries of Nature As Corn is cheaper where one man produces Corn for ten then where he can do the like but for six and withall according as the Climate disposes men to a necessity of spending more or less But Political Cheapness depends upon the paucity of Supernumerary Interlopers into any Trade over and above all that are necessary viz. Corn will be twice as dear where are two hundred Husbandmen to do the same work which an hundred could perform the proportion thereof being compounded with the proportion of superfluous Expence viz. if to the cause of dearness abovementioned be added to the double Expence to what is necessary then the natural price will appear quadrupled and this quadruple Price is the true Political Price computed upon naturall grounds And this again proportioned to the common artificiall Standard Silver gives what was sought that is the true Price Currant 18. But forasmuch as almost all Commodities have their Substitutes or Succedanea and that almost all uses may be answered several wayes and for that novelty surprize example of Superiours and opinion of unexaminable effects do adde or take away from the price of things we must adde these contingent Causes to the permanent Causes abovementioned in the judicious foresight and computation whereof lies the excellency of a Merchant Now to apply this Digression I say that to encrease Money it is as well necessary to know how to abate the raise the price of Commodities and that of Money which was the scope of the said Digression 19. To conclude this whole Chapter we say that raising or embasing of Moneys is a very pittiful and unequal way of Taxing the people and 't is a sign that the State sinketh which catcheth hold on such Weeds as are accompanied with the dishonour of impressing a Princes Effigies to justifie Adulterate Commodities and the breach of Publick Faith such as is the calling a thing what it really is not CHAP. XV. Of Excize IT is generally allowed by all that men should contribute to the Publick Charge but according to the share and interest they have in the Publick Peace that

Ibid. The meaning of the double and multiple Restitutions mentioned in the Law of Moses Ibid. Of the wayes for punishing or permitting Heterodox Believers in Religion 50 That the Sovereign may do either 51 That all Pseudodoxies whatsoever may be safely muzzled from doing harm by pecuniary mulcts 51 52 That the Sovereign by punishing them with death mutilations or imprisonments doth therein punish himself and that too re infecta very often 51 That the Pastours ought in some measure to be punished for the errours and defections of their Flocks 52 The true use of the Clergy is rather to be patterns of Holiness then to teach men variety of Opinions de rebus divinis 53 The substance of all that hath been said in this whole discourse about the Church Ibid. The abuse of Penal Laws 54 Of Monopolies Ibid. The use and reason of instituting Monopolies 55 A Digression about new Inventions and the vexations incident to the Projectors of new practices Ibid. Offices instituted by the State with Fees of their own appointment are of a parallel nature to Monopolies 56 Why the Fees of Offices were great heretofore Ibid. How Offices are become as a saleable Commodity 57 Why many superfluous Offices are not abolished Ibid. A description of Tythes in several particulars 58 The causes why Tythes encrease Ibid. The Rent of the Lands of England is but a quarter of the Expence of the people 59 The Tythes in England are six times as much as they were four hundred years ago Ibid. The Clergy are far richer now then they were in ancient times and yet have less work to do Ibid. The danger of too many Church men 60 How to adjust the number of Church-men and Students in Divinity Ibid. Tythes is now no Tax or burthen upon the people 61 The way of Tythes is a good pattern for a Tax Ibid The way of paying Tythes in the City and Countrey is very disproportionable 61 The inconveniences of contributing to the Publick Charge after the manner of Tythes Ibid. A reason why the wayes of Taxing the people are often shifted 62 The State gains in several Countreys by being the common Cashier Usurer Ensurer Monopolist c. 63 The case of the Jews every where subject to great Taxes briefly stated 64 The way of leavying an aliquot part of mens Estates very dangerous Ibid. Alterations in the values of Coins is a Tax upon such as live by determined Rents Pensions Fees c. 65 What is embasing of Moneys and what is not Ibid. Of Tin and Copper money as well curiously as coursly wrought Ibid. Of the Tokens coined by retailing Shop-keepers Ibid. What is Gold and Silver embased 66 The reasons for embasing of money Ibid. Reasons against the same Ibid. What is properly raising of Money 67 The effect of raising both domestick and forreign Coins Ibid. Raising of money changes the species of moneys but lessens the Bullion Ibid. Why many wise States have raised their Moneys 68 Raising of Forreign money to a double value or abating the price of our Native commodities to half is not all one but the former is better 69 The way of computing and comparing the prices of Commodities upon natural grounds 69 70 Men are really and actually rich according to what they spend and enjoy in their own persons 71 Excize being a Tax upon such riches is a just way by which to defray the Publick Charge Ibid. That a proportion ought to be pitched between the Expence or Consumption of the whole Nation and the Publick Charge thereof ib. Commodities ought not to be taxed until they be just ripe for Consumption 72 Commodities of equal value may be unequally excized with justice ibidem Of accumulating the Excize of many things upon some one thing Ibid. Whether Native Commodities exported ought to pay Excize Ibid. The explication of Accumulative Excize 73 Reason for accumulating the Excize of all things upon some one thing Ibid. Why Beer ought not to be that one thing 74 Harth or Smoak-money is an Accumulative Excize with the reasons for and against it Ibid. Reasons in behalf of the Excize 75 Of framing persons to be fit for great Trusts as to be Cashiers Store-keepers Checques c. Ibid. CHAP. I. Of the several sorts of Publick Charges THe Publick Charges of a State are That of its Defence by Land and Sea of its Peace at home and abroad as also of its honourable vindication from the injuries of other States all which we may call the Charge of the Militia which commonly is in ordinary as great as any other Branch of the whole but extraordinary that is in time of War or fear of War is much the greatest 2. Another branch of the Publick Charge is the Maintenance of the Governours Chief and Subordinate I mean such not onely as spend their whole time in the Execution of their respective Offices but also who spent much in fitting themselves as well with abilities to that end as in begetting an opinion in their Superiours of such their ability and trustworthiness 3. Which Maintenance of the Governours is to be in such a degree of plenty and splendour as private Endeavours and Callings seldom reach unto To the end that such Governours may have the natural as well as the artificial Causes of Power to act with 4 For if a great multitude of men should call one of their number King unless this instituted Prince appear in greater visible splendour then others can reward those that obey and please him and do the contrary to others his Institution signifies little even although he chance to have g●●●ter corporal or mental faculties then any other of the number 5. There be Offices which are but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Sheriffs Justices of the Peace Constables Churchwardens c. which men may attend without much prejudice to their ordinary wayes of livelihood and for which the honour of being trusted and the pleasure of being feared hath been thought a competent Reward 6. Unto this head the Charge of the administring Justice may be referred as well between man and man as between the whole State or Commonalty and particular members of it as well that of righting and punishing past injuries and crimes as of preventing the same in time to come 7. A third branch of the Publick Charge is that of the Pastorage of mens Souls and the guidance of their Consciences which one would think because it respects another world and but the particular interest of each man there should not be a publick Charge in this Nevertheless if we consider how easie it is to elude the Laws of man to commit unproveable crimes to corrupt and divert Testimonies to wrest the sense and meaning of the Laws c. there follows a necessity of contributing towards a publick Charge wherewith to have men instructed in the Laws of God that take notice of evil thoughts and designs and much more of secret deeds and that punisheth eternally in another