little darknesse upon nature but thou by thy mercies and passion hast broke through the jawes of death So Lord receive my soul and have mercie upon me and blesse this Kingdom with peace and plenty and with brotherly love and charity that there may not be this effusion of Christian blood amongst them for Iesus Christ his sake if it be thy will Then laying his head upon the Block and praying silently to himself he said aloud Lord receive my soul which was the signal to the Executioner who very dexterously did his Office at a blow This one Note I may not forget as a truth from an Honourable person then present upon the Scaffold that though the Chinks were stopped yet there remained a small hole from a knot in the midst of a Board and in which his finger of the right hand happened to fall into and to stop that also that his desire might be fulfilled lest his blood might descend on the peoples head his soul ascending to Heaven and leaving his body on the Scaffold to the care of men imbalming it with their tears His body was accompanied to the earth afterwards with great multitudes of people whom love had drawn together to perform that Office and decently Interred in the Church of Allhallows-Barking a Church of his own Patronage and jurisdiction according to the Rites and â—eremonies of the Church England He deserved that honour at his death being the greatest Champion of the Common Prayer Book whilst he lived Nor need Posterity take care to provide his Monument It being well observed by Sir Edward Deering He who threw the first stone at him that St Pauls Church will be his principal Monument and his own Book against the Iesuite his lasting Epitaph and so I leave him to that comfort which the Psalmist gives him The righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance and shall not be affraid of any evil report Psal. 112. 6 7. Take this though for the present Thy brave attempt on Pauls in time to come Shall be a Monument beyond a Tombe Thy Book shall be thy Statua where we finde The Image of thy Nobler part thy Minde Thy Name shall be thy Epitaph and he Who hears or reads of That shall publish Thee The Kings Party had Garisoned a repaired Castle at the Devises and Colonel Devereux had a Garison at Roudon House between the Devises and Malmsburie being set upon and Besieged Colonel Stephens in Wiltshire newly made by the Parliament Governour of Beverston Castle was willing to give aide to the Besieged at Roudon and sets upon the Besiegers with three Troopes of his own and some Malmsburie Foot without staying for Devereux assistance broke through the Cavaliers and Relieves the House with Provision and Powder and alighting would needs eate and refresh himself with his friends giving time to the Cavaliers Party to Rally and cast up a Brestwork before the passage and so he with 1400. Horse and Foot cooped up all together and so the Besieged more straitned then before News gets to Glocester from whence comes sixty Horse well commanded and were to joyn with one hundred Horse and Dragoons from Malmsburie to break through the Cavaliers and these added to the four hundred and thirty within the House were conceived to force a Passage through the first Sconce But then comes Sir Iacob Ashlie with three thousand Massie raises the County about Strodewater doing what he could to face the Garison at Cirencester and to divert the danger of the Besiegers but nothing prevailed and so they were faine to Surrender upon bad quarter The Cavaliers grow strong on all sides and a stream of ill success rushes in upon their enemies upon Colonel Hopton having raised sixty Horse and fourty Foot Garisoned Castle-ditch near Lidburie in Herefordshire a Party from thence of three hundred Horse and Foot in twenty four houres took him Horse and Foot Prisoners to Hereford Sir Iohn Winter hath Guards set round about upon him to straiten his Garison his own House in the Forest of Deane but they break out through all those Guards and joyn with a Party of Foot from Cheystow which Landed at Lancaught intending to make good the Passe over Wye and so to issue out of Wales at pleasure To oppose them all the Guards drew together thither Sir Iohn violently charged the Forlorn of Foot who gave back to let in their Foot and so both Horse and Foot fell upon him some were slain Colonel Gamne and Vangerris Colonel Pore of Berkley Castle drowned but Sir Iohn and his escaped being the industrious enemy to all his Parliament neighbours These things happened the latter end of the year February about the time of surprizing Shrewsburie by the Parliament Prince Rupert falls back out of Shropshire and comes upon Herefordshire with all his Army the greatest in the Kingdom being a confluence of these Forces his own formerly Prince Maurice Colonel Gerard Lord Hastings Lord Ashlie and Sir Marmaduke Langdale and yet impresse more men in aboundance in all the neighbouring Counties with store of Arms necessity casting them in such waies of violence and coercive power prest-men of suspected fidelity and lesse value often deceiving them in Battle yet the King was forced to these waies for conducing to the sudden forming of an Army when the Kings affairs became desperate and so thrust in with the old Volunteers made up the bulk of a great Body when the Parliament had no such necessity to enforce rather a more cunning way to win upon that party the City of London being the undrained Magazine of Men and Money the common Asse that bare the burden and so ends this year A continuance of the brief Narrative of the Kings Affairs Military in Scotland under Conduct of the Marquesse of Montrose Montrose with considerable Forces enters Scotland 13. April 1644. comes to Dunfrize seises that Town expecting Antrims Irish but being there in some danger returns to Carlisle with his men for the Earl of Calander had raised a new Army in Scotland to second General Leslie in England and now besieging York Montrose having beaten a Garison out of Morpith pillaged the Castle and took a Fort at the mouth of Tine He plentifully sent Victuals to Newcastle which come from Almwick And is now sent for by Prince Rupert then in his way to raise the siege of Yorke but could not possible get to him till the retreat from that unfortunate Battle of Marston-moor and so returned back to Carlisle with a few but faithful gallant men He sends the Lord Oglebie and Sir William Rollock into the heart of Scotland in disguise who return with sad news that all Strengths in Scotland were possessed by the Covenanters The Earl of Traquair contrary to his Oaths and promises to the King was an Agent for the Covenanters Yet this man was more in the Kings Favour then any Scotish except the Hamiltons Montrose in these Difficulties sends Oglebey with his earnest
fled nor could any creature discern the Murderer but by several suspitions of those that were left last above with the Duke and therefore some cried out upon Soubiez the Frenchmen Friar whilest Felton having no power to fly far uncertain what to do stepped aside into the Kitchin near at hand hither the uproar and search followed some cried out Where 's the Villain Felton mistaking the words for Here 's the Villain suddenly started and said I am he whom they seized and with much ado to preserve alive from the fury of the Servants Mr. Stamford the Dukes follower tilting at him with a Rapier which others put by that missed but little of his intent to repay him to the full This being the truth we can scarce give credit that any one much less that the Earl of Cleveland and some others who were in the hearing of the thing reported that the most religious Murderer in the very act of striking said Lord have mercy on thy soul a Speech which the Duke had scarce ability to say himself but was onely heard to say some report with an Oath The Villain hath kill'd me We must observe the Authours easiness to believe Reports so improbable that the Earl and others Witnes enow should be so near to hear the thing and the several sayings and yet could not meet with the man till he discovered himself How very Christian-like he stiles â—he Malefactour The most religious Murderer and grounds his faith no doubt upon his charitable Requiem for the Duke's Soul which he had scarce ability to say for himself and yet with the same certainty he assures us that the Duke was heard to say much more and that with an Oath The Villain hath kill'd me This Oath was either an Asseveration which needed not or a Curse more wretched and both alike unlikely to be true Strange Reports are seldome of certainty which wise men justly forbear without good proof To say upon hear-say that A. B. hath hang'd himself is an abominable untruth if he be living Yet in such case the party belied hath time and means hereafter personally to recover his good fame by disproving the Report But to create and chronicle a fatal Scandal upon the very Soul of a noble person dying and that irreccoverably beyond the reach of repair is no doubt most unbeseeming an Historian or a good Christian. And for his two especial almost singularly observable things are thus mistaken that the Gorps was he says totally abandoned by each living man Indeed he dead the inquisition for Murder made every good man a party in the search as in such distraction is always needfull and besides the Duke's Dutchess and other Ladies in the upper Chamber hastened all mens affections and charity thitherward to preserve them and others in desperate agony And for the other ill news hath wings carried to Court by Captain Charls Price who found the King in the Presence chamber at his publick daily Prayers and the Company about him on their knees over whose heads he unhandsomly bestrid to make his way to the King rounding his ear The Duke is murdered which being thus passionately acted and so observed the Chaplain he made a stop till the King bid him go on as not to interrupt his Devotions with any outward accident But others he says thought he might dislike the mode of the Dukes dispatch yet was well pleased with the thing as if Providence had rid him of the subject whom he could not prefer with safeâ—y nor desert with honour an unhandsome character of the Kings conscience Many Messengers posted to Court with this ill News more hasty than able to satisfie the particulars therein and as passionately the Courtiers posted to Portsmouth There was one had command to inquire of the Fact to see the man and to search out somewhat to satisfie the King and with his Warrant to the Governour was put in to the Prisoner a little timber meagre gastly frightfull face Fellow already clapt into a small Centry house upon the Guard horribly laden with manacled Irons neither to sit nor to ly down but to be crippled against the Wall with him thus in private and to sweeten his devilish conditions the party pretended that in affection to some of his Friends he came of this visit to administer comfort with his Prayers the best effects of Charity to him But he answers that he was not so ignorant to believe that a man in his condition should be admitted such comforts but â— rather receive you an Examiner said he impowred to make inquisition of me and this Action of mine And after some disâ—oâ—rse Sir said he I shall be brief I killed him for the â—â—use of God and my Countrey Nay said the other there may be hope of his life the Surgeons say so It is impossible he replied I had the force of forty men assisted by him that guided my hand And being interrogated to several Questions he made these Answers That he was named John Felton heretofore 〈◊〉 to a Foot Company â—â—der Sir James Ramsey that he had endâ—â—voured for a Commission to be Captain in this Expedition and faild tâ—â—ein but without any regret upon the Duke from whom he had found respect nor for any private interest whatsoever that the late Remonstrance of Parliament published the Duke so odious that he appeared to him deserving death which no Iustice durst execute That it was not many days since he resolved to kill him but finding the Duke so closely attended that it should be his business to pass a Voluntier and do it in this Voyage Somewhat he said of a Sermon at St. Faiths Church under Pauls where the Preacher spake in justification of every man in a good cause to be Iudg and Executioner of sin which he interpreted to be him That passing out at the Postern-gate upon Tower-hill he espied that fatal Knife in a Cutler 's Glass-caâ—e which he bought for sixteen pence It was the point-end of a tuff Blade stuck into a cross Haft the whole length Handle and all not twelve Inches fastened to his right Pocket and from that time he resolved therewith to stab him That some days after he followed the Train to Portsmouth and coming by a Cross erected in the High-way he sharpened the point thereof upon the stone believing it more proper in justice to advantage his design than for the idolatrous intent it was first erected That he found continual trouble and disquiet in minde untill he should perform this Fact and came to Town but that Morning That no Soul living was â—â—cessary with him by any ways or means of the Dukes Execution That he was assured his Fact was justified and he the Redeemer of the Peoples sufferings under the power of the Dukes â—surpations c. And his Paper tackt in the Crown of his Hat seemed to satisfie his Conscience that he was thereof well pleased A little assurance may serve the turn to satisfie any
Kingdom all the prosperitie and happiness in the world I did it living and now dying it is my wish I do most humbly recommend it to every man that hears me and desire that they will lay their hands upon their hearts and consider seriously whether the beginning of the happiness of the Reformation of a Kingdom should be written in letters of bloud consider this when ye are in your own homes and let me be never so unhappie as that the least drop of my bloud should rise up in judgment against any one of you I acquit you all but I fear you are in a wrong way My Lord I here profess and with that I shall end that I do die a true and obedient Son to the Church of England wherein I was born and in which I was bred peace and prosperitie be ever to it And whereas it is objected if it be an Objection worth the answering that I have been inclined to Poperie I may truly say that from the time of one and twentie to this present going on now towards nine and fourtie years I never had in my heart to doubt of this Religion of the Church of England nor ever any man the boldness to suggest any such thing to the best of my rememberance to me So being reconciled by the merits of Christ Jesus my Saviour into whose bosome I hope I shall shortly be gathered to those eternal happinesses that shall never have end I desire heâ—rtily the forgiveness of every man for any rash and unadvised words or for any thing done amiss And so my Lords and Gentlemen Farewell Farewell all the things of this world I desire that ye would be silent and join with me in praier and I trust in God we shall all meet and live eternally in Heaven there to receive the accomplishment of all happiness where every tear shall be wiped away from our eys and every sad thought from our hearts and so God bless this Kingdom and Jesus have mercie on my soul. To this he added a Prayer not taken by any to strengthen his faith confirm him in patience and charity to preserve the King and his Realms in prosperity the Church in unity and to have mercy on his soul. Rising from his knees he delivered these commands for his children To his Son William Wentworth commends himself gives him charge to serve his God to submit to his King with all faith and allegeance in things temporal to the Church in things spiritual gives him charge as he will answer it to him in Heaven never to meddle with the patrimonie of the Church for it will be the Cancer that will eat up the rest of his Estate again charges it as he will answer him in Heaven Et sic finem fecit And to shew that his Speech on the Scaffold was not sudden but premeditate the Paper of the Heads written with his own hand as it was left upon the Scaffold doth evidence which the Primate took up Come to pay the last debt we ow to sin Rise to Righteousness Die willingly Forgive all Submit to justice but in my intentions innocent from perverting c. Wishing nothing but prosperitie to the King and People Acquit the King constrained Beseech to repentance Strange way to write the beginning of Reformation and settlement of a Kingdom in bloud Beseech that demand may rest there Call not for bloud upon themselves Die in the faith of the Church Pray for it and desire their Praiers c. This Prayer was found in his Chamber at the Tower his own hand-writing and the Petition which follows after O Almightie and most mercifull Father of whose goodness I am made and by whose favour I have hitherto subsisted I confess the multitude and greatness of my sins deserve I should be utterly out of thy protection be entirely left to my weak self that am unable to withstand even those assaults my own thoughts make Yet O most gracious and loving Father be thou true to thy goodness and mercy though I be deceitfull in thy services reconcile me in Jesus Christ unto thy self for his sake forgive and then enable me to forsake all my sins those principally that have procured my instant affliction discover unto me what in my minde and thoughts displeaseth thee that I may purge thence what thy blessed visitation seems now to point at there Good Lord so clear and sanctifie my reason that no fancie of mine own create in me any causless disturbance and strengthen me to endure and overcome what ever real affliction thou art pleased to impose affect me deeply with the apprehension of thine omnipresence with a sense of thy nearness to those in trouble let my faith see thine Angels pitcht about me and my heart by all these be as secure as it is safe Lord perswade my soul of the unquestionableness of that truth that nothing can befal me against thy will and ever dispose me to entertain chearfully what thou willest Make me in this to see how litle the specious but vain appearances and advantages of this life confer to the setling of a discomposed minde give me a due sense of mine own infirmitie yet good Lord suffer no infirmitie to make me diffident of thy support whose strength is best and most seen in weakness Let the malice and unweariedness of Satan render me more solicitous of what he would destroy and never suffer me to want that comfortable consideration that all his power is under thy restraint Dear Father sanctifie this affliction to me that I may willingly submit to whatsoever design thou hast upon my soul herein that I may decline those sins thou most warn'st me of by it prosecute that goodness thy grace in this visitation prompts me to For this end grant me carefully to observe mine own heart that my sorrow for what I finde may become proper and effectual and grow into such an endeavour of new obedience as shall never end And blessed be thy holy Name O Lord who for all my former repulsing of thee hast added this inward affliction to the perswasion of thy word and my outward troubles as if thou would'st leave nothing unattempted that might reduce me Lord though I have long neglected thy call abused thy patience and expectation yet now speak thy Servaâ—t hears and humbly acknowledgeth that wisdom and might are thine that thou who onely knowest onely canst help what is amiss O shew thy power and wisdom in great mercy on me either free me of this trouble of my soul or support me with patience and thankfulness to attend thine opportunitie Good Lord as thou recoverest my soul out of trouble so do thou my soul out of sin that it may be a thorow cure and that I seeing the innumerable accidents that we are here subject to and that our souls are not free but by thy favour may for the future make thy glory my design thy service the business of my life so to Jecure unto me thy favour
Prosper speakes in his second Book De vitae contemptu cap. 4. Men that introduce prophanesse are cloaked with the name of Imaginary Religion for we have left the Substance and dwell too much in Opinion and that Church which all the Iesuits could not ruine is fallen into danger by her own The last particular for I am not willing to be long is my self I was born and Baptized in the Bosome of the Church of England established by Law in that profession I have ever since lived and in that I come now to dye what Clamours and Slanders I have endured for labouring to keep a Conformity in the external service of God according to the doctrine and Discipline of the Church all men know and I have abundantly felt Now at last I am accused of High Treason in Parliament a Crime which my soul ever abhorred this Treason was charged to consist of two parts An endeavour to subvert the Lawes of the Land and a like endeavour to overthrow the true Protestant Religion established by Law Besides my answers which I gave to the several Charges I protested my innocencie in both Houses It was said Prisoner's protestations at the Bar must not be taken I can bring no other witnesse of my heart and the intentions thereof I must therefore come now to it upon my death being instantly to give God an account for the truth of it I do therefore here in the presence of God and his holy Angels take it upon my death that I never endeavoured the subversion either of Law or Religion and I desire that you would all remember this Protestation of mine for my innocency in these and from all Treasons whatsoever whereof I would not for all the World be so guiltie as some are I have been accused likewise as an enemie to Parliaments No I understand them and the benefit that comes by them too well to be so But I did dislike the misgovernment of some Parliaments many waies and I had good reasons for it Corruptio optimi est pessima and that being the highest Court over which no other hath jurisdiction when That is misinformed or misgoverned the Subject is left without all remedy But I have done I forgive all the World and everie of those bitter Enemies which have persecuted me and humblie desire to be forgiven of God first and then of every man and so I heartilie desire you to joyn in prayer with me O Eternal God and Merciful Father look down upon me in mercy in the Riches and fulnesse of thy mercies look down upon me but not until thou hast nailed my sins to the Crosse of Christ not till thou hast bathed me in the Blood of Christ not till I have hid my self in the wounds of Christ that so the punishment due unto my sins may pâ—sse ove me And since thou art pleased to try me to the uttermost I humbly beseech thee to give me now in this great instant full Patience Proportionable Comfort and a heart ready to dy for thy Honour the Kings happinesse and this Churches preservation My Zeal to these far from Arrogancy be it spoken is all the sin humane frailty excepted and all incidents thereunto which is yet known to me in this particular for which I now come to suffer I say in this particular of Treason but otherwise my sins are many and great Lord pardon them all and those especially whatsoever they are which have drawn down this present Judgment upon me and when thou hast given me strength to bear it do with me as seems best in thine own eyes Amen And that there may be a stop of this Issue of Blood in this more then miserable Kingdom O Lord I beseech thee give grace of Repentance to all Blood-thirsty people but if they will not repent O Lord confound all their devices Defeat and Frustrate all their Designs and endeavours which are or shall be contrary to the Glory of thy great Name the truth and sincerity of Religion the establishment of the King and His Posterity after Him in their Just Rights and Priviledges the Honour and Conservation of Parliaments in their Just power the preservation of this poor Church in its Truth Peace and Patrimony and the settlement of this distracted and distressed people under their ancient Lawes and in their native Liberties And when thou hast done all this in meere mercy for them O Lord fill their hearts with thankfulnesse and Religious Dutiful obedience to thee and thy Commandements all their dayes So Amen Lord Jesus Amen and receive my Soul into thy Bosome Amen Our Father which art in Heaven c. This Speech and Prayer ended he gave the Paper written as he spake it desiring Doctor Sterne to shew it to his other Chaplains that they might know how he departed and so prayed God to shew his mercies and blessings on them all Then he applyed himself to the Fatal Block as to the Haven of his Rest but finding the people pressing upon the Scaffold he desired that he might have room to dye beseeching them to let him have an end of his miseries which he had endured very long Being now neer the Block he put off his Dublet and used words to this effect Gods will be done I am willing to go out of this world no man can be more willing to send me out of it And spying through the chinks of the Boards that some people were got under the Scaffold and the place of the Block he called to the Officers for some dust to stop them or to remove the people thence saying It was no part of his desires that his bloud shall fall upon the heads of the people When he was somewhat interrupted by one Sir Iohn Clotworthy who would needs try what he could doe with his Spunge and Vineger and stepping neer the Block asked him not to learn by him but to tempt him what was the comfortablest saying which a dying man could have in his mouth To which he mildly answered Cupio dissolvi esse cum Christo. Being asked again what was the fittest speech a man could use to expresse his confidence and assurance He answered meekly That such assurance was to be found within and that no words were able to expresse it rightly which when it would not satisfie the impertinent man unlesse he gave some place of Scripture whereupon such assurance might be truly founded He replyed to this effect That it was the word of God concerning Christ and his dying for us And so without expecting further questions he turned to the Executioner and gave him money saying here honest friend God forgive thee doe thy Office upon me with mercy and having given a sign when the blow should come he kneeled down upon his knees and prayed Lord I am coming as fast as I can I know I must passe through the shadow of death before I can come to see thee But it is but Umbra mortis a mâ—er shadow of death a
they say and so understand not what they speak truths against their wills and to give evidence to that they would not do Balaam did so and yet it was no act of Satan And though the Sibylls were as bad yet why the act of Satan that they foretold of Christ The Devil was not so ill affected to his own State as to foretell the ruine of it nor could teach men honesty which he knew not himself He might know that Christ was to come to be born of Judah of the House of David but to be born of the Virgin Mary Daughter of Anna Wife to Ioseph and his Name to be Iesus c. untill he saw the event he could not Those and many such are in Sibylls which makes some conclude them counterfeits postnatis forged by Christians In a word Arreptiti and Enthusiasts amongst Pagans those possessed of unclean spirits are distracted enraged carried haled distorted in body and minde The true Prophets spake words of knowledg and understanding used gestures of modesty sobriety and gravity It is against reason that by the Spirit of understanding a man should be divested of his former understanding that light should make a man blinde But certainly such were not those Dames the Lady Davies and Mistris Carew their words and writings always vain full of whimsies uncertain full of mysterious expressions they knew not what and so assuredly were from and by the Devil knowing by several designs of wicked men what the Event was likely to be but not certainly what to be But to our History The Duke being dead the Kings personal presence hastened all the Necessaries fitting for the Fleet and the great Expectation on whom that Honour would be conferred all men in amaze the Earl of Lindsey was assigned for the Command Certainly hâ— was a person of no likely presence but of some experience by his last Expedition thither and hereafter to the last of his life made good his faith with gallantry and courage So that on the eighth of September he set forth from Portsmouth and came to the Bar of the Haven with reasonable speed of winde and weather where he findes that the Duke Cardinal Richelieâ— had finished his monstrous Work with Boom and Barracado exceeding all the mighty Designs that ever were effected by narrative of any History yet none of these nor all the Enemies Land-works Forts or Strengths could deter this brave Man from dangerous Attempts having passed the Out-forts and Bulwarks even to the Mouth of the Bar untill a cross Winde returned them foul of each other And so it appeared impossible the Town viewing the sad effects without more dispâ—te called in their King with the greatest submission that Revolters could express and had mercy accordingly to the remain which Famine had left for otherways they lost none by the Sword the King entring with all mercifull mildness the eighteenth of October and found but four thousand the remain of twenty two thousand Souls The prodigious Works and Fortifications were instantly slighted and for the ignominy of the Inhabitants the very name Rochel was sacrificed to oblivion and a new Title given to that City Borgo Maria in honour of Queen Mother the Cardinals dear Patroness Thus ended that quarrel between King Lewis and his rebellious Rochellers for whose cause King Iames somewhat but King Charls much more endeavoured their relief first by Treaties and after by Forces the Grounds and Reasons I have endeavoured to assure from observation of the particular causes since their first difference and which reasonably the Duke of Buckingham's Manifesto seems to satisfie somewhat may be said to the Design in policy but for that score of Religion it is truly noted That not onely that very Sect but of that very Church for whose Protection King Charls was so solicitous and whose supportation he now so ardently endeavoured became afterwards none of the meanest sticklers and fomenters of his own and his Churches troubles A document to Kings to be wary whom they aid And so the Fleet returned safe home again The Parliament met the twentieth of Ianuary and convenient for complaints against the Customers for destraining the Merchants Goods for Tonnage and Poundage which the King meant to defend and therefore summoned them to his Banquetting-house at Whitehall and told them That the difference might soon be decided if his words and actions were considered for though he took â—ot those duties as belonging to his Prerogative nor had he declared to challenge them his right but onely desired them by gift of his People why had they not passed the Bill according to their promise to clear his former and future actions in this time of his great necessity which he now required them to make good and so give end to all Questions without delay But the religious Commons must reform God's cause before the King 's nor would they be prescribed their Consultations but resolved to remit the Bill of Tunnage and Poundage at pleasure And so they did appoint Committees one for Religion and the other for Civil affairs to represent the abuses in both The first Committee for the Commons of England to regulate Religion which one says the Courtiers called the Inquisition and well they might for such it was The Points were general Arminianism and Popery The Informations were many concerning the first grounded upon the ancient nine Articles resolved at Lambeth 1595. by the reverend Bishops and Deans on purpose to declare their sense of the nine and thirty Articles in those particulars and unto which the Archbishop of York and his Province did conform They did so indeed deliver their sense as Opinions not publick Doctrines as is truly observed and King Iames recommended them over to the Synod of Dort and there asserted by suffrage of those Doctours and were afterwards commended to the Convocation in Ireland to be inserted into the Articles of Religion 1615. And so they were But how The Observation tells us That our first Reformers were not regulated by Lutheran or Calvinian Doctrines but by the constant current of Antiquity and the way of Melancton most consonant thereto was approved by Bishop Hooper on the Decalogue and by Bishop Latimer in his Sermons but also by the Compiler of the Book of Articles and the Book of Homilies which are the publick Monuments of this Church in Points of Doctrine But the Calvinian entring the way there aroâ—e a difference in particular judgments of these Debates the matter controverted pro con by some confessors in Prison in the time of Queen Mary she dead and our exiled Divines returning from Geneva Basil and Frankford where Calvin's Dictates became Oracles brought with them his Opinions of Predestination Grace and Perseverance which they scattered over all the Church by whose authority and double diligence of the Presbyterian party to advance their holy Discipline it became universally received as the onely true Orthodox Doctrine and so maintained in the
and separate the Members whose indisposition to his quiet might disperse and spit out malignities against the Kings honour to excuse themselves therefore he did no doubt take President from his Fathers dissolving his Parliament Anno. And by his Example a Declaration is published by the King to all his loving Subjects setting forth his Reasons and Motives for dissolving the Parliament with Breviats of all Transactions of both Sessions closing all with mention of the late Duke of Buckingham as the onely man of mishap to all foregoing Events of Parliament and mischief to the People and yet the Evils increased so he was mistaken not being the cause which was then and still continues in some few of the Members of the Parliament We have ingeniously set down the narrative part not so particular neither that should seem to exasperate for the King but certainly we have not read nor heard of higher Provocations Indignities disorderly offered to a Power by whose dispensation any Meeting Convocation Assembly have their Indulgence and therefore now in likelihood to be the last adventure to hazzard another Parliament for oft have they for many years before been unwildy the latter times of Queen Elizabeth the most of King Iames and hitherto of this King yet it was his fate to adventure forward towards a fatal end of all Whether malignity of those Members gave Examples to others their Effects flew over Seas and infected the French Parliaments about this time where that King discontinued the Assemblies of the three Estates upon far less provocations for from the antient Assembly it continued to the year 1614. when first the third Estate representing as ours their Commons encroached too busily upon their Clergy and some preheminency of the Nobility enjoyed by favour of their former Kings so offended the Royalty that he resolved to dissolve them and with good counsel never admit the like The future Kings following that President yet with some regret of the former manneâ— it was there devised to communicate with his People in another manner called La Assemble des Notables some selected persons out of each order of Estate of his own election or naming and to them were added some Counsellour out of every particular Court of Parliament there being eight of them in all France through that Kingdom and so being fewer in number would not heed such a confusion as the General Assembly of States had done before Their Acts are as obliging to all sorts of Subjects as the others were onely from Controulers they are become good Counsellours still And with this course the Estates and People are as yet content It being no shame to submit to this Power whom it will be sin to overcome But the King finding his Declaration to take the effect of satisfying his well-affected Subjects took a resonable time to question those whose punishments he had referred till now and therefore the eighteenth Day he sends for some the most refractory Members to the Council Table Master Hollis of honourable extraction Sir Io Eliot Sir Miles Hobart Sir Peter Hayman Sir Io Barington Master Selden Master Stroud Master Correton Master Valentine Master Long Master Kirton Hollis was asked wherefore the Day of Dissolving he placed himself by the Chair above divers of the Privy Council He said That he had seated himself there some other times before and took it his due there as in any place whatsoever unless at the Council-Board to sit above those Privy-counsellours That he came into the House with as much zeal as any other to serve his Majesty yet finding his Majesty offended he humbly desired to be the subject rather of his Mercy than of his Power The Lord Treasurer replied You mean rather of his Majesties Mercy than of his Iustice. I say answered Hollis of his Majesties Power my Lord. Hobart's offence was for locking the Parliament Door and putting the Key in his Pocket was excused to be the Command of the House All the other Gentlemen were questioned for reproving the Speaker not permitting him to do the Kings Commands to â—â—â—ch they pleaded Privilege of Parliament But Eliot was charged for words he spake in Parliament and for producing the last Remonstrance His answer was more peremptory Whatsoever was said or done by him in that place and at that time was in the capacity as a publick man and a Member of that House and that he was and ever will be ready to give an account of his sayings and doings there whensoever he should be called unto it by that House where he conceives he is onely to be questioned and in the mean time he being now but a private man he would not now trouble himself to remember what he said or did there as a publique Person But they were all Ten committed to several Prisons the Tower Gatehouse Fleet and the first of May the Attorney general Noy sent Processe out against them to appear in the Star-Chamber and answer his Information there They refused to appear denying the power of that Court their offences being done in Parliament which created a large controversie in law concerning the Jurisdiction of either Court As for Eliots Doctrine It is said to be the first seed which after took root in Parliament It was indeed a new Tenet Liberty like the Popes Conclave or rather the Scots Kirk Assemblies such religious doctrines they had nay every Minister made it up in his Pulpit never to be questioned for speeches though treasonable there but by themselves in their Assemblies We have sundry examples that our English Soveraigns did not suffer contempts upon their Person or Estate by any Member of Parliament without due punishment inflicted on the offenders and it was law and Justice heretofore It seemed not so now the Judges conniving declared the whole House of Commons under an Arrest when Diggs and Eliot had been restrained And therefore the King suspecting their further positive opinions in Eliots case at this time put them to the question in private which they seemed to resent with thâ—â— House But when they afterwards sat in the seat of Judgement at the Kings Bench Bar they could sentence them with Law and reason also to several sines which were paid by some others dying under restraint and those not able were released upon petition submission and conditions to forbear the Court Ten miles compasse under 2000 l. bond for their good behaviour and that was Mr. Stroud being a younger Son of Sr. Iohn his Father then living and had no means to pay but was after well paid for his pains and for that suffering To begin this year comes to the Court of England the old Marquesse Huntley that zealous Romane Catholique from Scotlaâ—â— fled from thence with the Earls of Arol Athol Nidsdale 〈◊〉 and some others of that Nobility The Marquess had been too favourable to them in the cast of his office hereditary Sheriff of the North of Scotland concerning their connivance
restrictions and bounded the writ at the first but to Maritime Counties as mostly receiving the present benefit of security from Pyrates but that not sufficient for the common necessity the wits became afterwards Generall to all Counties and so did the quarrel The whole amounting unto two hundred thirty six thousand pounds in lieu of all payments came but to twenty thousand pounds per mensem The Clergy never pleaded but indeed they muttered their case to be free from all secular and civil charges And to prevent the boldness of any pretence the Laws made disputes of the three fold necessity binding all Clergy and Laity viz. aid in war building of Bridges and raising of Forts Nor had they any Execution that which the Arch-bishop did for them was upon their just Complaint of their unequal Tax by their Neighbour therefore the Sheriffs were required not to tax the Clergy of Parsonages above a tenth part of their Land-rate of their several Parishes and no doubt we may easily believe the Inlanders might mutter as conceiving it strange to be concerned in the Sea But in truth the main Exception was to be taxed out of Parliament against the late Petition of Right and indured long debate in Courts of Iustice thereafter whilest the first Mover Noy the Attorney having set the Wheel a going took his last leave in August to rest for ever from the toil of an Attorney General And now was the great Design of the Swedes quarrel in Germany prosecuted and Ambassadours abroad to all the Neighbour Allies for assistance and Axel Oxenstiern the great Chancellour and Guider of those affairs of State sent hither his Son in Ambassy impowred with Credential Letters no doubt from his Sovereign Queen or from interest of the Chancellour of which our King could not pretend ignorance for in all outward reception he appeared so I was present in the Banquetting-house at White-hall when he had Audience of his tedious peremptory Oration But indeed whether because his Address had been before to the French King from whom he had large promises and a great Present or whether because our Reasons of State gave slender hopes to engage against the Emperour with whom we were in Treaty concerning the Palatinate he refused our Kings Present of equal value with that of France and returned not well pleased The state of Ireland in some disquiet dangerously now divident between Papist and Protestant the wise Lord Deputy Wentworth being necessitated to summon a Parliament for the supply of a fresh Contribution for the Army the former of twenty thousand pounds per annum determining the next year and provision must be assured before hand to discharge the Kings Debt of eighty thousand pounds besides It is most true that there was no ill Husbandry of former Governours that caused a contraction of this Debt but the wisdom of the Sovereign not to charge the Nation with Levies for they had granted but one Subsidy since primo Iacobi the Kingdom in good condition since the Wars and their Estates being by the King so lately setled they could do no less than raise their Purses with their plenty and give the King Subsidies which they did The Civil affairs well forwarded the care was to setle the Ecclesiastick by Assembly of a Synod The Design was not more politick as pious to repeal the Body of Articles formed Anno 1615. and to substitute those nine and thirty Articles of the Church of England in their room and the rather because the nine Articles of Lambeth were included with the Irish which in truth had been purposely inserted by King Iames to ballance against the Tenets of Arminians and were evermore started by the contrary Opinions where the Points of Predestination and the Lords Day Sabbath had found free acception to these indeed the Alteration seemed strange some referring it to power others to piety and reason also the reason might be in relation to the Papists who made a wonder that the Churches of three Kingdoms united being under one chief Head and Governour there should be three several and distinct Confessions of Faith and yet all pretending to one Religion and the conclusion and concession not huddled but canvased and with some advantage in Vote for the Church of England although as some say the Primate of Ireland interposed his Negative The Scots are busie fomenting sundry pretended Designs of State against their Liberties they became very bold endeavouring to blast the Kings Proceedings in their last Parliament as indirect charging him with corrupting and suborning the then Votes and evermore of some tendency in favour of Papists and to publish it in print they framed a Libel which passing through malignant hands and so vented but the Lords of the Council there searching narrowly for the Authour it fell upon one William Hagge and he escaping his Abetter was brought to the Board being the Lord Balmerino the Son of a Father of small Conscience and less Religion but Secretary he had been to King Iames who shuffled a Letter of his own contriving amongst others for the Kings signature too much complementing with the Pope Clement in favour of the Catholicks which Letter being so sent and some years after mentioned by Cardinal Bellarmine to the Kingâ—s prejudice and Balmerino questioned for it did ingeniously confess the same and after some outward sufferings had his pardon and preferment but time discovering the Policies of State another way it is now averred that the Letter was then devised by the Kings command in some reason to gain upon the Romish party in reference to his interest in England where the Papists were prevalent and more powerfull abroad but now this Lord the Son whether by nature perfidious or made so by Revenge elapsed into the like crime indeed and suffered the same Trial and Eviction and found the same mercy the Kings pardon and preferment for the present but fell more foul in offending some years after But the Kings Pardon to him gave great encouragement to the discontented Party in Scotland having now found by experience the Kings inclination either by fear or affection to be wrought upon if not mastered and having continual intelligence from his Majesties Bed-chamber the bane of the King by persons near about him Scots of all passages in England concerning the interruption of three Parliaments imprisoning the Members and other civil Distractions sufficient to discover a discontented condition in England also but it appears not who gave the first invitation for assistance to each other of a War Either party Scots and English so forward as that it seems they met joyn'd at last in an unnatural War with their dread Sovereign And yet untill 1637. that the Service-book was imposed on the Scots both parties lay dormant without any perfect correspondence that I can meet with till that time or a little after And then also Cardinal Richelieu sent over his Chaplain Chambers a Scotishman to stir up the
Covent-garden when a Messenger coming to him from his Majesty he answered that he was then as he saw imployed in Gods service which as soon as he had done he would attend upon the King to understand his pleasure But the King spending the whole After-noon in the serious debate of the Earl of Strafford's case with the Lords of the Council and the Iudges of the Land he could not before Evening be admitted to his Majesties presence when the Question was again agitated Whether the King in justice might pass the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford For that he might shew mercy to him was no question at all no man doubting but that the King without any scruple of conscience might have granted him pardon if other reasons of State in which the Bishops were neither made Iudges nor Advisers did not hinder him the whole result therefore of the determination of the Bishops was to this effect That herein the Matter of Fact and the Matter of Law were to be distinguished that of the Fact he himself might make a Iudgment having been present at all the proceedings against the said Lord where if upon the hearing of the allegations on either side he did not coâ—ceive him guilty of the crime wherewith he was charged he could not in justice condemn him But for the Matter of Law what was Treason and what was not he was to rest in the Opinion of the Iudges whose office it was to declare the Law and who were sworn therein to carry themselves indifferently betwixt him and his Subjects which gave his Majesty occasion to complain of the bad dealing of the Iudges with him not long before that having earnestly pressed them to declare in particular what point of the Earls charge they adjudged to be Treason for as much as upon the hearing of the proof produced he might in his conscience perhaps finde him guiltless of that Fact he could not by any means draw them to name any particular but that upon the whole matter Treason might justly be charged upon him And in the second Meeting at night it was observed that the Bishop of London spake nothing at all and the Bishop of Lincoln not onely spake but sent a Writing into the Kings hands wherein what was contained the rest of his Brethren knew not So much writes the Arch-bishop Some of these passages are dispersed in the Observatour observed but not credited by the Authour of the Observatour rescued receiving it onely upon the Historians bare affirmation but by this Testimony it may be hoped he will be of more moderation notwithstanding he hath there shewn much disaffection to the Primate in endeavouring to his utmost to evade divers of those particulars either in giving the worst sense of them or turning them to other ends wherein he doth not onely obscurely fall upon this reverend Primate but injuriously detracts from a very worthy man Doctour Potter Bishop of Carlile and that after his death Dr. Cosens hath given him a better Example who heaâ—ing in France of the Primate's Funeral and what had been then said of this subject writes thus to his Friend I am glad to hear my Lord of Armagh was carried with so much honour to his Grave who yet deserved far more than was given him I never believed that he perswaded the King to put the Deputy of Ireland to death for he satisfied me against the common Report in that matter long since himself the world will hereafter know who it was c. Neither do I finde any thing in the late Kings Book in that Meditation as followeth concerning the Earl of Strafford that hath any such necessary inference that way either as to him or any of his Profession And for the note put upon the person to be one that had been harrased and crushed by the people I see not how it might be appliable to him his loss being by that Rebellion in Ireland and by the Parliament here he had an Allowance and had more esteem from â—â—em than others of his Profession What the Observatour took upon trust in some mistaken Notes given him of Doctour Bernard's Sermon concerning this subject â—â—er the spending some sharp language upon him he puts afterwards into Errata of Advertisements and Additions and so I pass it over So then thus far we may be satisfied There were but four Bishops at the first London Lincoln Durham and Carlile and at night five Bishops the Arch-bishop of Armagh making one the judgment of the Judges and the opinion of the Bishops formerly set down answer in effect to the controverted Disputes But it seems from all the Controversions to be thus concluded that the Kings former promise to save the Earl was at last and that absolutely the Kings desire to be satisfied therein whereupon say I the Bishop of Lincoln finding the Kings pulse to beat upon that string and knowing that four days before not that morning the Earl had writ a long Letter to the King concluding to solve his Majesty from that promise this Bishop Lincoln took upon him to tell the King that morning when Armagh was not present that if that were all he was confident that the Earl was so great a Lover of his Majesties peace and tender of his conscience and the Kingdoms safety as willingly to acquit the King of that promise To which the King gave a brow of anger as if thereby to be ensnared and so the four Bishops parted Upon this Lincoln in private speaks with the Lieutenant of the Tower or rather some other person who was at hand waiting the Kings pleasure and cunningly relates to him so much of the morning conference and the mâ—â—ner as might suit with his purpose that nothing stuck with his Majâ—sty but his promise to the Earl and that under his hand So then says he if when my Lord Strafford sendeth to you and asketh what is done concerning him you may acquaint him therewith I know the Earl of Strafford Lord Lieutenant of Ireland will disdain to hold his life upon no other merit but a bare promise and if all the service he hath done be not a stronger obligation than a few words he will I dare say to try the Kings affection soon acquit him of that promise And as the Devil and he would have it so it happened for the throbbing Prisoner inquisitive concerning his doom the Lieutenant or the other person told him that the King was satisfied of his guilt in Law and was onely bound up by his promise to your Lordship At which the Earl started up out of his Chair immediately calls for Pen and Paper Nay said he if that be all that bindes the King I shall soon release him and presently fell to writing say some that short Letter that same morning which the Historian pag. 257. minceth into a particle of the whole and begins â—â—at the last Paragraph in these words SIR To set your Majesty c. But I say otherwise
might if well applied prevent any distempers from getting any head of prevailing especially if the remedie proved not a disease beyond all remedie I conceived this Parliament would finde work with convenient recesses for the first three years but I did not imagine that some men would thereby have occasioned more work then they found to do by undoing so much as they found well don to their hands Such is som mens activitie that they will needs make work rather then want it and chuse to be doing amiss rather then do nothing When that first Act seemed too scantie to satisfie some mens fears and compass publique Affairs I was perswaded to grant that Bill of Sitting during the pleasure of the Houses which amounted in some mens sense to asmuch as the perpetuateing this Parliament By this Act of highest confidence I hoped for ever to shut out and lock the door upon all present Iealousies and future mistakes I confess I did not thereby intend to shut My self out of doors as some men have now requited Mee True it was an act unparelled by anie of My predecessors yet cannot in reason admit of any worse interpretation then this of an extream confidence I had that My Subjects would not make ill use of an Act by which I declared so much to trust them as to deny My self in so high a point of Prerogative For good Subjects will never think it just or fit that My condition should be worse by My bettering theirs Nor indeed would it have been so in the events if som men had known as well with moderation to use as with earnestness to desire advantages of doing good or evil A continual Parliament I thought would but keep the Common-weal in tune by preserving Laws in their due execution and vigor wherein My interest lies more then any mans since by those Laws My rights as a King would be preserved no less then my Subjects which is all I desired More then the Law gives me I would not have and less the meanest Subject should not Som as I have heard gave it out that I soon repented me of that settling Act and many would needs perswade me I had cause so to do but I could not easily nor suddenly suspect such ingratitude in men of Honor Tht the more I granted them the less I should have and enjoy with them I still counted My self undiminished by My largest concessions if by them I might gain and confirm the love of My People Of which I do not yet dispair but that God will still bless Me with increase of it when men shall have more leisure and less prejudice that so with unpassionate representations they may reflect upon those as I think not more princely than friendly contributions which I granted towards the perpetuating of their happiness who are now onely miserable in this that some mens ambition will not give them leave to enjoy what I intended for their good Nor do I doubt but that in God's due time the loyal and cleared affections of my people will strive to return such retributions of honour and love to me or my posteritie as may fully compensate both the acts of my confidence and my sufferings for them which God knows have been neither few nor small nor short occasioned chiefly by a perswasion I had that I could not grant too much or distrust too little to men that being professedly my subjects pretended singular pietie and religious strictness The injurie of all injuries is that which some men will needs load me withall as if I were a wilfull and resolved occasioner of mine own and my subjects miseries while as they confidently but God knows falsly divulge I repining at the establishment of this Parliament endeavoured by force and open hostilitie to undo what by my royal assent I had done Sure it had argued a very short sight of things and extreme fatuitie of minde in me so far to binde mine own hands at their request if I had shortly meant to have used a sword against them God knows though I had then a sense of injuries yet not such as to think them worth vindicating by a war I was not then compelled as since to injure my self by their not using favours with the same candour wherewith they were conferred The tumults indeed threatened to abuse all acts of grace and turn them into wantonness but I thought at length their own fears whose black arts first raised up those turbulent spirits would force them to conjure them down again Nor if I had justly resented any indignities put upon me or others was I then in any capacitie to have taken just revenge in an hostile and warlike way upon those whom I knew so well fortified in the love of the meaner sort of people that I could not have given mine Enemies greater and more desired advantages against me than by so unprincely inconstancie to have assaulted them with arms thereby to scatter them whom but lately I had solemnly setled by an Act of Parliament God knows I longed for nothing more than that my self and my subjects might quietly enjoy the fruits of my many condescendings It had been a course full of sin as well as of hazard and dishonour for me to go about the cutting up of that by the sword which I had so lately planted so much as I thought to my subjects content and mine own too in all probabilitie if some men had not feared where no fear was whose securitie consisted in scaring others I thank God I know so well the sinceritie and uprightness of mine own heart in passing that great Bill which exceeded the very thoughts of former times that although I may seem a less Politician to men yet I need no secret distinctions or evasions before God Nor had I any reservations in my own soul when I passed it nor repentings after till I saw that my leting some men go up to the Pinnacle of the Temple was a temptation to them to cast me down head-long concluding that without a miracle Monarchie it self together with me could not but be dashed in pieces by such a precipitious fall as they intended Whom God in mercie forgive and make them see at length that as many Kingdoms as the Devil shewed our Saviour and the glorie of them if they could be at once enjoyed by them are not worth the gaining by the ways of sinfull ingratitude and dishonour which hazards a soul worth more worlds than this hath Kingdoms But God hath hitherto preserved me and made me to see that it is no strange thing for men left to their own passions either to do much evil themselves or abuse the over-much goodness of others whereof an ungratefull Surfeit is the most desperate and incurable Disease I cannot say properly that I repent of that act since I have no reflexions upon it as a sin of my will though an errour of too charitable a judgment onely I am sorry other mens eys should
against the Earl of Strafford but mercie being as inherent and inseparable to a King as justice I desire in some measure to shew that likewise by suffering that unfortunate man to fulfill the natural course of his life in close imprisonment yet so that if he ever make the least offer to escape or offer directly or indirectly to meddle in any sort of publick business especially with me either by Message or Letter it shall cost him his life without further process This if it may be done without the discontentment of my people will be an unspeakable contentment unto me To which end as in the first place I by this Letter do earnestly desire your approbation and to endear it the more have chosen him to carry it who is of all your House most dear unto me So I desire that by conference you will endeavour to give the House of Commons contentment likewise Assuring you that the exercise of mercie is no more pleasing to me than to see both Houses of Parliament consent for my sake that I should moderate the severitie of the Law in so important a case I will not say that your complying with me in this my intended mercie shall make me more willing but certainly it will make me more chearfull in granting your just grievances But if no less than his life will satisfie my people I must say Fiat justitia Thus again recommending the consideration of my intentions to you I rest Your unalterable and affectionate Friend CHARLS R. If he must die it were charitie to reprieve him till Saturday To this Letter the Lords conceived this Order the same day May 11. 1641. This Letter all written with the Kings own hand we the Peers this day received in Parliament delivered by the hands of the Prince It was twice read in the House and after serious but sad consideration the House resolved presently to send twelve of the Peers Messengers to the King humbly to signifie that neither of the two intentions exprest in the Letter could with dutie in us or without danger to his Consort the Queen and all the young Princes their Children be possibly admitted Which being accomplished and more expressions offered his Majestie suffered no more words to come from us but out of the fulness of his heart to the observance of justice and for the contentment of his people told us that what he intended by his Letter was with an If If it may be done without discontentment to his people If it cannot be I say again the same that I wrote Fiat justitia My other intention proceeding out of charitie for a few days respite was upon certain information that his estate was distracted that it necessarily required some few daies respite for setlement thereof Whereunto the Lords answered Their purpose was to be suiters to his Majestie for favour to his innocent Children and that their Fathers provision for them might be confirmed Which pleased the King who thereupon departed from the Lords At his Majesties departure the Lords offered up to the King the original Letter which he had sent but he was pleased to say What I have written to you I shall be content it be registred by you in your House in which you see my minde I hope you will use it to mine honour Upon the return of the Lords thus much was reported to the House by the Lord Privie Seal Upon the fatal day Wednesday the twelfth of May the Earl was summoned to his period being conveyed from his Chamber in the Tower with these Ceremonies before him went the Marshal's men next them the Sheriff's Officers with Halberts then the Warders of the Tower being of the King's Guard and after the Earl's Gentleman Usher bare and then himself accompanied with the Primate of Ireland and others in his way passing by the Lodging of the Arch-bishop of Canterburie a Prisoner and casting up his eye to his Window where he looked out desired his Prayers and his Blessing who after some collection of his sadness resolved into comfort and doubted not when his own turn came that he should taste that bitter Cup with a most Christian courage The Earl being come to the Scaffold upon the Hill he addrest his Speech to the Lord Primate My Lord Primate of Ireland It is my very great comfort that I have your Lordship by me this day and I do thank God and your Lordship for it in regard that I have been known to you these many years I should be very glad to obtain so much silence as to be heard a few words but I doubt I shall not the noise is so great I come hither by the good will and pleasure of Almightie God to pay the last debt which I ow to sin which is death and by the blessing of that God to rise again through the merits of Jesus Christ to righteousness and life eternal I am come hither to submit to that Iudgment which hath passed against me I do it with a very quiet and contented minde I do freely forgive all the world a forgiveness that is not spoken from the teeth outwards as they say but from the very heart I can very well say in the presence of Almightie God before whom I stand that there is not a displeased thought arising in me towards any creature I thank God I can say and that truly too and my conscience bears me witness that in all the imploiments since I had the honour to serve his Majestie I never had any thing in the purpose of my heart but what tended to the joint and individual prosperitie of the King and people If it hath been my fortune to be mis-understood surely I am not the first that hath been so it is the common portion of us all whilest we are in this life to err but righteous judgment we must wait for in another place for here we are very subject to be mis-judged one of another There is one thing I desire to free my self of and I am confident speaking it now with so much chearfulness that it cannot be but that I shall obtain your Christian charitie in the belief of it I did alwaies think the Parliaments of England the happiest Constitutions that any Kingdom or Nation lived under and next under God the best means to make the King and his people happie so far have I been from being against Parliaments For my death I here acquit all the world and beseech the God of Heaven heartily to forgive them though in the intentions and purposes of my heart I am innocent of what I die for And my Lord Primate it is a very great comfort unto me that his Majestie conceives me not meriting so severe and heavie a punishment as is the uttermost execution of this Sentence I do insinitely rejoice in this mercie of his and I beseech God to return it upon him that he may findâ— mercie when he stands most in need of it I wish this
service nor any Man to March upon such pretence the three and twentieth of October and Copies sent abroad to all the Countiâ—s And the same night the Lord Blaney arrived with the newes of the surprisal of his House his wife and children by the Rebels of Monâ—ghan This Rebellion began first in the North in the Province of Ulster so that every day and hour ill newes came posting like Iobs Messengers of fearful Massacres upon the English which increased a fear of some Massacre in Dublin by the Papists there The Council began to consider of their own forces to defend and were assured that the Mony was in the Exchequer the Kings revenues and English Rents for that halfe year lodged in Tenents hands a fit prey for the Rebels which they seized some Artillery Arms for 10000. men 1500. barrels of powder with Match and lead laid in by the last Earl of Strafford By which Lâ—st of his it appeared that the old standing Army in Ireland consisted only of 41. Companies of foot and 14. Troopes of Horse The foot Officers 246. and of Souldiers 2051. Inall 2297. The Horse Officers 42. and Horsemen 901. In all 943. These so dispersed as not without difficulty to march yet the Councel sent their Patents to several Garisons to march to Dublin And Letters dispatched to the King in Scotland and to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland not got out of London of the Rebellion and ill State of the Kingdome depending on Gods assistance the fidelity of the old English Pale and aid out of England that they intended to prorogue the Parliament and adjourn the Term. And that their present Army now subsisting contain but 2000. foot and 1000. Horse the five and twentieth of October 1641. with a poscript for recompense to Conally for his discâ—very as may stand with the Mark of his Majesties bounty for that service who had a present peece of money and a certain annuity during his life very considerable who carried these Letters to the Lord Lieutenant Those to the King were sent to Secretary Vane in Scotland and convayed by sea by Sir Henry Spotswood Other Letters were sent to the Earl of Ormond at Carick to repair with his forces to Dublin and commissions were sent to the Lords Viscounts of Clandeboys and Ardes and to others for the raising of the Scots in the Northern parts into Arms with power to destroy the Enemy or to receive them to Mercy but all these dispatches were sent by sea the whole Land passages stopt by â—he Rebels The Lords of the English pale repair to the Council offering their faith and service It is a large Circuit of Land possessed by the English from the first Conquest being the Countiâ—s of Dublin Mâ—th Lâ—wth Kildare Yet some of these Lords Popish â—umbly offered their sense of the wars in the late Proclamation as to be misinterpreted viz. the Conspiracy of evil affected Iâ—â—sh Papists as to reflect upon their persons which were afterwards explained to please them and so Proclaimed And now the Rebels up in all places they in Ulster had by the latter end of October possessed themselves of all the great part of the Province of Ulster except the Cities of London derry Colraingue and the Town aâ—d Castle of Eâ—cikillen the chief Rebels were Sir Philip Oneale 〈◊〉 Oneale his brother Rowry Mac Guire brother to the Lord Mac Guire Philip O Rely Mulmere O Rely Sir Conno Mac Gennes Call Mac Ruian Mac Mahon these with others the chief of every Sept had as at one instant surprized the Castles and places of the most considerable strengths and the English being lovingly intermixed with the Irish for a long time made the Conspiracy more easily to be effected Besides such of the English as had gotten into some places of strength able to indure a siege yet upon good quarter rendered themselves were sure to be butchered and murthered in cold blood men women and children And to keep of the Assistance of the Scots they openly professed and really did spare them the more easily afterwards to be swallowed up at a bit These were the first fruits of the Rebellion in all the Northern parts acted by Phelim O Neale the chief of that Sept and the onely remain of cruel alliance to the late Earl of Tirone He was of very mean parts with courage or conduct His education in England a Student of Lincolns Inn and a Protestant till of late lived lasily of a mean estate untill now that the Natives set him up for their General and with such Numerous a rabble that he marched down towards Lisnagarvy neer the Scots and fell upon them now without mercy and with other forces came up into the Pale and took in Dondalk about the beginning of November then they marcht to the County of Lowth and incamped at Ardee a small Town within seven miles of Tredagh antiently called Drohedagh which they Besieged afterwards The Newes from Dublin being instantly posted to the Town of Tredagh was there encountred with the like mischievous tidings from the North the treacherous surprisal of the Castles Blainey Carrick Charlemont Monahan with others came thick and three fold one upon another and a rumour that Dublin was already taken confirmed by numbers stripped and wounded that fled hither The first succour was the Lord Viscount Moor being then at Mellifont ten miles off who by the sad newes of his Sister the Lady Blanâ—y and her children imprisoned made speed to save himself with some part of his Troop not more than sixty hither at Midnight joyned in Counsel with the Major suddainly to prevent the mischief by many vipers in their own Bowels but of all the Muster not above fourty to be found gave great suspition the rest were not found Instantly were drawn out many old peeces scowred and planted at several Gates fower more were heaved out of a Merchants Ship in the Harbour and some powder the Lord Moor posts to Dublin offers to make up his own Troop and to raise one hundred foot with amunition which was speedily brought thither with him with a Commission to Captain Sea foule Gibson to command these Men and instantly to take the watch who was the 〈◊〉 and last worthy of Record for his faithful service watching 〈◊〉 own perâ—erson for ten nights together and continuing the war became Colonel of a Regiment By this time the Rebels had taken Dundalk and Dromiskin and pillaged all the Protestants within five miles The Papist Townsmen were discovered by their smiling countenance All promised relief failing Sir Faithful Fortescue being Governour posted to Dublin where finding no hope of Assistance he quitted his charge not willing to loose himself and his honour to boote in an impossible undertaking After a solemn fast some forces sallied out upon the thickest of the Rebells who fled and left much plundred goods and Cowes to comfort the Towns-people two hundred Rebels and eighty brought in Prisoners
Provisions also from Sea and good success in all the Sallies made the Besiegers finde themselves besieged The Lord Moor would needs visit his own Rebell Tenants at Tallaghhallon protected by Callo Mac Brian he had but four hundred Foot and eighty Horse the Enemy were three for one whom Colonel Byron with the Foot attached but after the reply of the Rebells to three or four Ranks they fled four hundred men with seven Captains were slain Moyle Mac Moghan his Head valued in the Proclamation beyond his merit was taken Prisoner stripping himself naked was taken among the Dead sculking perswading himself that his Life should secure the Lady Blany and her Children not one of the English slain And the next day the Governour marched firing and pillaging round about the Enemy not appearing For the Rebell Generalissimo O Neal with all his Commanders were privately risen and gone leaving the Countrey to mercy and many of his secret Conspiratours in Tredagh to answer for all The Enemy now fled towards Dundalk and this Town now set open Gates and Ports for all the Countrey to come in with abundance of Provision to the refreshed Souldiers the 20. of March ending this year 1641. with News of their new Markets Eggs fifteen a Penny Hens two Pence a piece a milch Cow five Shillings twelve pence a good Horse Wheat the finest of eight Shillings a Barrel As the Enemy marched and fled they cut throats of all English Men Women and Children at Aberdee and Slane The Earl of Ormond Lieutenant General was marching to finde out an Enemy with three thousand Foot and five hundred Horse burning the County of Meath and so visited Drogheda which was now able to bid his Army welcome Here a Council of War was called the Lord Moor the Governour Sir Tichburn Sir Thomas Lucas Sir Simon Harcourt Sir Robert Ferrald with other Colonels and Captains resolved to pursue the Rebells but the Lord Ormond was called back by the Lords Justices to Dublin vvhich gave heart to the Rebells to gather again at Aberdee and Dundalk vvhither thousands resorted from all parts of Meath and Louth To unkennel them the Lord Moor marches out vvith a thousand Foot and tvvo hundred Horse tovvards Aberdee about a Mile from thence the Enemy appears in tvvo Divisions of tvvelve hundred a piece betvveen vvhom and the Tovvn a party of Horse gets and another party besides them and a Bog a Forlorn of an hundred scoured some Ditches stumbled on an Ambuscado beat them out and fell upon their Body vvho fled and four hundred slain but if my Intelligence and Authours tell truth here as in many the like Defeats not a man of the English slain sometimes for hundreds of the Rebells and here as it is recorded not one man lost onely an Horse-man shot in the Heel and an Horse in the Hoof. It may be supposed that the Protestants are partial to themselves but in assurance to the contrary take this for truth the Rebells naturally traiterous to their Sovereigns treacherous to each other their falsity brings them to covvardice and fear makes them cruel vvhere they prevail But on they go the English burning all about and marched tovvards Dundalk the Receptacle of Magazine and place of Protection for the County Provisions vvhich vvas assaulted the next Day fortified vvith double Walls double Ditches Marshes on the one side and the Sea on the other The next morning all the poor Protestant Prisoners vvere clapped up close vvith an intent to have hanged them all if the Tovvn came to hazzard The English approached about nine of the clock in the Morning their Ordnance planted upon a small Hill not far from the Gate vvhich vvere manned vvith five hundred men the Protestants Forlorn Hope of an hundred gave fire to the Gate vvere beaten avvay but came again a Division of three hundred commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Waiman began to pick-ax the Wall vvho fired the Defendants and entered the Breach the Horse follovving upon the Spur but made a Stand against three Brass Pieces maintained by five hundred men and therefore the Assailants retired but out of a small Castle they slevv ten of the English and three Officers and an Horse-man and here also was Ensign Fortescue eldest Son to Sir Faithfull Fortescue slain a hopefull Gentleman and the first of that Rank lost in any Fight But it was no time to delay having won the out-Town then fired all the houses about that Castle carrying the smoak and fire to the very Tower and Castle and so undescried got under the Walls to the very Gate blew it open and those within choaked and fired leaped out at the Windows A Serjeant with five men by promise of Pillage enter and were Masters of the Castle and thirty good Musketiers manned the Streets drew up Ordnance against the inner Gate and with ten Wool-packs ready in the Castle with which making a kinde Defence the Enemy fled leaving their Guns loaden Their Generalissimo O Neal now in the Town stole away with others over the River Tichburn enters killing all before him and sends to the Lord Moor that the Town was deserted who entered another way and were Masters of all by seven a clock at night above an hundred slain and of the Assailants but fourteen But by this O Neal had fled to Bally Muscomilen a Castle of the Lord Moor's and in revenge burnt it This Victory was the Break-neck of the Rebellion Northwards And the Lord Moor had Commission from the Lords Justices to be Governour thereof In this time Captain Gibson commanding the Garrison at Bewby harrased the Countrey killed many Straglers so that the whole Countrey lay at the Protestants mercy And thus far we have proceeded in the intire story of the Irish Rebellion for this year But we must look back to England and see what they did here from the Kings return out of Scotland the latter end of November 1641. The King returns from Scotland magnificently feasted by the City of London and he at Hampton Court caresses them with a Banquet and dubbed divers Aldermen into the honour of Knighthood but how well they deserved forthwith we shall finde their merit The King convenes both Houses and the second of December tells them in effect That although he had staid longer than he expected four Moneths yet he kept his word in making so much haste back again as his Scotish affairs could any way permit In which he hath had so good success that he hath left that Nation a most peaceable and contented People but he is assured that his expectation is much deceived in the condition wherein he hoped to have business at his return for since that before his going he had settled the Liberties of his Subjects and gave the Laws their liberty he expected to have his People reaping the fruit by quietness But he findes them distracted with Iealousies and Allarms of Designs and Plots That Guards have been set to defend both Houses He
the King but Cromwel pursues them thither and by Treaty had the House and Garison rendered up to him upon Articles with all the Powder Amunition and Armes and seventy two Horse 24. April and this the first successe of the new Model This so sudden surrender startled those at Oxford and the Colonel was call'd to a Council of war condemned to be shot to death which he took with patience and courage clearly excusing himself not to be able to hold out against so great a Power and being besides over-swayed by the pewling tears of some Ladies got thither in a visit of his fair Bedfellow-Bride However his hopeful years so soon blossomed was presently resented by the King who graciously provided for his Widow and blamed Prince Ruperts malicious instigating with devised reasons to hasten the execution thus presently repented The Town of Taunton closely besieged by Greenvile Goring and Hopton for the King and lately have taken Colonel Pophams House and Garison at Willington by Storm fifty slain with a hundred and fifty Prisoners and much Amunition and Plunder The Scots not as yet marching Southwards and the General Fairfax not yet forwarded fit for the Field Indeed Cromwel was now returned from the West and lay surrounding Oxford and thereabouts with a Party of Horse fell upon Sir Henry Vavisor quartered neer Bampton Bush and surprized him and his whole Party one Colonel two Lieutenant Colonels a Major five Captains eight Lieutenants eight Ensignes Doctor Dunch a Divine twenty Serjeants two hundred and thirty Prisoners two hundred Arms and much Amunition Prince Rupert marching all night came now before Ludbury 22. April who intercepting some Scouts came upon Massie with an Alarm charging him into the very Town with whom were Major Farlow Baylie and Bacchus Kerle Gifford and More with their Forces and two hundred Musquetiers of the County 't is true they were suddenly put to it drew up at sight of Rupert came close and fought till Massies Foot might Retreat toward Glocester and the rest did little lesse then march off with hot charges wherein the Lord Hastings was slain But the Cavaliers followed the Retreat of the other whose Horse left the Foot to mercy and many cut off two hundred Prisoner with Major Bacchus almost dead and Harlow hurt Rupert had a mind to Massie and shot his Horse dead he hardly escaping with this Victory He returns towards Ludlow and so for Shrewsburie with reasonable Force neer six thousand Horse and Foot But hearing that Fairfax and Skippon with nine thousand men were marching together and onwards on their way from Windsor and Andover toward the relief of Taunton in the West Rupert Wheels off with Goring and comes to Burford twelve miles from Oxford purposely to clear the passage for the King and his Artillery to march out thence to draw towards Bristol and break into that Association and therefore Fairfax was ordered from Westminster to intrust Colonel Graves with a party of three thousand Foot and a thousand five hundred Horse sufficient to relieve Taunton and himself and Skippon to return and joyn with Cromwel and Brown to keep the King in or if abroad to attend his motion But the King with gallant Forces marched from Oxford attended on by Prince Rupert and Maurice towards Cambden and intending towards the relief of Chester his Infantry advancing after and commanded by Goring with thirty Field Pieces and other Carriages towards Worcester and pursued by Cromwel But how comes that to passe he being liable to the great Ordinance as a Member of the Commons but Cromwel was dispenced with by Order not to attend the House and to continue his Command for fourty daies longer which signified for ever The like Order for Brereton and Middleton in Chester Association and so had some others both of the Sword and the Gown the Commissioners of the great Seal and the Master of the Roles also for fourty dayes upon receipt of the Parliaments Order Fairfax returns but sends Colonel Graves with Forces to relieve Taunton and on Sunday 11. of May came before the Town with so great power that the Besiegers quitted their Trenches and marched away leaving a poor starved Town few left alive the Countrey haressed by Cavaliers and depopulated And for this and other good services of Colonel Blake the besieged Governour of Taunton he had thanks and from henceforth came into esteem both by Land and Sea but the Town was soon besieged again by the Cavaliers Fairfax is returned to Newburie and there rested his wearied Souldiers and then sits down about Oxford contracting his Forces into a narrow compasse Cromwell and Brown come to him to compleat the design being now at Maston a mile of Oxford The Garison therein fire the Suburbs drown the Medows slight the Out-garisons of Walverton and others such At his first coming and walking on the Bowling-green and viewing the Works an eight pound bullet whisked by his head and moved his Hat brims And now the States Ambassadours Borrel of Amsterdam and Reinsworth of Utrecht both made Knights and Barons by the King being sorry that the differences of these civil wars are beyond their endeavours of Reconciliation they take their leave And this Declaration sent after them from the Parliament To the High and Mighty Lords the States c. Most High and Mighty c. We the Lords and Commons of England in Parliament Assembled doe with all thankfulnesse acknowledge your Christian and Neighbourlie zeale to the Peace of this Nation by your Ambassadours for inviting our King to return to his dutie and for restoring us to a better confidence of his future carriage notwithstanding their fair intentions which perhaps being well managed might have produced better effects we may not conceale from you your Ministers grosse abusing their trust to our prejudice themselves rather interessed parties then publick Agents You have been thereby deceived and we despised and affronted by them We think fit to present these inclosed to your consideration wherein they were not satisfied to approach us to our faces and to take upon them to judge the quarrel against us except they glorie in it to make their boldness publique and increasing by the Addition of their own Authoriâ—ie other Particulars concerning these persons we have here authorized these bearers unto whom we desire credence to relate unto you and to demand justice upon them on our behalf upon the whole matter we do not doubt but you who verie well know how much more ill there is in War then in oppression will either afford your best assistance in suppressing tyrannie and preserving our Religion or at least be indifferent spectators of our labours to deliver our selves And God be blessed for it our condition is not yet so low but that we can resent if not return both courtesies and injuries which we therefore adde because we know it will be comfortable to our friends to hear and because we desire to give a
the purchasers then the sword had done before Eighty barrels of power did the work most terrible to the Assailants that dreamed not of such an Accident Upon the firing the Cavaliers gave a charge also in the amaze of their Enemy and commanded by Sir Iohn Digby did the execution resolutely and bid farewel at Eleven at night and marched away into Cornwal These were old Souldiers of Gorings and Greenviles and now scattered abroad by this encounter Hopton was shot in the Thigh and Digby in the Head some Prisoners and Horse taken of such as were slaine But the rest kept rendezvouz at Stratton the Prince at Lamiston and Fairfax follows The 25. of February he sends a party of 1000. Horse and 400. Dragoons before he came to Lamiston commanded by Colonel Basset a gallant Gentleman fell upon this forelorn-hope and after a hot skirmish and the whole Army coming near hand he quitted the Town And the Prince hears of this and the forces marching towards Pendennis Castle he quits the place and ships himself with the Lord Capel Lord Culpepper and Sir Edward Hide March the first to the Isle of Scilly The Lord Hopton with some small forces at Trurâ— in Cornwal the General sends him summons Sir Through Gods goodness to his people and his just hand against their Enemies forces being reduced to such condition as to my sense the hand of God continuing with us they are not like to have subsistence or shelter long to escape thence nor if they could have they whither to goe for better To prevent the shedding of more blood I have sent you this summons for your self and them to lay down Arms upon those conditions enclosed which are Christian-like Noble and Honourable to be accepted March 5. Some time was taken up in this Treaty and concluded That the Lord Hopton shall disband his Army in the West the General Fairfax excepting His Lordship to have fifty of his own Horse and fifty of Fairfax for his Convoy to Oxford all strangers to have Passes beyond Seas and to carry with them what is their own without Horses and Arms. All English Officers to go home to their Habitations or if they will beyond Seas Each Colonel to have his Horse and two Men and Horses to wait on them Each Captain one Man and Horse The Troopers Twenty shillings a piece and to goe where they pleased March 13. But Hopton hearing of the ill effects of the Propositions for peace takes shipping with divers other of his Officers and sailed into France where he remained many years after And the West being cleared Fairfax returns back again to the Siege of Bristol where we leave him to take breath And in this time also the Kings party spared not to weaken his Enemies Towns are retaken some surprised encounters answered defeats redoubled death and devastation that I dread to write of all It sufficeth that mostly we have named the Fields and Fights for I have almost done whilst I devote my self to his Majesties pious Meditations upon this subject The various Successes sayes the King of this unhappy war have at least afforded me variety of good meditations sometimes God was pleased to try me with victory by worsting my Enemies that I might know how with moderation and thanks to own and use his power who is only the true Lord of Hosts able when he pleases to repress the confidence of those that fought against me with so great advantages for power and number From small beginnings on my part he let me see that I was not wholly for saken by my peoples love or his protection Other times God was pleased to exercise my patience and teach me not to trust in the arm of flesh but in the living God My sins sometimes prevailed against the justice of my cause and those that were with me wanted not matter and occasion for his just chastisment both of them and me Nor were mine Enemies lesse punished by that prosperity which hardened them to continue that injustice by open hostility which was begun by most riotous and unparliamentary Tumults There is no doubt but personal and private sins may oft-times over-balance the justice of Publick engagements nor doth God account everie gallant man in the worlds esteem a fit instrument to assert in the way of VVar a righteous Cause The more men are prone to arrogate to their own skil valour and strength the lesse doth God ordinarily work by them for his own glory I am sure the event or success can never state the Iustice of any Cause nor the peace of mens consciences nor the eternal fate of their Soules Those with me had I think clearly and undoubtedly for their Iustification the Word of God and the Laws of the Land together with their own Oathes all requiring obedience to my just Commands but to none other under Heaven without me or against me in the point of raising Arms. Those on the other side are forced to flie to the shifts of some pretended Fears and wild fundamentals of State as they call them which actually overthrow the present fabrick both of Church and State being such imaginary Reasons for self-defence as are most impertinent for those men to allege who being my Subjects were manifestly the first assaulters of me and the Laws First by unsuppressed Tumults after by listed Forces The same Allegations they use will fit aâ—y Faction that hath but power and confidence enough to second with the Sword all their demands against the present Laws and Governours which can never be such as some side or other will not finde fault with so as to urge what they call a Reformation of them to a Rebellion against them some Parasitick Preachers have dared to call those Martyrs who died fighting against me the Laws their Oaths and the Religion Established But sober Christians know that glorious title can with truth be applied only to those who sincerely preferred Gods truth and their duty in all these particulars before their lives and all that was dear to them in this world who having no advantageous designs by any Innovation were religiously sensible of those Ties to God the Church and my self which lay upon their Souls both for obedience and just assistance God could and I doubt not but he did through his mercy crown many of them with eternal life whose lives were lost in so just a Cause the destruction of their bodies being sanctified as a means to save their soules Their wounds and temporal ruin serving as a gracious opportunitie for their eternal health and happiness while the evident approach of death did through Gods grace effectually dispose their hearts to such Humility Faith and Repentance which together with the Rectitude of their present engagement would fully prepare them for a better life then that which their enemies brutish and disloyal fiercenâ—sse could deprive them of or without Repentance hope to enjoy They have often indeed had the better against my side in the
so Montrose marches to Kinrosse and then to Sterling and encamps in that fatal field Kilsithe the Enemy comes three miles off Baily being their head with whom he must fight at disadvantage or stay to be undone by the Earl of Lanerick Duke Hamiltons brother Cassils Eglington and Glenearne who were raising men in great numbers In this field were some Cotages and his Forces four thousand five hundred Foot and five hundred Horse where he lodgeth some men and the Enemies first work was to beat them but were worsted and driven back encouraging the next to fall on without direction up the Hill engaging themselves one thousand not to be got off He saies to Airly My Lord yonder men of ours are in distress it is most proper for you that the error committed by unadvised young men may be corrected by your Lordships grave and discreet valour And on he goes guarded with a Troop of Horse by Ogleby of Baldby upon the face of the Enemy who giving the charge were disputed with very sharply for a good while but facing about fell upon their own Foot and hotly pursued routed and trod them down Then with a shout all fell upon the Horse first who not enduring a long Charge fled and the Foot discouraged followed and were pursued with execution fourteen miles not a hundred came off All their Ordnance Arms and Baggage to Conquerors who lost many of the Oglebies and some common Souldiers the Enemies Horse carried the swiftest to Sterling others to the Frith saved themselves by Vessels as Arguile now the third time got into a Cock-boat and so into a Ship The chife prisoners were Sir William Morray of Blebe Iames Arnol brother to the Lord Burghly two Colonels Dice and Wallis and many more men of worth this famous Victory at Kilsithe was 15. Septem 1645. and not lesse then six thousand of the Enemy slain and this famous Battle thus to be lost they lodge upon Bailies down-right treachery So now the Northern parts are secured on his back the way opened to him in the South the power of the Covenanters suppressed their chief Leaders driven out of the Kingdom and no considerable Party in Armes yet in the West there were some stirring for the Earl of Cassells and Eglington were raising four thousand men Wherefore Montrose marches into Cludsdale and so to Glascow the principal City receiving the same with acclamations of joy executing legally some chief Incendiaries there and remove to Bothwell where he received the personal addresses of some of the Nobility and of others by their Deputies willingly submitting the chief being the Marquess of Dowglasse the Earls of Limmuck Anuandale and Herefield the Lords of Seton Drummond Fleming Marterty Carnegye and Iohnston Hamelton of Orbeston Charte of Heinsfield Towers of Innerlegh Stuart of Resyth Dalyel a brother of the Earl of Carnwarth Knights and many more Then he sends Napier and Colonel Gordon with a party of Horse to Edenburgh to Summon that City to settle it in peace and to release all prisoners of Loyalty or to threaten them with fire sword And near the City they make a stand the City Assemble and send Delegates together with the chief of the prisoners to intercede Lodowick Earl of Crawford of the Family of Lindsies and a gallant Germane experienced Souldier imprisoned by the malice of the Earl of Lindsey who was to succeed to his Honors Iames Lord Ogleby Son to the Earl of Arlye singularly beloved of Montrose cursing themselves and posterity if ever they should again revolt from their Loyalty or be unmindful of Montrose's mercy Napier having by the way of his March set at liberty his dear Father his Wife his Brother in Law Keer and his Sisters at Linnuck being removed thither from Edenburgh Castle and so all together to Montrose The Delegates of Edenburgh with humble submission beseech Montrose to accept the surrender of their City promising Faith and Loyalty to their King for ever after That the infection of Plague now reigning there had wasted their men but they were ready to pay contribution heartily acknowledging their Treasonable Actions against their gracious King by the cunning contrivance of a prevailing party engaging them in this Rebellion Montrose accepted their submission with the rendering of Edenburgh Castle to the King and his Officers to renounce all future correspondence with the Rebels the prisoners were all released but as to all the other Protestations they fall to their wonted treachery and Rebellion He sends Macâ—donel and Drummond of Ball into the Western Coasts to disperse Cassels and Eglington with other of the Nobily there who fly into Ireland and lurk in by places All the Towns Aire Irwin and the County submit and the people come presently to his side Then the South parts submit and therein the chiefest Earls of Hume Roxborough and Traquair men the most obliged to the Kings high Grace and Favour raising them from private Gentlemen to Honours Wealth and Powers But it was boldness in the Earl of Lanerick Duke Hamilton's Brother who had deceifully practised under hand all the Treacheries and Treasons of this War against their Sovereign Now he openly returns answer That he would have nothing to do with that side never pretending friendship where he meaned not to perform This man acted above board but the others treacherously they inviting David Lesley out of England with the Scotish Horse and so to deliver up Mentrose to ruine Montrose had suspition of all this but could not prevent each mischief for having lain long incamped at Bothwell and no Enemy in Arms most of the Highlanders laden with Spoil ran away and returned home the very Commanders desired Furloghs for some time to setle their Families and to return with many more Men within fourty Days to such as he could not hold he willingly gave leave and appoints Mac-Donel their Countreyman and Kinsman ambitious to be their Guide and to conduct them back again with him went three thousand stout Men and an hundred and twenty Irish for his Life-guard whom Montrose never saw after But we shall meet the next year and so much for this It is most strange to these Times but Posterity can never comprehend how the Swedes come to this greatness and to make War in so many parts of Europe and from whence they got so many Men that Sovereignty indeed is large but very desert and dispeopled so that we may speak it a truth there never came from thence sixty thousand Men as one of their own Grandees assures us one reason was that all the Protestants in Europe leagued with them like Ivy to the Tree as believing the Ruine of the Swedes included that of all the Lutherans The other that in their Fortune all the rest had interest principally in regard of Plunder for it is most certain that in Count Horn's Army were many Women in Mens Apparel acting like Amazons and brave Souldiers with so much courage did prosperity inflame
prejudice our judgement herein by denouncing Gods anger upon us and our hazard of the loss of the hearts of our good Subjects if we consent not c. Notwithstanding these and other Reasons the Scots ply the King for his signing to the Propositions and the Chancellor makes his Speech to the King to this purpose That the consequence of his Majesties Answer to the Propositions is of as great consequence as the Ruine or Preservation of his Crown and Kingdoms That the differences between him and the Parliament after so many bloody Battels the Parliament have gotten all the strong Holds of the Kingdom in their hands They have your Majesties Revenue Excize Assessements Sequestrations and power to raise all the men and money in the Kingdom Victory over all and a strong Army to maintain it so that they may do what they will with Church and State And some are so afraid and others so unwilling to submit to your Government that they desire nor you nor any of your Race longer to reign over them But the people are so wearied with the War and so loath to have Monarchy Government destroyed that they dare not attempt to cast it off totally until they send Propositions of peace to your Majestie lest the people without whose concurrence they are not able to carry on the War should fall from them So that they are resolved to offer them to your Majesty as that without which the Kingdom and your people cannot be in safety upon any other terms If you refuse to assent you will lose all your friends in Parliament lose the City and all the Countrey and all England will joyn against you as one man they will process and depose you and set up another Government they will charge us to deliver your Majestie to them to render their Garisons and to remove our Armies out of England and so both Kingdoms for eithers safety to agree and settle Religion and Peace without you to the ruine of your Majestie and Posterity and if you lose England you will not be admitted to come and Reign in Scotland We confess the Propositions are higher in some things then we approved of but we see no other means for you to close with your Parliament Truly this was plain-dealing which it seems the King would hazard for now the great debate was with the Scots Commissioners how to dispose of the Kings person and to please the Scots their Army should have two hundred thousand pounds to leave this Kingdom and a Plenipotence is coming out of Scotland to their Commissioners here to determine the disposing of the Kings person being daily debated by both Commissioners The Scots had without consent Imprinted their Arguments concerning the dispose of the Kings person at which the Parliament were so offended that the papers and Presses were seized and the Printer and Booksellers committed to prison which the Scots Commissioners resent and write to the Parliament their sence herein And to frighten the Scots Petitions are presented from the Northern Counties against the Scots Army of the intolerable abuses and therefore pray that they may be removed And in a word take it out of a Letter signed by thousands and sent up That some former Letters from the Parliament seemed to comfort our dying hopes that the Scots were to have two hundred thousand pounds to be gone Since the bruit thereof the Army hath been prejudicial to these parts twice the sum We hear and read of their good language they give at London but we feel contrary effects by their Actions here We hoped when the Earl of Newcastle was gone away our greatest miseriâ—s had been past but the contrary He only sucked some of our blood but these devour our flesh and are now picking our bones Our slavery is far greater than any of those under the Turks both for our persons and Estates They in Turky are quit for a fifth part we in a year pay our Revenues several times over by Ordinance of Parliament Since the Scots came into Yorkshire the whole County was Assessed per moneth ten thousand pounds seven thousand now three thousand five hundred pounds a moneth but we pay now for Billet and Sess to the Scots Army here after the rate of above a hundred thousand l. A part of this Hundred paies a thousand pounds a week to two Regiments We are the absolutest Slaves that ever were read of for they Assess us at their pleasure Levy as they please bid us go or ride who dares refuse they kill us in hot blood beat us in cold and killed a Captain this week for but only seeking to rescue his Neighbours from their Roberies In a word we are threshing out for the Scots and they eating our last bread We desire the Parliament to bestow upon us two or three moneths allowance out of our own own Estates having had nothing these five years out of them four thousand pounds a moneth are paid to the Scots Army constantly since they came into this little Wapentake the Lord have mercy upon us Amen Your most humble servants many thousands But with this and other sheets of paper Printed Entituled a Declaration of the sufferings of the Northern Counties of the Kingdom under the Scots Army their Commissioners were so netled that they desired those and such other Pamphlets false and scandalous to the Scots might be suppressed which was committed and there they use to stick Amongst the complaints this for one That two Constableries of the County of Richmond the Rents but 99. l. per an were Assessed by the Scots and out in Free Quarters 1900. l. in four moneths and those that were pleased with Bribes the several Colonels would protect from any paiments or assistance of service whatsoever Bedall a small Town of fifty seven pounds old rent and Arsâ—ugh of fourty two pounds complain that they have in less then five moneths last paid to the Scots two thousand pounds besides Billeting and other Taxes And after all comes Letters indeed from York that they have complained so long that they have writ themselves out of work and out of credit having no more to write nor credit left to be believed c. that if not present remedy the County resolve to fall upon their defence and invite the true-hearted English men would lay it to heart never to give over untill they have removed the Scots Army out of England or moved Relief to this miserable Nation Here is nothing but Mutinies upon Mutinies this and worse is our condition than we can express The General Fairfax having been at leasure to seek his health at the Bath was come up to London and some Lords and Commons ordered to wait upon him and to give him the good welcome to the Town and to return him thanks for his ample service to the Kingdom and State And yet the English Army is discontent for pay of their Arrears as appears by Colonel General Poins from York where the
obvious to every body why it is fit for me to be attended by some of my Chaplains whose opinions as Clergie-men I esteem and reverence not only for the exercising of my Conscience but also for clearing of my judgment concerning the present difference in Religion as I have at full declared to Mr. Marshal and his fellow Minister Having shewed them that it is the best and likelyest means of giving me satisfaction which without it I cannot have in these times whereby the distractions of this Church may be the better setled Wherefore I desire that at least two of these Reverend Divines whose Names I have here set down may have the liberty to wait upon me for the discharging of their Duty to me according to their function Charles Rex Holmby 17. Feb. 1656. Bish. London Bish. Salisbury Bish. Peterborough Dr. Sheldon Clerk of my Closet Dr. Marsh Dean of Yorke Dr. Sanderson Dr. Baily Dr. Haywood Dr. Beal Dr. Fuller Dr. Hamond Dr. Tayler For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore c. The Guardians Commissioners had two of their own Ministers Mr. Marshal and Mr. Caryl who undertok the King but so lamely as that they may be said to halt after Henderson And truly the King rather pittying then despising them and would never be perswaded to hear their preachings nor overswayed with their Councel The Guardians had kept a bounteous house it seems and were soundly chidden by the Parliaments Letters for spending the States Revenue so fast and therefore for want of better work they are very busie to new Model his Majesties litle Family into lesse and by degrees to none at all His hard condition to be minced meat and drink out of his own We may not omit the Remembrance of that worthy learned Lawyer Mr. Serjeant Glanvile mightily persecuted for malignancy of being of the Kings party Imprisoned in several durances and lastly of long time committed to the Tower two years without any charge at all against him he is now released upon Bail and this justice was done to him by the favour of the Lords House to which the Commons had been alwayes and now was dissenting We may observe that he had been hardly used heretofore in the beginning of this Kings Reign for not consenting to some passages of State and then sent to Sea which he humbly endured with patience and Loyalty And now also his Conscience bearing witnesse he suffers for his Sovereigns sake faithful to his principles The King having no Answer concerning his Chaplains writes again for them to come and comfort him It being now seventeen daies since I wrote to you from hence and not yet receiving any Answer I cannot but now again renew the same And indeed concerning any thing but the necessary duty of a Christian I would not thus at this time trouble you But my being attended with some of my Chaplains whom I esteem and reverence is so necessary for me even considering my present condition whether in relation to my conscience or a happy settlement of the distractions in Religion that I will slight divers kindes of censures rather than not to obtain my demand nor shall I wrong you as in this to doubt the obtaining of my wish it being totally grounded upon Reason For desiring you to consider not thinking it needful to mention the divers reasons which no Christian can be ignorant of for point of Conscience I must assure you I cannot as I ought take in consideration those alterations in Religion which have and will be offered unto me without such help as I desire because I can never judg rightly of or be altered in any thing of my opinion so long as any ordinary way of finding out the truth is denied me but when this is granted I promise you faithfully not to strive for victory in Argument but to seek and submit to truth according to that judgment which God hath given me alwaies holding it my best and greatest conquest to give contentment to my two Houses of Parliament in all things which I conceive not to be against my conscience or honour not doubting likewise but that you will be ready to satisfie me in reasonable things as I hope to finde in this particular concerning the attendance of my Chaplains upon me Charles Rex Holmby 6. March For the the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore To which the Parliament give Answer That all those the Kings Chaplaines are disaffected to the Established Government of the Church and have not taken the Covenant but for others that have if his Majesty please they shall be sent to him This troubled the King to be denied such as every Christian hath liberty to choose their Ghostly Fathers Spiritual Comforters This makes him complain When Providence was pleased to deprive me saies the King of all other civil comforts and secular Attendance I thought the absence of them all might best be supplied by the attendance of some of my Chaplains whom for their Function I reverence and for their Fidelity I have cause to love By their Learning Piety and Praiers I hoped to be either better enabled to sustain the want of all other enjoyments or better fitted for the recovery and use of them in Gods good time so reaping by their pious help a spiritual harvest of Grace amidst the thorns and after the plowings of temporal crosses The truth is I never needed or desired more the service and assistance of men judiciously-pious and soberly-devout The solitude they have confined me unto adds the Wilderness to my temptations for the company they obtrude upon me is more sad then any solitude can be If I had asked my Revenues my power of the Militia or any one of my Kingdoms it had been no wonder to have been denied in those things where the evil policie of men forbids all just restitution lest they should confesse an injurious usurpation But to deny me the Ghostly comfort of my Chaplains seems a greater rigor and barbaritie then is ever used by Christians to the meanest Prisoners and greatest Malefactors whom though the justice of the Law deprives of worldly comforts yet the mercy of Religion allows them the benefit of their Clergie as not aiming at once to destroy their Bodies and to damn their Souls But my Agony must not be releived with the presence of any one good Angel for such I account a Learned Godly and Discreet Divine and such I would have all mine to be They that envy my being a King are loth I should be a Christâ—an while they seek to deprive me of all things else they are afraid I should save my Soule Other sense Charitie it self can hardly pick out of those many harsh Repulses I received as to that Request so often made for the attendance of some of my Chaplains I have somtime thought the Unchristiannesse of those denials might arise from a displeasure some men had to see me prefer my own Divines
chief Actors therein Black-heath 30. May 1648. Tho. Fairfax This Answer sticks in their stomacks they therefore divide their Forces into Brigades some of the South besiege Dâ—ver Castle and are not yet fitted to fight with Fairfax who endeavours to engage which the others avoid and rather to dispute by Letters in their Reply to the General My Lord The Laws of Nature are universal and perpetual amongst which that of self preservation is one and you have declared as much Iudge if it be not we have taken up Arms to defend our selves and Proviâ—ence hath blest us with a power to doe it which we cannot relinquish 〈◊〉 with the forfeiture of our reason and honour we invade not your Right but stand firm to secure our own and so to doe is neither Tumult nor Rebellion you are pleased to hold forth conditions of uncertain mercy to the people and withall affix mâ—naces of an exemplary and positive prosecution upon the principals To this we must assure you Sir it is but one soul that informs this great body and we are determined to staâ—d or fall together being rendered uncapable of any fear save only of relapsing into our former slavery We need no other Arguments than what the fair mannage of this business affords â— to testifie our lâ—ve to peace if your self stand so inclined also Be pleased rather to make this County a Friend than an Enemy As to the Petition we hope it will be seasonably considered of we are Signed by the name and appointment of the Gentry of the Countrey by us Your servants Philip Masilds Major Edward Hales The first Fight was at a Bridge between Crayfâ—rd Heath and Gravesend which the Countreymen had â—â—racadoed yet the Generals Forces of Horse swam over and put the other to flight and Major Child their Commander hardly escaped his Horse being shot under him his Son wounded and taken twenty others slain and thirty prisoners those were only some of the County Saylers and City Prentices The General follows after and Major Husbands advanceth some miles beyond Gravesend and then to Mauâ—en the General now thereabouts at Mapham and there makes a halt to see what the Enemy meant to doe for they were numerous near ten thousand and their chiefs were Sir Gamaliel Dudley Sir Geo. Lisle Sir William Crompton Sir Robert Tracie Colonel Leigh Sir Io. Mavy Sir Tho. Payton Sir Tho. Palmer Esquire Hales 〈…〉 be General Sir Iames Hales Sir William Mavy Sir Iohn Dorrel Sir Thomas Godfrey Sir Rich. Hardress Colonel Washington Colonel Hamond Colonel Le â— strange Colonel Culpepper Colonel Hacker Iames Dorrel Colonel George Newman and Mr. Whelton sometime Treasurer for the Parliament I mention them for no dishonour their pretence was just I judge none But on goes the General and Marches towards Rochester and by the way Major Husbands disputes a Passage over a Bridge at Norfield maintained by Major Childe with six hundred Foot which was gained and killed twenty men and took thirty Prisoners with small loss to the Assailants This having rouzed the Kentish men it was expected they should imbody and meet their Adversary ere he were further entered upon them which the General expected and therefore Marched full bodyed six thousand Foot and two thousand Horse well Ammunitioned for the City sent after what ever possible could be called for The County were not so many ill trained dispersed meanly armed slender Ammunition and such Commanders as in like cases are more for reputation then direction or execution But no opposition appears the General Advances with his whole Army now collected near ten thousand men to Rochester where the Bridge is quitted to him and he goes on towards Maidstone was strengthened with reasonable Force to defend and valiantly indured the first Assault by Storm and the second but the third time got entrance upon disadvantage for the Streets were well manned the houses lined and their case-shot so galled the Assaylants with much loss and long dispute twelve a clock midnight and so valiantly defended that the old Souldiers confest what ere they got was by Inches and dearly bought and that the like desperate service they had never felt before So then the County men could fight but overpowred they lost two hundred slain one thousand four hundred Prisoners four hundred Horse two thousand Arms and many men of quality slain and taken The other lost not many and this was done the second of Iune Whilst this was acting the Rocestrians drew out into a Body within three miles of Maidstone which weakned the Generals Assault for he was fain to draw out considerable Forces to attack them at a distance but the other came not on And when all was lost they marched away and left Rochester to the Generals mercy The County now in desperation send to the City of London relating their condition and that in this just quarrel they hoped of Association and help in for the General good of the Nation and people oppressed but the City refuse and acquaint the Parliament who return them thanks And to reward their faithfulness it was now conceived very seasonable to Answer their late Petitions in behalf of the eleven Members and other Prisoners for the Tumult of Parliament and as a day of Jubile for the Kentish News The Parliament Order That the Votes whereby Denzil Hollis Sir Jo. Maynard Sir William Waller Sir William Lewis Sir John Clotworthy Colonel Edw. Massey Anthony Nichols and Walter Long Esquires stand accused by the House be fully discharged That the Votes whereby the Lord Willoughby of Parham the Earls of Lindsey Suffolk and Middlesex the Lord Barkley Hunsdon and Maynard stand accused by this House be fully discharged That the Votes whereby the Aldermen Gayer Langham and Bunce and Serjeant Glyn accused by this House be fully discharged 3. June But the Kentish men kept in a Body and marched towards London in hope of assistance from hence and being come to Black-heath and no help afforded the Generals Horse hastening at their heels The Kentish men sensible of their misfortune quit their Commanders and retire home And therefore Goring Earl of Norwich one amongst them tells them plainly that he is no Souldier but though old he had a heart to lead them on that would follow him the Generals Horse in sight and they no time to Councel suddenly they bethink Goring with about 5. hundred gets over the Ferry at Greenwich into Essex and gathers strength and Quarter about Stratford Laughton and Bow and joynes with Sir Charls Luâ—as and others of Essex to whom comes the Lord Capel with Forces of Hartfordsbire and Rendezvouz at Chelmsford Dover Castle was hardly besieged but the Parliaments Forces raise that Siege and the County men retire to Canterbury against whom Ireton and Barkstead March with their Regiments and at Eversham are met by two Commissioners for Composition to those of Canterbury which were granted and Ireton goes thither to perform them and
the Force that could be spared from all the Southern County and the City of London also It was vigorously assaulted and gallantly defended with â—uch Sallies at several times and successes as rendred the Gâ—â—eral â—ot very prosperous At last the whole City was surrounded and by often Skirmishes they within grew weak of fighting men provisions of all sorts spent both for Ammunition and Victuals and whilst they within had hopes to their hearts they neglected â—ay disdained offers of Treaty or capitulation for almost three moneths when horrid necessity inforceth them to consider of a Treaty when Horse-flesh and Dogs Cats and Vermin failed for Food No hope of succour the Princes Fleet part fell from him the Wâ—lsh reduced the Earl of Hollands Insurrection suppressed Revolts Muâ—inies Allarms in several Counties quieted the Scots whole Army of Invasion totally defeated and the King himself lay'd aside for whose sake all these pretended And of all which the Besieged had continual intelligence then the Horror waxed high And therefore the chief Commanders within capitulate with the Camp without That they at the desire of the Inhabitants think fit to send to the General they are constrained to turn out the Towns-pâ—ople for bâ—tter accommodation of the Souldiery whereby their houses and gâ—ods would be left lyable to ruine for prevention they think fit to Treat with the General for surrender of the City to which purpose they would send out Officers to Parley To whose Letter they have this Answer That the General believes their extream pressure upon the Inhabitants and all the rest but he clears himself from the occasion of their sufferings he is compassionately willing to allow the proper Inhabitants only to come forth provided the Committee of Essex now prisoners within be first sent out and excepting the wives children of such as remain behinde in Arms. And concerning the Rendition of the Town hâ—â—ffers that all Souldiers under the degree of a Captain shall have free pass to their homes and all Captains and other Offcers superiour with Lords and Gentlemen to submit to mercy These Conditions would not go down with Goring therefore the next day five hundred women are forced out upon the powdercharged Cannon and Muskets to frighten them back but better so to dye then to return to Famine and thus they make a stand and crave rather sudden destruction They within make a Sally for a dead horse and one slain yet â—fter two dayes stink it is got in for food And to the Generals Letter they within Reply That they would not Render themselves to mercy to any but to God alone And therefore to spare blood they send out their utmost offer the lowest conditions they could yield unto 24. Aug. Which in truth were too high for the General to grant And therefore he is peremptory not to give Answer Then they 〈◊〉 send out a Drum with Mr. Barnardeston one of the Committee pâ—â—â—oners and Colonel Tuke desiring a Treaty upon what the General offered heretofore and concerning the explanation of the words to submit to mercy how far they would extend and in reference to the Officers and Souldiers and Townsmen And had Answer that in respect the Officers and Souldiers c. had neglected that former offer that now they should have only fair Quarter the rest to submit to mercy But however the Treaty should succeed the misery was much within and therefore the private Souldiers were resolved to deliver up their Commanders who caress the Souldiers with Wine and Victuals and fair words to joyn with them to break through the Besiegers over the North-bridge the way to escape but that Design shrunk for it was soon apprehended by the Souldiers that whilst they should fight the Commanders would fly And therefore in this high distemper they all submit to mercy the twenty seventh of August The Inhabitants of the Town were fined fourteen thousand pounds to be preserved from Plunder â—â—d two dayes after Sir Charls Lucas and Sir Geo. Lisle were shot to death they disputed this kinde of Justice to be in cold bloud without any Tryal without president of men at Arms and unsouldier-like but seeing no remedy Lucas was said to dye like a Christian justified his taking up Arms in defence of the King his Sovereign and bad them doe their worst he was prepared Lisle came to the stake kissed the others warm Corps wreaking in bloud and was shot to death also But why this unusual Execution was so acted I cannot be satisfied which the General in his Letter to the Parliament calls Military Execution and hopes that your Lordships will not think your honour or justice prejudiced had he put it to the question before their death the Lords would have resolved him but it was now too late and must be submitted to the worlds censure The rest of the Lords Officers Gentlemen and Souldiers are referred to the Parliaments mercy or justice Indeed the Commissioners that treated put the question what is meant by fair Quarter what by rendering to mercy It was resolved to the first That with Quarter for their lives they shall be free from wounding or beating shall enjoy warm clothes to cover them shall be maintained with Victuals fit for prisoners while they be prisoners For the second That they be rendered to mercy or render themselves to the General or to whom he shall appoint without certain assurance of Quarter so as the General may be free to put some immediately to the Sword Although the General intends chiefly and for the generality of those under that condition to surrender themselves to the mercy of the Parliament Neither 〈◊〉 â—he General given cause to doubt of his civility to such as render to mercy The chief Commanders deserve to be mentioned Some amends for their sufferings they were Valiant men The Earl of Norwich the Lord Capel Lord Loughborough Sir Charles Lucas Sir William Compton Colonel Sir Geo. Lisle Sir Bernard Gascoigne Sir Abraham Shipman Sir Iohn Watts Sir Lodowick Dyer Sir Henry Appleton Sir Denart Strutt Sir Hugh Ovelly Sir Rich. Maliverer Colonels Garter Gilburn Farr Till Hamond Chester Heath Tuke Ayloff and Sawyer Eight Lieutenant Colonels nine Majors thirty Captains Commissary General Francis Lovelace Master of the Ordnance Major Gen. Graveston Gentlemen sixty five Lieutenants seventy two Ensigns and Corners sixty nine Serjeants a hundred eighty three private Souldiers three thousand sixty seven The Gen. Fairfax having done his Work Marches Northwards to Yarmouth and up and down these Counties to settle Peace caress his Garrisons receiving testimonies of thanks for his Victorious Successes and returns to St. â—lbans his Head Quarters in the beginning of October from which time we shall hear more of him and his hereafter The universal distractions of the Parliament and Kingdom by Insurrections Revolts Tumults and Disorders both on Land and also in the Fleet at Sea made the City of London sensible of the sufferings which fell heavily
declaring the Kings Concessions to be a ground for settlement of a peace notwithstanding the visible defects of them in the Essentials concerning the liberties of the Kingdom c. And â—herefore desire that all such faithful Members who are innocent will protest against the said Votes by publick Declaration and the rest to be expelled the House that so the well-affected may proceed to set a short period to your own power to provide for a speedy succession of equal Representatives according to the Armies late Remonstrance But as we said the Parliament adjourning till this Munday 11. Decem. and not sitting that day neither the Army Dâ—clare a new Representative which they call an Agreement of the people for future Government of the Nation to be subscribed by all the people The Preamble whereof was in effect We having by our late labours made it appear at what rate we value our freedom and God owning our cause hath delivered our enemies into our hands we ought as bound in mutual duty to each other to avoid the danger of returning into a slavish condition and another chargeable war so that when our common rights shall be cleared their endeavours will be disappointed that seek to be our Masters Our troubles having been occasioned either by want of National meetings in Councel by the undue or unequal constitution thereâ—f or by rendring those meetings uneffectual And therefore we are agreed to provide that hereafter our Representatives be neither undertain for time nor unequally constituted nor be made useless to the end for which they are intended In order hereunto they declare That this Parliament be dissolved the last of April next The Representatives of the whole Nation to consist of three hundred persons The Manner of the eleâ—tion they propound 1. That the Electors be Natives such as have subscribed this agreement such as are assessed for the relief of the poor men of 21. years of age and House-keepers in that Division and for seven years no person that hath adhered to the King or shall oppose this agreement or not subscribe hereto shall have voice in Election 2. That after 14. years such persons may be elected that have voice in Elections and for the present none shall be Eligible who have not voluntarily assisted against the King either before June 1645. or in money Plate or Arms lâ—nt upon the Propositions May 1643. or have abetted the treasonable design in London 1647. or who declared for a Cessation of Arms with the Scots or ingaged in the last Summers Wars against the Parliament 3. That whoever is incapable by the former Rules and yet shall Vote in Elections or sit in Representative shall lose the moity of his Estate he having above 50. l. and if under then three moneths imprisonment And if any oppose the Elections then to lose his whole Estate or a years imprisonment if under 50. l. per an 4. That 150. Members at least shall make an Act of Law And these shall within twenty dayes after their first sitting appoint a Câ—uncil of State to continue untill the second Representative and the Council to Act as they shall direct by instructions 5. That no Officer of State Treasurer or Receiver while such shall be a Representative 6. No Lawyer shall practice whilst he is of any Representative or Council of State 7. That the Representative only without the consent of any other person shall Enact Alter Repeal and declare any Laws to the erecting and abolishing of Officers of Courts of Iustice but with these Exceptions following Not to compel tender Consciences in matters of Religion or Worship No person to be impressed to Serve in War by Land or Sea No person after the dissolution of this present Parliament shall be questioned concerning the late War otherwise then in execution or pursuance of the determination of the present House of Commons against such as have adhered to the King and also Accomptants for money That all manner of persons be subject to the publick Laws and such as have now priviledge shall be nulled and none priviledged hereafter That the Representatives meddle not with the execution of Laws not give Judgement upon any mans person That no Representative shall take away Common Right or Level mens Estates destroy proprieties or make all things common 8. That the Council of State in case of danger may summon a Representative for a Session of fourty daies and to dissolve two moneths before the next appointed Representative 9. The publick faith of the Nation shall be made good save that the next Representative may continue or Null all gifts of money made by the present House of Commâ—ns to themselves or any Lords 10. If any Officer or Leader in any Army or Garrison shall resist the Orders of any Representative shall forthwith lose the protection of the Law and dye without mercy The House moulded as others would have it yet many of the Members could not digest the Choake-paer Proposals Declaration Engagement Agreements but somewhat must be done they debate that point of Proposal of the eleven Members formerly put out and since re-admitted and to please the Army Vote and un-vote and conclude of these Votes now That the Votes of 3. Jan. 1647. for revoking the Order of 9. Septem 1647. for disabling Com. Copley to be a Member is of dangerous consequence and is hereby repealed That the receiving the other ten Members was unparliamentary and is therefore Null That the Vote of 30. June 1648. for the opening away to the Treaty with the King be Null That the Vote of 3. of Jan. 1647 forbidding all address to the King to be taken off was aparantly destructive to the Kingdom Divers of the proscribed Members were made Prisoners as Brown Clotworthy Waller Massey Copley to St. Jame's And now both Houses Vote no Address to be made to the King nor Message from him upon pain of Treason And that the Vote of 28 July to Treat with the â—ing was destructive to the Kingdom The King in a very sad condition by his stricter imprisonment in Hurst Castle and hearing of these Votes prepares his Solâ—loquies for comfort in death meditating thereon in these words As I have leasure enough saies the King so I have cause more then enough to meditate upon and prepare for my death for I know there are but a few steps between the Prisons and the Graves of Princes It is Gods indulgence which gives me the space but mans cruelty that gives me the sad occasions for these thoughts For besides the common but then of mortality which lies upon me as a man I now bear the heavy load of other mens ambitions fears jealousies and cruel passions whose envy or enmity against me maâ—es their own lives seem dâ—adly to them while I enjoy any part of mine I thank God my prosperity made me not wholly a stranger to the contemplations of mortality Those are never unseasonable since this is alwaies uncertain death being
be evil because mine were good And having signed both these Bills the King sent Sir Dudley Carleton Secretary of State to the Earl to acquaint him what he had finished the necessity urging him so to do together with the Earls free consent and the return of his Paper-promise which ballanced all The Earl amazed seriously asked him whether his Majesty had passed the Bill as not believing without some astonishment that the King would have done it And being again assured that it was passed He arose from his Chair and standing up lift his eyes to Heaven clapt his hand upon his heart and said Put not your trust in Princes nor in the sons of men for in them there is no salvation I have been assured from him that heard the King speak it and others confirming that the Bishop of London did not disswade nor perswade the King in the passing of the Bill but wisely or cunningly said nothing at all Nor does it appear that any of the other Bishops Lincoln onely excepted did any way press the King to his death And for satisfaction of all the world that the Arch-bishop of Armagh did not urge his death but rather the contrary I was present when it was diâ—â—â—ursed by a person of honour and honesty one that in these times and in these particulars thus controverted would not be positive but in the truth And as willingly as necessarily he hath set it under his hand and ready to justifie it with his Oath and Honour in these words and so witnessed by those that were present That the late King being in the Garison of Oxford a publick rumour passed that the Arch-bishop of Armagh was then dead and so intimated to the King in his Bed-chamber who was pleased to resent the news with much sorrow and with very high expression of the Prelates remarkable piety and learning and so said all that were present in confidence of his great endowments of exemplary virtues Except Sir said one in his advice to your Majestie to the hasty resolution of the Lord Strafford's death To which the King in some passion replied It was false protesting with an Oath his innocencie therein and that after the Bill was passed said the King the Arch-bishop came to me with much regret and sorrow and that the Arch-bishop wept bitterly This as a great truth I am ready to aver says the Relator by my Oath and Honour as I do now under my hand this eighth day of May 1656. W. L. Hereupon having this under his hand and witness I urged the question with another person of like Honour who said that himself was present at that time relating the very same words in effect as the former and both of them I spake with apart many miles asunder and neither of them witting of the use which I now make thereof they mentioned each other to be present And this also is certified upon his Oath and Honour and under his hand also and witnesses G. K. And now we shall see what the Arch-bishop of Armagh hath been pleased to signifie as to the Observatours pag. 240. concerning the result of the Bishops That Sunday morning the five Bishops writes he for so many they were London being one of them were sent for by the King himself and not sent to him by the Houses of Parliament amongst whom the Bishop of Durham and Carlile were so far from depending wholly upon the judgment of the other two whom the Observatour accounts Politicians that they argued the case themselves as fully as did any other To the Argument of one of them the King also returned this Answer that his Syllogism was faulty because it had in it four terms And for that most uncharitable surmise writes he concerning the Arch-bishop of Armagh as if the displeasure he had conceived against the Lord Lieutenant were so great that it could not be satisfied but by the seeking of his very bloud It is hard to say whethâ—â—hat calumny be more malicious or ridiculous for both the ground of that conceited grudg is utterly false the Articles of Religion established in the Church of Ireland having been never abrogated by him or any other And in the ordering of this his the Earls last business there was no man with whom he held greater correspondency than with the Primate himself whereof this may be sufficient proof that as before his condemnation he did from time to time consult with him touching his answer to their present charge so also afterwards having obtained from the Parliament that the Primate might be sent unto him to prepare him for his death He chearfully imbraced his spiritual instructions prayed with him sent messages to the King by him and by no means would dispense with him for being absent from his Execution But taking him by the hand led him along to the Scaffold where with incomparable courage and as himself professed even then ready to lay hown his head without the least touch of any passion or fear he rendered up the spirit to him that gave it And as to the Historian's Paragraph pag. 263. l. 33. The Earl proceeding c. This Paragraph says the Arch-bishop is wholly to be left out for at his passing to the Scaffold there was a great silence amongst the people all of them universally commiserating his case in an extraordinary manner and with great passion lifting up their hands to heaven for him And to the Historian pag. 263. l. 38. The Earl being brought c. The Earl says the Arch-bishop being brought to the Scaffold his Chaplains prayed with him and himself remaining still upon his knee rehearsing with great reverence the five and twenty Psalm Afterwards arising he addrest his Speech unto the people to this effect after following But the occasion of the mistakes of the addressing of his Speech unto the Lords as the Historian hath My Lords It should be My Lord which the Earl used in the Singular Number turning himself to the Arch-bishop who stood by him as appears by the Pamphlet presently published concerning his suffering where the tenour of his Speech which he then used is to be taken as agreeing almost with the very syllable by him used and not as the Historian hath it for thus in truth it was My Lord Primate c. as hereafter in due place But to return to the tenth of May the King having the day before signed both Bills that of the continuation of the Parliament and this for the execution of the Earl and with one Pen of Ink and at one instant he sets his hand to the loss of himself and to the destruction of his faithfull and most able Counsellour and Servant The next day eleventh of May he being extremely troubled at what he had done concerning the Earl he vouchsafes to write to the Lords and sends this Letter by his Son the Prince of Wales My Lords I did yesterday satisfie the justice of the Kingdom by passing the Bill of Attainder
himsefe shot in the arm for this good service his Majesty presently Knighted him and he well deserved it His Majesty wanted only Horse to have utterly destroyed them for they were now unable to help themselves In this condition his Majesty pursued them all day getting still ground in the evening one whole Regiment of their Foot being Colonel Weyres staggared ran from field to field with their Cannon and Colours only at the appearance of but eight of his Majesties Horse and had not night come on all their Army had undoubtedly been destroyed The Gentlemen of his Majesties own Troop did most gallantly in that service being twice bravely led on by the noble and valiant Lord Bernard Stuart to the great terrour of the Rebels This no question caused their General Essex early the nex day to quit his glorious Command and in a small Boat to shift away by water some say for Plymouth as yet there is no certainty where he is nor of Roberts Meirick and others who are gone Thereupon yesterday his own Lieutenant Colonel Butler who was formerly taken Prisoner at the Lord Mohun's House and now exchanged for Sir John Digby came to desire a Parley which was accepted and Hostages interchangeably delivered the Treaty followed in the evening in the Kings Quarter the Treators for his Majesty Prince Maurice the Lord General and the Lord Digby Theirs Colonel Barkeley an insolent Scot Colonel Whichcott a zealous City Colonel and Colonel Butler after high demands the conclusion brought forth these Articles 1. It is agreed That all the Officers and Souldiers as well of Horse and Foot under the command of the Earle of Essex being at the time of the Conclusion of this Treaty on the West side of the River of Foy shall to morrow being the Second of September by eleven of the clock in the morning deliver up near the old Castle in their own Quarters All their Cannon and Train of Artillery with All Carriages Necessaries and Materials thereunto belonging and likewise All the Arms offensive and defensive both of Horse and Foot and all Powder Bullet Match and Amunition whatsoever unto such Officers as the General of His Majesties Artillery shall appoint to receive the same except only the Swords and Pistols of all Officers above the degree of a Corporal who are by this Agreement to wear and carry the same away 2. Secondly It is agreed That immediately after the delivery up of the said Artillery Arms and Amunition c. that all Officers and Souldiers both of Horse and Foot of the said Army shall march out of their Quarters to Listithiel with their Colours both of Horse and Foot Trumpets and Drummes And that all Officers of Foot above the degree of Serjeants shall take with them such Horses and Servants as properly belong unto themselves as also all reformed Officers their Horses and Arms not exceeding the number of fifty and likewise to take with them all their Bagge and Baggage and Wagons with their Teemes of Horses properly belonging to the said Officers 3. Thirdly It is agreed That they shall have a safe Convoy of a hundred Horse from their Quarters to Lestithiel and thence in their March the nearest convenient way to Poole and Warham provided that they secure the said Convoys return to Bridgwater or His Majesties Army and that in their march they touch not at any Garrison 4. Fourthly It is agreed That in case they shall march from Poole to any other place by land that neither they nor any of them shall bear Arms more then is allowed in this agreement nor do any Hostile act untill they come to Southampton or Portsmouth 5. Fiftly It is agreed That all the Sick and wounded Officers and Souldiers of that Army who are not able to march shall be left at Foy and there secured from any violence to their persons or goods and care taken of them untill such time as they can be transported to Plymouth 6. Sixtly It is agreed That all Officers and Souldiers of that Army for the better conveniency of their march shall be permitted to receive all such Monies Provisions of Victuals and other accommodations as they shall be able to procure from Plymouth To which end they shall have a Passe granted for any Persons not exceeding the number of twelve whom they shall send for the same 7. Seventhly It is agreed That there be no inviting of Souldiers but that such as will voluntarily come to his Majesties Service shall not be hindred MAURICE BRAINFORD Phil. Skippon Christ. Whitchcott According to these Articles his Majesty possessed himself of all the enemies train of Artillery viz. 49. Pieces of fair Brass Ordnance taken then and the day before among which was the great Basilisco of Dover 200. and odd Barrels of Gunpowder Match Ball c. proportionable above 700. Carriages and bewixt 8. and 9. thousand Arms Horse and Foot Amongst the Baggage were found a world of empty Bottles belonging to his Excellencies own Quarter As for their persons his Majesty out of his wonted Clemency was unwilling to shed blood they were his own Subjects which caused so many thousands of them instantly to desire imployment in his Majesties Cause to fight especially against them who had led them into all this and at last run away from them To speak truth this is the most high inexpiable piece of cowardize that ever was committed by one who took on him the name of a General to lead an Army of above ten Thousand men into such miserable necessity all which they endured through his Lordships conduct and then to steal away in a poor little boat by night leaving all his flock to starve or submit to the mercy of another Army But the Earl to excuse himself accuseth the Lord Roberts for betraying him into this County of Cornwal where he promised the people would rise upon his coming which they did to some purpose The Lord Roberts saies 't was the Earls own headinesse to advance Westward expresly contrary to the Ordinance of both houses adding that the Earl might have preserved all if he would have but entertained a Treaty with his Majesty by which pretence he might have gained time till relief had come The inferiour Officers accuse them both and both Officers and Souldiers say 't was long of Sir William Waller for not advancing who twenty to one will fault them at Westminster for not recruiting him and the Members must needs lay it upon the Citizens who would not by any means come forth with Waller And yet Sir William would never have run away by Sea nor his Excellency at Roundway-down you see now what hath been the old difference betwixt the Earl and the other the one for a Race-horse the other for a Cock-boat Though truly 't is a wonder that the Earl would take water when he should take possession of Ten thousand pound per annum which the Members voted him out of the Lord Capel's Lands And in his way as the King
returns sundry Pieces of strength were delivered up to his Mercy as Ilfercombe September 12. Barstable six daies after Saltash storm'd and taken and returns homewards to Banbury and raises that siege and in November his Army Rendezvouse on Burlington Green raiseth Dennington siege and advanceth to Hungerford where the Parliaments Forces leaves the field and rise from Basing siege the King regains Monmouth and returns to Oxford 23. of November And notwithstanding these Martial exploits to them that he was therein defensive and a sufferer also in his good successe he woes his Adversaries for peace all the way he marches out and returning home for after the defeat of Waller at Copredy Bridge he writes himself from Evesham 4. Iuly to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster C. R. We being deeply sensible of the Miseries and Calamities of this our Kingdom and of the grievous sufferings of our poor Subjects doe most earnestly desire that some expedient way be found out which by the blessing of God may prevent the further effusion of blood and restore the Nation to peace from the earnest and constant endeavouring of which as no discouragement given us on the contrary part shall make us cease so no success on ours shall ever divert us For the effecting thereof we are most ready and willing to condescend to all that shall be for the good of us and our people whether by the way of conformity which we have already granted or such further concessives as shall be requisite to the giving of a full assurance of all the performance of all our most real professions concerning the maintenance of the true reformed Protestant Religion established in this Kingdom with due regard to the ease of tender consciences the just priviledges of Parliament and the liberty and property of the people according to the Laws of the Land As also by granting a general pardon without or with exceptions as shall be thought fit In order to which blessed peace we doe desire and propound to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster That they aâ—pâ—int such and so many persons as they shall think fit sufficiently authorized by them to attend us at our Army upon safe conduct to come and return which we do hereby grant and conclude â—iâ—h us how the premisses and all other things in question betwixt us and them may be fully setled whereby all unhappy mistaking between us and our people being removed there may be a present cessation of Arms and as soon as may be a total disbanding of all Armies the Subject have his due and we be restored to our rights Wherein if this our offer shall be accepted there shall be nothing wanting on our part which may make our people secure and happy Given at our Court at Evesham 4. of Iuly 1644. And to shew his gracious inclination to Peace and that he seeks all fair ways and means thereto see how he descends to seek it from a Subject and his deepest Enemy the Earl of Essex at Lestithiel and the King at Liskard Essex I have been very willing to believe that when ever there should be such a Conjuncture as to put it in your power to effect that happy Setlement of this miserable Kingdom which all good men desire you would lay hold of it that season is now before you you having it at this time in your power to redeem your Countrey and the Crown and to oblige your King in the highest degree an action certainly of the greatest piety prudence and honour such an opportunity as perhaps no Subject before you hath ever had or after you shall ever have to which there is no more required but that you join with me heartily and really in the setling of those things which we have both professed constantly to be our onely aims Let us do this and if any shall be so foolishly unnatural as to oppose their Kings their Countries and their own good we will make them happy by Gods blessing even against their wills the onely Impediment can be want of mutual confidence I promise it you on my part as I have endeavoured to prepare it on yours by me Letter to Hertford from Evesham I hope this will perfect it when as I here do I shall have engaged to you the word of a King that you joining with me in that blessed work I shall give both to you and your Armie such eminent marks of my confidence and value as shall not leave a room for the least Distrust amongst you either in relation to the publick or your self unto whom I shall then be Liskaâ—d Aug. 6. 1644. Your faithfull Friend C. R. If you like of this hearken to this Bearer whom I have fully intrusted in particulars but this will admit of no delay To confirm the Kings Intentions and to assure the Armies Ingagement also the great Officers and Commanders subscribe to another Letter to the Earl of Essex My Lord VVe having obtained his Majesties leave to send this to your Lordship shall not repeal the many gracious Messages Endeavours and Declarations which his Majestie hath made and have been so solemnly protested in the presenâ—e of God and Man that we wonder how the most scrupulous can make any doubt of the real and royal performance of them But we must before this apprâ—aching occasion tell your Lordship that we bear Arms for this end onely to defend his Majesties known Rights the Laws of the Kingdom the Libertie of the Subject the Privilege of the Parliament and the true Protestant Religion against Poperie and popish Innovations and this being the professed cause of your Lordships taking Arms we are confident that concurring in the same opinions and pretences we shall not by an unnatural VVar weaken the main strength of this Kingdom and advance the Design of our common Enemies who long since have devoured us in their hopes My Lord the exigent of the time will not suffer us to make any laboured Declarations of our Intentions but onely this That on the Faith of Subjects the Honour and Reputation of Gentlemen and Souldiers we will with our Lives maintain that which his Majestie shall publickly promise in order to a bloudless Peace nor shall it be in the power of any private persons to divert this Resolution of ours and the same we expect from you And now we must take lâ—ave to protest that if this our Proffer be neglected which we make neither in fear of your power nor distrust of our own but onely touched with the approaching miseries of our Nation that what calamities shall oppress posteritie will lie heavie upon the souls and consciences of those that shall decline this Overture which we can not hope so seasonably to make again if this Conjuncture be let go and therefore it is desired that your Lordship and six other persons may meet our General to morrow at such an indifferent place as you shall think fit attended with