Selected quad for the lemma: master_n

Word A	Word B	Word C	Word D	Occurrence	Frequency Band	MI	MI Band	Prominent
master_n	great_a	king_n	place_n	2,734	4	4.1078	3	false

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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A46647	Salmasius his dissection and confutation of the diabolical rebel Milton in his impious doctrines of falshood, maxims of policies, and destructive principles of hypocrisie, insolences, invectives, injustice, cruelties and calumnies, against His Gracious Soveraign King Charles I : made legible for the satisfaction of all loyal and obedient subjects, but by reason of the rigid inquisition after persons and presses by the late merciless tyrant Oliver Cromwel, durst not be sold publickly in this kingdom, under pain of imprisonment and other intollerable dammages.	Jane, Joseph, fl. 1600-1660.; Saumaise, Claude, 1588-1653.	1660 (1660)	Wing J451A; Wing S739_CANCELLED; ESTC R35159	253,024	288

cannot cure nor prayers profit declares his prayers noe other then Charmes and himselfe a man that can neither cure nor pray and sets prayer among those things he scoffes at aswell as the Titles of him that is only to be prayed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vpon the KINGS Calling this last PARLIAMENT THat which the King lajes downe as his foundation that he called this last Parliament not more by others advice and the necessitie of his affaires then by his owne choice and inclination is to all knowing men so apparently vntrue that a more inauspicious Sentence could hardly have come into his minde That his Majest intention could be apparent to all knowing men must have better Authoritie then this Authors word to be beleived His Majest best knew his own intentions and ought to be credited against the Malicious conjectures of such as seeke matter of slander against him to shelter their owne impieties never King of England shewed greater affection to Parliaments then his Majest and never King found greater ingratitude His frequent coming to Parliaments in his Fathers Raigne His many good offices done the houses and the larg acknowledgments of their obligations to him are vpon the Records of both houses Vpon the death of his Father he instantly called a Parliament seeking to continue the same vnderstanding betweene him and his houses as there had been in the time of his Father He had then entred into a dangerous warr with Spaine vpon the Parliaments Councell was in preparation of a greate fleete stood charged with a greate debt left on him by his Father besides deepe engagements to his Allies abroade the supplies the then Parliament gave him were two Subsidies he then desired an addition only of fortie thousand pound which was refused him If any man shall say now that the King called not that Parliament of his owne inclination because he was discontented to be so dealt with by them knowing men wil hardly beleive him such men as are justly displeased with factions in Parliament might truly affect them when they are rightly disposed and this Sentence which I conoclastes holds so inauspicious imports not that which his false Augurie Prognosticates for though his Majest received provocations and causes of dislike from severall Parliaments it followes not that he could have no intention to call one when there was a probabilitie of removing the causes of former disorders which his Majest expresses in his ensuing discourse The inclination of a Prince is best knowne by those next about him or by the current of his Actions These neerest this King were Courtiers and Prelates and it was their Continuall exercise to dispute and preach against them For the Actions of others Iconoclastes would thinke them a weake proofe of his intentions though the persons were very neere him and though there were preaching and disputes against the proceedings of some Parliaments it s no proofe of the Kings intentions nor theirs that vsed them against the right vse of Parliaments and the proceedings of some Parliaments might give just occasion to men to say the King they hoped would have no more neede of them and it is a very greate happinesse of any state not to neede them the necessitie of them proceeding from want and danger and there was a time when people held Parliaments a burthen to hem and those in Parliament claimed it that they were not bound to attend the Parliament above fortie dayes and our owne stories tells vs of an indoctum Parliamentum and insanum Parliamentum And doth Iconoclastes thinke that all such as were out of love with such Parlaments had no affection to any This was he sajes but the Coppy which his Parasites had industriously taken from his owne words and Actions who never called a Parliament but to supply his necessities Such as have observed the inclinations of persons neere his Majest finde non greater Parasites then such as proved Traytours to him and Parasites are not wanting to other powers as wel as Kings for we finde by this Author what men will do to please their Masters eyther by offitiousnes to their persons or the performance of villanie against others This Author spends his mouth in vaine following his common place of Parafites and Courtiers when the Actions he mentions are so farr from reflecting vpon his Majest as they leave the blemish vpon the Relatour That his Majest had necessities when he called a Parliament is knowne to all the causes of them but that he was ready all wayes to heare and redresse the just greivances of his people could never yet be contradicted by the experience in any Parliament al though the Author say having Supplied these he suddenly and nominiously dissolved it without redressing any one greivance of the people But if the Parliaments never presented to him on greivance to be redressed which he denyed where lies the ignominie It seemes the Author takes not the petition of right to be of that nature for that was graunted by the King and that concession of his was then judged as greate an Act to the redresse of greivances as ever King of England graunted his people His Majest summoned three Parliaments before the short Parliament at the beginning of these troubles and in non of these were there any greivances presented by the Parliament to the King to be redressed but that petition of right vnles a Remonstrance against the Duke of Buckingham be reckned in that number and if the people had just greivances to be redressed they had just cause of complaint against those Conventions and of late repentance for their credulitie that depended so much on them that so little regarded their Sufferings If we looke vpon the length of time wherein these Parliaments sate wee shal finde sessions concluded diverse good lawes made in the like space of time in the Raignes of former Kings and whoever lookes to the journalls of the houses in these Parliaments of his late Majest or whoever was present in them must confesse that those that governed in the lower house minded nothing lesse then the redresse of greivances or making of lawes which were formally talked of to entertaine time while private annimosities and personall revenges were made the sole busines of importance in the space of fower moneths no one greivance was prepared to be presented to his Majest and Iconoclastes heapes vp vntruths without respect to the apparence of their detection for this first Parliament was so far from being suddenly dissolved after the King was supplyed that the greate Plague not permitting them to sit longer at west minster his Majest adiourned them to Oxford and in ano●…her Parliament after the supply given him there was a second meeting which might have had a longer continuance if it had insisted on the redresse of greivances but whence takes he the occasion to say Ignominiously dissolved Where was the Ignominie Had not his Majest a legall right to do it And if the houses would

that the interest of a King can have an opposition to that of his people which is vainely fancied hy him or that any thing by him alledged should worke such opposition And although there have been disputes in Courts and Parliaments touching the profitts and rights of the Crowne yet before this Rebell generation non were so shameles to pretend them causes of the subjects violence and necessarily destructive to the King or people which had the people imagined would have been the issue of a Parliament they would have had a greater aversion to it then Iconoclastes supposes in his late Mejest And as the preservation of the people is the Kings interest so his preservation is theirs which the people now finde to late and could not foresee that such as made vse of the pretence of their interest minded it least Till eight or nine yeares after proceeding with a high hand in these enormities having the second time levied an injurious warr against his native countrey Scotland and finding all those other shifts of raysing money which bore out his first expedition now to faile him not of his own choice and inclination as any childe may see but vrged by strong necessities and the very pangs of State which his owne violent proceedings had brought him to he calls a Parliament Iconoclastes is very industrious to shew that he can expresse the malice of his heart with his pen and can give false denominations to Actions with greater confidence then true where it may advantag his Masters The gentle hand wherewith his Majest governed during the nine yeares he mentions brands that high hand of slander and de●…action which this breaker stretches out against him and it will fill posteritie with amazement at the folly of the present age that should take such things for enormities as fines for knighthood Coate conduct and shipmony whereof some of them were scarce felt or observed and the rest easily borne And submit themselves to contributions excises loanes and taxes to which those which he calls enormities hold no proportion But not contented with the false appellations of his Majest Civill Actions he proceedes to defy and reproach his Actions for preservation and defence of his Kingdome and calls it an injurious warr to resist an invading Enemy That the Scotts were entred neere a hundred mile into the Kingdome at the time he mentions he cannot be ignorant and to call the warr injurious on his Majest part cannot come from any that thinkes any thing injurious that Rebells commit or any thing just that Governours commaund When any Actions are rehearsed of his Majest against the Scotts the Traytours call them vnjust and amplifie their slander with the Circumstance of his native Countrey When the Scotts offer obedience to the King or he concurr with them they decry such Actions in respect they are of his native Countrey thus shifting saying and gainsaying to deceive the people If there any yet remaine that will trust such common Cheates His collection that necessitie and not choice brought the King to call a Parliament followes not from any of his premisses His Majest doth not exclude the necessitie of his affaires from moving him to call the Parliament When he sayes that be called the Parliament not more by necessitie then his owne choice doth he exclude necessitie or affirme his owne choice only without consideration of Circumstances Parliaments ought not to be called but vpon greate occasions and their too often Convention is a burthen not an ease to the people and such was the judgment of the late Parliament at the beginning It is not new that necessities have caused Kings to call Parliaments which yet was never made an Argument to prove their owne vninclination to call a Parliament His descant vpon strong necessities and pangs of state layes open the Treason of these conspiratours that plotted how their Country might pine and languish that so vnnaturall Emperickes might exercise their bloody practice and a mercilesse Tyrany could only be exspected from such as sought their power by their Countreyes sufferings And if his Majest proceedings had been violent they had not produced that necessitie First in Ireland which only was to give him four subsidies and so to expire then in England where his first demaund was but twelue subsidies to maintaine a Scotch warr condemned and abominated by the whole Kingdome promising their greivances should be considered af●…erwards The Parliament in Ireland he might have knowne was not the first that was called in the nine yeares he mentions but falshood are so common that mistakes are not worth the observation and if the King had called that Parliament in Ireland to obtaine ●…ower subsidies where had been the fault May not a King call a Parliament to be supplyed But if Iconoclastes had patience to know truth or speake it he might ea●…ily have found a greate number of good lawes made in that Parlia●…ent to worke a conformitie of that nation to England and he vnseasonably produced this instance of the Parliament of Ireland which so mainely contradicts his assertion for the necessities alone he supposes could not worke the calling of that Parliament where Parliaments had been so frequent before In England where he sayes his Majest first demaund was but twelue subsidies he hath lost his expectation and his Ironicall but hath lost its mirth for he cannot thinke that the people now apprehend twelue subsidies so greate a demaund by the King when they see a farr greater proportion given the Scotch for invading the Kingdome and aftersuch an execrable warr and barbarous prodigalitie their greivance is increast and all that is effected or pretended to be done for them is the Destruction of King and Church and dividing the Estates of both among the Master Rebells vpon whose Arbitrary and vnlimited power they must now depend That those twelue subsidies were demaunded to maintaine Scotch warr hath no colour of truth it being not at al propounded And as it had been a sottish and perverse disposition to have condemned the warr against the Scotts when they were in preparation to invade England so it is as shamelesly said by Iconoclastes that it was condemned and abominated by the whole people Himselfe if a wicked obduration had not made him love lying must have conffessed that the late Earle of Essex though afterward in Rebellion against the King with greate demonstrations of Zeale and affection to his Majest went a Commaunder in that expedition And if we respect the qualitie or number of noble worthy persons that engaged themselves in that first warr our stories have rarely remembred an Army that went into Scotland of greater number of eminent persons so as Iconoclastes hath just cause to condemne and abominate himselfe for the Lewdenes and evidence of this vntruth and if the then Parliament had not been abused by some representing his Majest desires the designes of such as meant to make advantage of the breach of that Parliament had been

out surely if there had been either such an vnwritten law and soe constantly enjoyed and claimed it would have been often enrolled ere now but the libeller expected applause for his conceite not creditt to his assertion If the Scotts could charge the King with breach of their lawes for breaking vp that Parliament without their consent it were vnreasonable that the wisedome of England should be soe wanting to it selfe as not to provide against the not calling or arbitrary dissolving of Parliaments If they had provided against it where was the confidence he talked of It followes not that because the Scotts charged the King with breaking of the Parliament without their consent that therefore the King offended in it neither was the wisedome of the English nation wanting to it selfe in leaving the calling and dissolving of Parliaments Arbitrary to the King it being a power essentiall to Monarchy and we have seene that the taking away of that power dissolves the Government and drawes confusion and miserie vpon the state and it cannot be avoyded but that from a power erected to affront the soveraigntie there must follow sedition and Civill discord People must depend vpon their Kings grace and goodnes for redresse of their greivances whose power and safetie consists in their welfare not seeke by violence to be their owne Carvers and the people never found soe greate suffering by submission to their Kings as by seeking wayes to oppose them It appeares that if this Bill of not dissolving were an vnparalleld act i●… was a knowne and Common right That it was an vnparalleld Act he doth not deny that it was a Common right noe where appeares and how can that be an vnparalleld Act that is a Common right He sayes it s not enrolled and how then shall it appeare to be Common right What needed written Acts when as it was anciently esteemed part of his Crowne oath His Crowne oath is well knowne and may not be tryed by estimation but inspection The libellers estimation hath as litle proofe as authoritie He referrs the lawerlie mooting of this point to a booke called the rights of the Kingdome written it seemes by some Author of as much fidelitie in his quotations as this libeller in his narrations and to other law Tracts being neither his Element nor proper worke since the booke which he hath to answeare pretends to reason not to Authoritie And he holds reason to be the best Arbitratour and the law of law it selfe And it appeares by his writings that reason is neither his Element nor worke heere for had he vse of reason he would not referr vs to bookes that are onely of Authoritie to prove the ignorance and boldnes of the writer neither could reason judge it a law that a king should not dissolve a Parliament till all particular greivances were considered though the setting of it might prove an incurable greivance but his reason would have the Parliament defend the Kingdome with their votes as the Roman Senatours their Capitall with their robes against the Gaules The King must not be at such distance from the people in judging what is better and what worse That the people are not the best judges of what is better and what is worse the libeller himselfe acknowledges saying they are excessive in all their motions and is it not reason that the King then should be at such distance in judging but the libeller seekes to be at greate distance with truth that sayes the Kings owne words condemned him that he had not knowne as well with moderation to vse as with earnestnes to desire his owne advantages Where as the King spake not of himselfe but others his words were If some men had knowne as well with moderation to vse as with earnestnes to desire advantages of doing good or evill Doth this man thinke reason the law of law or falshood the Master of both law and reason that soe palpably belyes the booke before him The King sayes a continuael Parliament he thought would keepe the Commonwealth in tune To this sayes the Libeller Iudge Commonwealth what proofes he gave that this boasted profession was ever in his thought The king doubtles thought not that every Parliament would keepe the Commonwealth in tune but a Parliament that preferred publique good before private faction The King saith as he relates him some gave out that I repented me of that setling Act. The Libeller sayes his owne Actions gave it out beyound all supposition for he went about soe soone after to abrogate it by the sword Heere the Libeller omitts a materiall word which the King vsed which was soone for the Kings words are that I soone repented It is well knowne that the wicked vse which the Traytours made of that setling Act might give the king just cause to repent him of it but as the king vsed not the sword till many Moneths after the passing of that Bill soe the cause of his Armes were the violent and Trayterous Actions of a faction not the abrogation of that Bill The King calls those Acts which he confesses tended to their good noe more Princely then friendly contributions as if sayes the Libeller to doe his dutie were of Courtesie and the giving backe of our Liberties stood at the mercy of his contribution He would have it beleived that Parents can doe nothing for their childrens good out of favour all is of dutie and noe thankes belongs to them from their children nor any from subjects to their Soveraignes or rulers for the greatest benefitts they receive by good Government and all the vigilance watchfullnes pietie of Princes for the peoples good is not at all thankes worthy theis are the Maximes of Rebells and if Kings will not yeelde vp their power they may be compelled and the quitting of Government for which Kings must give account to God is by theis mens Divinitie the giving backe of liberties being noe other then to give licence to all wickednes and beare the sword in vaine The kings sayes he doubts not but the affections of his people will compensate his sufferings for those Acts of confidence To this sayes the libeller not his confidence but his distrust brought him to his sufferings and he trusted nere the sooner for what he tells of their pietie and Religious strictnes but rather hated them as Puritans whome he allwayes sought to extirpate The libeller himselfe cannot deny but that if the king had not had confidence that those Acts of his would not have beē abused he would not have graunted them for if he had not been so confident it had been much more eligible for him to hav run the peril of a war without graunting them and wee have seene by experience that many as well as the king were deceived in those that profest pietie and Religious strictnes and though the king had just cause to hate the faction of the hipocriticall Puritan yet he thought that there could not soe much impietie lurke in

Kingdome now feele who vnderstood not the word when they were at first hoodminckt by it to seeke they knew not what The deliverance which these men boast of is the deprivation of just Government and the substitution of lawles will and the people see that they are soe farr from a deliverance that they are delivered over to a languishing miserie vnder the sharpest servitude and they now finde their Idolizing a Parliament hath drawne them from their loyaltie to him whome God had set over them and cast them vnder the hard bondage of these Masters and like them which rejected the sonns of Gideon and tooke the sonne of his servant to raigne over them they feele a fire of division kindled among them to devoure one another This Libeller allowes not any thoughts of revenge in his Majest now living for the murder of his father and yet reproacheth him for making peace with the Irish and not seeking their totall extirpation and the peace with them he calls a sordid dishonourable and irreligious seeking of his Crowne But the man is vnwilling he should have any wayes at al and would perswade his Sectaries for none els will beleive him that the King may not make peace with a Rebell submitting to oppose a Rebell persevering That the Presbiter Scott which woes the King now living is put of proceedes from his termes not from his qualitie Should not the people of England seeke the restitution of their King and legall Government whereof they have been cheated with the adulterate ostentations of libertie and redresse of greivances they would appeare arrant beasts that cryed out and below'd by the instinct of their drivers fighting like brutes till they ran into the pinfold where they are reserved for servitude and slaughter by those Masters who allured them with foode to put the yoake on their neckes The Libeller dislikes the kings conclusion that Religion to God and loyaltie to the King cannot be parted without the sinne infelicitie of a people And sayes its contrary to the teaching of Christ that noe man can serve two Masters These are fit Judges of our dutie to God or man and fit reformers of Church and state that will have the service of a Master or obedience to a father the serving of another Master then God and the spirit of God speaking by St. Peter feare God and honour the King must contradict the teaching of Christ such Church makers doe we now live with Such as served heathen Masters may not leave their service though they serve not their heathen Gods at their Commaund and if they did desert their earthly Masters for that reason they did not serve their Master in heaven who will be served by their subjection to their earthly Masters but he that will serve himselfe cannot serve God and that selfe service is the whole worke of these Rebells who pretend to put God in the first place that they may leave him noe place and such as desert their King vpon pretence of Gods service desert God to serve themselves and they will only enjoy their power and wealth and ease for Gods sake but suffer for him they will not that kinde of testimony to the truth of Religion they account among the corruptions of the first ages of the Church and they have found a more accurate and pleasant way to serve God Intitled MEDITATIONS VPON DEATH BEcause the King affordes time to inveigh bitterly against that murder but in the Libellers language Iustice done on him it will be as he sayes needefull to say something in defence of those proceedings Doubtles all that witt or impudence can offer in defence of that Barbarisme is farr short of a colourable excuse He is courting of apocripha and makes a Prologue out of Esdras and Josephus Authors in his judgment not lesse beleived then any vnder sacred brings forth the story of the three wise questions and zorobabells determination for women and truth Quorsum haec Though he be not asked nor in a nation that gives such rewards to wisedome his Masters have not that bountie to restore the King that he may sitt next him their gratitude being of the same Stampe with their loyaltie he shall pronounce his sentence somewhat different that eyther truth and Iustice are all one or els that Iustice by his office is to put forth more strength in the affaires of mankinde To what purpose doth he soe solemnely produce this peice of Apocripha and pronounce his sentence different Iustice is a vertue of the minde and putts forth noe more strength in the affaires of mankinde then truth but he talkes of justice and truth as if they were members of the house of Commons The sensuall appetite of some is too strong for their vnderstanding and thence proceeded the conclusions for the strength of wine and women In others the vnderstanding and reason are stronger and there truth is strongest but we may be assured that in this Libeller and his Masters ambition crueltie and falshood are strongest and thence their Actions are an oppression and defiance of truth and Iustice and they are growne soe absurd as from the Titles of strength given to vertues and passions this triflinge Libeller would haue them non resident and to act without a subject If Zorobabell had made truth a fantastical person as this man strives to have justice vnderstood he had surely lost his reward as well as the opinion of his wisedome This man would have Iustice vnderstood as shee is painted in a peice of Tapistry Iustice had a sword putt into her hand to vse against all violence oppression in the earth By whome was this sword putt into her hand Doe theis Traytours beleive that their magnifying of Iustice makes any man looke on their Barbarous Actions with lesse detestation or that justice is any part of their end or Actions Justice teaches Rulers how to vse the sword put into their hands but is armelesse against any violence and oppression without the power of the Ruler If the Magistrate doe injustice there is noe justice committed to others against him The wise man by the spirit of God tells vs that he beheld wrong and injustice and the cryes of the oppressed and there was noe deliverer and where then was the Libellers justice was not violence there stronger then justice Though divine justice cannot be avoyded humane justice often fayles and cannot reach the offender Shee is most truly who accepts no person and exempts none from the severitie of her stroake Though by the Rules of justice there is no accepting nor exempting of persons yet the Magistrate to whome alone the Rule belongs is confined to persons and places justice forbidding all vsurpation and striking is oppression where lawfull power gives not the sword Shee never suffers injury to prevayle but when falshood first prevailes over truth and that is a kinde of justice done on them who are soe deluded And is not falshood an injury why should justice suffer falshood

circumlocution There is a greate difference betweene the sword of Rebellion and the sword of hostilitie betweene the sword of lawles violence the sword of justice Christians never thought that any sword drawne by subjects against their King did not violate their loyaltie Alleagiance much lesse that their professed loyaltie and Alleagiance led them to direct Armes against the Kings person If loyaltie leade to hostilitie it were an ill foundation of obedience Truth is not lesse wounded by lying then loyaltie by Armes against the King Some doubtles foresaw not the consequents of their beginnings and being deceived by wrong principles fel into vnhappy conclusions which they suspected not to follow from their premisses but as they are deceived that wil sever absurd conclusions from erroneous premisses so are they that wil hope to avoyde desperate consequents from ill grounded Actions Doth Iconoclastes hold it necessary that al they that have fallen into an impietie must be impenitent and because they have been sinners must they become Blasphemers and Apostats There have beene Examples of many Rebells that yet abhord the shedding of their Kings blood But Iconoclastes holds it a dishonour to be a smal villaine he that wil be wicked must act Crymes of the highest degree if he faile in the last Act he must be thrust from the stage The more impious the Actions of Traytours are the more evident the guilt of them the greater prayses they give them and most magnifie that which is most abominable they stile their most outragious crueltie vnsparing Iustice. As they will spare noe mans blood to passe to their ends soe they wil not be sparing in the Titles of their villanies If this shameles man had not been sensible of the vinversall detestation of the fact he mentions that it was acted in defiance of Religion law Justice he would never have chosē this expressiō of the vnsparing sword of Iustice. If Rebels may judge of Justice the cleerest Justice wil become the fowlest Cryme the Justice that inflicts punishment on their Rebellion the greatest Tyrany Lawes are oppression where Malefactours have got the Tribunall The vnsparing sword of Rebellion will noe more appeare the sword of Justice then the vnsparinge virulency of a lewde tongue appeare a legall condemnation of a lawfull Magistrate Is it vnsparing Iustice that gives the sword into every hand that would kill and reproachfull language into every false tongue If there be offenders they that without authoritie take one them to punish are more guiltie then the offender But wee may be assured where Rebels vsurpers are Judges innocence wil be the greatest Cryme and horrid Murthers vnsparing Justice But he proceedes to say which vndoubtedly soe much the lesse in vaine shee beares among men by how much greater and in highest place the offender This neede explication He spake but now of the sword of Iustice and now sayes shee beares this is fome new speculation St. Paul sayes the Magistrate beares not the sword in vaine and this man would have every man the Magistrate and the sword borne without an hand to strike with it Justice executed by a Metaphor He makes Iustice some wandring spirit that invisibly carries a sword Whence comes the sentence of this Iustice from the mouth of the Cryminall or the Judge for by those motions both may lay equall claime to it because justice ought to be administrated impartially such as are in highest place from whome alone the administration of Justice is derived to all others must be murthered by those that are subject to them Justice hath noe sword but the power of the lawfull Magistrate which is called the sword of Justice from the Magistrates duty becomes the sword of violence murther in the hands of another but the is men thinke they may vse the sword without a calling as preach and administer the Sacraments vncalled Would Iconoclastes be content that the Bayliffe of westminster should draw the impartiall sword of Justice against his new Masters that are in highest place Els Iustice whether morall or politicall were not Iustice but a false counterfeite of that impartiall and godlike vertue Iustice cannot become noe Iustice but the Acts of men may be just or vnjust as they follow or forsake the Rules of Iustice. And what greater contempt of Justice then to pretend it for the ruine of mankinde What grater reproach to that God-like vertue then to prostitute it to all the execrable Parricides of the world Doth the Image breaker thinke that having called it a Godlike vertue he hath well defined it by King killing for that is the sense of his highest place It s a part of his Method to insinuate an opinion of his esteeme of Justice by the prayse of it that such as he opposes were lesse Zealous of it but his context shewes that Iustice is defyed by him and he seekes to wash the bloody hands of the worst of Traytours by casting their odious acts on his imaginary Iustice. But whēce comes I conoclastes to assume the expressiō of a Godlike vertue and is soe angry with Iconbasilice Is there more warrant for his Godlike vertue of Justice then for the Godlike office of Kings And he is as much Iconoclastes of the one as the other for they that will wrest the sword out of the hands of Gods vicegerents will not sticke to wrest that Godlike vertue to their owne impieties The only greife is that the head was not strucke of to the best advantage and commoditie of them that held it by the haire Doubtles they that struke it of did it for their owne advantage and commoditie without respect to Justice or feare of God and sure if some were greived that it was not strucke of to their advantage they that strucke it of did it to that purpose and to the fatisfiction of their owne crueltie and laying the foundation of their Tyrany this followes from Iconoclastes for that commoditie which some had and others missed caused the Murther They that hold it by the haire and they that strucke it of have cause of greife though Iconoclastes and his Masters that have as they thinke the advantage and Commoditie of it now laugh at their partners whome they put by and at the wickednes they acted and himselfe gives stronger evidence that the ring-leaders of this horrid Rebellion sought their owne commoditie and advantage then can be supposed of Malignant designes in any of his Majest partie Which observation though made by a common Enemy may for the truth of it heereafter become a proverbe Wicked Actions are not the lesse odious for Companie and the observation which it seemes he intends that some of their partie that now forsake them were equally guiltie with them of the Kings death will noe way excuse them that proceeded to that high degree of impietie But why is the observator called a common Enemy Why is he more an Enemy then they

for the peace of his people Shall he destroy innocent men and persecute Christians to procure peace Or are these things consistent with honour conscience and may not such things be desired by a wicked people in order to peace And therefore the Libeller vainely presses that nothing is more agreeable to the conscience and honour of a King then to preserve his subjects in peace And is there anything more contrary to the conscience dutie of subjects then to procure a Civill warr by demaunding concessions of their King which in honour and conscience he cannot grannt which being graunted would be noe ground for a lasting peace though it avoyded a present warr The Libeller askes which of the propositions were obtruded on him with the point of the sword till he with the point of the sword thrust from him both propositions and propounders A strange question in this Libeller that hath soe often obtruded the feares and terrours raysed in the King by the Tumults and Iron flaile seizing of the Magazins and not leaving him a sword that had a point to thrust but this Theame is too much soyled by soe often repetition and yet he proceedes to talke of merciles obtrusions which for almost twentie yeares the King had been forcing vpon tender consciences by all sorts of persecutions And these tender consciences he will allow to be preferred before the peace of the Kingdome Truly these are not large and indefinite words but apparent absurdities to the eye of every Common judgment that the pretended conscience of every hipocriticall sectarie must be preferred to the peace of a King dome and the King must be allowed none but lose life and Kingdome or prostitute his conscience The Libellers examination of the Kings booke it seemes was noe other then of his owne writings that huddles vp contradictions and absurdities soe obvious to the first sight His labour to declaime against persecution is not matter of fa●…t and the impertinencie of it hath been already sufficiently detected The king sayes Many things are required of him nothing offred in requit all And the Libeller demaunds What could satiate the desires of this man who being King of England and Master of almost two millions yearely was still in want And yet the Masters in the new state affirme in their declaration that the constant Revenue of the Crowne exceeded not a hundred thousand pound a yeare And why should not the King expect contributions from his subiects aswell as al his Predecessours still had And why will this man deny him supplies that soe often obtrudes his wants and he will have the King content with Rebells Charitie and allowes them to take al from him when they list as the subjects money this is the supreame honour and Revenue that the king ought to content himselfe with It was for honours sake that they put the King vpon the giving part not that it belonged to him of right for he sayes all lawes are in the hands of the Parliament and King-shipp it selfe He sayes it and yet we must beleive him that England was a Monarchy if the Majestie were not in the king how was it other then a republique and it was for honours sake that they have been subjects these many hundred yeares wherefore would he have the world beleive warrs were made betweene compe●…tours for the Crowne of England was it only to be a king in a play but we finde that what Rebells can attaine by power they will assert for right and they which have had soe many denialls and have professed conscientious subjection at last come to say it was for honours sake and of forme not necessitie that they were subjects The Libeller proceedes to shew that Monarchy cannot permit the requisites necessary to societie That the will of one man in Government is contrary to freedome And why not the will of five hundred to the freedome of the rest as much as that one These men thinke that their clamour against the power of one man hes a greate influence vpon the ignorant people which might have had some beleife before they had tryed their new Masters If we looke vpon the most ancient stories of the world we finde the people both in peace and warr commaunded by one man nature teaching the necessitie of one generall in an Army and the Government which God himselfe appointed to his people was by one man and as moyses was at first soe were his successours and the kings after Saul and David and this Libeller can speake nothing of this power of one man but must censure and vilifie Gods owne institution he offers nothing against Monarchy but what hes equall opposition to Parliament and all formes of Government for the peoples good for which he sayes the king hath his rights will assoone become a pretence for Rebellion against any Rulers as kings His denyall that the King is not greater then his Parliament is only opposinge his bare word to all sense and reason for doth the greater petition the lesse and yet the Parliament constantly petition the king He sayes the King can doe noe wrong And have not they then that pretend he had done wrong committed disobedience and wrong The King can doe noe right but in his Courts And if they be his Courts and his deputies and doe all in his name doth it not follow that it is his doing And though the kings sitt not ordinarily in their Courts yet they have often sate in severall Courts and in Parliament the King himselfe gives orders as appeares by the Presidents of all times and wherefore did the Parliament preferre their petition of right to the King and importuned his answeare if he had noe power to doe right but by his Courts But what concernes the administration of Justice by deputies is not peculiar to England but to all other Kingdomes Without his Courts he is noe King And yet they are his Courts and cannot sitt but by his graunt If the King doe wrong in the highest degree he must doe it as a Tyrant not as a King of England But he is still King of England though a T●…rant and if subjects may judge their King the ordinary acts of soveraigntie wil be wrong in the highest degree If he cannot as one greater give oft to the Parliament as the Libeller supposes and that it may be termed the Courtesie of England to aske any thing of the King They would not have importuned the Acts that have passed this Parliament nor have vsed their Iron flaile to obteine them and by his rule subjection is noe more the Courtesie of England then all other Countreyes We never forced him to part with his conscience but it is he that would have forced vs to part with ours and doth he that refuses the demaund of another force his conscience that demaunds Doth the Kings denyall force his subjects consciences because they force themselves to Rebell and enforce him to say what they will have him The