Pecuniam suam effuderunt quod inde pauperes omnes recesserunt unde Regi de jure auxilium non debebant they had poured out their money so liberally as that being all impoverished by it they were not obliged to assist him any farther And thus dissolved the Parliament The Clergy of the Realm in the twenty fourth of Edward the first denyed the demand of Contribution in expeditionem Regis contra Gallos ad reprimendos Scotos towards the Kings expedition against the French and the repressing of the Scots And ob has crebras exactiones magnus fit tumultus inter Regem Barones by reason of these frequent extorsions there arose a great difference betwixt the King and the Barons One of the Articles of treason objected against Mortimer in Parliament in the fourth of Edward the third was the offence he bred in the Commonwealth by causing a Subsidie to be exacted This humour of the people did somewhat suit with that of the Inhabitants of Trevers who stoned to death Proclerus for perswading Theodoret the Goth to crave a Subsidy The Clergy in the twelfth of Edward the third deny such a grant of their Wools as the Laiety had yielded to for supplying the King in his affairs of France The like answer they make the forty fourth of the same King when he demanded in Parliament a Subsidy of them and the Commons of 100000l And the same King grown doubtful of his people prest down with Impositions requireth the Archbishop Quod cum Populus Regni sui variis Oneribus Tallagiis Impositionibus praegravetur ut idem Archiepisc Indulgentiarum muneribus piis Exhortationibus aliis modis eundum Populum placare studeat ipsum Regem excuset that since the Subjects of his Kingdom were over-charged with many Burthens Tallages and other Impositions the said Archbishop would by grant of Indulgences seasonable Exhortations and other ways endeavour to pacifie the people and excuse the King By reason of the Census per Capita Pol-money imposed by Parliament in the third of Richard the second to defray the wars in France there were dirae imprecationes in Regem magnae â—…ost perturbationes in Regno ex Plebis insurreâ—…ione heavy and bitter imprecations against â—…he King which were followed with great trouâ—…les in the Nation by the insurrection of the Commons And as well in the reign of this King as some other of his Predecessours and Sucâ—…essours the Parliament was so tender in grant of Subsidy and other Taxes that they added into their Act quod non trahatur in consequentiam that 〈◊〉 should be no example for the future appointing â—…eculiar Treasurers of their own to give account â—…pon Oath the next Parliament and such Grants which they professed to proceed ex libera â—…pontanea voluntate Dominorum Comitatuum â—…rom the free and voluntary grant of the Lords and â—…espective Counties to be void if Conditions on â—…he Kings part were not performed And this unâ—…ortunate King had cast upon him as an argument of his unworthiness to govern the exacting of so great Subsidies and extorting so much money from â—…he Shires that submitted their Fortunes unto his â—…mercy And when Henry the sixth in anno 20. would â—…ave had a Relief from his Subjects de aliqua â—…umma notabili of some considerable summ he â—…ad in answer Propter inopiam c. populi ilâ—…ud non posse obtineri that in regard of the poverâ—…y c. of the people it could not be granted The â—…ike in the twenty fourth of the same King Great men have been disposed sometimes to humour the waste of Treasure in their Princes either to subject Power by Need to their devotion and â—…we for Princes dare most offend them whom they have least cause to use or to force Necessity to extend Prerogative so far untill by putting all into Combustion some may attain unto the end of their Ambition others the redress of supposed Injuries Thus did the Faction of Henry the fourth in the one and the Nobility under Henry the third in the other who hereby quitted the State oppressed as they thought with the Kings Half-brothers the Poictovins and other Strangers Subjects fear to have the enemies of their Soveraigns too much weakned lest themselves become Tyrants And it is in the farthest respect in the Baronage under John Henry his son and Edward the second to fear as much the absolute Greatness of their Soveraign as they did the Diminution of their own estates And therefore when they found their King to grow too fast upon any neighbour Adversary then would they lend their best aid to diminish his power or fortune left by inlarging himself upon the other that poized his greatness he might forget and become a Tyrant as one saith of Henry the first Assumpserat cornua audaciâ— tam contra Ecclesiam quam Regni universalitatem Roberto fratre aliis inimicis edomitis having once overcome his brother Robert and other enemies with audacious and presumptuous horns he goared as well the Church as the rest of the Kingdom breaking his Seal his Charter and his Oath The memory of this caused the Nobility to call in the French Kings Son when John their Soveraign began to know his own authority as they thought too much And the French Subjects aided on the other side Henry the third against their Master when he was almost cooped up in his Britain journey This as the Stories report being a practice usual in those days THe last mischief is the disposition that Military education leaveth in the minds of many For it is not born with them that they so much distaste peace but proceeds from that custome that hath made in them another nature It is rarely found that ever Civil troubles of this State were dangerously undertaken but where the plot and pursuit was made by a spirit so infused King John had been after sine Regno without a Kingdom as he was at first sans terre without land if his rebenediction had not wrought more upon the disloyal designs of Fitzwalter and Marshal whom his own elective love had made great in opinion by the Norman Services than either his rebated Sword or blasted Sceptre could If Simon Montfort had not been too much improved in Experience and his own Opinion by the many services he underwent in the Government of Gascoign he had never so much dared against Duty as to come over at the first call to make head against his Master and pursue him with that fury of Ambition until he had forced him to redeem the liberty of his person by the blasting of so many flowers of his Imperial Crown and to set himself so far below the seat of Majesty as to capitulate with them upon even conditions which not performed I use his own words Liceat omnibus de Regno nostro contra nos insurgere it
never would be drawn to â—he hazard of war for improbe Neptunum acâ—usat qui iterum naufragium facit he blames Neptune very unjustly who suffers shipwrack â—he second time until the French King conâ—ra juramentum formam pacis contrary to â—is oath and the form of peace had vexillis exâ—licatis with banners displayed invaded his doâ—inions in France and with a Fleet intended â—o attempt England ad ipsum Regem viribus subâ—ertendum utterly to undo the King by force of Arms. Richard the second whom as well he left Successour to his troubles as to his Kingdom â—ntred in the decline of his Grandsires fortune â—nd after many years of war and much loss had â—n the end an expectation of peace which opened â—o his Commons and Council in Parliament their longing affection was so much inclined hereto that they advised the King though it were â—n doing homage for Guien Callis and the rest he â—hould not let slip that opportunity Until Charles of France had received that â—angerous Rebel Owen Glendowr by the name â—f Metuendissimi Principis Walliae the most â—read Prince of Wales into a strict confederacy â—gainst his Master whom he vouchsafed no â—ther title than Henricus de Lancastria by â—ontract and had harrowed the Isle of Wight by â—he Duke of Orleans and Earl of Saint Paul â—ntred into Gascoign himself and prepared a Fleet and an Army to invade this Land Henry the fourth did never disquiet his peace and after many prorogued Truces would not break out again until Burgundy that had wrested into his hand the Government of France meanâ— with all his force to besiege Callis and annoy this Realm The Uncle and Chancellour to Henry the fifth declared in Parliament the desire his Master had to procure Peace and how the French King had refused all reason denying to render his prisoners or ransom those taken at Agin-Court battel so that the King was driven to his last hope which was by dint of sword to seek his peace concluding thus his speech Bella faciamuâ— ut Pacem habeamus quia finis Belli Pax est Let us fight that we may obtain peace for the end of war is peace Henry the sixth to save the expence of his people and treasure offered many large and liberal conditions but received in exchange nothing but scoffs he was contented to part with the Dutchy of Mayne to make up a peace with his uncle of France Against the Duke of Somerset it was objected by the Duke of York that he contrary to the Oath and Council by breaking the Amity between the two Princes was the only ground of the loss of Normandy There is extant in the Treasury a petition of 9 Hen. 7. from the Captains and military men propace habenda that they might have peace Neither interest of right nor jealousie of increasing power could draw Henry 8. unto the quarrel of France until the Church complained against Lewis 12. who neither esteeming â—f God good fame nor conscience detained â—he revenues of the Clergy supported the Cardiâ—al William to aspire to the Papacy aided in the â—ege of Boucy Alfonso of Ferrara and the Benivagli both Traytors to the Papal See where â—e intended to lay the foundation of his Empire â—o usurp all Italy and besought him for the pitty â—f our Saviour and by the virtue of his famous Ancestors for I use the words of the Popes Brief that never forsook the Church of God in diâ—ress and by his filial obedience the strongest â—ond to enter into that holy League they having â—lected him against Lewis Coput foeder is Italici Head of the Italian League Edward the sixth until urged with the touch of his honour being by his neighbours neglected â—n the marriage of their Mistress never attempted â—ny war against them The quarrels of France in the time of his sucâ—eeding sister after the marriage with Spain were â—either properly ours nor begun by us although â—n the end we only went away with the loss Her Sister of holy memory to effect the peace with France forbore the demand of Callis for â—ight years and neglected to urge a just debt of four millions from that Crown And the labours she â—pent to confirm amity with Spain by many â—riendly offices of mediation are apparent to the whole world though in the end of her desires she â—ailed whether happily in prevention of the Spaâ—ish Monarchy eternizing her memory or that â—his work of peace was by divine providence reâ—erved for him that could and hath best effected â—t I know not Only I conclude that as the first Monarch in Rome so the first in Britain might justly write Pace Populo Britanno terrâ— marique parta Janum clausi having setled Britaiâ— in peace by Land and sea I have shut up the doorâ— of Janus Temple Forraign arms the ground of trouble at home by the Enemy who to divert will attempt Subjects wearied with Toyl Taxation Feared with the effect of tyranny Inured to wars can never sute after to a quiet life It is evident by our own examples that for the moâ—â— part the Civil or Forraign Armies that have oppressed this State have been either bred out of our first attempting of others or out of the grievance of the Nobility and people either wearied with the toil and charge or feared with the effect of Tyranny which might corrupt the good fortune of their King or else aâ— plague no less of war that the better sort inured to command abroad have forgotten to obey at home and the inferiour by living there upon rapine and purchase unwilling here to tye themselves again to order and industry There is in the Register of State no time that so well expresseth either the danger or damage we underwent in making an adversary as that of Edward the third Out of many examples I will select some few beginning with the tenth of his reign at what time his intention was to attempt somewhat in France but diverted by Philip who mustring in partibus Britanniae ad invadendum Regnum Angliae in the parts of â—ritany to invade the Kingdom of England a â—uissant Army enforced Edward the third to fall â—rom his first purpose and insist upon his own â—uard for which cause to the infinite charge â—f himself and people he levied 80000. men â—ut of the Shires of this Kingdom To withdraw â—is forces from France in the thirteenth of his â—eign they invaded the Realm and burned the â—owns of Plymouth and Southampton places â—hat suffered from the same motive the like caâ—amity In the first of Richard the second after the â—attel of Cressy when they feared our too much â—ooting and we too much believed our own forâ—une for she cito reposcit quod dedit quickly â—alls for back what she gave us the Duke of Normandy to draw home our forces levieth an Army of forty thousand men at armes and forty â—housand
should become Homager to Henry the eighth as to his Soveraign But after that Bourbon had advanced his Army and distressed the French King he in his answer to Master Pace the Kings Ambassadour refused that assurance of duty and gave a just suspicion that he by help of his Party intended to usurp upon that State himself which the Emperour never meant to the King of England left by such footing in France he might grow so great as to give Law to his neighbours And to fall off upon such grounds hath ever been excusable howsoever the bonds of Alliance were Thus did Henry the eighth as often change his hand of help as either Princes of Spain and France got ground of the other And the Spaniard now to keep the States in Italy disunited compoundeth differences at his pleasure or taketh part with the weaker not suffering any though his own dependant to grow too strong which was lately seen in patronizing the D. of Mantua against Savoy according to the Rule of Quinctius in Livy Non tantum interest Aetolorum opes minui it doth not stand us so much in hand to break the strength of the Aetâ—lians yet they were enemies quantum non supra modum Philippum crescere as it doth to see that Philip grow not too potent who was their friend The difference in Religion may bring likewise a twofold danger The one with our Confederates the other with the Subjects of this Crown For whensoever we shall attempt upon a Catholick Prince as France where we have the fairest pretences for with any other we are like to have no question then is all Contract of mutual aide left to the election of our Confederate who may with all easiness procure from the See of Rome a discharge of all Contracts although they were by Oath For if in Leagues where either party have been Catholicks as that between Edward 3. and John King of France and that between John of Gaunt and the King of Castile they ever out of such suspect inserted this Clause That neither side should procure dispensationem c. either per Ecclesiam Romanam vel per aliquam aliquam a Dispensation either by the Church of Rome or any other way to do contra formam Tractatus contrary to the form of Agreement How much more must their jealousie be to us And therefore in a Consultation in Henry the eighths time whether with best security we should Confederate with France or Spain it was resolved that either of them may slip of their advantage by colour of our Separation from the Church of Rome if there be no better hold in their Honesties than in their Bonds For it will be held not only worthy dispensation but merit to break all Leagues with the enemies of that Church by the Doctrine of that See which teacheth all Contracts with any Catholick Prince to be instanti dissolved because we are by them ranked in the list of Hereticks which holds proportion with the Rule and Direction that Urban the sixth sent by Bull to Wenceslaus King of Bohemia and Charles the Emperour before the Council of Constance declaring all Confederations Leagues and Conventions to be Lege Divina temerariae illicitae ipso jure nullae etiamsi forent fide data firmatae aut Confirmatione Apostolica roboratae to be by the Law of God invalid void and in Law null although confirmed by the plighting of faith nay though strengthned by confirmation Apostolical if the parties were separati ab Unitate sanctae Ecclesiae separate from the Unity of Holy Church when the league was made or si postea sint effecti if they become so after What assurance can there then be either with France who is received by his Rebenediction into the Bosome of the Church and his son made Adoptivus Filius Ecclesiae an adopted Son of the Church or against him with Spain who being Protector and Champion of that See Apostolick submitteth himself as he hath ever done to the Popes pleasure and design and must not only forsake but aide against us in any war we should there undertake Besides it is considerable howsoever all sides of our own will joyn in point of defence to a mutual aide whether they will so in a forraign Invasion especially when the party assailed shall be of their own Religion For when the Interdiction of the Pope could draw against John King of England and Lewis the twelfth a side of their own Subjects as it did after in the same Kingdom against Henry the third though all three conformable in points of Religion to that See how much more will it work with the people devoted to their opinions in a State divided from their obedience For amongst us the Catholick Church hath many Jesuits to raise Faction and divert people from duty the Recusants many and Malecontents not few all which with war will discover themselves but now by this happy calm unassured of assistance lock up their riches in security and their hearts in silence And therefore by any enterprize it is not with the rule of Seneca safe concutere felicem statum For by provoking of some adversary in respect of Papal protection they pick advantage to ground a quarrel of Religion and then the sancta expeditio the holy expedition against Lewis will be made Bellum Sacrum a holy War against us But admitting no less than in former times an easiness to attempt it is not a meditation unnecessary to think in general of the dangers and impossibilities to retain For first we must more than transgress Limites quos posuerunt Patres the Bounds which our Fathers owned and relinquish that defence of Nature wherewith she hath incircled divided and secured us from the whole world Te natura potens Pelago divisit ab omni Parte orbis tutaut semper ab hoste fores From all the Earth Nature hath parted thee With Seas and set thee safe from Enemy and commit our Frontiers had we never so much upon the next Continent to the protection of an Army which besides the continual Charge if we give Ambitious and able Commanders as unable for our Interest we will not how ready shall it be in such a Leader and so backt if he please to give Law to his own Countrey For Trifles will be quarrels good enough for such as can make them good by Power And whensoever means and Ambition leads any to trouble the State he will be sure to colour his pretext with honest Titles Alii sicuti Jura populi defenderent Pars quo Senatus authoritas maxima foret bonum publicum simulantes some declaring to maintain the rights of the People others to uphold the authority of the Senate all pretending to act for the publick good Hence was it that Augustus refused to add any more of the Barbarous Nations to the body of his Empire which with great facility he might have
shall be lawful for all persons in our Kingdom to rise up against us and to do omnia quae gravamen nostrum respiciant acsi Nobis in nullâ— tenerentur so to act all things in reference to the grievances from us upon them as if they were by no tye obliged to us If Richard Duke of York had never learned to be so great a Souldier at the cost of his Master Henry the sixth in another State he had never disquieted the calm of his Times or given just occasion to his Opposite Somerset to say That if he had never learned to play the King by his Regency in France he had never forgot to obey as a Subject when he returned into England Our own times can afford some whose spirit improved by Military imployment and made wanton with popular applause might have given instance of these dangers if good success had been a relative to bad intentions And every age breeds some exorbitant spirits who turn the edge of their own sufficiency upon whatsoever they can devour in their ambitious apprehensions seeking rather a great than a good Fame and holding it the chiefest Honour to be thought the Wonder of their times which if they attain to it is but the condition of Monsters that are generally much admired but more abhorred But war some may say mouldeth not all men thus for vertuous men will use their weapons for ornament amongst their Friends against Enemies for defence And to those men their own goodness is not safe nam Regibus boni quam mali suspectiores sunt for Kings suspect good men sooner than bad Kings must have their Ministers pares negotiis fit for their business and not supra above it or too able for it For another mans too-much sufficiency as they take it is a diminution of their respectiveness and therefore dangerous THe meaner sort having forgot the toile of their first life by inuring themselves to the liberty of War which leaveth for the most part the lives of men to their own looseness and the means of getting to their own justice can never again endure either order or labour and so return but to corrupt the Common-wealth with their lawless manners For living more riotously than the rapine of forraign victory could warrant as for the most they do in contempt of their own private Want and Fortune they desire a change of the publick Quiet In Tumults and Uproars they take least care for their livings however the world goes they can be no losers for like Silla's Army making no difference between sacred and profane Robberies for the victors Sword seldom teacheth either mean or modesty they will be ready upon every advantage to pillage their Countrey-men at home For who can expect men dissolutely disciplined can ever use their armes with moderation Against the fury of such seditious Outrages many Parliaments as in the twenty second of Hen. the sixth have been sollicited for redress And that example in Champaign after the Peace at Callis 1360. where this licentious Rout at the close of those wars slew the Duke of Bourbon and besieged the Pope at Avignon may suffice to express this mischief It hath no less weakened the bond of mutual Trade since our Merchants whom the necessity of late times left to recover by force the losses they pretended do now teach as a Maxime of their Mysterie and our State That the directest way either to wealth or security is by Rapine and Spoil and to cloak their own ends pretend the common good as if the State stood by their affections when in truth they themselves cannot fish but in aqua turbida in troubled waters and therefore would have Incendium Patriae a bonefire of their Countrey if it be but to keep warm and awake their own humours THe last motive from Necessity is the ease War bringeth to a surcharged State Intending it seemeth War but as the Sink and Souldiers but as the Corruptions of Common-weals whereas besides the inevitable use of the one and the noble condition of the other an Errour in the argument Nature doth never oppress further by increase than she again dischargeth The breast of the Mother she enableth to nourish up as many as the Womb shall uno partu at one birth ever bring forth proportioning to the number of the Children the condition of their Strength and Appetites It is then accession of our own that may furcharge for Parents by such indulgent admission may soon famish whom in Motherly affection they intend to cherish But admitting the former ground whether by this way of waste we be ever able and at pleasure to gage the Issue when such elective power is left to him only qui suis stat viribus non alieno pendet arbitrio who stands by his own strength and not at the pleasure of another is considerable since to begin cuivis licet deponere cum victores â—â—lunt is easie for any man but the laying down â—ill be at the Conquerours pleasure For the wastâ—…g of our people in ambitious Enterprizes as that â—…r an Empire by Constantine in France left this 〈◊〉 and as a prey to the barbarous Frontiers â—…mni milite floridae juventut is alacritate spoliaâ—… being left naked of Souldiery and robbed of â—…e choicest flower of youth And when we were â—…ed to make good our undertaking in France the waste of our people was so great that to supply extremity we took purgamenta urbium the dregs â—f Towns as Curtius saith of Alexander â—eed hiring the Bankrupts by protection as in â—…e twenty second of Edward the first and enâ—…orcing against the rule of justice the Judges to â—…ut Placita corum in respectu qui in obsequium Reâ—…is profecturi sunt Pleas in the behalf of such as â—…ere to go in the Kings service And as Tacitus â—…f a declined Majesty saith emunt militem non â—…egunt they buy their Souldiers rather than make â—…hoice of them we made purchase of general Pardons of all that were Utlegati Banniti aut de Feloniis indictati si cum Rege transitare voluerint out-lawed excommunicated or indicted of Feâ—…ony in case they would go over with the King As in the same year of the former King and in the year after were dischaged out of all Prisons in the Realm to the number of ninety seven notorious Maâ—…efactors b And in the eighteenth of Edward the second and eighth of Edward the third and â—weleth of Edward the fourth we did the like An army better apted by Necessity than Election to â—ive upon the Enemy Quibus ob Egestatem Flagitia maxima peccandi necessitudo est whose â—ndigency and former ill way of life must needs make them ready for any mischief In the end 〈◊〉 this King last remembred and entrance of 〈◊〉 Heir Richard the second the State began to be seâ—… sible of consuming Issue which not lying in thâ—… Kings power now as the strength of France
it hath blessed both us and that Kingdom with the benefit of Peace yet hath it not delivered himself from a large and yearly expence here for supportation of that State out of his own Treasure And thus far in answer of the Argument from increase of Revenue by forraign Dominions As to the Arguments of Honour by addition of Titles and forraign Territories it may suffice in answer That so long as this Crown was actually possessed of any such Signiory the Tenure and Service did ever bring with it a note and badge of Vassalage than which nothing to so free a Monarch as the King of England who is Monarcha in Regno tot tanta habet Privilegia quot Imperator in Imperio a Monarch in his Kingdom and hath as many and as large Priviledges therein as an Emperour in his Empire could be more in blemish or opposition To write Domino Regi nostro Franciae To our Lord the King of France as during the time we held the Provinces in France we usually did in all our Letters and publick Contracts with that Crown can be called no addition of Honour And whether upon every command to act in person those base services of Homage and Fidelity as first in putting off the Imperial Crown the kneeling low at the foot of that King and taking an Oath to become Homme liege du Roys de France a liege subject to the Kings of France c. we in performing so the duties of a subject do not much more disparage the dignity of a Soveraign is no question of doubt From these considerations of Reputation and Honour the greatest stayes that support Majesty and retain Obedience our Kings of England have as far as to the forfeit of those Signiories either avoided or refused the services As King John did Normandy and Edward the second resigned to his Son the Duchy of Aquitain to put off the act of homage from himself to whom it could not in respect of his Regality but be a dishonour As appeareth in Henry the second who having made his Son Consortem Imperii a King of England with him Homagium à Filio noluit saith the Record quia Rex fuit sed securitatem accepit would not receive Homage of him because he was a King but took his Security In the seventeenth of Richard the second the Lords and Justices would not consent to a Peace with France unless the King might not do Homage they held it so basâ— supposing thereby the liberty of the Kings Person and Subject wronged And thus much of the little Reputation that either in Title or Territory those subordiante Duchies in France added to this Crown As for the Kingdom of France the people of England were so little in love with that Title as any Honour to them that by Acts of Parliament 14 Ed. 3. and 8 Ed. 5. they provided that the Subjects of England should owe no Obedience to the King as King of France nor the Kingdom of England be in any wise subjected by such Union to that Crown And so much we have ever been in fear of that place lest it might leave this State to the misery of a Provincial Government as in 17 H. 6. the Commons urged to contribute for the recovery of that Crown answered that the gaining of any footing in France would induce the Kings aboad there and by such absence cause great decay and desolation in this State besides the transport of our money in the mean time which would inrich that Countrey and impoverish the Realm at home whereby we should justly again say Britannia servitutem suam quotidie emit quotidie poscit The Britains are every day begging to be slaves every day giving money for it THe last motive is the advantage we now have of greater Facility and assurance of Success in any forreign enterprise by this happy Union of both Kingdoms than ever any of our Ancestors had To which in answer nothing can be more full than laying down the motives and means that led on the Kings of this Realm to attempt and prosperously effect their undertakings in other parts weigh how they suit these times and whether that any or all the advantages we now have may be to them of equal worth and valuation The first consideration is in Place the next in Person In the wars of France whether those for the defence of particular Signiories or competition of the intire Kingdom we had ever Ports to land at and Forts to retire to which now we have not The coast of Normandy was our own by which we might enter the midst of France And Edward the third when he intended to annoy the East part sided with Montfort against Charles de Bloys whom he invested with the Duchy of Britain that so he might have there an easie footing Thus by leave of his Confederates in Flanders he had safe entrance for all his Army to invade the other side and a sure retreat when upon any occasion he would come back as he did to Antwerp And wheresoever any Army may have a quiet descent the greatest difficulty is overcome for the rest consisteth in Chance wherein Fortune is rather wont to prevail than Vertue But ibi grave est Bellum gerere ubi nullus est Classâ— Portus apertus non ager pacatus non Civitassocia non consistendi aut procedendi locus quocunque circum spexeris hostilia sunt omnia There 't is a hard task to wage war where there is no Port open for our Navy the Countrey our enemy no City our Confederate no place to make a stand or to march out from but whithersoever a man looks he can see nothing but hostile intentions against us And this must be now our case which was never our Ancestors Advantage personal was either A Party found made For the Persons considerable the aâ—… the Subjects to our enemies or our own Confederates Of the first our Kings heretofore did either work on the opportunity of any dissention ministred or by Pension and Reward either make a fraction in Obedience or Neutrality in Assistance with the Subjects of their Adversary The Dukes of Burgundy Earls of Britain Dreux and others in France offended with their Sovereign Confederati erant Comiti Britanniae Henrico Regi Angliae became Confederates with Henry Earl of Britain and King of England and thereupon drew him over into Britain The same King by yearly Pensions of 7000 l. kept divers in Poictou in fraction against their Lord and their own Loyalty Edw. 3. had never undertaken the conquest of France if Robert de Artoys displeased with the Sentence of Philip his Master for that Earldom had not incited and complotted for him as Godfrey of Harecourt did after Nor Henry 5. if the unsound memory of the French King the jealousie of those Princes and Orleantial Faction had not made his way and Fortune Confederates THe