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A44227 Vindiciæ Carolinæ, or, A defence of Eikon basilikē, the portraicture of His Sacred Majesty in his solitudes and sufferings in reply to a book intituled Eikonoklastes, written by Mr. Milton, and lately re-printed at Amsterdam. Hollingworth, Richard, 1639?-1701.; Wilson, John, 1626-1696. 1692 (1692) Wing H2505; ESTC R13578 84,704 160

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and to themselves the Hands of Briarius they think themselves able enough to lessen him in his Power and as preparatory to it they first procure an Act of Parliament that they should not be Dissolv'd or Prorogu'd but by Act of Parliament And which is remarkable that very day on which his Majesty Sign'd the Commission for giving his Assent to the Bill for the Earl of Strafford's Attainder And having in a manner necessitated him not to deny any thing they get his Assent to those several Bills before mentioned Chap. 1 Concessions one would have thought might have satisfied any sort of Men but those that were Pre-resolv'd not to be satisfied with any thing Nor did the King in the least doubt their being satisfied and therefore makes a Journey into Scotland to satisfie his Subjects there A●● 1641. as he thought he had done here and they all seem'd to be so especially as to the matter of Episcopacy which they saw was tumbling beyond a Recovery During this His Majesty's absence the Houses adjourn to the 20th of October three days after which the Rebellion of Ireland broke out The 25th of November the King returns to London as yet welcom'd with the full Acclamations of the People tho' he met not any suitable Reception from the Parliament who instead of having swept out the old Leven had prepar'd new However the King having call'd them together the Second of December recommends to them the raising Succours for Ireland and on the Fourteenth again press'd it and withal told them he took notice of a Bill that was then in agitation to assert the power of Levying and Pressing Soldiers to the two Houses which he was content should pass with a Salvo jure to him and then because the present time would not admit the disputing it and one would have thought that when the King came so near they might have met him half way But instead of that they send him a Remonstrance the next day in which they complain of the Designs of a Malignant Party which by their Wisdom had been prevented and running on with the old Cry against Papists Bishops and Evil Counsellors magnifie themselves in what they had done for the good of the Kingdom and cause it to be Printed About this time it was that the King had come to the House and they adjourn'd into London as before when upon their return to Westminster they Petition the King for a Guard out of the City to be commanded by the Earl of Essex a Gentleman who upon the account of his Father in Queen Elizabeth's time the business of the Nullity in King James's time and the little notice that had been taken of him at Court till now of late he had been made Lord Chamberlain was a Discontent July 29.1641 and conse●uently a Darling of the People as pretending ●●ey could not otherwise sit it safety Which ●●e King as well he might thought not fit to ●ant inasmuch as it look'd so like a Force against himself and afterwards prov'd so when they made him their General But withal let them know that if there were any such occasion he would command such a Guard to wait upon them as he would be responsible for to God Almighty On this the Militia of Westminster by Petition to the House of Commons offer them their Service Id. Nalson Part 2. Fol. 839 and 840. when it shall please them to comman● it The Lord Mayor Aldermen and Common-Council of the City of London by Petition to the King representing amongst other things His going to the House c. Pray tha● the Tower may be put into confiding Hands an● a Guard be appointed for the Parliament or of the City which was insolently seconded b● the disorderly conflux of a Rabble about White hall and Westminster And that the House might not be wanting while the Iron was ho● they Petition the King that the Tower 〈◊〉 London all other Forts and the whole Milit●● of the Kingdom be put into the Hands of suc● Persons as should be recommended to him 〈◊〉 both Houses Which his Majesty as justly b● might refused to grant and for the Security of his Person withdrew to Hampton-Court And now from the whole let any indiffere● Man say for me first whether these disorde●● Proceedings were not Tumults and next 〈◊〉 they grew to be so how the King can be said to be the cause of them himself For though those hostile Preparations and actual assaili● the People which our Answerer says gave the just cause to defend themselves might perhap● have been somewhat in the Case if those Peopl● had not been the Aggressors yet when as himself confesses the King had sent a Message into the City forbidding such Resorts what made they there Nor can these Hostile Preparations and actual assailing the People be other than what the Lord Mayor c. in their Petition to the King represent viz. His fortifying Whitehall and the wounding some Citizens Which His Majesty thus answers Id Nalson Part 2. Fol. 839 and 840. That as to the former his Person was in danger by such a disorderly conflux of People and withal urges their Seditious Language even at his Palace Gates And for the other that if any were wounded it was through their evil Misdemeanours And therefore to make it no more than the Case of a common Person every Man's House is his Castle and if a confus'd Club-rabble gather about it Cum kickis friskis horribili sonitu the Gentleman of the House commands his Servants to beat them off and in the doing it some of the Assailants are wounded nay put it further kill'd And what can the Law make of it That it was an unlawful Assembly I should not have minc'd it a Rout it is manifest and that what the Servants did was in defence of their Master is also as evident Sir Ed. Coke 3 Inst Let the Rule of Law cut between us Quod quis ob tutelam Corporis sui fecerit id jure fecisse videtur Whatever a Man does in defence of his Person the Law presumes it to have been done Legally O but you 'll say It was not the Master himself A Thief assaults a Gentleman in his House or upon the Road the Gentleman's Servant in defence of his Master kills the Thief he forfeits nothing And if this holds in the case of a common Person how much more then in Case of the King And lastly where he says Instead of Praying for his People as a good King should do he Prays to be deliver'd from them as from wild Beasts Inundations and Raging Seas that had overborn all Loyalty Modesty Laws Justice and Religion God save the People from such Intercessors I think A gente inimica dolosa libera me Domine From an evil and perverse Generation deliver me O God! might have very well become any honest Man's Prayer concerning them For in their Malice they slew their King and in their
his Children and of a Master in rewarding his Servants And so what between pretended want of Instructions and the twenty days spun out to nothing the Treaty broke off as well it might with them that came prepar'd not to yield any thing However his Majesty's Commissioners desir'd an Enlargement of time but it would not be granted And to Salve it on their side our Answerer runs to his common Topick That the King had nothing no not so much as Honour but of the People's Gift yet talks on equal terms with the grand Representative of that People for whose sake he was made King And is one of the modestest Expressions of his whole Book and which I have so fully answer'd before Chap. 6 that I need not add any thing farther to it here CHAP. XIX Vpon the various Events of the War Victories and Defeats THIS Chapter relates nothing to the History of those times and is a brief but pathetical Account of his Majesty under those varieties of Events wherein he acquitted himself Justum tenacem propositi virum Quem Civium ardor prava jubentium Mente non quassit solida And verified his own Words That he wish'd no greater advantage by the War than to bring his Enemies to Moderation and his Friends to Peace As also those other That if he had yielded less he had been oppos'd less and if he had denied more he had been more obey'd And if the Word of a King may not pass in his own Case take in all Histories of him and you 'll find him so little made up of Accidents or subject to them that he sacrific'd his Particular to the advantage of the whole and more regarded an honest Life than a safe one Nor has our Accuser's railing given me Ground to take notice of him in this Chapter other than when he says His Lips acquitted the Parliament not long before his Death of all the Blood spilt in this War which also he had said before and to what I then urg'd I only add this now That His Majesty at the Treaty of the Isle of Wight seeing the unreasonableness of their demands made some Queries upon them of which this was one See tho King's Book in Folio Fol. 608. Whether his acknowledgement of the Blood that had been spilt in the late Wars nothing being yet concluded or binding could be urg'd so far as to be made use of by way of Evidence against him or any of his Party And whether this be an acquitting the Parliament for other I am sure there is none I appeal to any Man His Majesty came as near the Wind as with Honour he could till finding at last that nothing would do as stripp'd as he was of every thing but his Vertue and the Freedom of his Mind he justified to the World that however he was within the common Chance he was not under the Dominion of Fortune CHAP. XX. Vpon the Reformations of the Times I Need not tell my Reader the Argument of this Chapter the Title speaks it and As his Majesty was well pleas'd with this Parliament's first Intentions to reform what the indulgence of Times and corruption of Manners might have deprav'd so saith he I am sorry to see how little regard was had to the good Laws establish'd and the Religion settled which ought to be the first Rule and Standard of Reforming But our Answerer will by no means hear those two Bugbears of Novelty and Perturbation an Expression his Majesty uses in this Chapter the ill looks and noise of which have been frequently set on foot to divert and dissipate the Zeal of Reformers A● it was the Age before in Germany by the Pope and by our Papists here in Edward the Sixth's time Whereas Christ foretold us his Doctrine would 〈◊〉 be receiv'd without the Censure of Novelty and many great Commotions But with his Favour he neither shews us that this Parliament had the same Authority which our Saviour had or that they proceeded his way For besides that He came not to destroy the Law Mat. 5.17 but to fullfil it in all Righteousness he commanded this to his Disciples Habete sal in vobis Mar. 9.50 pacem inter vos Have Salt i. e. Wisdom in your selves and Peace one with another And as he knew God was the God of Order not of Confusion he left the Care of his Church to his Disciples but no where that I find to reform it by Tumults or under the Face of Religion to destroy the Power of it as must inevitably follow when against known settled establish'd Laws Men shall take upon them to reform by the Lump without discerning what things are intermingled like Tares among Wheat Lord ●●●on which have their Roots so wrapp'd and entangled together that the one cannot be pull'd up without endangering the other and such as are mingled but as Chaff and Corn which need but a Fan to sift and sever them And that his Majesty was not averse to a due Reformation appears in this when he says I have offer'd to put all differences in Church-affairs and Religion to the free Consultation of a Synod or Convocation rightly chosen So offered saith our Answerer all Popish Kings heretofore And let it be produced what good hath been done by Synods from the first times of Reformation And truly if he knows none I offer none Though methinks he ought not in Gratitude to have forgotten their own Assembly of Divines Men of unknown Parts and so Instrumental to the carrying on of the Cause that if they had not kept blowing the Coals the Fire would have quickly gone out of it self But what talk we of Gratitude to a Man of those Times the Fish was caught and what more use of the Net And yet if the Houses had with the King submitted those differences to a Synod rightly chosen where had been the hurt Flannel-Weavers I must confess are not the best at making Love yet we have an old Proverb fabrilia fabri Every Man in his own Trade And who more fit to judge of Church-matters than Churchmen But this had been to uphold an Antichristian Hierarchy and what need that when scarce a Man of our Reformers but was a Church by himself C●mb Brit. Fol. 509. And why might not they bid as fair now as the Army of God and the Church in King John's time the Holy League in France the Sword of the Lord John Knox and Gideon in Scotland John of Leyden and Knipperdoling in Germany Tantum Religio potuit That successful Pretence of Mankind Religion Absalom mask'd his Rebellion with a Vow at Hebron and Herod his design of Murther with another of Worship CHAP. XXI Vpon His Majesty's Letters taken and divulg'd I Have heard of a malicious Stab that contrary to the intent of the hand that gave it open'd an Impostume And such was the barbarity of this Action of which also it may be as truly said Vna eademque manus
I have already shown And therefore for answer to what he says Chap. 14 That many Western Churches settled above Four Hundred Years ago in France c. have not admitted of Episcopacy among them The reason is obvious not that they would not admit Episcopacy but that they liv'd in a Catholick Country and so must either have Catholick Bishops or govern themselves as well as they might And if they have no Bishops they have something else that has the Power of Bishops though it be in many and thirty single Pence with us make a Half-Crown In a word they that would pull down Bishops and erect a new way of Government do as he that pulls down an old House and builds another of a new Fashion there 's a great deal of doe and a great deal of Trouble the old Rubbish must be carried away and new Materials must be brought Workmen must be provided and perhaps the old one might have serv'd as well CHAP. XVIII Vpon the Uxbridge Treaty and other Offers made by the King I look upon Treaties saith his Majesty as a retiring from Fighting like Beasts to argue like Men. And though I could seldom get the Opportunity I never wanted either desire or disposition to it And if says our Answerer he look'd upon Treaties as a retiring from Bestial Force to Humane Reason his first Aphorism here is in part deceiv'd for Men may treat like Beasts as well as fight When through dilatory purposes they come from fighting to undermining Thereby insinuating that such and no other was the end of all the King's Treaties But whos 's that degenerous way was and whether the King 's or the Houses we come to examine with this by the way that the Houses never desir'd any Treaty but when they were making their Recruits or foresaw the King would be upon them before they were ready for him if they could not divert him by a Treaty And such was this their Petition to him at Colebrook to vouchsafe a Treaty The Story lies thus The King had set up his Standard at Nottingham at which time Essex lay with his Army at Worcester to attend his Motion who finding his Forces not sufficient enough to give Essex Battle he went to Shrewsbury where he was quickly furnish'd and having appointed the Earl of Lindsey to be General marches towards London Essex seems to take no notice of it and makes no offer to stop him but as soon as he was gone by keeps close in his Rere The King to avoid being hemm'd in between Essex and the City of London turn'd upon him and gave him Battle at Edgehill in which whoever had the better of it Essex thought fit to get back for London which was so frighted that they had shut up their Shops and the Houses caused all the Train'd-Bands and Auxiliaries to be drawn together The King on the other hand unfortunately struck off to Oxford but continuing his former Resolves for London he again advances towards it and is met with the Petition before-mention'd at Colebrook but finding it nothing but a design to get time he forceth his way at Branford where he cut off three of their Regiments and by what Fate or Council I know not was again diverted for Oxford whither the North being generally reduc'd to his Obedience the Queen return'd from Holland His Arms successful in the West their own affairs half under Water and they Scots not yet come to their Assistance they send Commissioners to Treat but with such Propositions as they were sure would protract time but never be yielded unto And if he will not Essex and Waller had two Armies and they appear before Oxford but the design having been smelt before the Queen is sent into the West and himself marched towards Worcester on which Essex and Waller divide their Armies Essex goes into the West and Waller follows the King who turn'd upon him at Copredy Bridge and gave him a total Rout and forthwith follow'd Essex into Cornwall from whence Essex got off in a Boat for Plimouth and his Horse having broke through in the Nig●t the Foot were forc'd to lay down their Arms and upon conditions never more to bear Arms against the King were suffer'd to depart The King before this time had from Evesha● desir'd and propounded a further Treaty for the full ending the matters in question July 4. 1644. but they had two Armies as was said before and thought it below them to return him an Answer However the King after this double Success thinks it no dishonour to renew his desires of a Treaty Sept. 8. 1644. and by a Message from Tavestock does it but to no purpose For what with the remains of Waller's Army Essex's Horse that broke through and the Foot whom they had Preach'd into new Arms by perswading them the Conditions were unlawful and consequently invalid the Train'd-bands and Auxiliaries they had form'd a considerable Army before the King could get out of the West but there also being disappointed in the Success a Treaty is appointed at Vxbridge Jan. 30. 1644. where the Commissioners on both sides met but those for the Houses limited to twenty days This Treaty is the Argument of this Chapter and though I have been longer in coming to it than might regularly become the shortness of a Reply yet because it contributes much to the discovery of the Intrigue and where the fault lay and whether the King or the Houses may be charg'd more justly with it I may be the more excuseable To be short the Treaty began and the King made such large Concessions that if they had met him one third of the way See the Treaty at large in the Folio Book of the King's Works Ecl. 512 it was impossible but it must have concluded in a Peace For it was as also says our Answerer come to these three Heads Episcopacy the Militia and Ireland To which His Majesty's Commissioners thus answer'd That the first as it was propos'd took off all dependency of the Clergy upon His Majesty proposing only the Bishops Lands to be settled on him subject nevertheless to the disposal of the Houses whereas all the Lands of Bishops Deans and Chapters c. if those Corporations must be dissolv'd belong to the King in his own Right As to the Militia as it was proposed the King was so totally divested of the Regal Power of the Sword that he would be no more able to defend any of his Allies than his own Dominions from Rebellion and Invasion and consequently the whole Power of Peace and War the acknowledg'd and undoubted Right of the Crown is taken from him And as to Ireland the Power of nominating the Lord Lieutenant c. and other Officers there and in that the dependency of that Kingdom would as it was propos'd be taken from him And to add to all it was farther propos'd to bereave him of the Power of a Father in the Education and Marriage of